From Dispossession to Decolonization: Towards a Critical Indigenous Geography of Hul'qumi'num Territory by Brian Francis Egan A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Geography and Environmental Studies Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario 2008 © copyright 2008 Brian Francis Egan Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-47460-0 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-47460-0 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non­ L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non­ sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. 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Canada ABSTRACT This study examines historic and contemporary struggles over land and natural resources in Hul'qumi'num territory. This territory, located in British Columbia's southern Georgia Strait region, encompasses the aboriginal title claim of the Hul'qumi'num people, a Coast Salish group. I explore processes of colonization and dispossession during the latter half of the nineteenth century, examining how colonial ideas of civilization, law and property—backed by military force—aided in the breaching of Hul'qumi'num territorial sovereignty, leading to resettlement of this region. I document how resettlement schemes, the delineation of Indian reserves, and a large railway land grant divided the territory into two distinct and unequal spaces, an expansive space for white resettlement and a marginal space of indigenous confinement. I further show how these processes were marked by conflict and continual indigenous resistance. I also explore contemporary efforts to resolve the land question in the territory, focusing on the Hul'qumi'num's engagement with the British Columbia treaty process. The Hul'qumi'num face many challenges in negotiating a modern comprehensive treaty, including the predominance of private land (almost 84 percent of the territory is privately held) and disagreement about how aboriginal title and Crown sovereignty can be reconciled. For the Crown, reconciliation is sought by redrawing and refixing the boundaries between indigenous and non-indigenous spaces. For the Hul'qumi'num reconciliation is sought through the sharing (with the Crown) of jurisdiction and control over territory. This latter approach, I argue, offers greater potential to support meaningful reconciliation between indigenous peoples and the Crown. This study is positioned within the emerging subdiscipline of indigenous geography, which recognizes the importance of indigenous concerns and draws them into geography's mainstream. I argue that a 'critical indigenous geography'—an approach which recognizes distinctly indigenous conceptions of geography, documents historical geographies of colonialism and dispossession and their contemporary effects, and pays close attention to the agency of indigenous actors—offers a framework for geographers to contribute not only to the decolonization of the discipline but also to broader efforts to decolonize relations between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples in places like Canada. in ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study was made possible through the support of many people and institutions. Financial support for this project was provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, by the government of Ontario (through an Ontario Graduate Scholarship), and by Carleton University and the Department of Geography and Environmental Studies. The generous support of these institutions provided me with the time and space to focus on my dissertation research and writing. My doctoral studies were made more productive and enjoyable through interaction with faculty, staff, and students at Carleton University. I particularly appreciate the support provided by Fiona Mackenzie, my supervisor at Carleton, who always made time to meet in order to discuss my work, who always provided fodder for intellectual thought and development, and who has provided invaluable advice and direction throughout my doctoral studies. Thanks are also due to the two other members of my committee, Simon Dalby and Donna Patrick, for their support and contributions to this project, and to Iain Wallace who also provided valuable and much appreciated assistance at various points along the way. I also extend my appreciation to the two external members of my oral examination board, Nicholas Blomley and Eva Mackey, for their useful comments on an earlier draft of this dissertation. I owe a debt of gratitude to the staff at Carleton University's Department of Geography and Environmental Studies—including Hazel Anderson, Natalie Pressburger, Elsie Clement, and Judy Donaldson—for helping me puzzle my way through, and around, the administrative and bureaucratic landscape at Carleton. Thanks also to my student colleagues at Carleton who have helped make the journey more enjoyable and iv stimulating, including Abra Adamo, Trish Ballamingie, May Chazen, France-Lise Colin, Shawn Donaldson, Nadine Saad, and Melanie Sommerville. I have been tremendously fortunate in enjoying the support of the Hul'qumi'num Treaty Group in carrying out this research. In particular, I must acknowledge the significant contributions made by Joey Caro, Robert Morales, and Brian Thorn to this study; their understanding and their willingness to share their time and ideas have greatly enriched my experience in undertaking this work. Indeed, without their support this project would scarcely have been possible. Thanks also to Cheri Ayers, Irene Harris, Lea Joe, and Kathleen Johnnie for their thoughtful insights on this project, and to Rob Flemming and MJ Churchill for their help with many of the maps which appear in this document. It has been a wonderful privilege, and a great learning experience, to work with staff at the treaty group, and to interact with members of the different Hul'qumi'num communities, and I hope that this study makes some contribution to the Hul'qumi'num people's ongoing struggle for self-determination and for greater control over their lands and resources. Finally, thanks to my parents—Maurice and Therese—for their understanding and guidance, and to all of my family for their support during what has been, at times, a trying period. Lastly, and most of all, thanks to Melanie for her constant encouragement, love, patience, and understanding throughout this project. Having her at my side made this all seem more possible and meaningful, and the future more promising. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Acknowledgements iv Table of Contents vi List of Tables vii List of Illustrations vii List of Appendices viii Abbreviations viii 1. Introduction 1 2. Towards a Critical Indigenous Geography 52 Part 1. Historic Struggles: Colonization and Dispossession 96 3. Land, Property, and Civilization: Colonizing Vancouver Island 98 4. Law, Violence, and the Colonization of Hurqumi'nura Territory 139 5. Drawing the Primal Line: Indian Reserves in Hul'qumi'num Territory 190 6. The 'Island Railway' and the Privatization of Hul'qumi'num Territory 230 Part 2. Contemporary Struggles: Treaty-Making and Reconciliation 267 7. Sharing the Colonial Burden: Treaty-Making in Hul'qumi'num Territory 270 8. 'Ten-dollar Words' and the 'Desperation Dig': Reconciliation Talk 314 9. Conclusion 354 Bibliography 395 Appendix 422 vi LIST OF TABLES PAGE Table 7.1: Land status in Hul'qumi'num territory. 301 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Figure 1.1: Coast Salish world in British Columbia, 14 showing location of Hul'qumi'num territory. Figure 1.2: Hul'qumi'num member nations and Indian reserve locations. 16 Figure 1.3: Hul'qumi'num traditional territory. 19 Figure 1.4: Gulf Islands National Park Reserve. 22 Figure 3.1: Map of Vancouver Island by George Vancouver, 1798. 99 Figure 3.2: Ground plan of portion of Vancouver Island selected for new 107 establishment, taken by James Douglas and Adolphus Lee Lewes, 1842. Figure 3.3: Fort Victoria region in late 1850s, showing early mapping of 136 private lands. Figure 3.4: City of Victoria in 1863, showing growing grid of private property. 137 Figure 4.1: Hul'qumi'num village sites on southeastern Vancouver Island and 147 adjacent Gulf Islands. Figure 4.2: Hul'qumi'num village and other sites on lower Fraser River and 152 Fraser delta region. Figure 4.3: Land districts mapped out in Hul'qumi'num territory (1859). 166 Figure 4.4: Emerging property grid in Hul'qumi'num territory. 167 Figure 6.1: Vancouver Island, showing extent of the Esquimalt & Nanaimo 248 Railway land grant. Figure 7.1: Hul'qumi'num 'core' and 'marine' territory.