The Adjudication of Genocide: Gacaca and the Road to Reconciliation in Rwanda

Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 36 Number 2 Spring Article 2 April 2020 The Adjudication of Genocide: Gacaca and the Road to Reconciliation in Rwanda Maya Sosnov Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Maya Sosnov, The Adjudication of Genocide: Gacaca and the Road to Reconciliation in Rwanda, 36 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 125 (2007). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. THE ADJUDICATION OF GENOCIDE: GACACA AND THE ROAD TO RECONCILIATION IN RWANDA MAYA SOSNOV 1 INTRODUCTION In 1994, Rwanda suffered one of the worst genocides in history. During 100 days of killing, 800,000 people died.2 More people died in three months than in over four years of conflict in Yugoslavia; moreover, the speed of killing was five times faster than the Nazi execution of the Final Solution.3 Unlike the killings that occurred during the Holocaust, Rwandans engaged in "a populist genocide," in which many members of society, including children, participated in killing their neighbors with common farm tools (the most popular was the machete). 4 While not all Hutus engaged in killing and not all victims were Tutsi, Hums executed the vast majority of the killings and Tutsis were largely the target of their aggression. 5 Fourteen years after the genocide, Rwanda is still struggling with how to rebuild the country and handle the mass atrocities that occurred. During the first four years following the genocide, four types of courts developed to prosecute genocidaires: 6 the International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda, foreign courts exercising universal jurisdiction, domestic criminal courts, and a domestic military tribunal. Regrettably, none of these courts has been able to resolve the enormous problems related to adjudicating genocide suspects. In 2001, the government created gacaca, a fifth system for prosecuting genocidaires, to solve the problems it saw in the other courts. Gacaca is highly lauded by the government and many outside observers as the solution to Rwanda's genocide. A researcher, who studied two gacaca pilot programs for five months, noted that "[t]he official discourse is so 1. Maya Sosnov received her J.D. from the University of Pennsylvania Law School. She is currently clerking for the Honorable Anita B. Brody of the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. The author would like to thank Philip Keitel and Leonard Sosnov for their valuable comments and suggestions. 2. HOwARD BALL, PROSECUTING WAR CRIMES AND GENOCIDE: THE TWENTIETH-CENTURY EXPERIENCE 156 (University Press of Kansas 1999). 3. Id. at 164, 166. 4. Erin Daly, Between Punitive and Reconstructive Justice: The Gacaca Courts in Rwanda, 34 N.Y.U. J. INT'L L. & POL. 355,361-63 (2002). 5. Id. at 365. 6. A term generally used to refer to perpetrators of Rwanda's genocide. See, e.g., YVES BEIGBEDER, JUDGING CRIMINAL LEADERS: THE SLOW EROSION OF IMPUNITY 102 (Martinus Nijhoff 2002). DENV. J. INT'L L. & POL'Y VOL. 36:2 passionate about gacaca and its anticipated outcome that the system is almost granted a mythical status." 7 Unfortunately, gacaca cannot fully operate as either a court or a customary dispute resolution mechanism because of its twin goals: retribution and reconciliation. Moreover, Rwanda's limited resources and the astounding number of suspects require enormous revisions to gacaca. This paper explores why Rwanda implemented gacaca, the reasons for gacaca's failure and possible solutions for moving forward. Part I presents an overview of the history of ethnic tension in Rwanda, the events leading up to genocide, and the genocide itself. Part II examines the four courts created before gacaca to adjudicate genocide, their failures in the eyes of the Rwandan government and international observers, and the government's creation of gacaca. Part III explores the goals of the Rwandan gacaca model, and whether they are attainable or desirable. Part IV examines gacaca courts' failure to implement criminal procedure protections. Part V suggests revisions to the current adjudication of genocide suspects, including an alternative model of gacaca. Additionally, this section highlights the importance of addressing Rwandans' economic struggles, as a necessary element of reconciliation. Part VI concludes the article. I. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW OF RWANDA Disagreement among Rwandans on critical aspects of the nation's history continues to be a major impediment to reconciliation. The Organization of African Unity remarks that "there are hardly any important aspects of the story that are not complex and controversial; it is almost impossible to write on the subject without inadvertently oversimplifying something or angering someone."8 One of the most controversial issues is the origin of ethnic groups in Rwanda. 9 Before the genocide, the ethnic make-up of Rwanda was 85% Hutu, 14% Tutsi, and 1% Twa.10 Although these ethnicities were clearly defined, it is unclear how they developed." Since the end of genocide, the government has promoted a version of history in which Tutsi and Hutu peacefully co-existed before colonialism. 12 The government's official website claims that "[w]hile the relationship between the king and the rest of the population was unequal, the relationship between the ordinary Bahutu, Batutsi and Batwa1 3 was one of mutual benefit mainly through 7. Arthur Molenaar, Gacaca: Grassroots Justice After Genocide. The Key to Reconciliation in Rwanda?, 77 AFR. STUD. CENTER RES. REP. 1, 68 (2005), available at https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/dspace/bitstream/1887/4645/1/ASC- 1236144-071 .pdf. 8. Daly, supra note 4, at 358 (quoting AFRICAN UNION, RWANDA: THE PREVENTABLE GENOCIDE - INTERNATIONAL PANEL OF EMINENT PERSONALITIES 2.1 (2000), available at http://www.africa- union.org/Officialdocuments/reports/Report-rowanda-genocide.pdf). 9. Id. at 359. 10. BALL, supra note 2, at 156. 11. Daly, supra note 4, at 359-60. 12. Id. at 359. 13. Bahutu, Batutsi, and Batwa are the terms traditionally used by Rwandans to identify the ethnic groups within their country. These terms, when adopted by the West, became Hutu, Tutsi and Twa and refer to the same ethnic groups. See, e.g., WOMEN FOR WOMEN INTERNATIONAL, RWANDA FACTSHEET (2005), http://www.womenforwomen.org/downloads/country-factsheet-rwanda-sunday.pdf. 2008 THE ADJUDICATION OF GENOCIDE the exchange of their labour. The relationship was symbiotic."' 14 However, many Hutus believe that Tutsi herders were foreigners to Rwanda who considered themselves superior to the Hutu pastoralists and took control of the region between the eleventh and fifteenth century. 5 The failure of the Tutsi-controlled government to address the Hutu version of history further highlights the significant ideological split between Tutsis and Hums. Hutus and Tutsis view themselves as different ethnic groups, even though they share the same language (Kinyarwanda), culture, clan names, customs, taboos, and have intermarried for centuries. 16 The government has avoided confronting these conflicting beliefs between ethnic groups and has banned the use of ethnic categories because it is afraid of inflaming ethnic tensions. 17 However, the government's lack of healthy outlets in society for Rwandans to face these differences and resolve them has forced these tensions to erupt in courtrooms and gacaca. Since 1994, no history lessons have been taught in Rwandan schools because no consensus exists on the past,8 and government publications refuse to include an ethnic breakdown of society.' Whether or not the ethnic divisions began in pre-colonial times, they were exploited during colonialism. Colonists considered Tutsis to be the missing link between blacks and whites because many Tutsi were lighter skinned, thinner, and taller than the Hums.19 As a result, Tutsis were placed in positions of authority over Hums. In 1935, Belgian colonists introduced ethnic identity cards ("tribal cards") to Rwandans.2 ° Ironically, these cards provided the lists of Tutsis to be targeted for killing during the genocide.2' Prior to the introduction of identity cards, Hutus could become Tutsis with the acquisition of cattle; however, ethnic identity cards ended this practice. 22 For the majority of the colonial period, up until 1959, Tutsis dominated local government and the educational arena.23 In 1959, Hutus forcibly took power following the death of the Tutsi monarch, killing Tutsis and forcing many others into exile.24 By 1962, when Belgium granted independence to Rwanda, Hutus controlled the government and more than 200,000 Tutsis were in exile.25 Since independence, there have been several power struggles between Hutus and Tutsis, including a series of massacres that occurred in 1963, 1964, 1973, 14. Official Website of the Republic of Rwanda: History, http://www.gov.rw/ (last visited Feb. 27, 2007). 15. Daly, supra note 4, at 360. 16. BALL, supra note 2, at 156; Jessica Raper, The Gacaca Experiment: Rwanda's Restorative Dispute Resolution Response to the 1994 Genocide, 5 PEPP. DiSP. RESOL. L.J. 1, 8 (2005). 17. Marian Hodgkin, Reconciliation in Rwanda: Education, History and the State, 60(1) J. INT'L AFF. 199, 202, 207 (2006). 18. Eugenia Zorbas, Reconciliation in Post-Genocide Rwanda, 1 AFR. J. LEGAL STUD. 29, 41, 48 (2004). 19. Raper, supra note 16, at 6-7. 20. Id. at 7, 9. 21. Id. at 10. 22. Id. at 9-10. 23. BALL, supra note 2, at 159. 24. Id. 25. Id. DENV. J. INT'L L. & POL'Y VOL. 36:2 1990, 1992, and 1993.26 In August 1993, Hutus and Tutsis signed the Arusha Peace Accord and appeared to reach a power sharing agreement. 27 The United Nations (UN) Security Council sent 2,500 UN troops to Rwanda to monitor the treaty.

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