Tate, Elisa Challenging Women’s Digital Agency 37

Challenging Women’s Digital Agency: The Frequency of Slut Shaming in Social Media

Elisa Tate

Abstract

Slut shaming is a cyberbullying technique used to insult women’s suspected or actual sexual history in order to silence their perspectives. Although social media spaces are considered participatory platforms, women who share their feminist values in these spaces are often slut shamed, despite the fact that the Internet was originally viewed as a space for encouraging gender equality, because it offered users the possibility of creating post-gender identities online. By examining the misogynist online experiences of three feminists—Amber Rose, Zoë Quinn, and Amanda Hess—I argue that, in reality, social media spaces represent not tolerant spaces, but gendered, op- pressive technologies.

Keywords slutshaming, social media sites, cyberbullying, feminists, gendered technology, misogyny, public gaze

Social media sites are often promoted as democrat- ic spaces that foster self-creation and public openness. some women use social media spaces to publicly liber- Consequently, many women have been drawn to the ateup feminist with external narratives, classifications I argue that (p. online 229). spaces Although are potential of social media to publicize their identities, gendered, oppressive technologies where women are discuss women’s issues, and connect to a supportive required to embody patriarchal notions of femininity community. Although women are active users on social while also being sexualized by the public gaze. media spaces, those who express feminist ideals fre- Women who attempt to create their own digital bod- quently become targets of slut shaming. Slut shaming, ies are often harassed by male audiences trying to de- in digital spaces, is a bullying technique used to target any woman who has an opinion, despite her sexual his- online. I will introduce three case studies of women tory (Tanenbaum, 2015, p. 2). According to Haraway’s whofine how have women used social should media behave spaces and presentas sites themselvesof feminist “Cyborg Manifesto” (1986), the creation of the Internet reconceptualization, but who have experienced back- lash from their online communities: Amber Rose, a equality, since men and women would be represented self-proclaimed feminist and Instagram star; Amanda aswas non-gendered supposed to identitieshave signified in Internet the frontier spaces. of Hacking gender Hess, a journalist who discusses female sexuality and - desire; and Zoë Quinn, an indie video game developer. lematic, however, as the conception of the self is bound These three women have been slut shamed based on (1986) argues that the idea of fluid identities is prob The iJournal 1(1), Spring 2016 Tate, Elisa Challenging Women’s Digital Agency 38 their provocation against static conceptions of feminin- ing world through the creation of her video game, De- ity. I will also examine the Internet site 4chan, which pression Quest, in which a female protagonist struggles - with depression, yet embodies strength (Keith, 2015). der-neutrality, but actually reinforces masculine hege- Her protagonist is not the prototypical hypersexual monicsuperficially values. appears 4chan tois granta controversial its anonymous public users Internet gen and submissive female presence found in mainstream space where members attempt to classify themselves video games. This digital, feminist narrative is meant to as gender-neutral; however, through their misogynistic treatment of women, 4chan members demonstrate that be controlled by repressive social expectations. inspireFeminists other like women these to threeredefine use themselves social media and spaces not to Since their development and popularization, social to subvert traditional conceptions of gender and to mediagendered sites subjectivities have provided are women intensified with in new digital spaces spaces. for present the dynamic self. The dynamic self represents personal exploration beyond identities tied to their tra- the ability to have multiple and competing identities, ditional domestic roles. Boyd and Ellison (2008) have allowing individuals to embody apparently contradic- argued that social networking spaces create an op- tory positions such as strength and vulnerability. Am- portunity to consciously construct the self-image and ber Rose presents dynamic feminism by exploring both create “identity signals” to connect to an online com- her domestic and sexual side on her Instagram site. For munity (p. 219). Accordingly, social media sites provide instance, Rose posts photos of herself provocatively performative spaces that allow individuals to create a dressed while performing her domestic responsibili- - tion “morning”, Rose wears a sheer white dress that Rosedigital uses persona—a her social potential media presence that is exemplified to respond byto hermy comfortablyties as a mother. hugs In her one hourglass Instagram frame, selfie whilewith theholding cap onlinethree case categorization studies. As asa self-identified a slut, which isfeminist, in part Amberdue to a household cleaning product (Instagram, 2015). Even her former work as a stripper. Rose uses her digital though Rose is posing, she is still showcasing an inter- presence to recreate the feminist self, and to highlight esting juxtaposition between sexual provocateur and her involvement in feminist causes like the Amber Rose motherhood, which are normally disassociated. Rose Los Angeles Slut Walk. In her use of her digital pres- provides a complex approach to sexuality and domes- ence, Rose demonstrates that her association with a ticity, thereby demonstrating how females can embody controversial occupation can offer an alternative model both. In a similarly provocative way, Amanda Hess uses of what it means to be a woman (Hackman, 2015). In her Twitter account to discuss serious issues through a second example, journalist Amanda Hess writes ar- her sarcastic tone and dry sense of humour. In one in- ticles that empower women to explore their sexuality. stance, Hess contrasts the seriousness of a rape case In one piece, “Still Life”, Hess challenges the stigmatiza- mistrial with the humorous use of emojis to highlight - female sexual injustices. In one tweet, Hess writes: ical practitioners in the early 20th century as a condi- “emoji on trial: ‘The defendant argued there were tion ofof themental female illness orgasm, (n.d., which “Still was Life”). classified In this by article, med at least two consents for sex three, if one counts the Hess explains that medical and religious institutions winkie face’” (Hess, 2015). This tweet conveys a power- - ful message in a comedic tone by contrasting rape with an emoji, which is considered a light-hearted communi- desiresconsidered of their female husbands. sexuality By to describing be confined the to historical the mar cative symbol. Zoë Quinn also uses social media sites to stigmariage contract, against female as women sexuality, were Hess required uses her to fulfillarticle the to discuss dynamic female identities. She uses her ask.fm inspire modern women to embrace their sexual identi- page to discuss topics ranging from her favourite video ties and no longer accept historical and contemporary games to her sexual history. When one fan requested social pressures of female respectability. Lastly, Zoë - Quinn is an indie video game developer who was impli- ter, Quinn wrote a detailed response that disclosed her cated in the infamous “GamerGate” scandal—an online Quinn’s advice before having her first lesbian encoun campaign by individuals who felt threatened by femi- these cases indicate the ability of social media sites to nist gamers like Quinn’s critique of the misogyny that complicatefirst lesbian female sexual choice experience because (Quinn, they allow n.d.). Eachwomen of dominates video game culture (Keith, 2015). Quinn the spaces to self-represent, in comparison with tradi- changed the gender dynamics for women in the gam- tional media platforms, where women’s identities are

The iJournal 1(1), Spring 2016 Tate, Elisa Challenging Women’s Digital Agency 39 shaped by outside forces (Dubrovsky & Wood, 2009, p. game world (Triple Zed, 2015). The ironic act of men 93). slut shaming women while simultaneously sexualizing While social media sites can take on a transformative them highlights the patriarchal desire to control female sexuality. While some women have used online spaces - to break barriers and openly discuss their sexuality, ingnature and for distressing feminists, for who the maywomen find using them them. to be Womenfreeing other individuals feel threated by female strength, and oftenand tolerant present spaces, their vulnerabilities online spaces withincan also the be Internet confin harass and attempt to disempower them by using slut public space (Dubrovsky & Wood, 2009, p. 93), and shaming as a silencing and subjugating tactic. while these revelations can help women feel closer to When slut shaming crosses into life-threatening cir- their community, these actions can also position them cumstances, it presents a much more dangerous reality within the public glare. As a predominant form of on- line harassment, slut shaming signals the societal ex- sexuality. Jane (2014) explains that gendered “e-bile” pectation for women to act as though they are pure and isfor a womenpopular who form want of not to only define digital the conditionsmisogyny, butof their also docile. Moreover, slut shaming suggests that women Internet discourse (p. 567). E-bile is an extreme form of who reveal their sexual selves are “dirty.” Tanenbaum slut shaming used against women because it colludes (2015) explains that in the 1980s, the term “slut” re- sexual and violent imagery (Jane, 2014, p. 558), and at- ferred only to promiscuous females, but is now a ubiq- tempts to control female sexuality through violent dis- uitous term applied to any female who does not act as course. When Hess used Twitter to be provocative and deemed appropriately in public spaces (p. xxi). Slut topical, a Twitter account was also used in an attempt shaming encompasses a wide range of harassment, in- to victimize and bully her. An anonymous user creat- cluding derogatory name-calling, targeted and habit- ed an account under the hashtag #HeadlessFemalePig, ual cyberbullying, and even sexual and violent death in which individuals could post death threats against threats. Hess. The word “Pig” in the hashtag emphasizes the Despite the fact that Amber Rose, Amanda Hess, and Zoë Quinn explore different elements of their sexual tweet, for instance, stated “I am 36 years old, I did 12 nature, they have all been slut shamed for their disclo- yearsidea that for ‘manslaughter’,women who are I openkilled about a woman, sex are like filthy. you, whoOne sures. In fact, the very spaces that feminists have used decided to make fun of guy’s cocks” (Hess, 2014). Hess’ are often the same spaces where they are abused. Rose harassment was an extreme form of slut shaming, but has been slut shamed on social media by her ex-boy- friends, who have publicly detailed her sexual history. opinions can become targeted by an online mob. When Rose’s former partner, hip-hop artist Kanye West, stat- sheit also went exemplifies to the police, the reality Hess says,that women they were who unaware publish ed that he needed to take “30 showers” after being in- of Twitter and could not help her (Hess, 2014), which timate with her (Hackman, 2015). Quinn was similarly underscores the fact that online threats are often con- slut shamed publicly by her ex-boyfriend through his sidered an accepted part of Internet culture (Nakamu- blog, thezoepost, where he detailed their sexual history ra, 2015, p. 225). As a result, there is often little legal and included screenshots from their texts and private consequence for participation in slut shaming, and fem- images sent to him by Quinn (Gjoni, n.d.). Gjoni used his inists may become afraid to promote their social causes online space to counter Quinn’s sexual agency by stat- in public Internet spaces. ing that she had cheated on him, and that he required Although social media platforms are often viewed as protection before their sexual relations because she democratic spaces, the harassment of women on these was with “guy after guy” (Gjoni, n.d.). sites highlights the Internet as an oppressive, gendered While West and Gjoni may appear to be jilted ex-lov- technology, despite being originally mythologized as ers, divulging private details to shame and embarrass, the frontier of social acceptance and equality. The con- slut shaming is also used against women who do not ception of an all-inclusive Internet culture was echoed have a relationship with the harasser. Gjoni’s slut sham- by feminist media scholar Donna Haraway (1983), who ing of Quinn led to a public slut shaming campaign proposed that the digital mediation of men and women called “The Five Guys Controversy”, which argues that would coalesce into the post-gender cyborg (p. 292). Quinn’s success in the video game industry is only due The cyborg would become the only online identity and would break gendered perceptions in order to create to her sexual relationships with five men from the video The iJournal 1(1), Spring 2016 Tate, Elisa Challenging Women’s Digital Agency 40

anonymously and publicly express behaviours that are (Haraway, 1983, p. 292). Male and female stereotypes not acceptable in physical spaces against women and woulda networked diminish, reality, and the defined post-gender by the cyborg post-gender would gaze tra- other marginalized groups (Manivannan, 2013, p. 110). verse Internet spaces through a novel perspective. Har- Additionally, 4chan members have taken their “zero away’s article reveals the nascent time of new comput- identity” personas into other social media realms like er technology through a feminist techno-deterministic Twitter in attempts to extend their misogyny into main- perspective, yet these contemporary examples demon- stream Internet spaces. For example, 4chan users began strate the Internet as an intensely gendered space. Gender equality in physical spaces is emphasized in target ethnically diverse feminists. 4chan users also hackeda Twitter into hate feminist campaign Twitter called accounts “Operation and Lollipop” retweeted to online spaces (Hackman, 2015), and some men have hashtags such as #WhitesCan’tBeRaped (Ganzer, 2014, usedcontemporary, Internet spaces Western to culture,project anbut illusion is not reflectedof the type in p. 1098). After being hacked by 4chan, British comedian of female who should inhabit online culture. This male Laurie Pennie stated that perhaps her digital body was fantasy does not value feminist points of view, and ac- a “4chan creation” (Ganzer, 2014, p. 1098). 4chan users’ ceptable female behaviour is governed by mainstream, actions against feminists spotlight the sexist ideology misogynistic social rules. Amber Rose, Zoë Quinn, and that plagues Internet culture. Although there are ongo- Amanda Hess challenge misogynist viewpoints, and, by ing attempts to erase the gendered body in social media doing so, they will continually face slut shaming in an spaces, it is impossible to escape from one’s subjective attempt to silence them. experiences because, as these instances of slut shaming Furthermore, even certain Internet spaces that my- reveal, the neutral human being is non-existent. thologize neutral gender identities often end up re- Digital feminist sovereignty in social media spaces inforcing existing social biases. The creation of the challenges masculine control of the female identity, and post-gender self as promoted by Haraway’s post-gen- slut shaming attempts to dismantle the strength in fem- der cyborg is negated in online spaces where genders inist exposure. Amber Rose, Zoë Quinn, and Amanda are clearly delineated. 4chan is a controversial and pop- Hess provide three case studies out of countless women ular website where users can post images to a public who have undermined female stereotypes but have in- platform without any strict guidelines (What is 4chan?, curred the wrath of the online community. The frequent n.d). 4chan also engenders the promotion of “zero iden- occurrences of slut shaming have led some to suggest tity principles”; 90% of 4chan users have the username creating online spaces exclusively for women (Hess, “Anonymous” (Manivannan, 2013, p. 121). In actuali- 2015); however, a feminist digital diaspora from public ty, however, the site is highly gendered. Not only does Internet space would further marginalize women and 4chan provide the option to choose a female gendered create a vacuum for further sexist biases to circulate. username, “femanon” (Manivannan, 2013, p. 109), Hess writes that feminists should endure slut shaming - in order to normalize their feminist causes, and online ter that changed the username of all posters using the harassment towards women actually demonstrates how “femanon”but at one point,name partto “cumdumpster”. of the site employed This sexual a wordfil and misogynist language could be offensive to all members places them in positions of power (Hess, 2014). Digital of the 4chan community, and presumes the Western femalewomen bodies are becoming as the subjects influential of surveillance as their publicness are often male heterosexual identity of its user base. Further- more, the discourse within 4chan spaces encourages their presences are seen as a form of truth (Ball, 2009, sexist perspectives. Even though the 4chan site, as a manipulated and objectified by their exposure because public website, appears to be open to diverse publics, when she describes 4chan’s hacking into her account - asp. 639).allowing Feminist her feminist Fruzsina causes Eőrdőgh to become echoes visible this tobelief the nipulated on the site. When one “femanon” posted an Internet community (Ganzer, 2014, p. 1099). If women imagewomen’s of herselfactions inare a specificallycorset on one undermined of the site’s and image ma separated themselves from mainstream social media boards, the board’s moderators changed the username spaces, they would allow the wounds of slut shaming to “cumdumpster” and banned her from re-editing the to deepen, thus preventing them from reclaiming their post (Manivannan, 2013, p. 110). 4chan therefore func- tions as a performative space for sexist individuals to be discreet online may not only risk the perpetuation of feminist identities. Significantly, females who choose to

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