Discourse and Identity in Iran's Foreign Policy
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’S Revolutionary Guard
The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi: Decision-Making and Factionalism in Iran’s Revolutionary Guard SAEID GOLKAR AUGUST 2021 KASRA AARABI Contents Executive Summary 4 The Raisi Administration, the IRGC and the Creation of a New Islamic Government 6 The IRGC as the Foundation of Raisi’s Islamic Government The Clergy and the Guard: An Inseparable Bond 16 No Coup in Sight Upholding Clerical Superiority and Preserving Religious Legitimacy The Importance of Understanding the Guard 21 Shortcomings of Existing Approaches to the IRGC A New Model for Understanding the IRGC’s Intra-elite Factionalism 25 The Economic Vertex The Political Vertex The Security-Intelligence Vertex Charting IRGC Commanders’ Positions on the New Model Shades of Islamism: The Ideological Spectrum in the IRGC Conclusion 32 About the Authors 33 Saeid Golkar Kasra Aarabi Endnotes 34 4 The IRGC in the Age of Ebrahim Raisi Executive Summary “The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] has excelled in every field it has entered both internationally and domestically, including security, defence, service provision and construction,” declared Ayatollah Ebrahim Raisi, then chief justice of Iran, in a speech to IRGC commanders on 17 March 2021.1 Four months on, Raisi, who assumes Iran’s presidency on 5 August after the country’s June 2021 election, has set his eyes on further empowering the IRGC with key ministerial and bureaucratic positions likely to be awarded to guardsmen under his new government. There is a clear reason for this ambition. Expanding the power of the IRGC serves the interests of both Raisi and his 82-year-old mentor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader of the Islamic Republic. -
IRAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY the Islamic Republic of Iran
IRAN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Islamic Republic of Iran is a constitutional, theocratic republic in which Shia Muslim clergy and political leaders vetted by the clergy dominate the key power structures. Government legitimacy is based on the twin pillars of popular sovereignty--albeit restricted--and the rule of the supreme leader of the Islamic Revolution. The current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, was chosen by a directly elected body of religious leaders, the Assembly of Experts, in 1989. Khamenei’s writ dominates the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government. He directly controls the armed forces and indirectly controls internal security forces, the judiciary, and other key institutions. The legislative branch is the popularly elected 290-seat Islamic Consultative Assembly, or Majlis. The unelected 12-member Guardian Council reviews all legislation the Majlis passes to ensure adherence to Islamic and constitutional principles; it also screens presidential and Majlis candidates for eligibility. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was reelected president in June 2009 in a multiparty election that was generally considered neither free nor fair. There were numerous instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control. Demonstrations by opposition groups, university students, and others increased during the first few months of the year, inspired in part by events of the Arab Spring. In February hundreds of protesters throughout the country staged rallies to show solidarity with protesters in Tunisia and Egypt. The government responded harshly to protesters and critics, arresting, torturing, and prosecuting them for their dissent. As part of its crackdown, the government increased its oppression of media and the arts, arresting and imprisoning dozens of journalists, bloggers, poets, actors, filmmakers, and artists throughout the year. -
USAF Counterproliferation Center CPC Outreach Journal #867
USAF COUNTERPROLIFERATION CENTER CPC OUTREACH JOURNAL Maxwell AFB, Alabama Issue No. 867, 14 December 2010 Articles & Other Documents: WH: Obama Won't Leave DC until Nuke Deal is Done S. Korea, U.S. Launch Joint Committee to Deter N. Korea's Nuclear Threats START Pact Has Enough Votes, U.S. Aide Says N Korea's Nuclear Capacity Worries Russia Clock Ticking, Obama Urges Senate OK of Arms Treaty S.Korea Suspects Secret Uranium Enrichment in North Senate Working on Ratification of U.S.-Russian Strategic Arms Treaty - White House US Suspects Secret Burma Nuclear Sites Manouchehr Mottaki Fired from Iran Foreign Minister Burma Not Nuclear, Says Abhisit Job Test of Agni-II's Advanced Version Fails Intelligence Chiefs Fear Nuclear War between Israel and Tehran Russian Military to Receive 1,300 Types of Weaponry by 2020 Rudd Calls for Inspections of Israel's Nuclear Facility Russia, NATO May Make Soon Progress in Joint Iran Foreign Policy 'Unchanged' by Mottaki Sacking Missile Defense Progress North Korea Stresses Commitment to Nuclear Weapons Bolivia Rejects Alvaro Uribe’s Accusations about Nuclear Program N. Korean FM Defends Pyongyang's Decision to Bolster Nuclear Arsenal U.S. to Spend $1B Over Five Years on Conventional Strike Systems Japan Plans more Patriot Systems to Shoot Down N. Korean Missiles Talks with Iran Just a Start Iran's Nuclear Plans Give West a Tough Choice Welcome to the CPC Outreach Journal. As part of USAF Counterproliferation Center’s mission to counter weapons of mass destruction through education and research, we’re providing our government and civilian community a source for timely counterproliferation information. -
Iran and the Gulf Military Balance - I
IRAN AND THE GULF MILITARY BALANCE - I The Conventional and Asymmetric Dimensions FIFTH WORKING DRAFT By Anthony H. Cordesman and Alexander Wilner Revised July 11, 2012 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Cordesman/Wilner: Iran & The Gulf Military Balance, Rev 5 7/11/12 2 Acknowledgements This analysis was made possible by a grant from the Smith Richardson Foundation. It draws on the work of Dr. Abdullah Toukan and a series of reports on Iran by Adam Seitz, a Senior Research Associate and Instructor, Middle East Studies, Marine Corps University. 2 Cordesman/Wilner: Iran & The Gulf Military Balance, Rev 5 7/11/12 3 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................................. 5 THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ....................................................................................................................... 6 Figure III.1: Summary Chronology of US-Iranian Military Competition: 2000-2011 ............................... 8 CURRENT PATTERNS IN THE STRUCTURE OF US AND IRANIAN MILITARY COMPETITION ........................................... 13 DIFFERING NATIONAL PERSPECTIVES .............................................................................................................. 17 US Perceptions .................................................................................................................................... 17 Iranian Perceptions............................................................................................................................ -
Iran's Nuclear Program: Status”, Congressional Research Service
Iran’s Nuclear Program: Status Paul K. Kerr Analyst in Nonproliferation August 11, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34544 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Iran’s Nuclear Program: Status Summary Although Iran claims that its nuclear program is exclusively for peaceful purposes, it has generated considerable concern that Tehran is pursuing a nuclear weapons program. Indeed, the UN Security Council has responded to Iran’s refusal to suspend work on its uranium enrichment and heavy-water nuclear reactor programs by adopting several resolutions which imposed sanctions on Tehran. Despite this pressure, Iran continues to enrich uranium, install and operate additional centrifuges, and conduct research on new types of centrifuges. Tehran has also continued to produce centrifuge feedstock, as well as work on its heavy-water reactor and associated facilities. Whether Iran is pursuing a nuclear weapons program is, however, unknown. A National Intelligence Estimate made public in December 2007 assessed that Tehran “halted its nuclear weapons program,” defined as “Iran’s nuclear weapon design and weaponization work and covert uranium conversion-related and uranium enrichment-related work,” in 2003. The estimate, however, also assessed that Tehran is “keeping open the option to develop nuclear weapons” and that any decision to end a nuclear weapons program is “inherently reversible.” Intelligence Community officials have reaffirmed this judgment on several occasions. Iranian efforts to produce fissile material for nuclear weapons by using its known nuclear facilities would almost certainly be detected by the IAEA. There is no public official evidence that Tehran has covert facilities capable of producing fissile material. -
The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran
Study The Relationship Between the Supreme Leadership and Presidency and Its Impact on the Political System in Iran By Dr. Motasem Sadiqallah | Researcher at the International Institute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) Mahmoud Hamdi Abualqasim | Researcher at the International Insti- tute for Iranian Studies (Rasanah) www.rasanah-iiis.org WWW.RASANAH-IIIS.ORG Contents Executive Summary ....................................................................................... 3 I- The Status and Role of the Supreme Leadership and the Presidency in the Iranian Political System ................................................................................. 4 II- The Problems Involving the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency .............................................................................................. 11 III- Applying Pressure Through Power to Dismiss the President .....................15 IV- The Implications of the Conflict Between the Supreme Leader and the Presidency on the Effectiveness of the Political System ................................. 20 V- The Future of the Relationship Between the Supreme Leader and the President ........................................................................................ 26 Conclusion .................................................................................................. 29 Disclaimer The study, including its analysis and views, solely reflects the opinions of the writers who are liable for the conclusions, statistics or mistakes contained therein -
CT 11 Final:Layout 1
Iran Takes on the World By Jamsheed K. Choksy he islamic republic of iran is today challenging the world. The Iranian leadership’s appetite for power is growing, for they have become thoroughly convinced that no outside power—the U.S. in- cluded—will derail their rise to regional and even global prominence. “Whether you like it or not,” the Iranian cleric and politician Ayatollah TAhmad Khatami, an influential figure and on-and-off mentor to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, publicly boasted to the U.S., “you have to regard Iran as a great power in the political sphere. The people of Iran have realized there is nothing you can do to us now or will be capable of doing [in the future]. So rather than using all your resources in failed attempts to oppose Iran, you should work with us.”1 Khatami’s statement, like many other recent pronouncements made by the Is- lamic Republic’s leaders, underscores why Iran has not complied with years of Amer- ican demands for full transparency in its nuclear programs, for putting a halt to its sponsorship of terrorism and propagation of militant Islam or Islamism globally, and for cooperation in regional affairs. Simply put, the Islamic Republic’s ruling politicians no longer fear America; they believe the U.S. and its allies have lost the political will to preserve the current order. Tehran, therefore, no longer worries about the repercussions of pursuing an ever-more ambitious policy aimed at refash- ioning the international order and extending Iranian power and influence. Students of history know this is not the first time a rising Iran has sought to dom- inate its neighbors and the world beyond. -
Nuclear Politics in Iran MIDDLE EAST STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 1
MIDDLE EAST STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 1 Nuclear Politics in Iran Edited by Judith S. Yaphe Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Nuclear Politics in Iran Nuclear Politics in Iran Edited by Judith S. Yaphe Nuclear Politics in Iran Edited by Judith S. Yaphe Institute for National Strategic Studies Middle East Security Perspectives Series, No. 1 Series Editor: Judith S. Yaphe National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. May 2010 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. Portions of this work may be quoted or reprinted without permission, provided that a standard source credit line is included. NDU Press would appreciate a courtesy copy of reprints or reviews. First printing, May 2010 NDU Press publications are sold by the U.S. Government Printing Office. For ordering infor- mation, call (202) 512–1800 or write to the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402. For the U.S. Government On-Line Bookstore go to: www.access.gpo.gov/su_docs/sale.html. For current publications of the Institute for National Strategic Studies, consult the National Defense University Web site at: www.ndu.edu. Contents Introduction. .1 “Atomic Energy Is Our Assured Right”: Nuclear Policy and the Shaping of Iranian Public Opinion Farideh Farhi. 3 Seeking International Legitimacy: Understanding the Dynamics of Nuclear Nationalism in Iran Bahman Baktiari. 19 Iran’s Tenth Presidential Election: Implications for Iran and the Region Anoushiravan Ehteshami . -
Referral of Iranian President Ahmadinejad on the Charge of Incitement to Commit Genocide
REFERRAL OF IRANIAN PRESIDENT AHMADINEJAD ON THE CHARGE OF INCITEMENT TO COMMIT GENOCIDE AMB. MEIR ROSENNE PROF. ELIE WIESEL AMB. DORE GOLD IRIT KOHN, ADV. AMB. EYTAN BENTSUR M.K. DAN NAVEH PRINCIPAL AUTHOR: JUSTUS REID WEINER, ESQ. The Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs ®¯¢Ú© ‰È„Ó ¯Â·Èˆ ÈÈÈÚÏ ÈÓÏ˘Â¯È‰ ÊίӉ Dedicated to the victims of Darfur © 2006 Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs Tel Hai Street 13, Jerusalem 92107, Israel Tel. 972-2-5619281 Fax. 972-2-5619112 Email: [email protected] Internet website: www.jcpa.org ISBN 965-218-055-6 Production Coordinator: Edna Weinstock-Gabay Graphic Design: Rami & Jacky / Hagar Rivka Moshe Acknowledgements The principal author wishes to thank his colleagues at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, including Diane Morrison (for her legal research), Jeremy Siegman, Jennifer Tullman, and Ilana Hart. Photo Credits Front Cover: AP Photo Back Cover: Ahmadinejad speaks during a conference on Oct. 26, 2005 entitled ‘The World Without Zionism.’ Ahmadinejad states that Israel should be “wiped off the map,” the official IRNA news agency reported. (AP Photo/ISNA) Executive Summary President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of the Islamic verbal barrages, however, pose no existential threat Republic of Iran has made the destruction of Israel to ordinary people in the street. Ahmadinejad’s his avowed policy. Ahamadinejad’s declaration reckless anti-Semitic tirades that “the Jews are in 2005 that “Israel should be wiped off the map” very filthy people,” “[the Jews have] inflicted the was met by widespread international outcry. Yet, most damage on the human race,” “[the Jews are] this declaration was not an isolated incident, but a bunch of bloodthirsty barbarians,” “they should the first of many during the past year. -
Understanding Ahmadinejad Foreign Policy Council Ilan Berman Washington, DC June 2006 No
The American Understanding Ahmadinejad Foreign Policy Council Ilan Berman Washington, DC June 2006 No. 1 Who is Mahmoud Ahmadinejad?1 Before his meteoric rise to power in the summer of 2005, Iran’s ultra-con- servative president was a relative political unknown. Since taking office in August 2005, peccable revolutionary credentials. however, the 50-year-old Ahmadinejad As a member of the radical “Office for has done much to demonstrate his radi- Strengthening Unity” during the Islamic cal credentials. He has ratcheted up the Revolution, Ahmadinejad played a major Islamic Republic’s hostile rhetoric toward role in planning and executing the 1980 Israel and the United States. His govern- takeover of the U.S. embassy in Tehran.2 ment has systematically rolled back do- Subsequently, he became a commander mestic freedoms and deepened its control in the Pasdaran, the feared clerical army over Iranian society. And, under his direc- created by the Ayatollah Ruhollah Kho- tion, the Islamic Republic has accelerated meini to serve as the “shock troops” of the its very public march toward an atomic Islamic Republic. In that capacity, Ah- capability. madinejad served as an instructor for the Yet much remains unknown about Basij, the regime’s fanatical domestic mi- Iran’s president. What drives Ahmadine- litia, during the eight-year Iran-Iraq War.3 jad’s extremist worldview? And is he simply Afterward, Ahmadinejad served as the a pawn of the country’s Supreme Leader, governor of Ardebil province, and as an or the representative of a separate interest organizer of Ansar-e Hezbollah, the most group competing for power in Tehran? As notorious of Iran’s guruh-i fishar (vigilante the current crisis over Iran’s nuclear am- or “pressure” groups),4 until eventually bitions continues to deepen, the answers becoming mayor of Tehran in 2003. -
“Economic Legacy of Mahmud Ahmadinejad”
“Economic Legacy of Mahmud Ahmadinejad” Professor Nader Habaibi, Brandeis University Working Paper Series 2014 | 69 Crown Center for Middle East Studies Brandeis University The Economic Legacy of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad Prof. Nader Habibi Working Paper 5 April 2014 Crown Center Working Papers Working Papers are article-length scholarly works in progress by Crown Center researchers. They aim to reflect the wide range of scholarship conducted by various faculty, senior, and junior fellows during their stay at the Crown Center. These articles have not undergone peer- review and may only be downloaded for personal use. Permission for attribution lies solely with the Working Paper’s author. About the Author Nader Habibi is the Henry J. Leir Professor of the Economics of the Middle East at the Crown Center, Brandeis University. Before joining the Crown Center in 2007, Habibi was Managing Director of the Middle East and North Africa Division at IHS-Global Insight. He is a regional economist with a concentration on the Middle East and North Africa. His recent research projects have focused on the economic policies of Islamists in Egypt and Tunisia, as well as the latest economic trends in the Islamic Republic of Iran. He holds a Ph.D. in economics and a Masters in systems engineering from Michigan State University. He has also worked as a research fellow at the Middle East Council at Yale University. Crown Center for Middle East Studies Brandeis University MS 010 415 South Street Waltham, MA 02454 Phone: 781-736-5320 Fax: 781-736-5324 www.brandeis.edu/crown [email protected] The opinions and findings expressed in this essay are those of the author exclusively, and do not reflect the official positions or policies of the Crown Center for Middle East Studies or Brandeis University. -
From Rouhani to Raisi: Pressing Questions on the Eve of Iran's
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 3503 From Rouhani to Raisi: Pressing Questions on the Eve of Iran’s Election by Omer Carmi Jun 17, 2021 Also available in Arabic / Farsi ABOUT THE AUTHORS Omer Carmi Omer Carmi was a 2017 military fellow at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis With Ebrahim Raisi’s road to the presidency seemingly paved, the regime has been working to prevent low voter turnout and give him a vote of confidence through a landslide win. his year’s Iranian presidential election cycle will probably be remembered as a dull one. Early in the process, T the Guardian Council disqualified several high-profile figures from running in the June 18 vote, including former Majlis speaker Ali Larijani, Vice President Eshaq Jahangiri, and former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The decision left judiciary chief Ebrahim Raisi as the most prominent candidate with no real competition, making for one of the most boring presidential races in Iran’s history. Even the three public debates failed to create excitement among the citizenry. Despite the lack of fireworks and the near-certain outcome, several important questions have arisen in the lead-up to the vote. The answers could affect the regime’s legitimacy at home and its future policies abroad. What Will the Turnout Be? I ranian leaders have often used high voter turnout as “proof” of both the regime’s support base and the people’s “resistance” to the West. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei continued this tradition in his last speech before the election, claiming that Western media are trying to “decrease the people’s turnout at the ballot boxes.” He then urged Iranians to vote and foil the supposed conspiracy.