Time for a Reboot: Nine Ways to Restore Trust in Canada’S Public Institutions
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Understanding Stephen Harper
HARPER Edited by Teresa Healy www.policyalternatives.ca Photo: Hanson/THE Tom CANADIAN PRESS Understanding Stephen Harper The long view Steve Patten CANAdIANs Need to understand the political and ideological tem- perament of politicians like Stephen Harper — men and women who aspire to political leadership. While we can gain important insights by reviewing the Harper gov- ernment’s policies and record since the 2006 election, it is also essential that we step back and take a longer view, considering Stephen Harper’s two decades of political involvement prior to winning the country’s highest political office. What does Harper’s long record of engagement in conservative politics tell us about his political character? This chapter is organized around a series of questions about Stephen Harper’s political and ideological character. Is he really, as his support- ers claim, “the smartest guy in the room”? To what extent is he a con- servative ideologue versus being a political pragmatist? What type of conservatism does he embrace? What does the company he keeps tell us about his political character? I will argue that Stephen Harper is an economic conservative whose early political motivations were deeply ideological. While his keen sense of strategic pragmatism has allowed him to make peace with both conservative populism and the tradition- alism of social conservatism, he continues to marginalize red toryism within the Canadian conservative family. He surrounds himself with Governance 25 like-minded conservatives and retains a long-held desire to transform Canada in his conservative image. The smartest guy in the room, or the most strategic? When Stephen Harper first came to the attention of political observers, it was as one of the leading “thinkers” behind the fledgling Reform Party of Canada. -
SFU Thesis Template Files
The Right to Authentic Political Communication by Ann Elizabeth Rees M.A., Simon Fraser University, 2005 B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1980 Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Communication Faculty of Arts and Social Science Ann Elizabeth Rees 2016 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2016 Approval Name: Ann Elizabeth Rees Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title: The Right to Authentic Political Communication Examining Committee: Chair: Katherine Reilly, Assistant Professor Peter Anderson Senior Supervisor Associate Professor Catherine Murray Supervisor Professor Alison Beale Supervisor Professor Andrew Heard Internal Examiner Associate Professor Political Science Department Paul Thomas External Examiner Professor Emeritus Department of Political Studies University of Manitoba Date Defended/Approved: January 22, 2016 ii Abstract Increasingly, governments communicate strategically with the public for political advantage, seeking as Christopher Hood describes it to “avoid blame” and “claim credit” for the actions and decisions of governance. In particular, Strategic Political Communication (SPC) is becoming the dominant form of political communication between Canada’s executive branch of government and the public, both during elections and as part of a “permanent campaign” to gain and maintain public support as means to political power. This dissertation argues that SPC techniques interfere with the public’s ability to know how they are governed, and therefore undermines the central right of citizens in a democracy to legitimate elected representation by scrutinizing government and holding it to account. Realization of that right depends on an authentic political communication process that provides citizens with an understanding of government. By seeking to hide or downplay blameworthy actions, SPC undermines the legitimation role public discourse plays in a democracy. -
Around the World, We're Going to See Economies Getting
2019 FALL MEMBER FORUM EXCEPTIONAL SPEAKER SERIES II NOVEMBER 14 THE WESTIN CALGARY AIRPORT, CALGARY All around the world, we’re going to see economies getting healthier but societies getting sicker. The old model isn’t going to work. —George Friedman, Geopolitical Forecaster One of WESTAC’s strengths is the ability to bring There will be in-depth discussions on a range of world-class, thought-provoking speakers exclusively issues — from threats to global economic stability to to its members. opportunities amidst the key disruptors of the 2020s. This Forum aims to better prepare WESTAC Each speaker will host a 90-minute “Executive members for the challenges ahead in the Dialogue” session, which will include a formal transportation sector. WESTAC is hosting two presentation followed by a facilitated discussion. world-renowned speakers in global economics The purpose is to determine how the issues raised and geopolitics respectively: David Rosenberg will impact individual stakeholders and and Dr. George Friedman. the Western Canadian transportation system. FORWARD THINKING. TRANSPORTATION. 1 2 VENUE The Westin Calgary Airport 671 Aero Drive NE Tel: (403) 452-5406 Calgary, AB Meeting Rooms Working Sessions, Leaders Council and meals will take place on the main floor. The Board of Directors Meeting will take place on the second floor. SCHEDULE Thursday, November 14, 2019 8:00 am Buffet Breakfast Blackfoot Crossing C 8:45 am Opening Remarks Blackfoot Crossing B 9:00 am Working Sessions begin Blackfoot Crossing B 10:30 am Break 11:00 am Working Sessions (cont.) Blackfoot Crossing B 12:30 pm Lunch with Speaker Blackfoot Crossing C 2:00 pm WESTAC Leaders Council1 Blackfoot Crossing A 3:30 pm Leaders Council ends 3:45 pm Board of Directors Meeting Okotoks Room 4:30 pm Adjournment 1 Each member organization may have one* representative at the Leaders Council. -
Quebec Women and Legislative Representation
Quebec Women and Legislative Representation Manon Tremblay Quebec Women and Legislative Representation TRANSLATED BY KÄTHE ROTH © UBC Press 2010 Originally published as Québécoises et représentation parlementaire © Les Presses de l’Université Laval 2005. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior written permission of the publisher, or, in Canada, in the case of photocopying or other reprographic copying, a licence from Access Copyright (Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency), www.accesscopyright.ca. 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 5 4 3 2 1 Printed in Canada on FSC-certified ancient-forest-free paper (100% post-consumer recycled) that is processed chlorine- and acid-free. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Tremblay, Manon, 1964- Quebec women and legislative representation / written by Manon Tremblay ; translated by Käthe Roth. Originally published in French under title: Québécoises et représentation parlementaire. ISBN 978-0-7748-1768-4 1. Women legislators – Québec (Province). 2. Women in politics – Québec (Province). 3. Representative government and representation – Canada. 4. Legislative bodies – Canada. I. Roth, Käthe II. Title. HQ1236.5.C2T74513 2010 320.082’09714 C2009-903402-6 UBC Press gratefully acknowledges the financial support for our publishing program of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP), and of the Canada Council for the Arts, and the British Columbia Arts Council. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Aid to Scholarly Publications Programme, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. -
Language Rights and Quebec Bill 101
Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 10 Issue 2 Article 11 1978 Language Rights and Quebec Bill 101 Clifford Savren Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Clifford Savren, Language Rights and Quebec Bill 101, 10 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 543 (1978) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol10/iss2/11 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. 1978] Language Rights and Quebec Bill 101 INTRODUCTION N THE WORDS of Maclean's, Canada's news magazine: "On November 15, 1976, Canada entered a new era. In the year since, the unthinkable has suddenly become normal and the impossible sud- denly conceivable."' The Quebec provincial elections of November 1976 brought to power a party whose primary goal is the separation of the Province from the rest of Canada and the establishment of Quebec as a sovereign independent state. 2 The election victory of the Parti Qu~b~cois under the leadership of Ren6 Lvesque has forced Cana- dians across the political spectrum to face some difficult questions regarding the essence of Canadian identity and the feasibility of for- mulae which more effectively could accomodate the unique character of Quebec, the only Canadian province with a predominantly French- speaking population.' 1759 brought the defeat by the British of the 74,000 French in- habitants of Quebec. -
1 Book Review at the Centre of Government
Book Review At the Centre of Government: The Prime Minister and the Limits on Political Power. McGill-Queens University Press, 2018. 205pp, with index. By Ian Brodie Review by Patrice Dutil Department of Politics and Public Administration Ryerson University Ian Brodie is in an exceptionally rare position to offer thoughts on the burning issue of prime ministerial power. After earning a Ph.D. in political science at the University of Calgary, where he met individuals who would later shape his career, he taught at Western University and published Friends of the Court: The Privileging of Interest Group Litigants in Canada (2002). Brodie was very active in conservative political circles, both in Calgary and in London, Ontario, and rose to become Chief of Staff to Conservative Party leader Stephen Harper. When the Conservatives were asked to form a minority government in 2006, he became the Chief of Staff to the Prime Minister and would serve as such for 2.5 years, until June 2008. Based on what he experienced, he tests in this book the prevailing notion that governmental power has become too concentrated in the hands of the prime minister. It is an argument he rejects, taking particular aim at Donald Savoie’s Governing from the Centre (1999) and Democratizing the Constitution: Reforming Responsible Government (2011) by Peter Aucoin, Mark Jarvis and Lori Turnbull. This is a short work that sometimes reads like an opinionated textbook. Readers looking for a rich meal filled with insightful anecdotes about life in the Prime Minister’s Office or about the nature of Stephen Harper’s management style will be disappointed with the nugget lunch that is offered instead. -
Government, House of Commons and Senate1
1 The Tension Among Three Ethics Regimes: Government, House of Commons and Senate1 Ian Greene School of Public Policy and Administration York University As of 2005, there were independent ethics commissioners, as well as and rules (either legislated or contained in legislative codes of conduct) intended to prevent conflicts of interest in each of Canada’s ten provinces, three territories, and the Parliament of Canada.2 The first jurisdiction to adopt this approach to promoting legislative ethics was Ontario in 1988, and the last to join this distinctively Canadian ethics regime was the Canadian Parliament. This “Canadian model”3 of promoting high ethical standards amongst members of legislatures is working well in every jurisdiction except the House of Commons, if the number of investigations of allegations of breach of ethics rules conducted by ethics commissioners is any indication. The two hallmarks of the “Canadian model” are the existence of an independent ethics commissioner, and an official set of ethics rules for the legislature (either legislated or included in the standing orders).4 Outside of the House of Commons, there are investigations of allegations of breach of the conflict of interest rules that are serious enough to warrant inquiries by ethics commissioners on average about once every two years. From 2005-07, during the tenure of Dr. Bernard Shapiro as the federal Ethics Commissioner, 8 of 19 inquiries by Canadian ethics commissioners were conducted by Dr. Shapiro. During the first two years of Mary Dawson’s term as the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner (July 9 2007 to July 9 2009), she issued four inquiry or examination reports5 regarding MPs or cabinet ministers, as well as one report into a staff member in the Prime Minister’s office. -
The Legality of an Independent Quebec: Canadian Constitutional Law and Self-Determination in International Law Marc A
Boston College International and Comparative Law Review Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 6 12-1-1979 The Legality of an Independent Quebec: Canadian Constitutional Law and Self-Determination in International Law Marc A. Thibodeau Follow this and additional works at: http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/iclr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Marc A. Thibodeau, The Legality of an Independent Quebec: Canadian Constitutional Law and Self-Determination in International Law, 3 B.C. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 99 (1979), http://lawdigitalcommons.bc.edu/iclr/vol3/iss1/6 This Notes is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Boston College International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Boston College Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Legality of an Independent Quebec: Canadian Constitutional Law and Self Determination in International Law I. INTRODUCTION Since the signing of the Treaty of Paris (Treaty) on February 10, 1763,1 which formalized the British position in Canada and in other lands on the North American continent,2 members of the French-Canadian community, 1. Definitive Treaty of Peace Between France, Great Britain and Spain, Feb. 10, 1763, Great Britain-France-Spain, 42 Parry's T.S. 320. The Treaty settled various territorial disputes at the conclusion of the War of 1756-63 (Seven Year's War). As part of the settlements, the King of France ceded to Great Britain all of its possessions in Canada. -
Public Policy in Crisis? Understanding PolicyMaking in Canada
PUBLIC POLICY IN CRISIS? UNDERSTANDING POLICYMAKING IN CANADA UNE CRISE DES POLITIQUES PUBLIQUES ? COMMENT SE FONT LES POLITIQUES AU CANADA PROGRAMME Annual conference Conférence annuelle of the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada de l’Institut d’études canadiennes de McGill March 26 and 27, 2009 Du 26 au 27 mars 2009 McGill Faculty Club Faculty Club de McGill Montréal, Québec, Canada Montréal (Québec) Canada DIRECTOR’S MESSAGE MESSAGE DE LA DIRECTRICE Dear Friends and Colleagues, Chers amis et collègues, Welcome to the McGill Institute for the Study of Bienvenue à la conférence 2009 de l’Institut d’études Canada’s 2009 conference, Public Policy in Crisis? canadiennes de McGill : Une crise des politiques Understanding Policy‐Making in Canada. publiques ? Comment se font les politiques au Canada. Since 1995, the McGill Institute for the Study of L’Institut d’études canadiennes de McGill est fier Canada has been proud to convene annual d’organiser depuis 1995 des conférences annuelles visant conferences to foster informed, non‐partisan à promouvoir un débat informé et non‐partisan sur les discussions of issues affecting Canadians, ranging sujets qui concernent les Canadiens, comme les relations from Quebec‐Canada relations, Aboriginal issues, Québec‐Canada, les questions autochtones, la citizenship and health care to Canadian media, the citoyenneté et les soins de santé, ou encore les médias, la Charter, and cultural policy. These public events, Charte et la politique culturelle. Ces événements publics, designed to raise provocative questions and conçus pour soulever des questions stimulantes et encourage open debate, have brought together encourager un débat ouvert ont rassemblé des centaines hundreds of practitioners, academics, students, de praticiens, d’universitaires, d’étudiants et de politicians and engaged citizens, and have attracted politiciens ; ils ont suscité l’intérêt des citoyens et reçu national and international media coverage. -
Inter-American Legal Developments S
University of Miami Law School Institutional Repository University of Miami Inter-American Law Review 10-1-1969 Inter-American Legal Developments S. A. Bayitch Follow this and additional works at: http://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr Recommended Citation S. A. Bayitch, Inter-American Legal Developments, 1 U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev. 61 (1969) Available at: http://repository.law.miami.edu/umialr/vol1/iss3/5 This Report is brought to you for free and open access by Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Miami Inter- American Law Review by an authorized administrator of Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INTER-AMERICAN LEGAL DEVELOPMENTS S. A. BAYITCH Professor of Law University of Miami ARGENTINA Recently enacted Law No. 18.235 (1969) enables administrative au- thorities to expel undesirable aliens in three cases: (1) if they have not disclosed their convictions in foreign countries or the convictions are unknown to Argentine authorities at the time of the alien's admission, provided the crimes involved are also punishable under Argentine Laws; (2) if they are convicted by Argentine courts for intentional crimes; or (3) if they engage in Argentina in activities which affect social peace, national security or public order. The administrative decision is final and has to be complied with in five days during which time the alien may be taken in custody. The new law fills a gap created in Argentine legislation when the previously controlling Law No. 4.144 (1902) was abrogated in 1958 for political reasons. The Buenos Aires Bar has voiced doubts regarding the constitutionality of the new law. -
The Quebec National Assembly
The Quebec National Assembly Magali Paquin Université Laval, Quebec City Studies of Provincial and Territorial Legislatures July 2011 Canadian Study of Parliament Group Series of Papers on Provincial and Territorial Legislatures The Canadian Study of Parliament Group (CSPG), as part of its efforts to foster knowledge and understanding of Canadian parliamentary institutions, is publishing a series of papers describing and analyzing the thirteen provincial and territorial legislatures. The papers are being made available free of charge, in both official languages, on the CSPG Web site. The views and opinions contained in these papers are those of the authors and are not necessarily reflective of those of the CSPG. 1 Canadian Study of Parliament Group TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 3 HISTORY OF THE QUEBEC NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ............................................................................ 4 Traditional parliamentarism (1867–1960) .................................................................................. 5 The advent of parliamentary change (1960–1985) ..................................................................... 6 A work in progress (1985–2010) ................................................................................................. 9 THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY TODAY ................................................................................................ 10 Parliamentary rules -
Constitutionnel Constitutional
Constitutional forumconstitutionnel Centre for Constitutional Studies Centre d’études constitutionnelles Volume 16, Number 2, 2007 Constitutional Forum constitutionnel Editor: Centre for Constitutional Studies Greg Clarke Management Board • Eric Adams Production: • Richard W. Bauman, Chair Amber Holder • Mr. Justice Berger • Peter Carver, Deputy Chair • L. Christine Enns Student Editors: • Lois Harder Nayha Acharya • Donald Ipperciel Natasha Dubé • Ritu Kullar Martha Peden • Randall Morck Daina Young • George Pavlich Subscriptions • Pat Paradis Canadian Orders: • Bronwyn Shoush $44.10 CDN (includes 5% GST) per volume (3 issues) Staff US and other international orders: • Greg Clarke, Acting Executive Director $42.00 USD per volume (3 issues) • Terry Romaniuk, Program Manager • Amber Holder, Administrator For information about subscriptions and back issues, contact: Amber Holder Centre for Constitutional Studies [email protected] 448D Law Centre (780) 492-5681 University of Alberta Edmonton, AB T6G 2H5 Constitutional Forum constitutionnel is Canada published three times per year by the Centre (780) 492-5681 (phone) for Constitutional Studies/Centre d’études (780) 492-9959 (fax) constitutionnelles with the generous support [email protected] of the Alberta Law Foundation. www.law.ualberta.ca/centres/ccs Constitutional Forum constitutionnel is in- dexed in: Index to Canadian Legal Periodical Literature, Index to Canadian Legal Litera- ture, and Current Law Index. ISSN: 0847-3889 Centre for Constitutional Studies PUBLICATION MAIL AGREEMENT #4006449667 Centre d’études constitutionnelles Submissions Constitutional Forum constitutionnel publishes works, in English or French, of interest to a broad readership. We welcome essays, original research, case comments, and revised versions of oral pre- sentations pertaining to constitutions and constitutionalism. Manuscripts addressing current issues and cases are particularly encouraged.