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Turkey and Her Arab Neighbours 1954-1958

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Turkey and Her Arab Neighbours 1954-1958 TURKEY AND HER ARAB NEIGHBOURS 1954-1958 Thesis submitted for the Degree of Ph.D. by ARA GARABED KRIKOR SANJIAN School of Oriental and African Studies University of London ProQuest Number: 10731155 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10731155 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Turkey's determined attempt after 1954 to improve her relations with the Arab world should be seen in the context of a wider search for security against the perceived Soviet threat to her independence and territorial integrity. It was encouraged by Washington’s proposal to set up a Middle East defence organisation based on the countries of the 'Northern Tier,' which paved the way for the creation of the Baghdad Pact with Turkish, Iraqi, British, Banian and Pakistani membership. The USA, however, ultimately declined all invitations for full pact- membership. Her equivocal attitude encouraged Egypt and Syria not only to resist all attempts to lure them into the pact but also to embark on a determined counter-policy to block the adherence of other non-committed Arab states. The thesis argues that Turkish leaders failed in then rather high-handed bid to expand the pact's Arab membership and to isolate Egypt because they were ill-informed about the latest political trends in the Arab world and ignored any alternative and differing advice coming fiom then diplomatic missions and lower echelons in then Foreign Ministry. Moreover, none of Turkey's allies were fully convinced that her proposals were necessarily the best on offer. The thesis also tries to shed light on some of the alternative policies attempted by Turkey after the Suez war to stem the tide of pro-Communist and radical pan-Arab nationalist tendencies in the region. It argues that the toppling of the Iraqi monarchy, despite being a short-term setback for Turkey, proved in the long run to be a panacea to her attempts to retain her alliance with NATO and preserve in the meantime a workable relationship with her Arab neighbours. It also discusses Turkey's changing attitude towards Israel and the Palestine question as well as the changes in the official Turkish evaluation of'Abd al-Nasir's policies. Contents Abstract 3 List o f Abbreviations 7 Preface 9 1 The Setting: The Cold War, Turkey, the Arabs and the Middle East Collective Defence Project 13 2 The "Northern Tier" Project 37 3 The Formulation of the Baghdad Pact 61 4 The Search for More Arab Allies 83 5 Divergence in Policy 107 6 The Suez War: Expectations and Disappointment 125 7 The Fightback 147 8 "Perhaps the Gravest Crisis since the War..." 169 9 The Era of the Two Arab Unions 195 10 The End of the Road: Revolution in Iraq 217 11 Conclusion 237 Appendix: Biographical Notes on Some o f the Prominent Personalities Appearing in the Dissertation 247 Bibliography 255 List of Abbreviations ALCSP Arab League Collective Security Pact ALM Arab Liberation Movement (Syria) AU Arab Union BBC British Broadcasting Corporation (UK) BMEO British Middle East Office CENTO Central Treaty Organisation CIA Central Intelligence Agency (USA) CGS Chiefs) of the General Staff COS Chief(s) of Staff CRO Commonwealth Relations Office (UK) DDF Documents Diplomatiques Frangais DP Democrat Party (Turkey) f. folio ff. folios FO Foreign Office (UK) FRUS Foreign Relations of the United States GNA Grand National Assembly (Turkey) HM Her Majesty's I A International Affairs (London) IJMES International Journal o f Middle East Studies (New Y ork) IPC Iraq Petroleum Company MEA Middle Eastern Affairs (New York) MEC Middle East Command MEDO Middle East Defence Organisation MEF Middle East Forum (Beirut) MEJ Middle East Journal (Washington, DC) MES Middle Eastern Studies (London) MI6 Military Intelligence-6 (UK) MOU Memorandum of Understanding NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation n. d. no date (of writing, publication, etc.) n.p. no place (of publication) P- page PP- pages RPP Republican People's Party (Turkey) SCUA Suez Canal Users' Association SEATO South East Asia Treaty Organisation SSNP Syrian Social Nationalist Party (Syria) STAR Studies on Turkish-Arab Relations (Istanbul) UAR United Arab Republic UK United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland UN United Nations Organisation UNEF United Nations Emergency Force US United States USA United States of America USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics vol. volume Preface This dissertation studies Turkey's relations with her Arab neighbours, Syria and Iraq, and, to a lesser extent, with the other Arab states of the Middle East, in particular Egypt, Lebanon and Jordan, during the period of the formulation and the eventual collapse of the Baghdad Pact. It is a case study of the correlation between the Cold War concerns of the Great Powers in the Middle East and the national policies pursued by the lesser states in the region. This study investigates how those relations were affected by Cold War pressures at one of its tense periods and how did Turkey, Iraq and Syria try to accommodate, not to say manipulate, the prevailing global Cold War climate to pursue then own national aspirations. These relations are studied here on three different levels: (a) the international/regional level, i.e. the Cold War atmosphere and its repercussions in the area; (b) the bilateral level, including the historical legacy inherited by Turkish, Ir aqi and Syrian leaders, which made their task of tackling thorny issues difficult or easy according to the prevailing different circumstances; and (c) the individual country level, i.e. the analysis of the various strategies pursued by different political forces within each of the three countries concerned, the solutions they advocated to particular problems, and the roles they played in shaping the foreign policy of then respective countries in general, and relations with individual neighbouring states in particular. The emphasis throughout is on Turkey. The development of her foreign policy towards her Arab neighbours is analysed and the factors behind it scrutinised. Appropriate attention is paid to the study of some of the specific characteristics of the Turkish foreign policy decision-making process during the period under review. Issues concerning Turkey's Arab neighbours are touched only as far as they are crucial to an understanding of the atmosphere prevailing in the Middle East during that period, and provide us with the background against which the Turkish actions can be judged and evaluated. In addition to some memoirs by Turkish and Arab diplomats or statesmen, which tackle, to one extent or another, the topic of Turkish-Arab political and diplomatic relations in the twentieth century, various books and monographs have also appeared on the issue during the last few decades. A substantial list of those covering the specific topic and time-span of this dissertation appear s in the bibliography. Of these, the D.Phil. dissertation of Biilent Ali Riza, dealing with the years 1951-53-and still available only on microfilm-is admirable. Its sole deficiency seems to be the author's inability to consult primary sources available only in Arabic. However, many of the other works are less satisfactory. They often cover quite extended periods of time and they rarely make use of primary archival material. This study, which begins where Riza has stopped, seeks to redress the balance by focusing on a relatively short, albeit important, period and using a variety of source material in many languages. While this author has, unlike Riza, been unable to consult the Turkish archives, he has attempted, as much as possible, to describe and analyse the issues from both sides of the fence. The transliteration of names into English presents problems in a study of this kind, covering two distinct languages and cultures. I have adhered to the contemporary spelling of Turkish proper names. The modem Turkish alphabet, since the introduction of Latin script, is completely phonetic. All letters as pronounced as in English except the following: i as / in cousin a as a in far u as u in rule ii as u in French tu o as eu in French peu § assh in shuttle c asy injar 9 as ch in church j as s in measure g with hard vowels a guttural and barely perceptible g (bagci); with soft vowels as y (efeer=eyer). Arabic proper names, terms and titles have also been transliterated into English forms in a consistent and systematic manner. The extensive use of diacritical marks has been avoided, except for (% which because of the relative unsophisticated nature of the fonts in my personal world-processor is used instead of both the hamza and the letter 'ayn. I have also sometimes followed a usage common in Iraq of frequently referring to individuals by their first names only, likeNun and 'Alt Jawdat . The few Russian, Iranian and Pakistani names which appear in this study have been transcribed, in their turn, in a simple yet consistent way. Well-known geographical names of countries, capitals and main cities in the Arab world, like Damascus, Mosul and Aleppo, are spelt as they are in common usage in English. Lesser known geographical sites, however, are spelt according to the above-described criteria for transliterating Arabic proper names.
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