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Hargreaves, Janet, Moorehouse, Paula and Hargreaves, David

Rebel Nurses of the Rising: Ireland, Easter 1916

Original Citation

Hargreaves, Janet, Moorehouse, Paula and Hargreaves, David (2017) Rebel Nurses of the Rising: Ireland, Easter 1916. The Bulletin of the UK Association of the History of Nursing, 6. pp. 7-16.

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http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ RESEARCH ARTICLES

Rebel Nurses of the Rising: Ireland, Easter 1916

Janet Hargreaves, Paula Moorhouse Through a focus on the humanitarian and David, W. Hargreaves management of the conflict from a rebel perspective this paper offers an alternative Acknowledgements: perspective on the nursing response to this We would like to acknowledge the Working historical event. In doing so a parallel, Class Movement Library, who own many of alternative view may be seen which the texts used in this research illustrates the need to explore multiple narratives. Abstract The nursing of the ‘rebels’ and the role of Background nurses in the of 1916 have On Easter Monday 1916 members of a received little attention until recently, even number of Irish organisations hostile to within Ireland itself. There is now a growing British rule instigated a rising, declaring analysis, in particular a reaffirmation of the Ireland’s independence from Britain. significant role played by women in the Although the Rising was contained within 6 Rising, culminating in publications days, it was a significant event in the history commemorating the centenary of this event. of conflict between Britain and Ireland, in This paper offers a critical review of what is which more than 400 people died and many known about nursing within rebel more were injured. In addition, in the strongholds in during this time. context of the First World War, it has been Findings suggest there is evidence of some described as: ‘arguably the most extensive qualified nurses involved in rebel (rather and intensive example of urban warfare than civilian and military) positions, which had occurred in Europe up to that including accounts of the extent of their role time’ (Kinsella 1997, p137). A short and the injuries managed. However, the introduction to the reasons for the rising, majority of the immediate nursing care and the nursing response, will be followed available to the rebels was given by by an outline of the sources used, the members of the Irish Citizen’s Army and the findings and discussion. women’s organisation Cumman na mBan, Conflict and rebellion in Ireland both of whom were trained in first aid and This paper cannot do justice to the very were wearing Red Cross insignia. Accounts complex history of the relationship between of the week suggest that the status and Britain and Ireland. Rather, it offers a brief treatment of qualified nurses and first aid summary of some of the factors that led to workers offering care was not consistent. 1916 being a year ripe for rebellion. The Although the Easter Rising was just one status of Ireland, as an autonomous nation week of conflict confined to Ireland, its or one subsumed into Britain had been timing during WW1 and Ireland’s contested contested for many centuries, but a starting status as a part of Great Britain in rebellion point for this summary might be the Act of against the established order raise a Union in 1800 which created the entity number of issues for discussion. These ‘United Kingdom of Great Britain and include the use and status of the Red Cross Ireland’; the Irish Parliament in Dublin was emblem in such circumstances and the shut down and rule transferred to London. management of humanitarian aid in a For working class Irish people, the British heavily populated urban setting. were seen to be poor rulers. Repeated 7 famines appeared to be evidence of British was suspended for the duration of the First indifference to their suffering, but were World War. The sectarian divisions within dismissed, blaming instead behaviour of Ireland, as well as those between Irish absentee landlords and the failure of republicans and the British, thus remained Irish agriculture to diversify. The Times critical at this time. commented that ‘we regard the potato blight , one of the leaders of the as a blessing’ (Times 22.09.1846) because 1916 Easter Rising, saw the conflict firstly it provided an opportunity for the Irish to as one of class, not of religious or national change their behaviour. Substantial identity and thus not in traditional assistance was withheld on the grounds Republican terms but ‘a fight for mastery of that such help would reward the the means of life, the sources of production undeserving and was in defiance of the in Ireland’ (Connolly, 1910, Chapter 16). laws of God. As the famine got worse, Gray He favoured working class action, arguing states that the campaign became one in that the independence and socialism he which: ‘identifying and eradicating ‘abuse’ believed was needed could not be achieved acquired a higher priority than saving lives’ by expecting a broad nationalist approach (Gray, 1999 p332). to bring all the classes together. He argued During the famine corn, barley and dairy that the ruling Irish class were and would products were exported, predominantly to continue to be just as oppressive as the England leaving the local population to British. starve. Thus the history of Ireland in the In 1913, Dublin became the centre of nineteenth century became a story of militant trade unionism based upon the use emigration, increasing resistance anger and of widespread working class solidarity. repression. Hundreds of workers were injured by the Two different strategies for resisting British police on Blood Sunday (August 31st) and rule emerged. Some believed in a political shortly after a Lock Out was organised by solution and thus initially the Home Rule the employers. In October 1913 James League was formed in 1873, this was Connolly said that he was going ‘to replaced in 1882 by the Irish Parliamentary organise and discipline a force to protect Party which won an increased number of workers’ meetings’ (Robbins, 1977 p 58), seats in the British Parliament. They this became the Irish Citizens Army (ICA). introduced a Home Rule Bill in 1886, but Further militant action was disrupted in this was defeated, as was the second August 1914 when the First World War Home Rule Bill, in 1893. began. Connolly opposed the war but also Others rejected political solutions and saw in it an opportunity for insurrection sought to establish an independent because Republicans had an armed body, Republic through rebellion. The Fenian the ICA, which was ready to fight, and Rising of 1867 was an example of a Britain was distracted by the war effort. This comprehensive revolt but was poorly was the context in which the Rising became organised; division and unrest continued possible. throughout the remainder of the 19th In addition to the ICA there were a complex century. mix of groups with nationalist and A third Home Rule Bill was successful in republican sympathies ready to join a 1912, and came into law in September rebellion including the male Irish Volunteers 1914. Had it been enacted it might have and the female Cumann na mBan, (which addressed some of this issues, however, it translates as ‘the League of women’). The 8 latter grew from a meeting in Dublin of over along with other leaders of the Rising. He a hundred women in April 1914 to become was shot by firing squad 14 days later on an organisation with branches throughout May 12th. The contested nature of Irish Ireland, Scotland and England. The ICA, identity and British involvement in Ireland with its roots in union activism had a strong continued to resonate throughout the 20th working class association; Cumann na century and to the present day. mBan was more mixed, attracting large The nursing response numbers of middle class women who The response of established nursing tended to be the organisers and committee services in Dublin to the rising has been members. Cumann na mBan’s purpose was researched in detail by the Irish Nurses and to work in conjunction with the Irish Midwives Organisation (Loughrey, 2016), Volunteers to advance the cause of Irish as well as accounts by specific nursing liberty. Both organisations would learn first orders [see for example the Sisters of aid, drill, and signaling and rifle practice in Mercy n.d.]. In summary, both sources order to aid the cause of Irish freedom. recount the fighting breaking out with little The outbreak of WW1 caused splits with warning in a busy urban environment; thus some Irish Volunteers and Cumann na rebels, British military and civilians all mBan members supporting the British war suffered injury and death. All general effort. In addition, some suffragists were hospitals in Dublin took in casualties, as very critical of what they saw as Cumann na well as specialist areas such as the mBan’s subservience to the Volunteers. Maternity Hospital. In addition, staff went Despite these divisions a strong faction of out into the streets and created temporary Cumann na mBan was nationalistic and space in private homes to attend to supported the Rising along with the ICA casualties where it was too dangerous, or (Jones, 1998). they were too ill, to reach the hospitals. The situation at the South Dublin Union was Thus by 1916 the will and means for particularly complicated as, due to its rebellion were in place and despite strategic geographical location, it was confusion and miscommunication, around occupied early in the Rising by the rebels. 1200 men and women took part on Easter This in turn led to counter attack by the Monday, 24th April. At midday the British with open combat and gunfire. In this proclamation of an Irish Republic was setting the nurse whose name is most announced from the steps of the General associated with the Rising, Margaret Post Office (GPO) on what is now known as Keogh, who was not a rebel, was shot and O’Connell Street in Dublin. The Rebels killed by a British soldier1. The British were attempted to take control of Ireland, understandably anxious to down play the commanded from their strategic incident, coming as it did soon after the headquarters at the GPO and stationed at execution of Edith Cavell, and thus carrying critical points across Dublin and other cities. the strong potential for her to be seen as a An urban battle ensued involving the British rebel martyr. A question was raised at the military, the rebels and ordinary citizens Houses of Parliament by Mr. Ginnell MP of who had mixed sympathies. In addition to The Irish Parliamentary Party to Prime the 400 recorded deaths there were many casualties and buildings were destroyed by 1 artillery and fire; the rebels surrendered 5 For background see: http://www.carlowassociation.co.uk/carlow-and- days later on the Friday. James Connolly, london-share-a-strong-connection-with-the-easter- dying from a gangrenous gunshot wound, rising-leading-to-parliamentary-questions-asked-in- was imprisoned and sentenced to death the-houses-of-parliament-in-1916/

9 Minister Asquith MP. Mr. Tennant MP, The limitations: Firstly, the statements were Under Secretary of State for War made the collected in the 10 years from 1947, 30 statement: ‘The circumstances connected years after the Rising. Secondly many of with this case have been very carefully and the key people whose testimony would exhaustively inquired into, the evidence of have been valuable died or were executed military and also civilian witnesses having during the period of conflict and not all who been taken. It has been definitely were involved were sympathetic with the ascertained that this most regrettable Bureau’s project and declined to give incident was a pure accident.’(HC Deb. 22 statements. For example, Madeline ffrench- June 1916 vol 83, c 304). Mullen, who played a key role in leading the first aid support for the rebels in St Methods Stephen’s Green and is named in many The aim of this paper is to critically review witness statements is not recorded. Thirdly what is known specifically about nursing in conflict in Ireland was not resolved in 1947 rebel strongholds in Dublin during the and witnesses may have self-edited their Easter Rising, drawing on primary and contribution to protect themselves and secondary sources. These include others. An example can be found in the published research, autobiographical texts, slight differences between the witness and witness statements from the Bureau of statement and the autobiographical diary of Military History. Linda Kearns, which is explored later in this The role of nurses in the Easter Rising and paper. However, the strength of the archive the nursing of the rebel side have been is in recording the experiences of ordinary under-researched until recently. There is people who were in Ireland at the time. In now a growing body of research, in particular, women of ICA and Cumann na particular analysis of the role played by mBan who might otherwise be invisible. women in the Rising (McCoole, 2015), and publications commemorating the centenary Witness statements were searched for of this event (Loughrey, 2016). There are female authors using the phrases ‘first aid’ also publications, for example Kinsella or ‘Red Cross’. Their accounts were (1997), McGary (2016) that recount a critically reviewed along with other literature broader history of these events and to identify narratives related to nursing or histories of the various women’s first aid work undertaken within the rebel organisations such as Cumann na mBan encampments. (McCallum, 2005) and the Irish Women Findings from this review include two Workers Union (Jones, 1998). particular areas for discussion: firstly, how Two contemporary autobiographical the rebels planned for and managed first accounts have informed this paper: Nurse aid and battle injuries and secondly the Linda Kearns edited diary (Smithson, 1922) status of the Red Cross. and Cumann na mBan activist Margaret Nursing the rebels Skinnider (1917). In addition the primary Two trained nurses who proactively joined sources within the Bureau of Military History the Rising and offered their nursing services archive, in particular the extensive witness in support of the rebel cause appear in the statements have been of relevance: witness statements: Aoife de Burka and (http://www.bureauofmilitaryhistory.ie/). Linda Kearns2. The archive contains 1,773 witness statements from men and women involved 2 Elizabeth Farrell is also named in some in the conflicts in Ireland between 1913 - documentation as a trained nurse, and was a 1921. This collection does of course have significant presence in the GPO during the 10

In addition, many members of Cumann na overlooking O'Connell St.' (BMH WS 0359 mBan and the ICA, volunteered for first aid p6). They experienced heavy shelling by duties during the week. In this paper Rosie the British and she recalls: 'I proceeded at Hackett, Rose McNamara, Molly Reynolds once to get everything in readiness for the and Claire Rooney are included. wounded, for, judging by the tremendous firing I knew I was in for a busy time' (BMH Although the witness statements indicate WS 0359 p8). She is proved right as almost first aid stations using Red Cross signage immediately their Commander was mortally were set up in all rebel strongholds, the wounded and further casualties arrived: ‘we most detailed records relate to rebel did our best for him but he only survived positions in the O’Connell Street and about 15 minutes... I had just closed his General Post Office (GPO) area. eyes when another young fellow was Aoife de Burka, Catherine Rooney and carried up wounded in the foot. I dressed it Molly Reynolds’ witness statements place and had him carried to the basement where them at the GPO, on O’Connell Street. we had beds laid out on the floor' (BMH WS 0359 p8). The escalating bombardment of Aoife de Burka was nursing in a private O’Connell Street necessitated a retreat to house on the outskirts of Dublin when the the first aid station in the GPO, carrying rising started. Although her witness their wounded under the protection of Red statement was documented between 1947- Cross flags: 'The hospital portion, which 57, much of it is taken from a personal was downstairs on the first floor, was well account she wrote much earlier in July equipped, with everything necessary to 1916. She was not a Cumann na mBan enable us to do our work efficiently being at member, but sympathetic with the rebel hand. At this time, we hadn't more than 5 cause. Hearing that the rising had wounded, and only one of these was commenced, she resigned her post and serious' (BMH WS 0359 p10). headed for Dublin on Tuesday. She was assigned to one of the command stations Twenty-one year-old Catherine Rooney was on O’Connell street near the GPO where a Cumann na mBan first aider already eight Cumann na mBan volunteers were stationed in the GPO. Having rushed to be already stationed, and immediately in the thick of things she arrived at the GPO attended to her first major casualty: 'a at the start of the occupation at midday on civilian was carried in, badly wounded in the Monday. Despite being told to go home she abdomen. All that was possible was done hung around and persuaded someone to lift for him, but he only survived one hour after her up on a windowsill 'I kicked in the glass admission ' (BMH WS 0359 p 7). of the window. I jumped in ... ' (BMH WS 648 p3). Almost immediately there was an Wednesday morning a decision was made explosion, caused by a volunteer, who was to set up a first aid station in a house next carrying a homemade grenade which to the Hibernian bank, which was opposite exploded as he entered the post office: ‘At the GPO and thought to be better situated this time he was lying on the ground and for casualties: ' here we arranged bleeding profusely from his head. Joe everything necessary to render first aid. Gahan brought me a can of cold water and I Having done so, we hoisted two large Red washed Liam's head and I discovered he Cross flags through the windows had a very nasty wound to the side of his head, which I dressed.' (BMH WS 648 p3) Rising but appears not to have trained until after this period and accounts, including her own Having been awake since Tuesday morning witness statement, suggest that her chosen role Aoife de Burka left the GPO on Wednesday was as a dispatch carrier, rather than nursing. 11 evening to make the dangerous journey Friday evening Aoife de Burka reports that home to sleep. In a deteriorating situation 12 people she describes as Red Cross and with some danger she managed to workers, along with the wounded, return to the GPO on Thursday morning, accompanied by a priest and carrying the allowed through barricades because of her Red Cross flag, evacuated the building with nurses’ uniform. Very soon, she records the intention of trying to get everyone to helping with the injuries including James Jervis Street hospital. Notably James Connolly: '… Connolly came in …. wounded Connolly, despite his worsening condition, in the lower part of the left leg; the bone remained. Aoife de Burka and Molly was broken and the flesh very much Reynolds are amongst many eye witness lacerated. He seemed in great pain. I took accounts within BMH of the dangerous off his boot and sock, and helped to dress journey which followed through buildings his wound. We then got him to bed, where where holes in the walls have been created he was put under anaesthetic to have the to seek safe passage. They were often bone set, which was ably performed by under gunfire and carrying three stretcher Lieutenant Mahony RAMC (a prisoner), cases as well as supervising walking assisted by two of our own young doctors. I wounded. Arriving at the hospital their way watched him until he regained was blocked by fire and Aoife de Burka consciousness after the ether, and felt recalls they had to: 'rush the flames ... ' he honoured by the duty' (BMH WS 0359 p13- (the priest) dashed through holding aloft the 14). Molly Reynolds, a Red Cross trained white flag with its distinctive Red Cross ' Cumann na mBan volunteer was also (BMH WS 0359 p22). present and recalls: 'His leg was dressed, Molly Reynolds recounts that as they set in splints and a waste paper basket was reached their destination the army is waiting cut in two to make a cage for it' (BMH WS to round up possible rebels: 'British military 648 p6). arrested the Red Cross men and men with Lieutenant Mahoney is clearly kept busy in minor wounds' (BMH WS 195 p7). his captivity, and features again in Aoife de Linda Kearns is the second trained nurse Burka’s account when he extracts a bullet associated with nursing on the rebel side. from another casualty’s lumbar spine. Although not present in the GPO she was in The last casualty she describes is later on the O’Connell street area, as recorded in Thursday: ' about midday another of our her witness statement and published diary men was wounded. He had been on duty (Smithson 1921). She was not a member of on the top of the post office, and was badly Cumann na mBan at the time of the Rising, wounded the bullet passing through his but was appalled by the quality of care lung, up his neck and out through his right received by the Irish people under British cheek near his eye. He was carried in, his rule and believed they should be 'expelled face covered in blood, and no one thought from the country' (BMH WS 404 p1). he would survive many minutes. But I am Sometime in 1911 or 1912 she had started happy to say that he did ....' (BMH WS 0359 learning Irish and engaging in other actives p15). about national identity. She was asked to lecture in first aid for Cumann na mBan in Throughout Thursday shelling continued Dublin which she did. However, she and many buildings were abandoned, identified herself as playing no active role in although there was a lull overnight, by rebellion until 1916: 'My first direct Friday the GPO was surrounded, with association with the republican movement constant bombardment and risk of fire. The was on the first night of the rising -Monday - need to evacuate became inevitable. On 12 when John O'Mahoney, who lived beside Girls’ Ambulance Corps within Cumann na me, came in and asked me to open a mBan and from its inception the ICA hospital for the wounded volunteers' (BMH recruited men and women. A doctor, WS404 p2). , who had been awarded degrees in medicine, surgery and obstetrics At this point the witness statement and in 1899 and made a fellow of the royal diary vary slightly. On the Tuesday or College of Surgeons in 1909, ran advanced Wednesday, she opened a ‘hospital’ in an first aid classes and was appointed Chief empty house, for which a chemist shop Medical Officer with the rank of Captain and donated bandages and other supplies. She head of the ICA women’s section (Jones put a Red Cross in the window and six 1996, McCool, 2015). This meant first aid ‘girls’ plus two ‘boys’ as stretcher bearers training was routine: ‘the Irish Citizens assisted her. The hospital was within a mile Army was unique amongst nationalist of the GPO but in open territory, not a rebel organisations in providing both military and stronghold. Thus, in line with Red Cross medical training to all members, irrespective conventions, she was indiscriminate in of gender’ (Kinsella 1997 P 137). treating anyone who asked for help. In her witness statement she says that only 2 Aoife de Burka identifies the people casualties were treated that day, both stationed with her on O’Connell Street as: ' British soldiers having their hands dressed, Red Cross workers for the Republican whereas in her diary she also alludes to Army' (BMH WS 0359 p5). She and Linda treating republican soldiers and women. Kearns also refer to the use of Red Cross Her personal allegiance to the rebels is flags being used to mark first aid stations. A clear, as she suggests the ‘British Tommy’ further example can be found on the whose finger had been shot off: ‘had no opposite side of Dublin; a gated park, St idea he was in the hands of the enemy!’ Stephen’s Green, was seized by the (Smithson 1921, p7). Rebels. Madeline ffrench-Mullen, a Cumann na mBan leader, was in charge of setting up Her hospital is short lived as the following a first aid post in the park bandstand, with a morning a British officer ordered her to only team of Cumann na mBan volunteers treat British military or to close down. She (Skinnider 1917, McCool 2015). They wore refused and recalls that: ‘when I protested white dresses with Red Cross insignia and he replied that the wounded could be raised Red Cross flags. Rosie Hackett, an treated in the Mater and Jervis St. ICA and Cumann na mBan member recalls: Hospitals' (BMH WS 404 p2). ' I was stationed at the first aid post in the Thus it seems the rebels had sophisticated park. It was very exciting there’ (BMH WS preparation for, and management of front 546 P 6). line trauma. This was offered by professionally qualified, or first aid trained Whilst their preparedness and ability to people using the Red Cross symbol of cope with emergency care during urban neutrality and invoking the conventions of warfare may seem remarkable, it needs to humanitarian aid during armed conflict. be viewed in the context of the World War. As in the rest Britain, all citizens were The Red Cross encouraged to prepare for the war effort These accounts show the Rebels deploying and the Rebel training would have been the women as front line military and medical same or similar to that of the Red Cross support and using Red Cross insignia in all and Voluntary Aid Detachment: ‘as the of their first aid stations. Connolly was an western world moved closer to war the advocate for women’s equality, supporting a 13

British government encouraged women to must be seen as act of violation of friendly attend subsidised first aid classes and relations’’ (Boissier, 1985 p 19). fostered the establishment of Red Cross The item was debated but no vote taken. societies. Irish women, who had no National Societies did continue to broker a intention of contributing to the British role in such conflicts but a major resolution Empire’s war effort, seized the opportunity was not reached until the IRCS conference to develop their skills. Their reasoning was in 1921. that first aid workers would be indispensable to an insurrection and first aid The situation in Dublin was slightly different, work was thus an eminently practical way of in that it involved divided Red Cross participating in the fight for Ireland’s loyalties within the country, rather than independence’ (Taillon 1996, P10). assistance from a neutral country’s Red Cross. Taillon (1996) reports that the rebels claim the right, as Red Cross trained Cumann na mBan had sought recognition persons, to use the Red Cross emblem in from the International Red Cross Society their first aid and hospital work, which is (IRCS) as a separate national organisation clearly borne out by the eye witness but were refused as they did not have a accounts during the Rising: Linda Kearns ‘standing army’ nor were they legally a and Aoife de Burka wear the Red Cross on separate nation. They were advised to their dresses and use flags to indicate first affiliate with the British Red Cross (BRC) aid stations as do the Cumann na mBan but this sat uncomfortably with Cumann na members in St Stephen’s Green. mBan members (Tallion 1996), as the 1906 IRCS conventions in place at the time state However, there are many accounts of that national societies are under the incidents that show abuses of the Red command of the military (IRCS 1906 Cross principles of ‘Humanity, impartiality, conventions nd). Thus during the Rising, neutrality, independence, voluntary service, they invoked the spirit of the Red Cross unity and universality’ (IRCS Fundamental practices and used its insignia. They Principles nd). For example, Linda Kearns should, within the rules of the Convention, reports that the British military ordered her have been under the command and control to only treat soldiers or shut down and of the British Military, but clearly this was McCool suggests that the lack of impossible due to the Rebellion. independent Red Cross recognition was an issue: ' to British soldiers therefore, these The IRCS had admitted no new countries women were legitimate targets ' (McCool for 16 years from 1898 to 1914, but it 1997 p 37). appears that the position of the Red Cross in an internal national conflict had already First-hand accounts from St Stephen’s been raised. The IRCS International Green elaborate upon this. Rosie Hackett conference in Washington, May 1912, had remembers: ‘We were under very heavy fire an agenda item on civil war: 'in the event of from late on Monday evening. Even when civil war or rebellion ... proposed that the we marked out the first aid post with the red RC societies of countries not implicated in sign, they did not recognise it and kept firing the civil war should be authorised to offer on us' (BMH WS 546 p6). assistance to both the government in power and to the rebels as well as to non- Skinnider also observed the soldiers combatants in rebel areas. . This was met shooting at the first aid station in the with great opposition as 'assisting rebels bandstand: ‘Once that day I saw them shooting at our first-aid girls, who made excellent targets in their white dresses, with 14 large red crosses on them. It was a miracle take on all roles, from first aid worker to gun that none of them was wounded. Bullets runner. Although many were wearing Red passed through one girl’s skirt, and another Cross uniforms they might also have secret girl had the heel of her shoe shot off. If I dispatches hidden in their clothes. In some myself had not seen this happen, I could cases, this was incidental; Taillon (1996) not have believed that the British soldiers refers to an unnamed woman in Red Cross would disobey the rules of war concerning uniform carrying dispatches whilst she goes the Red Cross’ (Skinnider 1917 P124). to collect dressings and when Aoife de Burka leaves the GPO to get some sleep As the situation deteriorated they evacuated she carries messages with her. Catherine to a safer venue, carrying the Red Cross Rooney more overtly moves between flag, but still under gunfire, Rosie Hackett different roles. When she is not offering first recalls: ‘we were fired on - the pellets were aid she is preparing food or ammunition and hitting us' (BMH WS 546 p7). is on standby to carry dispatches, recalling

crossing Dublin with a dispatch concealed In other situations, Aoife de Burka and under her hair. Molly Reynolds had seen rebel Red Cross workers and injured people being arrested, The situation during this week was Taillon (1996) reports the British burning confusing and neither side were fully in down a Rebel Red Cross unit and Linda control: ‘During the Rising use was made Kearns witnesses a British Soldier refusing of both artillery and armour in an urban to allow an injured rebel to be treated. This setting, with areas of resistance being last incident is recorded in more detail in the isolated and reduced by the concerted use witness statement of Albert Mitchell. of infantry, armour and artillery. Civilians Attempting to get to work at the start of the who intermingled with the combatants rising he was refused permission to leave suffered both by accident and deliberately Dublin by the British military. As he could at the hands of both sides. Because of the drive, he was co-opted by the army to act close proximity of civilians and combatants as a Red Cross ambulance driver. He the medical and paramedical services of the recounts: ‘When driving through Moore city, in addition to the medical services of Street to Jervis street one afternoon the combatants, were brought into action in towards the end of the week the sergeant a manner that had not been required of drew my attention to the body of a man them before’ (Kinsella 1997 P 137). lying in the gutter in Moore lane. He was dressed in a green uniform. I took the Conclusion Sergeant and two men with the stretcher An exploration of the first aid and nursing and approached the body which appeared available to the Irish nationalist rebels to be still alive. We were about to lift it up during the Easter Rising 1916 has led to when a young English officer stepped out of greater understanding of the nursing that a doorway and refused to allow us to touch occurred, and the ambivalent position of the it. I told him of my instructions from HQ but Red Cross in an armed national uprising. all to no avail’ (BMH WS 196 P2). The speed with which the Rising started, However, the Rebel position was also and the closed urban environment in Dublin ambiguous as they invoked the spirit of the meant that the rebels were involved with IRCS convention, but did not have formal wound management, surgery and death in recognition or authority. Also, many of the makeshift settings within minutes of injuries rebel witness statements show that being sustained. Cumann na mBan members are trained to

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The rebels used the insignia of the Red Kinsella, A. (1997) Medical Aspects of the Cross and invoked the Geneva Convention Easter Rising. Dublin Historical Record. 50 to seek humanitarian protection for their (2) 137-170. wounded. The infringement of aspects of Loughrey, M. (2016) Nurses and Midwives Red Cross conventions illustrates the in the 1916 Easter Rising. Irish Nurses and challenges faced when delivering Midwives Organisation. [Online] available humanitarian aid during a rebellion. at: https://www.inmo.ie/tempDocs/1916%20Pul Although some of the incidents that lout.pdf accessed 4.6.17. occurred could be accidental rather than McCoole, S. 2nd edition (2015) No ordinary intended, it seems that some of the misuse women. Dublin: O'Brien Press. of Red Cross principles was knowing and McCallum, C. (2005) "And They'll March deliberate. Exploring the areas of with Their Brothers to Freedom": Cumann ambivalence and conflict from the rebel na Mban, Nationalism, and Women's Rights perspective helps to understand the in Ireland, 1900-1923. Doctoral thesis. different perspectives of ruling and rebelling Florida State University Libraries. forces and the difficulties in discerning or McGarry, F. (2016). The Rising (New accepting a single narrative. Edition): Ireland: Easter 1916. Oxford References: University Press. Robbins, F. (1977). Under the Starry Boissier, P. (1985) English Version. From Plough. Dublin. Academy Press. Solferino to Tsushima. History of the Skinnider, M (1917) Doing my bit for International Committee of the Red Cross. Ireland. New York. The century co. Geneva. Henry Dunant Institute. Sisters of Mercy, nd. Sisters of Mercy and Connolly, J. (1910) Labour in Irish History, 1916. Available at: Chapter 16. Marxist Internet Archive. http://www.sistersofmercy.ie/peru/article_dis Available at: play.cfm?article_id=12501 Accessed https://www.marxists.org/archive/connolly/1 4.6.17. 910/lih/chap16.htm Accessed 4.6.17. Smithson Annie, M,P. Ed. (1921) In times of Gray, P. (1999). Famine, Land and Politics: Peril: Leaves from the diary of Nurse Linda The British Government and Irish Society Kearns from Easter week 1916 to Mountjoy 1843 -1850. Dublin. Academic Press. 1921. Dublin. The Talbot Press. International Red Cross Society, nd. Taillon, R (1996). When history was made: Convention for the amelioration and the women of 1916. Belfast. Beyond the condition of the wounded and the sick in Pale Publications. armies in the field, Geneva, July 1906. Available at: https://ihl- databases.icrc.org/applic/ihl/ihl.nsf/Treaty.x Bureau of Military History Archive sp?action=openDocument&documentId=C6 Witness statements: 4C3E521F5CC28FC12563CD002D6737 Aoife De Burka BMH WS 0359 Accessed 4.6.17 International Red Cross Society, nd. Catherine Rooney BMH WS 648 Fundamental Principles. Available at: Molly Reynolds BMH WS 648 https://www.icrc.org/en/fundamental- principles Accessed 4.6.17. Linda Kearns BMH WS 404 Jones, M. (1998). These obstreperous lassies - a history of the Irish Women Rosie Hackett BMH WS 546 Workers Union. Dublin. Gill and Macmillan. Albert Mitchell BHM WS 196

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