The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies
JOURNAL
Volume 5 2005
●Sebastian Brock - Oxford University ●Hidemi Takahashi - Chuo University, Japan ●Jan van Ginkel - Leiden University ●NIU Ruji - Xinjiang University ●Debra Foran - University of Toronto ●Amir Harrak - University of Toronto
Toronto - Ontario - Canada Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies/ de la Société Canadienne des Etudes Syriaques
The JCSSS is a refereed journal published annually, and it contains the transcripts of public lectures presented at the Society and possibly other articles and book reviews. Editorial Board
General Editor: Amir Harrak, University of Toronto
Editors
Sebastian Brock, Oxford University Marina Greatrex, University of Ottawa Sidney Griffith, Catholic University of America Adam Lehto, University of Toronto Lucas van Rompay, Duke University
Publisher Antoine Hirsch
The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies La Société Canadienne des Etudes Syriaques
Society Officers 2004-2005
President: Amir Harrak Vice-President and Secretary-Treasurer: Khalid Dinno
Members of the Board of Directors:
Samir Basmaji, Khalid Dinno, Grant Frame, Robert Hanna, Amir Harrak, Antoine Hirsch, Adam Lehto, Albert Tarzi
The aim of the CSSS is to promote the study of the Syriac culture which is rooted in the same soil from which the ancient Mesopotamian and biblical literatures sprung. The CSSS is purely academic, and its activities include a series of public lectures, one yearly sympo- sium, and the publication of its Journal. The Journal is distributed free of charge to the members of the CSSS who have paid their dues, but it can be ordered by other individuals and institutions for the following fees: $25.00 for individuals and $50.00 for institutions. Payment must be made in US dollars for orders from outside Canada. See the address of the CSSS on the back cover. The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies
Table of Contents
From the General Editor 1
Sebastian Brock, The Imagery of the Spiritual Mirror in Syriac Literature 3
Hidemi Takahashi, Syriac Version by Hunain (?) of Nicolaus Damascenus’ 18 Compendium of Aristotelian Philosophy and Accompanying Scholia
Jan van Ginkel, Monk, Missionary, and Martyr: John of Ephesus, A 35 Syriac Orthodox Historian In Sixth Century Byzantium
NIU Ruji, Nestorian Grave Inscriptions From Quanzhou (Zaitun), China 51
Debra Foran, The Stylites of Nebo: A Syrian Tradition in the Highlands 68 of Central Jordan
Amir Harrak, Professor David John Lane (1935-2005) 82
Members of the CSSS for 2004-2005 84 © The Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 2005
ISSN 1499-6367
Cover Picture
The Sanctuary of the Church of al-Tahra “the Virgin” in Mosul, Iraq; Photo A. Harrak.
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FROM THE GENERAL EDITOR
t gives me great pleasure to introduce most famous among the translators, Hunain the fifth issue of the Journal of the son of Ishāq, known to have produced as CSSS, containing papers given both at many as 95 Syriac translations of Galen’s CSSS events and at the Department of medical works, but little if any in other NearI and Middle Eastern Civilizations at the fields of knowledge. The paper points out University of Toronto (NMC) during the that Hunain did, in fact, translate works on past two years. I would like to thank all the Aristotelian philosophy into Syriac, and tak- members of the CSSS as well as the NMC ing into consideration one such work that Department for sponsoring these lectures. managed to survive, it brilliantly illustrates The first paper, by Dr. Sebastian Brock through meticulous textual analyses how to of Oxford University, explores the image of recover lost portions of a work through the the interior mirror exploited quite inten- use of subsequent works dependent upon it. sively by several Syriac writers, from the Bishop John of Ephesus or of Asia, a Odes of Solomon (2nd century) to John Dali- remarkable Syriac writer of the 6th century, atha (8th century). Prominent among the au- is the focus of a paper written by Dr. Jan thors who used this image is St Ephrem (4th van Ginkel, Leiden University, the Nether- century) and several mostly East Syriac lands. John’s Ecclesiastical History and writers from the 7th and 8th centuries, who Lives of Eastern Saints both written in are extensively quoted in English transla- Syriac, are testimonies of the theological tion. As the author mentions, the mirror as a strife that had stricken the various Christian metaphor is also known in Islamic Sufi lit- peoples of his time and that confronted his erature and in some Buddhist schools, a fact Syriac Orthodox community with the Greek that highlights its intercultural popularity. Chalcedonian one. Interestingly, his views Dr. Hidemi Takahashi, Chuo University, also differed from later Syriac writers in that Tokyo, tackles a topic relevant to the theme he dealt with contemporary events with no of the CSSS Symposium II The Role of the idea of how they would unfold, whereas the Syriac People in the Translation Movement latter dealt with them as past history. during the Abbasid Period (see the Journal We continue to publish one other sec- of the CSSS 4 [2004]). His paper is on the tion of a public lecture given by Prof. Niu
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Ruji, Xinjiang University, Urumqi, China, erary and archaeological, abounds, but they sponsored by both the CSSS and the NMC seldom expand geographically to cover Pal- Department in 2004. Several Nestorian estine. Foran fills this gap by exploiting ar- grave inscriptions, Uighur and Syriac, are chaeological material—namely two towers published here, with a table elucidating the associated with a network of monasteries on Syriac writing system, including a list of Mt Nebo—to point out to a southern expan- Turkic-Uighur consonants and vowels trans- sion of this peculiar ascetic practice. literated and transcribed. These inscriptions The reader will find an obituary com- are difficult to decipher and we are very memorating a major Syriac scholar, David J. grateful to Prof. Niu for his painstaking ef- Lane, who passed away in January 2005 fort and epigraphic expertise, as he presents while lecturing at the St Ephrem Ecumenical them to the scholarly community worldwide Research Institute, Kerala, India. David for further research. taught Aramaic and Syriac at the University Dr. Debra Foran of our NMC Depart- of Toronto for several years and so he will be ment discusses an ascetic tradition well- particularly missed by his former colleagues, known in Syriac Christianity, stylitism. students and friends. This issue of the Jour- Modern studies on stylites confine them- nal of the CSSS is dedicated, in loving mem- selves mostly to Syria and further west ory, to David, as an expression of apprecia- where the relevant documentation, both lit- tion and admiration for his exemplary career.
A.H.
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THE IMAGERY OF THE SPIRITUAL MIRROR IN SYRIAC LITERATURE1
SEBASTIAN BROCK OXFORD UNIVERSITY
‘Anyone who hears the message but seen, the idea of the Scriptures as a ‘mirror’ does not act on it is like someone who was to prove particularly popular. looks at his face in the mirror: he The mirror used as a metaphor in spiri- glances at himself and goes his way, tual teaching is a feature of many different forgetting what he was like’ (James faith traditions, perhaps especially among 1:23-24). 4 the Sufis and in certain Buddhist schools. What all writers of the pre-modern period quick glance in the mirror is have in mind is not the glass mirrors with something everyone is likely to which we are familiar today, but metal mir- do at least once a day. It is not rors which needed to be kept in a high state surprising that Syriac writers, of polish in order to function properly. Often Awho delight in employing everyday imagery such mirrors in antiquity were works of art such as putting on and taking off one's in themselves, particularly fine examples clothes, as a vehicle for their spiritual teach- being produced by the Etruscans. The im- ing,2 should pick up and develop this particu- agery of the mirror can be used in a number lar image. As their starting point, however, of different ways. Basically, Syriac writers they generally prefer to take two passages in make use of two different approaches. Ear- Paul's Letters to the Corinthians, since there lier writers tend to use the first model, while the mirror takes on a more positive role. In 1 later ones prefer the second. Corinthians 13:12 Paul contrasts seeing in (1) The mirror may be identified as any- the mirror now ‘in a parable’ (thus the thing that can reflect divine reality; the eye Peshitta) with seeing face to face ‘then’, that that beholds the mirror is not, of course, the is, at the eschaton. Here the mirror is pre- physical eye, but the interior eye of the sented as a temporary means of spiritual vi- heart, the spiritual centre of the human be- sion. More positive still is 2 Corinthians ing. In order to see the mirror properly, the 3:18, where Paul contrasts those who do not eye has to be ‘clear’. According to an under- ‘turn to the Lord’ as having a veil over their standing of optics that was current in antiq- face when the Old Testament is read, uity, in order to function properly, the physi- whereas ‘we all with uncovered faces see the cal eye needed to be filled with light; in the glory of the Lord as in a mirror’.3 As will be case of the interior eye it is faith, rather than
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 3 The imagery of the Spiritual Mirror in Syriac literature ______light, that is needed for this eye to function, thus making it possible to remain ‘without and the greater the faith, the more the inte- blemish’, since looking at the mirror of the rior eye is enabled to see. With this model, Lord will immediately show up any hint of a the mirror is usually assumed to be fully blemish, and action can be taken to remove polished, and any failure to see what is in it it at once. is due to inadequacy on the part of the eye It is not until well into the fourth cen- that beholds it. It is this model which is im- tury that we have any major Syriac authors plied in Wisdom 7:26, where (in the Peshitta preserved. Whereas Aphrahat shows no in- version) ‘Wisdom is a mirror of the glory terest in mirror imagery, Ephrem, by con- (of God, available) for all the servants of trast, rejoices in employing it.7 Given that God’. one of the polarities that Ephrem employs is (2) Instead of the mirror being external, the contrast between beauty and ugliness as something that a person, using their interior spiritual and moral qualities, his use of mir- eye, sees outside themselves, the mirror is ror imagery is not so surprising. itself an interior mirror, being ‘the mirror of In the following passage, from the 16th the heart’ or ‘soul’. The intended role of this Nisibene hymn, Ephrem is primarily inter- interior mirror is to reflect the image of God ested in the need for the mirror to be kept in which humanity is created (Genesis 1:26- polished in order for it to function properly: 7), but in order for this to happen, the mirror 1. One complains about a mirror if its has to be in a high state of polish, and the clarity is obscured emphasis is now on this aspect, rather than because it has become spotted, or on the condition of the interior eye. grime has built up, The earliest Syriac text to use the meta- covering it over for those who look phor of the mirror is to be found in one of into it. the Odes of Solomon. These beautiful po- (Refrain) Blessed is He who has pol- ems perhaps belong to the second half of the ished our mirror! second century, though their background 2. Beauty is no longer adorned in that remains very unclear. Ode 13 is very short mirror, blemishes are no longer reproved in and reads as follows: its reflection: See how our mirror is the Lord: it is a cause of grievance as far as any- open your eyes and see yourselves5 in one beautiful is concerned, Him; seeing that beauty gets no advantage learn what your face is like, from it in the form of adornments and proclaim praises to His Spirit. as benefit. Wipe the filth6 from your faces, 3. Blemishes can no longer be rooted and you will be without blemish at all out with its aid, times with Him. adornments can no longer be added with its help. Serving as a mirror, the Lord shows up the The blemish that now remains is a ‘filth’ on the face of the person who looks cause for offence, into him; this discovery of what one might that no embellishment has taken place look like gives rise to praise, accompanied is a further loss: offence and loss by the action of wiping this ‘filth’ away, have met together!
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4. If our mirror is darkened, then it is a misguided to treat such language about God source of joy to those morally ugly, in the Bible in a literal way; to illustrate his in that their blemishes are no longer point Ephrem humorously compares God reproved; teaching humanity about himself to a human whereas if our mirror is polished and being who tries to teach a parrot to talk by shining, using a mirror: then it is our free will that has been adorned. A person who is teaching a parrot to (Nisibene Hymns, 16:1-4) speak Elsewhere he makes a similar point: hides behind a mirror and teaches it in this way: It is very hard for a wicked person to when the bird turns in the direction of look at his own (moral) ugliness: the voice which is speaking Goodness comes to him like a mirror it finds in front of its eyes its own that rebukes his ugliness just when he resemblance reflected; thinks he is beautiful! it imagines that it is another parrot, (Hymns on Virginity, 11:1). conversing with itself. The man puts the bird's image in front Thus far Ephrem has just been concerned of it, with moral issues. More frequently he em- so that it might thereby learn to speak. ploys mirror imagery to illustrate some theo- This bird is a fellow creature with the logical point. Living at the time of the Arian man, controversies, Ephrem devotes many of the but, although this relationship exists, Hymns on Faith to the question of the rela- the man beguiles and teaches the parrot something alien to itself by tionship between Creator and creation, and means of itself; which side of the ‘chasm’ (as he describes in this way he speaks with it. it) between them the Son should be located. The Divine Being, who in all things is Ephrem of course placed the Son on the side exalted above all things, of the God the Father, as himself Creator, in His love bent down from on high but this left unanswered a related question: and acquired from us what we are given that the ‘chasm’ cannot be crossed, accustomed to: how could human beings have any knowl- He has laboured by every means so as edge of God prior to the Incarnation when, to turn all to Himself. (Hymns on Faith, 31: 6-7) in standard early Syriac phraseology, God the Word ‘put on the body’? Ephrem's an- The biblical text, properly understood, swer is to say that, prior to the Incarnation, itself serves as a mirror in which different God ‘put on human terms’, that is, allowed aspects of divine reality (‘Truth’) are capa- himself to be described in human language ble of being seen: in the biblical text, even though almost all The Scriptures are laid out like a the terms used were necessarily ‘borrowed’ mirror from human experience and so by no means and the person whose eye is clear sees represented God's true nature: in modern therein the image of Truth; terminology they are just anthropomor- in them is placed the image of the phisms. This being the case, it is manifestly Father,
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depicted there is the image of the Son, there is one basic condition: and that of the Holy Spirit as well. (Hymns on Faith, 67: 8-9) The mind is capable of seeing itself— provided it is beautiful, In order to see ‘the image of Truth’ the whereas the body cannot scrutinize its eye must be ‘clear’; this means, on Ephrem's face without an (external) mirror. understanding of optics, that, just as the However, the mind has become like physical eye must be full of light in order to the body, see clearly, so too the spiritual, or interior, unable of its own accord to see itself. eye must be full of faith if it is to function (Hymns on Faith, 34: 4) properly. Where the biblical text serves as a mir- There are also places in the biblical text ror in which various aspects of divine Real- where the Scriptures serve as a mirror which ity can be seen, the mirror is important for can be used for looking at one's true self: Ephrem, not only for what is seen in it, but also because a mirror instructs through its In the mirror of the Commandments own relationship to the image it reflects. The I will behold my interior face polished metal itself remains unchanged, so that I may wash off the dirt on my soul reflecting the changeless Deity, but the re- and clean away the filth from my flections seen in the mirror are always mind, changing, corresponding to the changing lest the Holy One, to whom I am be- forms under which God allows himself to be trothed, see me described in the Bible. Ephrem brings this and stand back from me in horror. out as he reflects on the vision in Daniel 7 (Hymns preserved in Armenian and the ‘Aged of Days’: Hymns, 6: 42-47) A mirror, which does not know old What enables the soul to see itself in age, this mirror is the fact that it is endowed with receives in its bosom the likeness of melltha, literally ‘speech’, but here in the old age sense of ‘rationality’, the feature which —a symbol (raza) of the (divine) Majesty that Daniel saw... marks human beings off from other animals: ... The King of kings clothed Himself For the soul becomes visible through in old age. melltha, which serves as its The (divine) Being who never grows mirror; old clothed Himself in old age by this melltha the soul is enabled to in order to teach through parables see itself, concerning His beloved Son.... for it is by melltha that its honour is Do not consider the (divine) Majesty greater than that of dumb animals. to be like (what is seen in) the (Hymns on Faith, 1: 12) mirror, for the mirror is just a bridge for im- While the body needs an external mirror in ages and pictures, which to see itself, human beings are in but as for the (divine) Majesty, noth- fact provided with an inbuilt interior mir- ing can approach It without (the ror, since they are endowed with melltha; mirror's aid). but for melltha to function in this way, (Hymns against Heresies, 32: 4, 5, 8)
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The term raza, which Ephrem uses in so too the olive's symbols are mani- this passage, is one of Ephrem's most impor- fold. tant terms. Starting out as a Persian loan- Christ has many facets, and the oil word in the Aramaic of Daniel, where it just acts as a mirror to them all: means ‘secret’, it came to acquire very rich from whatever angle I look at the oil Christ looks out at me from within it. connotations in Syriac: in the Syriac New (Hymns on Virginity, 7:14) Testament it translates Greek mysterion, and in a liturgical context the plural, raze, de- Potentially, the spiritual mirror can be found note the Eucharistic Mysteries. In Ephrem's anywhere in Scripture and in Nature, but for poetry the most helpful English translation it to be of use, it needs to be located and, as is often ‘symbol’, though it needs to be re- it were, put in place, so that the interior eye membered that this term is here used in a can look into it: strong sense: for Ephrem, as for all the Blessed is the person who has fixed Church Fathers, there is an ontological link for himself a clear (shphitha) mir- between the symbol and the reality it points ror of Truth and has beheld in its midst that Your to. Ephrem thus speaks of a raza as possess- (sc. Christ's) Generation (sc. from ing a ‘hidden power’, or ‘meaning’ (hayla the Father) surpasses all descrip- kasya). This understanding of ‘symbol’ is, tion. of course, very different from that of stan- (Hymns on Faith, 2:1) dard modern usage, where ‘symbol’ has a The adjective shaphya (fem. shphitha) and very weak sense. the noun shaphyutha feature frequently in For Ephrem, raze are to be found every- Ephrem's writings. The adjective is used in where, both in Scripture and in Nature, for the Syriac Gospels for a path that is clear of ‘Nature and the Book’ are God's two wit- stones (thus Luke 3:5), and for the heart nesses, available everywhere. raze thus (thus Luke 8:15) that is pure. Ephrem em- serve as pointers to divine Reality. But in ploys it for both the physical eye (which order to perceive these raze, the interior eye, needs to be ‘luminous’, that is, filled with which functions by faith, is needed; and the light, in order to see), and for the internal more this inner eye is illumined by faith, the eye of the heart.8 In the passage just quoted, more raze it will see. In a series of poems on where it is also used of the highly polished the symbolism of olive oil, Ephrem intro- mirror, Ephrem has in mind the inherent duces the image of the mirror, describing quality of brightness of the ‘mirror of how the oil itself provides a mirror in which Truth’: what is required is that the luminous all sorts of raze can be seen: eye of faith should set it in front of itself and The countenance which gazes on a look into it: for both mirror and eye the vessel filled with oil quality of shaphyutha, ‘clarity, luminosity’ sees its reflection there, and the per- are essential if they are to function properly son who looks hard and in a reciprocal way. By extension, the and sets his spiritual gaze thereon will behold, in its symbols (raze), quality of shaphyutha in a biblical figure Christ; can itself serve as a mirror: and as the beauty of Christ is mani- Let the shaphyutha of Abraham serve fold, as a mirror for you,
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(indicating) that investigation (sc. into they should be careful of their beauty, the nature of the Godhead) that it does not become spotted with is an ugly blemish on faith. dirt, but rather, they should add to (Hymns on Faith, 21:6) their natural created beauty with Here Abraham's shaphyutha is the ‘clarity’ adornments of their own choosing. of his unwavering faith in God's promise of Although dumb, the mirror speaks: in its silence it cries out; although you issue to him through Isaac (Gen. 21:12), might think it is a dead object, it even in the face of the testing he undergoes makes its proclamation. Though still, when God instructs him to sacrifice his first- it dances about; though it has no born son (Gen. 22). belly, its womb is spacious, and in Ephrem's most extended use of mirror those hidden chambers within it every imagery is to be found in his Letter to Pub- limb is depicted. All kinds of shapes lius. Here it is the Gospel which acts as the are featured in a fraction of a second: polished mirror: turned at different angles, it they are created within it with a speed will reflect different aspects of divine Real- that is imperceptible. ity. In the Hymns of Faith (41:10) Ephrem 2. For this mirror is a figure of the had already described the Gospel as ‘a won- holy preaching of the outward Gospel. drous mirror’ in which the Trinity could be Within itself is depicted the beauty of the beautiful who look into it, and seen reflected. In the Letter to Publius, how- again in it the defects of the ugly who ever, the mirror of the Gospel is turned in a despise it are rebuked. And just as this different direction: natural mirror is but a figure of the 1. You will do well not to let drop Gospel, so too the Gospel is but a from your hands the polished mirror figure of the beauty that is above, of the holy Gospel of your Lord, for it which does not fade and at which all provides the likeness of everyone who the sins of the created world are re- looks into it, and it shows the resem- buked. For in it reward is given to all blance of all who peer into it. While it who have kept their beauty from be- preserves its own nature and under- ing defiled with mud. For to everyone goes no change, having no specks and who peers into this mirror, his sins are being completely free from any dirt, visible, and everyone who considers it yet when coloured objects are placed sees there the lot which is reserved for in front of it, it changes its aspect, him, whether good or bad. There the though in itself it undergoes no Kingdom of Heaven is depicted, visi- change: when white objects are set ble to those who have a luminous eye before it, it turns white; when black (‛ayna shphitha). There the lofty ones, it takes on their hue; when red, ranks of the good are to be seen on it becomes red like them; with beauti- high, there the raised ranks of the in- ful objects, it reflects their beauty; termediate can be distinguished, and with ugly, it becomes unsightly like there, low down, the ranks of the them. It depicts in itself every limb of wicked are marked out. There the fair the body: it rebukes the defects of the places prepared for those who are ugly, so that they may remedy them- worthy of them can be recognized; selves, and remove the dirt from their there Paradise is visible, joyous with faces. To the beautiful, it declares that its flowers.
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3. In that mirror Gehenna too is to be the ‘inner mind’, or conscience, which acts seen, all fiery, ready for those who as a person's own judge and law, measuring deserve to inhabit it.... up their actions in life against the criteria for 5. Look carefully, and gaze with the human conduct set out in the Gospel by ‘the eye of your mind on that mirror which Lord of the law’. Ephrem's extended medita- I have been telling you about. Look at tion ends with a description of his own ex- the twelve thrones (Matt. 19:38, Luke perience: 22:30) in it, placed ready for judge- ment; look at the tribes standing there 24. When I saw all this in that bright in terror, at the many nations standing mirror of the holy Gospel of my Lord, trembling.... my soul grew feeble and my spirit was quenched; my stature bent down 10. Take hold, therefore, of that bright to the dust; my heart was filled with mirror (mahzitha shphitha) of the bitter groans, in the hope that some- divine Gospel in your two hands, and how my stains might be washed white gaze with the pure eye that can make in my tears. I remembered the good you see that divine mirror—for not Lord and gentle God who wipes out everyone is able to see in it his soul the bond (Col. 2:14) of the debtors' (or: himself), only the person who has debt through tears, who accepts weep- a discerning heart, a mind capable of ing in place of burnt sacrifices. And suffering, an eye that is desirous of when I reached this point, I took ref- beholding what can help it. Look into uge in penitence, and sheltered under it, then, and see all the reflections of the wings of repentance; I took cover creation, the delineation of humanity, in the shade of humility, saying ‘What of both the good and the wicked. Out else do I need to offer to Him who has of it peer the beautiful images of the no need of burn sacrifices, apart from works of the good, and the disfigured a meek spirit’ (Ps. 51:17), for this images of the actions of the wicked— constitutes the perfect sacrifice that for there all are conceived within it, can make propitiation for shortcom- ready to be born in the proper time, so ings; and a broken heart (Ps. 51:17) in as to sing the praises of those who place of burnt offerings is something have performed good works, and to that God will not reject. Instead of a rebuke9 those who carry out evil libation of wine, (I will offer) tears deeds. Look how it rebukes the ugly that propitiate. here (on earth): in the same way it will show up in itself there (at the 25. This, then, is what I saw in that Last Judgement) their ugly actions. eloquent and living mirror, in which And just as it can make the distinction the reflections of all the actions of and praise the good here, so it is going human beings vibrate—from Adam to delineate in itself their beautiful up to the end of the world, and from actions. the resurrection until the day of the just judgement. And what I heard Towards the end of the Letter (sections from that blessed voice which was 22-23) Ephrem suggests that the true mean- audible from inside the mirror I have ing of Gehenna should be understood in recorded in this letter, my beloved psychological terms: the sense of separation brother. from God is what burns like fire, and it is Although the great poets of the fifth
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 9 The imagery of the Spiritual Mirror in Syriac literature ______and early sixth centuries, Narsai, Jacob of face to face, as it is written, ‘Blessed Serugh and the various Isaacs, all make use are those who are pure in their heart of mirror imagery every now and then,10 it is for they shall see God’ (Matt. 5:8). In not until the seventh and eighth centuries this world, as Paul said, ‘as in a mir- that we find the imagery taken up again in ror’ with the eyes of our hearts ‘we see’ our Lord, but in that world, (we an extended way. Before turning to this, will see Him) ‘face to face’. however, it is worth looking briefly at two (Memra 18:3; col. 440).13 passages in the anonymous Book of Steps, The combination of the mirror and the belonging probably to the late fourth cen- heart is to be found above all in certain of tury, for here the two Pauline passages are the East Syriac monastic authors of the later cited in a form that has subtly been associ- period.14 Not surprisingly, the image of the ated with the Beatitude of Matt. 5:8, mirror is often linked with the Beatitude ‘Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall ‘Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God’. In a passage where the author see God’. Thus Isaac of Niniveh, speaking contrasts the lives of the Upright and the of St Antony, wrote that ‘because his heart Perfect, he writes: was pure—the sight of his soul having been The Upright have one or two doors in purified through vigils and solitude and heaven and they knock at them five prayer—he saw God, who is invisible, as it times a day, but for the Perfect the 15 entire heaven consists of doors before were in a mirror’. It was not, however, St them and they gaze there the whole Isaac, but one of his contemporaries, day, giving thanks and praise to our Shem‛on d-Taybutheh, who makes particu- Lord as they progress in spirit ‘from lar use of the imagery. Before turning to glory to glory’, and they see our Lord Shem‛on, however, it is important to draw ‘as in a mirror’ in their heart. attention to a shift in emphasis that has (Memra 14:2; ed. Kmosko, col. taken place. Whereas Ephrem was more 11 328) concerned with the eye of the heart seeing the divine world reflected in the mirror of Here the wording in inverted commas is Nature and of Scripture situated outside it- from 2 Cor. 3:18, but there it is ‘the glory of self, the monastic writers of the seventh and the Lord’, not ‘the Lord’ directly, which is eighth century speak of an interior mirror seen, and Paul has no reference to this being that is to be found within the human person. ‘in the heart’: both these added elements are 12 It would seem likely that this change of fairly certainly derived from Matt. 5:8. Fur- emphasis was brought about through fa- ther on in the Book of Steps Matt. 5:8 miliarity with various influential Greek is explicitly quoted, this time in connection authors in Syriac translation, notably with 1 Cor. 13:12; in his paraphrase of this Athanasius, Gregory of Nyssa, ‘Dionysius passage, too, the anonymous author adds ‘the the Areopagite’, and Abba Isaiah. Lord’ as the direct object of ‘we see’: once Athanasius, in his work Contra Gentes, we are afflicted in prayer like Him introduces the simile of the mirror in order (sc. Christ) and shed tears as He shed to illustrate the relationship between the im- and groan out mightily as He groaned age of God in which humanity is created (Heb. 5:7) .... we shall go and see Him (Gen. 1:26-7) and the Word, who is the Im-
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 10 The imagery of the Spiritual Mirror in Syriac literature ______age of the Father (2 Cor. 4:4, Col. 1:15): the Spiritual Life’, where he speaks of ‘the illumined intellect which receives, like a So when the soul has erased from polished mirror, the imprint of the portrait of itself every stain of sin which was 20 spilled on it, and keeps in its purity its Maker’. only what is in the image so that it Another Greek author of much the same shines out, it contemplates as in a period (turn of the fifth/sixth century), Abba mirror the Word who is the Father's Isaiah, associates this understanding with image. In him it considers the Father the two Pauline references to mirrors. The 16 whose image the Son is. passage is quoted here in the form that is found in the Commentary on Isaiah's Asceti- It was probably thanks to the Syriac con by Dadisho‛ (late seventh century). The translation, made around 500, of Gregory of first paragraph is a straight quotation of Nyssa's Commentary on the Song of Songs Abba Isaiah's Asceticon VII.22: that imagery from the Song of Songs be- came associated in the later Syriac liturgical These are the words of those who tradition with the early Syriac theme of have loved Jesus and put their hope in Christ as the Bridegroom. In the course of Him as the holy Bridegroom: their his Commentary Gregory speaks of human souls have become brides adorned with every virtue, possessing, through nature as being endowed with an internal the honour this gives, holy mirrors, in mirror which has the potential of reflecting 17 accordance with the words of the the divine Beauty of God; to explain how Apostle, ‘We are all going to see, with this can indeed take place, Gregory intro- uncovered faces, the glory of the 18 duces God as himself speaking to the soul: Lord, as in a mirror, and we will be- come like this same image (yuqna, By separating yourself from any par- from Greek eikon), (passing) from ticipation ... in evil, you approach Me, glory to glory, (this coming) from the and in approaching the inaccessible Lord, the Spirit’ (2 Cor. 3:18). There- Beauty you become beautiful your- fore ‘let us not be sluggish, but reject self: like a mirror, you take on the the hidden things of shame’ (2 Cor. imprint of My features. ... You be- 4:2) as we leave behind the things that come beautiful by approaching My darken our eyes and prevent us from light. seeing the light of the holy mirror, in order that we may look closely, by its In the Syriac translation made by Ser- means, at the ‘Radiance of His gius of Resh‛aina of the Dionysian Corpus Glory’ (Heb. 1:3), so that we may be the actual phrase ‘natural mirror’ (mahzitha raised up to holy contemplation kyanayta) occurs:19 innate in every human (theoria) of Him, in accordance with being, its intention (as in Gregory) is to re- the Apostle's words, ‘Now we see as flect the divine image in which humanity is in a mirror, in parables, but then we created (Gen. 1:26-7), though in order to shall see face to face’ (1 Cor. 13:12). function it needs to be kept in a high state of So those who have become holy polish, that is, free from the rust and spots brides look closely at themselves, as in a mirror, so that they do not acquire caused by sin. The concept is taken up al- any blemish on the image (yuqna) and ready by Sergius himself in his preface, ‘On so displease their Bridegroom’.
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Dadisho‛ then comments: 1:5) which we have received from holy baptism, and on it the light of He (Isaiah) calls ‘unveiled face’, grace shines. Anyone who has puri- ‘image’ and ‘holy mirrors’ the holy 21 fied this mirror, so abundant in light of the mind (re‛yana) by which beauty, from the impurity and filth of the solitary sees the glorious light of the sinful passions, and who has re- Jesus Christ our Lord in the revelation newed it and returned it to the pristine he has concerning Him. He calls ‘holy condition of the nature of its creation, mirrors’ the variations in the light of will see all the spiritual powers who the mind in which the intellect accompany the natures and the affairs (hawna) sees the varying revelations of creation, whether they be far or of our Lord. For once the solitary has near, through the sublime rays that completed the labours of the body and emanate from it, as if they were set in the struggles of the mind, and once array before his eyes; and he will con- his heart has been purified of the pas- template them without anything in the sions, he is held worthy for the first way, by means of the hidden power of time to see the natural light of his the Holy Spirit, who dwells and soul, which the Creator placed in it at works in it. Because the natures and the origin of his (human) nature, affairs of creation are joined together which had previously been hidden and crowned by this mirror, when from him by the overlay of the sinful Grace tabernacles over (maggna)23 passions.22 the pure souls of the saints, it is on it Dadisho‛ himself does not appear to be par- that It alights and shines. Indeed it ticularly interested in the imagery of the shines by the Grace tabernacling on it mirror. It is to the works of another East to such an extent that it surpasses a thousand times over the light of the Syriac monastic writer of the late seventh sun on an external mirror; and the century that one needs to turn to find an ex- soul becomes dazzled and bewildered tended use made of the imagery. In a short by its beauty, as it perceives the new section entitled ‘On the fact that the human light of grace through the light of its person was created in the image of God impassibility; and the mind becomes without any deficiency’ Shem‛on d- conscious of past and future myster- Taybutheh writes: ies, as it sees through its light, mirror- wise (cp 1 Cor. 13:12), the light of the There is within the heart an intelligi- New World, becomes conscious of ble mirror, glorious and ineffable, the inheritance of the saints, tastes the fashioned by the Creator of (all) na- delight of the revelations of the mys- tures out of the might of all the visible teries of God, rests in stillness inces- and intelligible natures of creation, for santly, forgets its pain and tribulation, the high honour of His image and for rejoices in its hope, and glorifies the the Presence (shkinta) of His invisible Giver in hidden silence: ‘He dwells in essence. He made it the bond, the link the protection of the Most High’ (Ps. (Col. 3:14) and the perfection of all 91:1), and ‘In Your light do we see natures. It is called by the Fathers: light’ (Ps. 36:9).24 ‘The beauty of our personality (shupra da-qnoman)’, in which In the Book of Grace, which is almost dwells the spirit of adoption (Eph. certainly by Shem‛on, and not Isaac of
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Nineveh, the theme of the mirror of the polished mirror for the eyes of the heart appears several times. Just as Ephrem soul, and the soul will be astonished had spoken of the variety of images of di- and struck with awe at her own beauty.28 vine Reality reflected in the metaphorical mirror —on his understanding, external—so Shem‛on draws on the biblical image of the too this equally applies to the internal mirror ‘tablet of the heart’ on which God's com- of the heart: mandments should be written (Prov. 3:3, 7:2; 2 Cor. 3:3) and speaks of ‘the natural Just as there are many different de- book of the heart, written by Moses and the grees of purity in the mirrors of the hearts of the saints, so the saints like- prophets’ (5:75), and on the ‘tablets of the wise have many different revelations book of the heart’ ‘the pen of spiritual medi- of our Lord.25 tation engraves the simple words of spiritual prayer’ so that the intellect can read them In order to maintain its clarity, once it has 26 whenever the mind wanders (5:85). At one been polished, the mirror of the heart must point Shem‛on combines the two images, of be kept pure from ‘the dust of the passions’ the book and the mirror: that can come in through ‘the windows of the external senses’: Blessed is a man if, as he chants the psalms and as he prays, the eyes of his O man who takes pains to calm the intellect are opened wide by the light motions of your soul and to cleanse of dispassion, and he noetically gazes the mirror of your heart from the at the words of prayer which are writ- dust of the passions: while you con- ten down by the pen of the Spirit upon cern yourself with your interior af- the mirror of his heart! Due to these fairs, also block up the windows of words he will offer up praise to Him your external senses which import who bestows on him the gift, making filth and make turbid your soul's him a seer of the soul.29 limpid purity.27 When the mirror of the heart is in a polished Stillness and tranquillity of soul are essen- state, it will reflect the divine love which tial if the internal mirror is to function embraces both the righteous and sinners: properly: We have learnt from experience that, Tranquillity of soul resembles stand- when Grace visits us, the light of the ing limpid water which has no reptiles love of our fellow human beings within, nor anything without, to trou- which is shed on the mirror of our ble and make turbid its limpidity, and heart is such that we do not see in the which can serve as a mirror for the world any sinners or evil people. But eyes by reason of its settled state. It is when we accept the workings of the thus also with the soul's limpidity demons we are so much in the dark- (shaphyutha). If it is not made turbid ness of wrath that we do not see a by recollections and thoughts from single righteous and good person in within, and if what is heard and seen, the world: when we are intoxicated and so on (that is, things which the with suspicion, passions are aroused senses bring in from outside), do not in us, as if from sleep, into action. But cause memories, then it will be like a when the mind has completely shut its
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eyes not to notice the weaknesses of Shem‛on's teaching here is very similar to our neighbour, the heart is renewed in that of Isaac of Nineveh, for whom the ac- 30 God. quisition of the gift of divine love means Shem‛on makes a similar point in the Book that one then sees fellow human beings from of Grace: God's own perspective, that is, it is not their O man whose conscience is polluted particular actions, but the potential with and wavering, and yet you are filled which they have been created, which is the with zeal and demand that justice be starting point. exacted from others: when your breth- Another Syriac monastic author who ren seem to you to be doing wrong, do makes use of the imagery of the internal not immediately become upset and mirror is John of Dalyatha, or John ‘the disturbed, do not castigate them be- Spiritual Sheikh’, or Elder, as he is known cause of your foolish zeal. Rather, in Arabic. John belongs to the eighth cen- look within yourself and understand that the mirror of your conscience is tury and is the author of several discourses befouled with the unseemly filth of and some fifty spiritual letters, written with envy and malice, and that your intel- great fervour, as will become apparent from lect has begun to see pure things as the quotations that follow. As with unclean. Understand that the bad Shem‛on, the spiritual mirror is internal, and things which you see in others are a on a couple of occasions in the Discourses shadow of the impure images that are he specifies that it is ‘the mirror of the imprinted inwardly on the mirror of soul’,33 rather than of the heart, although the your heart, and they become out- function is identical in both cases: it is the wardly manifest as imposed on the means by which human beings are enabled good actions of your brethren. Thus pure things seem to you to be impure. to ‘see God’. In the following passage it will Do not find fault with exterior things, be noticed that John subtly alters the word- 34 but interior, that is, with your unstable ing of Matt. 5:8. The letter is addressed and polluted conscience.31 ‘To the one who is constantly immersed in a spiritual immersion (or: baptism), away And a little further on: from all, in Him who is hidden in the midst When by the gift of God's mercy the of all’, and continues: disciplines and actions of all men seem to you to be equally good and He is revealed to a few through beautiful, understand that through their diligence, to people who fix grace the mirror of your conscience is their eyes inside themselves, who limpid and pure of the passions of make themselves a mirror in which wickedness (or: malice), and that this the Invisible One is seen. For it is is not a virtue of your own, but comes by Him that they are drawn, from divine help. Give glory to God through ineffable radiances that are that your soul has begun to yield the extended from His wondrous fruits of the Spirit. A man, the eye of beauty to them, in themselves, in whose conscience is pure, does not accordance with the testimony of see the evil of his neighbour. A man, God the Word: ‘Blessed are the the eye of whose heart is impure, does pure, for it is in their hearts that not see the good of his neighbour.32 they will seen God’.
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For the rest of the short letter John bursts as images of God, and serving as mirrors.38 into prayer, ‘O You who promised us a Given that the monastic ideal is often de- blessed state exalted above all other blessed scribed as ‘the angelic life’, one might per- states, hold us worthy of the blessed state haps have expected the Syriac mystics of the that You have promised us...... ’.35 seventh and eighth century to have developed In his next letter John describes the in- this aspect of mirror imagery as well, but this ternal mirror as ‘a mirror of the Light of does not seem to be the case. Him who sees all’, whose purpose is ‘so that The polishing of the internal mirror of you may see in it what belongs to Him, and the soul/heart is effected through a combina- examine in it all that belongs to you’.36 In a tion of effort and ascetic labour on the part striking passage from another letter John of the individual on the one hand, and the discloses that it is the Light of the Trinity assistance of divine grace on the other. To- which shines in this mirror: day, when the polishing of glass mirrors does not require the same degree of labour O you who have now become weary and effort, one might adapt the imagery to and worn out in the service of your another area of everyday life, the washing Lord, lay your head on your Lord's knees and rest. Lean on His breast and up of saucepans. Here a good analogy to the breathe in the fragrance of Life, so soiled bronze mirror would be a greasy that Life may be mingled into your burnt saucepan: in order to bring the sauce- very being; recline on Him, for He is pan back to its pristine shine, what is needed your table, and from it be nourished is the combination of the hard labour of by His Father. Purify your mirror, and scrubbing, and some detergent, the former without doubt the single triune Light representing the human effort required in will be manifested to you in it. Place polishing the mirror of the heart, and the this on your heart—and you will be- latter corresponding to the working of divine come aware that your God is alive!37 grace. To put it in the words of the poet and In the Pseudo-Dionysian treatise On Di- priest George Herbert (d.1632), this is the vine Names (IV.22) the angels are described ‘tincture’ that ‘makes drudgery divine’.
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NOTES
1 Several of the texts quoted in this article 9 I am most grateful to Bernard Outtier for will also be found in my “Comment les coeurs pointing out to me that it would be much prefer- purs verront Dieu. Saint Ephrem et quelques able to read la-mgannayu here, rather than auteurs syriaques,” in Le Visage de Dieu dans le la-mgahhaku, as suggested in my edition in patrimoine oriental, Patrimoine Syriaque, Actes Muséon 89 (1976) 261-305; and likewise one du colloque VII (Antélias, 2001), I, 133-43. should read da-mgannya, not da-mgahhka, in the 2 For this, see my “The Robe of Glory: a next sentence. biblical image in the Syriac tradition,” Spiritual- 10 They tend to use ‘mirror’ in the sense of an ity and Clothing (= The Way 39; 1999), 247-259. example against which to match oneself; thus 3 For Paul's use of the metaphor, see N. Narsai describes David as ‘a mirror’ (ed. Mingana Hugedé, La métaphore du miroir dans les I, 233), and Jacob speaks of the way of life of the Épitres de saint Paul aux Corinthiens saints as ‘a mirror’ (Letters, ed. Olinder, 297). 11 (Neuchatel, 1957). Compare also Memra 16:12 (col. 413), 4 See, for example, M. Ullmann, Das Motiv where those who are perfected and have des Spiegels in der arabischen Literatur des Mit- ‘emptied themselves of this world’ are de- telalters, Abhandlungen, Akademie der Wissen- scribed as ‘gazing on their Lord in heaven as in schaften zu Göttingen, phil.-hist. Kl. III.198 a mirror in their minds, imitating Him in all His humiliations’. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991); 12 Namkhai Norbu, Crystal and the Way of Light Neither biblical reference is given in (London, Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, Kmosko's edition or in the recent translation by 1986), 64-5. For the Christian tradition in gen- R.A. Kitchen and M.F.G. Parmentier, The Book of eral, see M. Schmidt, “Miroir,” in Dictionnaire Steps: The Syriac Liber Graduum (Kalamazoo, de Spiritualité 10 (1980), cols 1290-1303. MI: Cistercian Publications, 2004). In Memra 2:5 5 I follow M. Lattke in supposing that the (col. 36) the author also uses phraseology combin- Syriac ‘them’ (= your eyes) is due to a mistrans- ing elements of both the Pauline and the Gospel passage. lation of the Greek: see his Oden Salomos: Text, 13 Übersetzung, Kommentar, Teil 1, NTOA 41/1 It is striking that the Book of Steps and (1999), 2:50-1. Clement of Alexandria both associate 1 Cor. 6 Reading sywt’ for the non-sensical sydt’; 13:12 with Matt. 5:8. and both quote the former for discussion, see Lattke, 251-4. omitting the words ‘in a parable’: thus Stro- 7A study of Ephrem's use of it is provided by mateis I.94.6, V.40.1; VI.102.2; VII.57.1, on E. Beck, “Das Bild vom Spiegel bei Ephrem,” which see R. Mortley, “The mirror of 1 Cor. OCP 19 (1953) 5-24; see also T. Bou Mansour, La 13.12 and the epistemology of Clement of Alex- pensée symbolique de saint Ephrem le Syrien, andria,” Vigiliae Christianae 30 (1976) 109-20, esp. 113 with note 17, and 115-6. Bibliothèque de l'Université Saint-Esprit 16 14 (Kaslik: 1988), 61-71. See especially N. Khayyat, “Le visage du 8 On this inner eye, see further my The Lu- Christ resplendissant dans le Miroir du Coeur,” minous Eye. The Spiritual World Vision of St in Le visage de Dieu dans le patrimoine oriental, Ephrem (Kalamazoo, 1992), 39-40, 71-84; M. Patrimoine syriaque, Actes du colloque VII Schmidt, “Das Auge als Symbol der Erleuchtung (Antélias, 2001), I, 77-87 (this is a shortened form of her longer article in Arabic in vol. II). bei Ephrem und Parallelen in der Mystik der 15 Mittelalter,” OrChr 68 (1984) 27-57. Ed. Bedjan, 564; tr. Wensinck, 377.
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16 Section 34; see A. Hamilton, “Athanasius Eulogema: Studies in Honor of Robert Taft, S.J., and the simile of the mirror,” Vigiliae Christia- Studia Anselmiana 110 (Roma: Pontificio nae 34 (1980) 14-18; it is his translation ( p.15) Ateneo S. Anselmo, 1993), 71-91. One might that I use. (It should be noted, however, that no also translate aggen by ‘overshadow,’ but this Syriac translation of the Contra Gentes seems to loses the link in Syriac with John 1:14, hence I be known). prefer to employ the unusual term tabernacle,’ 17 PG 44, col. 868C = ed. H. Langerbeck, since even in Luke 1:35 aggen is not a literal Gregorii Nysseni Opera VI (Leiden: E.J. Brill, translation of the Greek. 1960), 150: “The mirror of human nature only 24 Ed. and tr. A. Mingana, Early Christian becomes beautiful when it approaches the Beau- Mystics, Woodbrooke Studies VII (Cambridge, tiful One, when it becomes conformed to the 1934), 60-61 (tr.), 314-5 (text). I have adapted beauty of God.” See especially G. Horn, “Le Mingana's translation in a few places. “mirroir,” la “nuée”. Deux manières de voir 25 2:39, translated by [D. Miller], The Asceti- Dieu d'après Grégoire de Nysse,” Revue d'ascé- cal Homilies of Saint Isaac the Syrian (Boston, tique et de mystique 8 (1927) 113-31. The Syriac 1984), Appendix B, 403. translation of Gregory's Commentary is pre- 26 In passing, it is intriguing to find that the served in Vatican Syr. 106, for which see C. van thirteenth-century Sufi Jalal al-Din Rumi like- den Eynde, La version syriaque du Commentaire wise speaks of ‘the polished mirror of the heart’ de Grégoire de Nysse sur le Cantique des Can- in his Masnavi (1: 384-5; 4: 2909-10). tiques, Bibliothèque du Muséon 10 (Louvain: 27 7:46, tr. Miller, 420. Bureau du Muséon, 1939). 28 2:97, tr. Miller, 405. 18 PG 44, col. 833A = ed. Langerbeck, 103- 29 6:9, tr. Miller, 414-5. 4. The importance of Gregory of Nyssa for the 30 Ed. Mingana, Early Christian Mystics, 35 later Syriac writers on this theme is well noted (tr.), 298 (text). Again I have slightly modified by P. Bruns, “Gregors sechste Rede von den Mingana's translation in places. Seligkeiten und das Problem der Gotteschau in 31 7:73, tr. Miller, 422. der syrischen Mystik,” in H.R. Drobner and A. 32 7:75, tr. Miller, 422. Viciano (eds), Gregory of Nyssa: Homilies on 33 On this theme, see R. Beulay, “La vision the Beatitudes (Boston, Leiden: Brill, 2000), de Dieu dans le miroir de l'âme,” in his L'ensei- 293-310 (307-10 are specifically concerned with gnement spirituel de Jean de Dalyatha, Théologie the image of the mirror). historique 83 (Paris: Beauchesne, 1990), 443-7. 19 Sinai Syriac 52, f. 86r.2. 34 In Letter 39, 1 John does much the same, 20 Ed. Sherwood, section 72 (in OrSyr 6 though there he adds, rather than substitutes, ‘in [1961] 114-5). their hearts’. 21In the next paragraph Dadisho‛ goes on to 35 Letter 14, ed. R. Beulay, La collection des say that ‘light of the mind’ is Evagrius’ termi- lettres de Jean de Dalyatha, PO 39:3 (1978). (An nology. English translation of John's Letters, by Mary 22 Ed. R. Draguet, Commentaire du Livre Hansbury, is forthcoming). d'Abba Isaie (Logoi I-XV) par Dadisho Qatraya 36 Letter 15,1. (VIIe s.), CSCO 144-145 (Louvain: Secrétariat 37 Letter 28,2. du CorpusSCO, 1972), VII.14 (pp. 125-6 of text 38 For the artistic representation of this, see volume). Z. Gavrilović, “Discs held by angels in the Anas- 23 For the importance of this term (based on tasis at Dečani,” in C. Morris and K. Kiefer Luke 1:35 and John 1:14) in Syriac liturgy and (eds), Byzantine East, Latin West. Art-Historical spirituality, see my “From Annunciation to Pen- Studies in Honor of Kurt Weitzmann (Princeton: tecost: the travels of a technical term,” in Princeton University, 1995), 225-30.
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SYRIAC VERSION BY HUNAIN (?) OF NICOLAUS DAMASCENUS’ COMPENDIUM OF ARISTOTELIAN PHILOSOPHY AND ACCOMPANYING SCHOLIA
HIDEMI TAKAHASHI CHUO UNIVERSITY, TOKYO
1. INTRODUCTION made to draw up a list of the surviving Syriac translations made by Hunain just over a decade ago, only six pieces could be t is widely known that those Christians named, most of which were fragmentary and accustomed to using Syriac as their not all of which, moreover, could be attrib- spoken and literary medium and the uted to Hunain with certainty. It was noted translations made by them from Greek furthermore that outside the field of medi- intoI Syriac and Arabic played an important cine there was simply no Syriac translation role in the transmission of scientific knowl- by Hunain which was known to survive.2 edge from the Greek to the Arabic world. This last part of the statement, however, The investigation, however, of the exact can now be corrected. The purpose of the manner in which this transmission took present paper is to bring to the attention of place is hampered by the loss of the great the reader a Syriac translation of a Greek majority of the Syriac translations. This ap- work, parts, if not the whole, of which can plies also to the translations made by be attributed to Hunain with a high degree Hunain b. Ishāq (807-873), the most famous of certainty. An attempt will also be made in and arguably the most able of the translators the paper to provide illustrations of how this from the Abbasid period. Although we Syriac version was later rendered into Ara- c gather from Hunain’s letter to Alī b. bic, how it directly and indirectly influenced Yahyā, in which he discussed the Syriac later Syriac and Arabic works, and how and Arabic translations of Galen,1 that he these later works can then be used to recon- made as many as 95 Syriac translations of struct those portions which are lost in the Galen’s works alone, when an attempt was Syriac version.
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2. SYRIAC VERSION OF NICOLAUS VI. Meteorologica I-III: p. 10.10ff. DAMASCENUS’ COMPENDIUM OF 10.24ff.: on aether (Mete. I.iii) ARISTOTELIAN PHILOSOPHY AND 11.15ff.: on shooting stars etc. (Mete. ACCOMPANYING SCHOLIA I.iv-v) 12.11ff.: on comets (Mete. I.vi-vii) 13.11ff.: on the Milky Way (Mete. I.viii) The work on Aristotelian philosophy by 14.26ff.: on cloud, rain etc. (Mete. I.ix) Nicolaus Damascenus, also known as a 15.11ff.: on dew and frost (Mete. I.x) historian and adviser to Herod the Great, 16.8ff.: on snow etc. (Mete. I.xi) was believed to be lost except in a few 16.18ff.: on hail (Mete. I.xii) fragments preserved in works of later au- 18.1ff.: on winds, rivers and sea (Mete. thors until it was shown, largely through I.xiii) the work of H.J. Drossaart Lulofs, that one [between p. 18 and 19: lacuna] of the texts preserved in a manuscript now 19.1ff.: on Tartarus (Mete. II.ii) in Cambridge (University Library, Gg. 2.14) 19.24ff.: on sea (Mete. II.iii) consisted of long excerpts from a Syriac 24.20ff.: on winds (Mete. II.iv-vi) version of that work.3 Although it may be 35.12ff: on earthquakes (Mete. II.vii-viii) gathered from these excerpts that the Syriac version, when complete, consisted of at least 41.25ff.: on thunder and lightning (Mete. thirteen mēmrē and covered more or less all II.ix) the known works of Aristotle relating to the 43.20ff.: on ἐκνεφίας etc. (Mete. III.i.) natural sciences, as well as the Metaphysica, 46.18ff.: on halo etc. (Mete. III.ii-iii) there is a great discrepancy in the lengths of 52.13ff: on rainbow (Mete. III.iv) the excerpts taken from each mēmrā, so that [between p. 54 and 55: lacuna] the part covering the De generatione et cor- 55.1ff.: on minerals (Mete. III.vi. fin.) ruptione is reduced to a mere seven lines, VII. De mineralibus, De plantis: p. 55.16ff. while the excerpts from the sixth mēmrā, VIII-IX. De animalibus(Historia animalium corresponding to the first three books of & De partibus animalium): p. 63ff. , Aristotle’s Meteorologica make up 45 X. De anima: p. 67.31ff. pages out of the total of 76 pages which this 4 XI. (De sensu, De somno et vigilia, De text occupies in the Cambridge manuscript. insomniis): 68.9ff. Indicated below are the Aristotelian (or XII. (De generatione animalium I-IV): Pseudo-Aristotelian) works to which each of 69.21ff. the mēmrē corresponds and the places where XIII. (De generatione animalium V): they begin, along with a breakdown of 71.19ff. mēmrā VI.5 Throughout the text as preserved in the I. Auscultatio physica: p. 1.3ff. Cambridge manuscript, but especially in the II. Metaphysica: p. 5.18ff. latter part of mēmrā VI (p. 19 onwards) the III. (Metaphysica, contd.): 6.12ff. main text of the Syriac version of Nicolaus IV. De caelo I-II: p. 7.11ff. is interrupted by lengthy scholia, a number V. De caelo III-IV, De generatione et of which explicitly name “Olympiodorus” corruptione: p. 9.9ff. as their authority and most of which display
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 19 Syriac Version by Hunain (?) of Nicolaus Damacenus’ Compendium of Aristotelian Philosophy ______some resemblance, in content at least, with The name of the translator is not given in passages in the commentary on the Meteo- the Cambridge manuscript. Barhebraeus, rologica by the sixth-century Alexandrian however, attributes the translation of Nico- Neo-Platonist Olympiodorus (Olymp. in laus he had to Hunain,9 while two of the Mete.).6 At the same time, these scholia are passages in ms. Paris syr. 346 which corre- not straightforward translations of passages spond to passages marked off as scholia in out of Olympiodorus’ Greek commentary as the Cambridge manuscript begin with the we know it, but are better regarded as sum- words “Hunain explains.”10 If both these maries of what is discussed there.7 For rea- ascriptions are to be trusted, both the Syriac sons which will emerge it is unlikely that translation of Nicolaus and the accompany- these scholia were already to be found in the ing scholia will be Hunain’s work. Greek text of Nicolaus used by the Syriac A certain amount of doubt, however, is translator and translated simultaneously with cast on the identity of the translator and the the main Nicolean text. The juxtaposition, in scholiast by those instances where the same other words, of the main Nicolean text and Greek terms are translated by different these “Olympiodorean” scholia is likely to Syriac terms in the main Nicolean text and be the work of someone working in Syriac. the scholia, the following being an example. It is not possible at present to decide Arist. Mete.349a 12f.: whether there already existed a Greek abridgement of Olympiodorus’ commentary περὶ δὲ ἀνέμων καὶ πάντων which was duly used by the Syriac scholi- πνευμάτων, ἔτι δὲ ποταμῶν καὶ , ast or whether it was the Syriac scholiast θαλάττης λέγωμεν himself who selected and summarized (and Let us speak about anemoi and all occasionally elaborated) passages out of an kinds of pneumata, and also about unabridged version of Olympiodorus’ Greek rivers and the sea. commentary as we know it. Nic. syr. 18.1-3: The Cambridge manuscript (probably cop- ̈ ܐ ̈ܪܘ ܐ ܘ ܒܐ ܘ ـ ̈ܪܘܬܐ ied in 15/16th c.) is our principal witness for ܘ ܐ܂ ܵ ܗܪܐ܂ ̈ܙ ܐ ܘ ̈ܪܘ ـܐ܂ the text of the Syriac version of Nicolaus’ ̈ work, as well as of the “Olympiodorean” ܒ ܂ܐ ܘܪ̈ ܘ ܐ ܙ ܐܼ ̈ ̈ܪܘ ܐ ̈ܙ ܐ܂ ܙ ـ ـܐ ـ scholia. Both elements were available in the .ܐ ܙ ܐ ܘܪ ܕ ܂ܐ ܘܪ 13th century to Barhebraeus (1225/6-1286), who made extensive use of them in at least Nic. syr. 18.1: Let us speak about two of his works, the Mnārat qudshē rūhē [anemoi], nshābē [pneumata], (Candelabrum sanctuarii, = Cand.) and rivers and the sea. Hēwat Hekmtā (Butyrum sapientiae, = Nic. syr. 18.1-3 [scholion]: Comment: But.).8 Furthermore, a number of excerpts “zīqē [anemoi] and all rūhē corresponding to those parts marked off as [pneumata]: He rightly said “zīqē scholia in that manuscript are found together and all rūhē,”since rūhē are more with excerpts on meteorological matters general than zīqē. Every zīqā is a from Moses bar Kepha’s Hexaemeron and rūhā, but not every rūhā is a zīqā.11 Barhebraeus’ Cand. in ms. Paris, Biblio- thèque Nationale, syr. 346 (dated 1309). In the main Nicolean text, Aristotle’s
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 20 Syriac Version by Hunain (?) of Nicolaus Damacenus’ Compendium of Aristotelian Philosophy ______anemos is rendered by rūhā and pneuma author/translator of the accompanying by nshābā. In the accompanying scholion, scholia. In the light, however, of the quite however, where an attempt is made to ex- specific attribution of the scholia in ms. plain the difference between the two terms, Paris syr. 346, we have a reasonably solid the Syriac rūhā answers to pneuma and ground for attributing the “Olympiodorean” zīqā to anemos. This suggests at any rate scholia at any rate to Hunain. The attribution that the main Nicolean text and the scholia of the Syriac translation of the main were first translated separately from Greek Nicolean text to Hunain is a little less cer- into Syriac and juxtaposed later, since if the tain but cannot be ruled out and the overall two were being translated together the trans- similarity of the language used in the main lator would surely have been more consis- text and the scholia suggests that the Syriac tent in his use of the Syriac terms. translation of the main text too dates from Such discrepancies, on the other hand, an age not far away from that of Hunain do not in themselves provide conclusive (unless, that is, these similarities result evidence that different translators were re- from a reworking of an earlier translation sponsible for the main text and the scholia, by Hunain or a member of his circle). since, as those of us frequently involved in making translations from one language into 3. ARABIC VERSION OF another well know, no translator is com- pletely consistent in his/her use of terminol- OLYMPIODORUS’ COMMENTARY ogy. Despite a number of instances such as the above, when we take the text preserved One factor which further complicates the in the Cambridge manuscript as a whole, matter and at the same time strengthens the there is, in fact, a fairly high degree of con- connection of the Syriac text found in the sistency in the Syriac words used to render Cambridge manuscript with Hunain is what Greek technical terms between the main has come down to us as the Arabic version Nicolean text and the scholia. This becomes of Olympiodorus’ commentary on the Mete- all the more evident when we compare the orologica, translated, according to the head- terms used there with those used in another ing in the codex unicus now in Tashkent, by Greco-Syriac text where meteorology is dis- Hunain b. Ishāq and revised by his son Ishāq cussed, namely the Syriac version of the b. Hunain (= Olymp. arab.).13 As was noted Pseudo-Aristotelian De mundo ascribed to by its editor, ‘Abdurrahmān Badawi, this Sergius of Rēsh-‘Ainā.12 The Syriac terms Arabic text is not simply a translation, or used to render Greek technical terms in the even a paraphrase, of the Greek commentary latter are often quite different from those by Olympiodorus as we know it, although it used in the text we have in the Cambridge does contain passages which have a certain manuscript, while there is also an apprecia- resemblance with that Greek work. On ble difference in the style of translation. closer examination, it turns out to a large A closer examination than has been con- extent to be a translation/paraphrase of the ducted so far of the language used will be portion of the Syriac text found in the Cam- necessary to establish the identity of both bridge manuscript dealing with meteorol- the Syriac translator of Nicolaus and the ogy, whereby the original Nicolean passages
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ܿ ܿ ܿ ܗܘܐ ܙܘ ܐ. ܕܗܘ ܕ ܒ ـܒـ ـ ܐ܂ -and the Olympiodorean scholia, still distin ܒ ܐ ܙ ـ ـ ـܐ ـ ـ ܐ ـ ܂ + ܐ ـܐ guished in the Syriac version, have now ܿ 10/ ܗܘܐ ܗܘܐ ܙܘ ܐ܂ ܐ ـܐ .been merged into one in the Arabic version An example of how the Arabic transla- ܂ ܐ ܒ ܆ ܕ ܐ ܒ +܂ܐ ̈ ܗ ܪܬ ـ ــ ــܐ܂ ܒــ ̈ܪܬ ــ11 / ܕܘ ــ ــ ܐ tor/reviser went about his work is provided ̈ܕܙ ـ ـ ܂ ܿ ـ ܥ ܕ ـ ܬܐܘ ـ ـ ܐ ـ ـ ـ by the passages in the Syriac and Arabic ܘܐܕ ــܐ ܐ ــ ــܐ ܕܙܘ ــܐ ܕܙܘ ــܐ versions dealing with the classification of ܕ ـ12 / ܿܗܘ ـ ـ ـ ـܐ܂ ܿܗ ـ ـ earthquakes. Aristotle had divided earth- ܐ ܘܪ ܬܐ quakes into two types, the horizontal tromoi ܿ and the vertical sphygmoi. This twofold [9 ܐܘܗ 9 prim.: rasum ut vid. ║ 9 classification is retained in the main text of ܐ ܐ: ܐ ܐ legendum? ║ 11 ܐ ܘܙܕ the Syriac version.14 prim.: rasum ut vid. ║ 11 ܐ ܘܪ : ܐ ܘܪ legendum?] Nic. syr. 41.14-17: ̈ ܿ Theophrastus calls the horizontal ܐ ܕ ܓ ܙܘ ܐ ܕܐܪ ـܐ܂ ܿ ܿ earthquake] “ladder”-earthquake] ܘܢ ܓ ـ ـ ـܐ ܗܘ ـ ܆ sebbeltānāyā]. The motion of one] ܪ ܐ ܘܪܬ ܐ ܂ ـ ܘܢ ܕ ـ ܐ ܿ ܐ ܂ ܕ ـ ܗ ـ ـ ܿ who descends on a ladder is more ܐܐܓ ܒܕ ܐ ܐ ܕ ܢ ܗ horizontal because (a ladder) is not ܿܗܘ ܿܗܝ ܕ ـ ̈ ܿܐ ـ ـ ܒـ ـ ܐ ܿ erected exactly [upright], nor is the motion [vertically] downwards but ܕܐܪ ــܐ ܕ ــ ــ ــܐ ــ ــ ــ ــ ــ ܐ . ܐ ܕ ܐ .ܐܐ ܓ aslant.15 [He calls] the vertical Earthquakes arise in different ways. [earth-quake] BR’SMTYS,16 i.e. For some of them occur horizontally bubbling [rethānāyā], because the [lit. “to the side”], with shaking and grounds which undergo motion bub- c quaking [re lānā’īt wa-rtītānā’īt], ble up. Theophrastus knows of an- while others occur vertically [lit. “to other species of motion, which he the depth”], with knocking adds, namely the “chasm”-earthquake [nqāshānā’īt]. The latter are severer [pehtānāyā]. At such a time [i.e. than the former which usually occur, “when once such an earthquake oc- horizontally, because a large amount curred”?] a vent [?]17 was opened. of exhalation rises easily from the outer face of the earth but with diffi- In the Arabic “Olympiodorus” we find the culty from the depth. following passage on the classification of earthquakes. There is another passage in the Cam- bridge manuscript which is marked off as Olymp. arab. [Badawi] 140.18-141.2 a scholion and which, though it actually [cod. Tashkent 358r 9-12]: occurs before this passage, must in fact be ﻓ ﻰ أ ﺼ ﻨ ﺎ ف ا ﻟ ز ﻟ ز ﻟ ﺔ . / 19 ﺒ ﻌ ض ز ﻻ ز ل ا ﻷ ر ض ﻴ ﻜ و ن ﻋَ ﺮْﺿً ﺎ، و ﻴ ﻜ و ن ﻓ ﻰ .associated with it اﻟﻌﻤق، وﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻓﻰ اﻟﻌَﺮْض/20 واﻟﻌﻤق :Nic. syr. [scholion] 41.8-12 ﺟﻤ ﻴ ﻌ ﺎً . و ا ﻟ ﺘ ﻰ ﺘ ﻜ و ن ﻤ ﻨ ﻬ ﺎ ﻓ ﻰ ا ﻟ ﻌ ر ض ﺘ ﺴ ﻤ ﻰ ا ﻻ ﺨ ﺘ ﻼ ﻔ ﻴ ﺔ و ا ﻟ ﻤ ر ﺘ ﻌ ﺸ ﻴ ﺔ ، و ﺘ ﺤ د ث / 21 ܬܐܘ ــ ܘ ــ < ܘܣ> ــ ܒــ ــ ــܐ ܿ ــ ﻜ ﺜ ﻴ ر ً ا . و أ ﻤ ﺎ ا ﻟ ﺘ ﻰ ﺘ ﻜ و ن ﻓ ﻰ ا ﻟ ﻌ ﻤ ق ܒ ܐ ܿ ܐ ܘܒ ܐ9/ ܿܗܘܐ
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answer to the adverbs reclānā’īt, rtītānā’īt ﻓ ﺘ ﺴ ﻤ ﻰ ﺒ ﺎ ﺴ م ﻤ ﺸ ﺘ ق ﻤ ن ا ﺴ م ا ﻟ ﻘ ر ﻋ ﺔ and nqāshānā’īt of the main Nicolean text و ا ﻻ ﻨ ﺘ ﻔ ﺎ خ ؛ / 22 و ﺤ د و ﺜ ﻬ ﺎ ﻳ ﻜ ﻮن ﻓ ﻰ ”in the Syriac, while the “names derived ا ﻟ ﻔ ر ط ، إ ﻻ أ ﻨ ﻬ ﺎ إ ذ ا ﺤ د ﺜ ت ا ر ﺘ ﻔ ﻊ ﻤ ﻊ from “boiling” [intifākh] and ا ﻟ ﺮ ﻴ ﺢ ا ﻟ ﺘ ﻰ ﺘ ﺨ ر ج ﺤ ﺠ ﺎ ر ة . / 23 وأﻣ ﺎ ladder” [sullam] represent the adjectives“ ا ﻟ ﺘ ﻰ ﺘ ﻜ و ن ﻓ ﻰ ا ﻟ ﻌ ر ض ﻓ ﺘ ﺴ ﻤ ﻰ ﺒ ﺎ ﺴ م sebbeltānāyā and rethānāyā of the Syriac ﻤﺸﺘق ﻤن اﺴم اﻟﺴﻟم، ﺒﺴﺒب اﻨﺘﺼﺎﺒﻪ،/ 1 و ﻷ ن ﺤ ر ﻜ ﺘ ﻬ ﺎ ﻋ ﻟ ﻴ ﻪ ﺗ ﻜ ﻮن ﻓ ﻰ ا ﻟ ﻌ ﻤ ق . scholion, so that this Arabic passage may و [ ﻻ ] ا ﻨ ﺘ ﺼ ﺎ ﺒ ﻪ ﻟ ﻴ س ه و ا ﺴ ﺘ ﻘ ﺎ ﻤ ﺔ ، ﻟ ﻜ ﻨ ﻪ be considered a conflation of the two ﻣﻨﺤﻦ/2 ﻗ ﻠ ﻴ ﻼً واﻟﺤﺮآﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺮض. Syriac passages quoted above. It will be Badawi: sine punctis noted at the same time that this Arabic اﻻﺨﺘﻼﻔﻴﺔ 20] passage itself gives us no indication that it و[ﻻ] 1 ║ اﻻﺨﺘﻼﺠﻴﺔ diacriticis cod.: lege cod.] is based on two separate source passages وﻻ :sic Badawi On kinds of earthquakes. Some earth- and it is only because we have the source quakes occur horizontally, and passages in Syriac that we are able to de- [others?] occur vertically, and others cide that that is the case. horizontally and vertically together. Those of them which are horizontal are called “shaking” [ikhtilājīyah] and 4. INFLUENCE ON LATER “quaking” [murtacshīyah] and arise AUTHORS frequently. Those which are vertical are called by a name derived from the Barhebraeus is so far the only author known word “knocking” [qarcah] and for certain to have used the Syriac version of “boiling” [intifākh] and their Nicolaus-Olypiodorus as a source in his occurrence is rare, except that when works. Another who probably used the work they do occur stones are raised in its Syriac version is the East Syrian phy- together with the wind which comes sician, philosopher and translator Ibn al- out [of the ground]. Those which are Khammār (Abū al-Khair al-Hasan b. Suwār horizontal are [also] called by a b. Bābā b. al-Khammār, fl. second half of name derived from the word 10th c.), who names Nicolaus as one of his “ladder” [sullam] on account of its sources in his Treatise on Meteorological erection [i.e. on account of the way a Phenomena (Maqālah fī al-āthār al-muta- ). 19 ladder is erected?] and because its [?] khayyilah fī al-jaww motion upon it is
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Olympiodorus text. It is needless to point gling with the male. That this is true is out here the prominent position Ibn Sīnā and clear from those wind-eggs that occur his Kitāb al-shifā’ occupy in the field of [cf. Arist. Hist. an. 559b 24]. Thus Islamic philosophy. His use of the Arabic animal-generating is this wind. Nicolaus-Olympiodorus as one of his main Nic. syr. [scholion] 30.26-28 [≈ Paris sources means that an indirect influence of syr. 346, 70v 8-11 (= P)]: that text can be sought out in various Arabic ܿ ــ ܐ ــ ــ ــܐ ــ ــ ــ ̈ܪܘ ــܐ works subsequent to him.21 ܐܪܓــ ــ ــܐ ــ ــ ܗ ܬ ̈ ــ ــ ــ ــ ܐ An example is given below to illustrate ــ ̈ܪܬܐ ܒــ ܨ ــ ܐ ܿ ̈ ــܒــ ܢ. ܐܦ ܬ̈ܪ ܓ ܐ . ܒ ̈ ܒـ the kinds of alterations a particular passage ̈ ܢ ܬ̈ܪ ܓ ܐ ̈ܒ ـܐ ـ ـ ـ -underwent during the course of its transmis sion from the Greek to Ibn Sīnā via the .ܐ ܕܕ ܐ Syriac and Arabic versions. [ ܐ ܓܪ̈ܐ P ║ ܦܐܘ P ║ Olymp. in Mete. [Stüve] 177.21-27: ܐ ܓ ܪ̈ܬ P]
οὕστινας οἱ μὲν Ἀλεξανδρεῖς The poet calls these winds ’RGHST’NTW, ῥόδωνας καλοῦσι διὰ τὸ περὶ i.e. “white south [winds],”because τὸν καιρὸν τῶν ῥόδων they bring about clear weather. They ἄρχεσθαι πνεῖν, ὁ δὲ are also called “chicken [winds],” Ἀριστοτέλης λευκονότους τε because when they blow hens lay καὶ ὀρνιθίας· λευκονότους μὲν eggs without mingling with the males. διὰ τὸ ἀτάραχον καὶ γαλήνιον τῆς πνοῆς, ὀρνιθίας δὲ διὰ τὸ Olymp. arab. [Badawi] 121.16-18: و ﺘ ﺴ ﻤ ﻰ ا ﻟ ﺘ ﻰ ﺘ ﻬ ب ّ ﻤ ن ه ذ ﻩ ا ﻟ ﻨ ﺎ ﺤ ﻴ ﺔ ﻓ ﻰ ἐπιτηδείους αὐτοὺς εἶναι πρὸς ه ذ ا ا ﻟ و ﻘ ت ا ﻟ ر ﻴ ﺢ ا ﻟ ﺒ ﻴ ﻀ ﺎ ﺀ و ا ﻟ د ﺠ ﺎ ﺠ ﻴ ﺔ ﻷ ن ·τὴν τῶν ὀρνίθων γένεσιν ا ﻟ د ﺠ ﺎ ج ﻴ ﺒ ﻴ ض إ ذ ا هﺒّﺖ ﻤ ن ﻏ ﻴ ر ﻗ ر ع τηνικαῦτα γὰρ πνεόντων اﻟدﻴوك إﻴﺎهﺎ. αὐτῶν ᾠοτοκοῦσιν οἱ ὄρνιθες ὡς καὶ χωρὶς τῆς τοῦ ἄρρηνος [The wind] which blows from this direc- μίξεως. καὶ ὅτι τοῦτο ἀληθὲς tion at this time is called “white” and δῆλον ἐκ τῶν γινομένων ᾠῶν “chicken” wind, because the hen lays ὑπηνεμίων. οὕτω ζῳογόνον eggs when it blows without the cock ἐστὶ τοῦτο τὸ πνεῦμα. knocking her.
Alexandrians call them “rose-winds” Ibn Sīnā, K. al-shifā’, al-āthār al- because they begin to blow around the culwīyah, ed. Montasir et al. (“Cairo season of the roses. Aristotle [calls them] edition”),22 65.8-9: “white south winds” [leukonotos] and وﺘﺴﻤﻰ اﻟﺒﻴﻀﺎﺀ ﻹﺤداﺜﻬﺎ اﻟﺼﺤو، واﻟﺒﻴﻀﻴﺔ ﻷن ﻤن bird winds” [ornithias], “white“ ﺨﺎﺼﻴﺘﻬﺎ أن ﺘﺤﺒل اﻟدﺠﺎج ﺒﻴﻀﺎ ﻤن ﻏﻴر ﺴﻔﺎد. south winds” because of they blow calmly and gently, “bird winds” be- It is called “white [wind]” because it cause they are suitable for the genera- causes clear weather, and “egg [wind]” tion of birds. For, then, when they because one of its characteristics is to make hens bear eggs without copulation. blow birds lay eggs as if without min-
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ܿ ̈ ܒܐ܆ ܘܓ ܒ ـ ـ ܐ ـ ـ ܬ ܨ ـ ܐ܂ We see here how the “leukonotos” of the ܂ܐ ܓ ܐܒܪ̈ ܐ ܓܕ Greek was rendered as “white south [wind]” in the Syriac and this was then reduced to [ ܬ P║ܣܘܪܘܐ : om. et locum “white [wind],” with the loss of the word vacuum reliquit P ║ ܐ ܓ : om. et “south,” in the Arabic. The “bird wind” of locum vacuum reliquit P] the Greek was rendered as “chicken wind” Furthermore, as the poet [says]: there in the Syriac and this is then followed in the blow26 Eurus and the south (wind) Arabic version of “Olympiodorus” (al- and the west (wind), the ill-blowing, dujājīyah). Ibn Sīnā’s alteration of this and the north (wind), the generator of into “egg [wind]” (al-baidīyah) may be due clear weather,27 which makes the either to a wish on his part to produce a pun 28 large billows roll about. with the word for “white [wind]” (al-baidā’) ’ Cf. Odyssey 5.295f.: σὺν δ Εὖρός τε or, perhaps more likely, to falsification of Νότος τ’ ἔμπεσον Ζέφυρός τε his memory under the influence of al-baidā’ and the mention of the “laying of δυσαὴς καὶ /Βορέης αἰθρηγενέτης ̦ eggs” (yabīdu), given that Ibn Sīnā is re- μέγα κῦμα κυλίνδων. ported to have composed large portions of the Shifā’ relying on his memory and with- 5. RECONSTRUCTION OF out consulting the text of his sources.23 PORTIONS LOST IN SYRIAC The transliterated word ’RGHST’NTW in the Syriac passage above is of interest The Syriac text of Nicolaus-Olympiodorus also in connection with the attribution of the as preserved in our Cambridge manuscript is translation to Hunain, since these letters incomplete. The relationships illustrated in must represent the Homeric “ἀργεσταὶ the chart below, however, allow us to at- νότοι.”24 The phrase, as may be seen, is not tempt a reconstruction of those portions in the Greek Olympiodorus and disappears which are lost there. Where passages closely again in the Arabic passages quoted above. resembling each other are found in the Whether this is an addition that was already Greek Olympiodorus and in those works there in the Syriac translator/scholiast’s now known to be derived from the Syriac copy of the Greek Olympiodorus or an addi- Nicolaus-Olympiodorus, it may be assumed tion by the Syriac scholiast himself remains that the passage was also there in the Syriac uncertain, but the latter of these possibilities Nicolaus-Olympiodorus, which is the link between the two. cannot be ruled out in view of the report, preserved for us by Ibn Abī Usaibi‘ah, that Example 1: Fossils in Egypt Hunain was able to recite Homer off by heart,25 and in view of the fact that there is Olymp. in Mete.[Stüve] 116.10-15: at least one other recognizable quotation ὅτι δὲ Αἴγυπτος πάλαι θάλαττα from Homer among the Syriac scholia. ἦν καὶ ὕστερον ἠπειρώθη, ... δῆλον δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ἐκ τοῦ τῶν Nic. syr. [scholion] 33.5-7 [≈ Paris syr. 346, 62r 20-22 (P)]: κογκυλίων καὶ τελλίνων ἐκεῖ εἶναι ὄστρακα, ὅπερ ἐστὶν ܘܬܘܒ ܐ ـ ـ ܐ ـ ـܐ ܼܬ ـܒـ ـ ἐγκαταλείμματα τῶν ܐܘܪܘܣ ܘܬ ܐ ܘ ܒ ܐ ܼܒـ ـ ـ
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ὀστρακοδέρμων τῶν .ܣ ܗ ܿ ܬܘܗ ܐܿ ܐ ܿ ܘܐܪ ــ ܒــ ــܐܪ ــܐ. ܒــ ܓــ ܢ ἀπομεινάντων ἠπειρωθείσης τῆς ܼܿܐܬ ܒ ܐ ܼܘܗܘܐ ܼܿ ܒ ܐ. ܕ ـܐ ܿܐ ــ ــ ܗܘܬ ــ ــ ــ ــ ــ ܪ ــ . θαλάττης ܿ ـــ ܕ ـــ ـــ ـــܐ ܿܗܘ ܕܐܪ ـــ τελλίνων scripsi: χελύνων] ܿ ܐܘ ـ ـ ܗܘ ܕ ـ ـܐ ـ ـ ـ ـܐ Stüve; codd. et editio γελλίνων ̈ ܿ ܼ ــ ــ ــ ܒــ ــ ܘܕ ــܐ ܕܐܪ ــܐ [Aldina ̈ ــ ــ ــ ــ ܐ. ܕܐ ــ ــ ܘܢ ̈ ــ ــ ــ ــ ܘ ــ ـ ــ ـ ــ ـ ــ ـ ــ ـ ܐ ܘ ــ ـ ــ ـ ܙ ـــ ـــ ܐ That Egypt was once sea and later became land ... is clear from the fact . ܬ ܕ̈ there are the shells of kogkulia und [ : tellinai there, which are the remains ܒ Bakos ║ ܐܘܐ ܪܐ of testaceans which were left behind Çiçek ║ ܘ sic Beroli- [Bakos et Çiçek ܘ ـܐ :when the sea became land. nensis
This [sc. that the sea migrates] is Olymp. arab. [Badawi] 104.7-8: known from the fact that although Egypt was [once] sea, the Nile has و ﻳ ﺪ ل ﻋ ﻠ ﻰ ﺻ ﺤ ﺔ ذ ﻟ ﻚ د ﻻ ﻟ ﺔ ﻋ ﻈ ﻴ ﻤ ﺔ ا ﻟ ﻤ ﻮ ا ﺿ ﻊ ُ ا ﻟ ﻤ ﻌ ﺮ و ﻓ ﺔ إ ﻟ ﻰ ه ﺬ ا ا ﻟ ﻮ ﻗ ﺖ أ ن ا ﻟ ﺒ ﺤ ﺮ ﻓ ﻴ ﻤ ﺎ ﺗ ﻘ ﺪ م آ ﺎ ن buried it and raised land in it, so that ﻳ ﻐ ﻤ ﺮ ه ﺎ ﺑ ﻤ ﻨ ﺰ ﻟ ﺔ ﺑ ﻼ د ﻣ ﺼ ﺮ ﻓ ﺈ ﻧ ﻪ إ ﻟ ﻰ ه ﺬ ﻩ ا ﻟ ﻐ ﺎ ﻳ ﺔ ﻓ ﻲ the sea dried up and became dry land. ﻣ ﻮ ا ﺿ ﻊ ﻋ ﻤ ﻴ ﻘ ﺔ ﻣ ﻨ ﻪ د ﻻ ﺋ ﻞ ا ﻟ ﺒ ﺤ ﺮ و ه ﻲ أ ﻧ ﻮ ا ع ﻣ ﻦ That Egypt was sea in former times is اﻷﺻﺪاف وﻏﻴﺮهﺎ Major proof that this [theory] is cor- proven by the depression of Arsi- rect is provided by places, concerning noitis, where to this day one can see which it is known until today that the evidences of [its having been] the sea used in former times to cover seabed, namely the QWNKWLW and them, e.g. Egypt. For to this day, there THLLYNW, i.e. shells, which are are found in deep places of it evidence found there. of the sea, i.e. species of shells etc. Barhebraeus, But. Min. 5.3.2: Ibn Sīnā, K. al-shifā’, al-Af cāl wa-l- ܪ ـ ܓـ ـ ܐ ـ ܼܕܐ ـ ܪܒـ . inficālāt, ed. Qassem (Cairo edition),29 ܐ ܗܘܬ . ܿܘܐܬ ܒـ ܼܘܗܘܐ ܒ ـܐ. ܘ ـ ـ ܕܐ ܒـ ـ ـ ـܐ ܿܗܘ :209.13-14 ܐܪ ܐ ـ ܓـ ـܐ ̈ܕ ـ ـ ܬܐ و ﻗ ﺪ ﻳ ﻌ ﺮ ف ﻣ ﻦ أ ﻣ ﺮ ا ﻟ ﻨ ﺠ ﻒ ا ﻟ ﺬ ي ﺑ ﺎ ﻟ ﻜ ﻮ ﻓ ﺔ أ ﻧ ﻪ ﺑ ﺤ ﺮ ̈ ـ ܐ ـ ـ ـ ـ ܘ ـ ـ ـ ـ ـ ܣ ﻧ ﺎ ﺿ ﺐ . ﻗ ﻴ ﻞ ا ن أ ر ض ﻣ ﺼ ﺮ ه ﺬ ﻩ ﺳ ﺒ ﻴ ﻠ ﻬ ﺎ و ﻳ ﻮ ﺟ ﺪ . ﻓﻴﻬﺎ رﻣﻴﻢ ﺣﻴﻮان اﻟﺒﺤﺮ [That the sea migrates] is known from For Egypt, as the master [Aristotle] the condition of al-Najaf by al-Kūfa, said, was sea in former times, but [namely] that it is dried-up land. It has [then] dried up and became dry been said: the land of Egypt is like land. For this reason bones of ma- rine animals QWNKWLW and this [i.e. dried-up sea] and decaying THLLYNWS are found in the de- bones [ramīm] of sea animals are pression of Arsinoitis. found in it. Barhebraeus, Cand., Base II [Bakos] There is a long lacuna in the Cambridge 152.11-153.2; [Çiçek] 110.3-13: manuscript of the Syriac Nicolaus- ܿ Olympiodorus in the section concerning ܪ ܕ ܝܗ ܐܕܗ ܐ ܘ the sea. The Arabic and Syriac passages
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 26 Syriac Version by Hunain (?) of Nicolaus Damacenus’ Compendium of Aristotelian Philosophy ______quoted above are therefore likely to de- whereas the passage in the Candelabrum is rive from a passage belonging to that likely to preserve more faithfully the lacuna. wording of the lost passage of the Syriac The names of the shellfish, kogkulia and Nicolaus-Olympiodorus. tellinai, have disappeared in the Arabic A further example is given below where “Olympiodorus,” but are preserved in the our knowledge of the relationship illustrated two works of Barhebraeus and must there- below helps us to propose a new emenda- fore have been there in the Syriac Nicolaus- tion, in this case in the Arabic treatise by Ibn Olympiodorus. The two Syriac passages of al-Khammār. The passages quoted below Barhebraeus here, in fact, help us not only to form a part of the discussion on the various 32 reconstruct the lost passage of the Syriac causes of optical illusion. Nicolaus-Olympiodorus, but also to correct Example 2: Holes or trees? the text of the Greek Olympiodorus, substi- tuting for the meaningless gellinai of the Ibn al-Khammār [Lettinck] 356.21- manuscripts (and the Aldine edition) and the 358.2: و ﻟ ﻬ ذ ﻩ ا ﻟ ﻌ ﻠ ﺔ ﻨ ر ى ا ﻻ ر ض ا ﻠ ﻜ ﺜ ﻴ ر ة ا ﻠ ز و ا ﻴ ﺎ ﻤ ن ﺒ ﻌ د somewhat audacious emendation proposed ﻜﺎﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﺴﺘوﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻀل ﻓﻰ اﻠﺨﺸوﻨﺔ ﻻﻨﻬﺎ ﺘﺨﻔﻰ اﻠﺜﻘب by Stüve a word which, as well as being اﻠذى ﻓﻰ اﻻرض ﻠﻠﺒﻌد close to the manuscript reading, is known to .cod اﻠﺸر :sic Lettinck اﻠﺜﻘب] designate “a small bivalve shell-fish” from 30 اﻠﺸﺠر ;cod. Tehran اﻠﺸﻔق ;Greek medical sources. Hyderabad 31 The place-name Arsinoitis” (modern propono] Fayyūm) is not mentioned in the Greek For this reason we see ground Olympiodorus, but since there is unlikely to abounding in corners, from a distance, be a source other than the Syriac Nicolaus- as if it were smooth [mustawiyah], Olympidorus where Barhebraeus could have so that one errs33 concerning rough- found this word, one is led to conclude that ness [khushūnah], because it [?] ob- the text of Olympiodorus available to the scures the holes [al-thuqab] on the Syriac translator/scholiast was significantly ground because of the distance. different from the one known to us today. Olymp. arab. [Badawi] 159.17-19: The “ostrakoderma” of the Greek is ren- واﻠﺜﺎﻟﺚ أن ﻴظن ﺒﺎﻷﺸﻴﺎﺀ اﻠﺨﺸﻨﺔ أﻨﻬﺎ ﻤﻠس وذﻠك أن (dered by “shellfish” in Olymp. arab. (asdāf ﻤﺎﻴﻨﺘﺄ ﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻴﻔوﺘﻪ وﻠﻬذﻩ اﻠﻌﻠﺔ ﺘرى اﻷرض اﻠﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ and in Barhebraeus’ Cand. (zalpātā). Ibn اﻠﻜﺜﻴرة اﻠﺤﺠﺎرة ﻤن ﺒﻌد ﻤﺘﺴﺎوﻴﺔ ﻤﻠﺴﺎﺀ Sīnā, on the other hand, alters this to ( “ decaying) bones of marine animals” (ramīm The third [error of vision is] that it ) hayawān al-bahr and Barhebraeus follows thinks that rough [khashinah] things this in his later work, the Butyrum (garmē are smooth [mustawiyah], i.e. it fails d-hayywātā yammāyātā). In other words, the to notice what bulges out from them. passage in the Butyrum may be seen as an For that reason, variegated ground attempt to combine the contents of the lost abounding in stones appears level and passage of the Syriac Nicolaus- smooth from a distance. Olympiodorus with those of a passage derived indirectly from there in the Shifā’, Ibn Sīnā, K. al-shifā’, al-āthār al-
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culwīyah (Cairo edition) 44.14ff.: Syriac version. It appears that Ibn al-
Khammār chose “trees” out of the two as his واﻠﺒﺼر ﻴﻌرض ﻠﻪ اﻠﻐﻠط … وﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻰ وﻀﻊ أﺠزاﺌﻪ example, while the Syriac “rocks” appears ﻓﺈن اﻠﺒﻌﻴد ﻻ ﻴﺤس ﺒﺨﺸوﻨﺘﻪ in a somewhat reduced form as “stones” in Error occurs to vision … concerning the Arabic “Olympiodorus.”34 the position of its parts, since with a distant object one cannot perceive its 6. CONCLUSION roughness [khushūnah]. Barhebraeus, But. Mete. 2.1.5: An attempt has been made above to provide ܐܬ ܒ̈ ܘܐܿ ... ܐ ܵ ܕ ܕܐ ܿ a brief description of the Syriac Nicolaus- ܐ ܪܕ ܐ ܐܕ ܝ ܒܿ ܗܬ ܒܕ Olympiodorus text preserved in ms. Cantab. ܐܪ ܕ ܐ ܐ ܗܬ ܘ ܐ ܪܕ Gg 2.14, a text which one has strong reasons ܐ ܘܪ ܐܪ̈ ܘ ܐ ܐܒ̈ ܒ ܕ ܿ to associate with Hunain b. Ishāq, and to ܐ ܐ ܼ illustrate how this text helps us in the work Vision may err … concerning the of elucidating the exact manner in which the parts on its [sc. “of the object seen”] transfer of knowledge from the Greek to the surface, because with something that Arabic world took place at the level of tex- is far away one cannot perceive its tual transmission. Only a small portion of roughness [hārōsūtā], as when a this Syriac text has so far been made avail- mountain which is thick with trees able to the public. It is hoped that the edition and rocks [īlānē w-qattārē] appears being undertaken by the present writer of smooth [shaccīcā] from a distance. the remaining portions of the text will pro- The four passages above are clearly in- vide more useful materials for that work. terrelated and, given what we know of the The Syriac version of Nicolaus’ Com- relationship between the four works, the pendium as preserved in the Cambridge likelihood is that they all derive from a lost manuscript is unfortunately far from com- passage of the Syriac Nicolaus-Olympio- plete. As some of the examples given above dorus. That being the case, the mention of show, however, it is possible in a case like “trees” in Barhebraeus allows us to suggest this to recover lost portions of a work an alternative emendation to Lettinck’s through judicious use of subsequent works “holes,” an alternative which is somewhat dependent upon it once the various lines of closer to the reported manuscript readings. transmission have been established on the In the rest of the passage at But. Mete. basis of those portions which do survive. In 2.1.5 Barhebraeus, in fact, closely follows our case it may be hoped in particular that the wording of the Shifā’ and it is only in the work, which is under way at present, of the part quoted above that he departs from editing those parts of Barhebraeus’ Butyrum it. Such a departure is usually an indication sapientiae dealing with the natural sciences that he has used another source, the likely and metaphysics will lead to the recovery of candidate in this instance being his copy of significant portions of the remaining parts of the Syriac Nicolaus-Olympiodorus. In this Compendium. talking of “trees and rocks” Barhebraeus has Unlike the text discussed here, the probably preserved for us the wording of the majority of the Syriac translations of
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Greek scientific works which subse- await closer examination. Where, how- quently became the sources of the Arabic ever, such Syriac intermediaries are irre- translations and original works composed trievably lost, it may be hoped that anal- in Arabic are now lost. One hopes, in the ogy with those cases such as this where first place, that further fragments and the Syriac survives will help cast some traces of such Syriac translations might light on the manner in which knowledge be discovered among Syriac texts that was transmitted.
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 29 Syriac Version by Hunain (?) of Nicolaus Damacenus’ Compendium of Aristotelian Philosophy ______Syro-Arabic Tradition of Aristotle’s Meteorologica (see Note 21) Asterisks (*) indicate lost works.
Aristotle, Mete
Theophrastus*
De mundo Alex.Aphr. Nicolaus(*) Olymp. Hellenistic Compend.?*
Syriac Syriac: Job? Syriac Syriac* Nic.-Olymp. Sergius of R. Syr.: Hunain? Arabic Job of Ed. B. al-Bitrīq Treasures Arab.* Arabic Hunain Arabic B. Bahlul B. al-Khammār “Olymp.” Arab. Hunain & Ishāq Bar Kepha
Ikhwān al-Safā’ Ibn al-Khammār Treatise
Ibn Sīnā, Shifā’
Bahmanyār Abū al-Barakāt Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī K. al-Muctabar al-Mabāhith al-mashriqīya
?
Bar Shakkō Bar Shakkō Qazwīnī Treasures Dialogues cAjā’ib al-makhlūqāt
Barhebraeus Barhebraeus Butyrum Candelabrum
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NOTES
1 G. Bergsträsser, Hunain ibn Ishāq über die Link’ in the Transmission of Knowledge: the syrischen und arabischen Galen-Übersetzungen, Case of the Syriac Version of Nicolaus Damas- Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes cenus’ Compendium of Aristotelian Philoso- [= AKM] XVII.2 (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1925); phy” (in Japanese), The Toyo Gakuho: The Jour- id., Neue Materialien zu Hunain ibn Ishāq’s nal of the Research Department of the Toyo Galen-Bibliographie, AKM XIX.2 (Leipzig: Bunko 84:3 (2002) 370-350 [= 023-043]. – In Deustche Morgenländische Gesellschaft, 1932). what follows this text as found in the Cambridge 2 S.P. Brock, “The Syriac Background to manuscript will be designated, for the sake of Hunayn’s Translation Techniques,” Aram 3 simplicity, as “Nic. syr.,” even though, as will (1991) 139-162 (rep. in id., From Ephrem to emerge, not all of it goes back to the Greek Romanos [Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999], no. XIV), Nicolaus. 4 here p. 153-55. – Cf. H. Takahashi, “Syriac The folios towards the end of the Cam- Fragments of Theophrastean Meteorology and bridge manuscript have been rebound in the Mineralogy. Fragments in the Syriac Version of wrong order. In what follows, the following page Nicolaus Damascenus, Compendium of Aristote- numbers will be used in referring to the Nicolaus lian Philosophy and the Accompanying Scho- text preserved in this manuscript. – p. 1-2: fol. lia,” in On the Opuscula of Theophrastus. Akten 328rv; 3-4: 369rv; 5-6: 329rv; 7-8: 330rv; 9-10: der 3. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel- 331rv; 11-12: 332rv; 13-14: 333rv; 15-16: Stiftung vom 19.-23. Juli 1999 in Trier, ed. W. 334rv; 17-18: 370rv; 19-20: 335rv; 21-22: Fortenbaugh and G. Wöhrle (Stuttgart: Steiner, 336rv; 23-24: 337rv; 25-26: 338rv; 27-28: 2002), 189-224, here p. 194 n. 20. 339rv; 29-30: 340rv; 31-32: 341rv; 33-34: 3 See H.J. Drossaart Lulofs, Nicolaus Dam- 343rv; 35-36: 342rv; 37-38: 367rv; 39-40: ascenus on the Philosophy of Aristotle. Frag- 368rv; 41-42: 344rv; 43-44: 345rv; 45-46: ments of the First Five Books Translated from 346rv; 47-48: 347rv; 49-50: 348rv; 51-52: the Syriac with an Introduction and Commen- 349rv; 53-54: 365rv; 55-56: 366vr; 57-58: tary, Philosophia Antiqua 13 (Leiden: Brill, 371rv; 59-60: 350rv; 61-62: 383vr; 63-64: 1965) [incl. an edition of what remains of the 382rv; 65-66: 378rv; 67-68: 379rv; 69-70: first five mēmrē]; H.J. Drossaart Lulofs & E.L.J. 380rv; 71-72: 381rv; 73-74: 384rv; 75-76: 385vr. 5 Poortman, Nicolaus Damascenus. De Plantis. Due to the damage to the manuscript, the Five Translations, Aristoteles Semitico-Latinus lines in which mēmrē VIII and IX began are now 4 (Amsterdam-Oxford-New York: North Hol- lost. The damage to the manuscript also makes it land Publishing, 1989) [incl. an edition of the difficult to determine the exact contents of fragment “de plantis”]; H. Takahashi, “Syriac mēmrē XI-XIII. Two additional (and displaced) Fragments” (as n. 2) [incl. an edition of the part excerpts corresponding to passages in Aristotle’s on mineralogy]; id., Aristotelian Meteorology in De longaevitate and Historia animalium, Book I, Syriac. Barhebraeus, Butyrum sapientiae, Books are found at the end of the manuscript. of Mineralogy and Meteorology, Aristoteles 6 G. [W.] Stüve, Olympiodori in Aristotelis Semitico-Latinus 15 (Leiden-Boston: Brill, Meteora commentaria, Commentaria in Aristo- 2004) [with numerous quotations from this telem Graeca [CAG] XII/II (Berlin: Reimer, work; see esp. p. 11-14, 51-53, and Index lo- 1900). corum, p. 706-8]; and, for those able to read 7 This applies to the bulk of the scholia Japanese, H. Takahashi, “Syriac as the ‘Missing found in the Cambridge manuscript. The manu-
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12 script also contains a number of scholia/ Published by P. de Lagarde in his interpolations which are likely to be of a later Analecta syriaca (Leipzig: Teubner, 1858; date, such as the note on the pyramids in Egypt rep. Osnabrück: Zeller, 1967), p. 134-58. – Cf. at 9.11-15 (= Drossaart Lulofs, Nicolaus Damas- H. Takahashi, Aristotelian Meteorology in cenus on the Philosophy of Aristotle [as n. 3], Syriac (as n. 3), p. 55; id., “The Greco-Syriac 89.4-8; cf. H. Takahashi, Aristotelian Meteorol- and Arabic Sources of Barhebraeus’ Mineralogy ogy in Syriac [as n. 3], 404-6) where Dionysius and Meteorology in Candelabrum sanctuarii, of Tellmahrē (Syr. Orth. Patriarch 818-845) is Base II,” Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 56 quoted. Given that the passage of Dionysius used (2004) 191-209, here p. 203-6. there was known to Barhebraeus and used by 13 “Tafsīr Ulimfīdūrūs li-kitāb Aristātālīs him in another work (Barhebraeus, Chronicon fī al-āthār al-culwīyah, naql Hunayn b. Ishāq wa- ecclesiasticum [ed. J.B. Abbeloos & T.J. Lamy islāh Ishāq b. Hunayn,” preserved in ms. Tash- (Louvain: Peeters, 1872-77)], I.379.14ff.; cf. kent, Abu Raihan Beruni Institute of Oriental Michael I, Chronicon [ed. J.B. Chabot (Paris: Studies, 2385, fol. 347r-368r, and published in Leroux, 1899-1910)], IV.526f.), the interpolator A. Badawi, Commentaires sur Aristote perdus en may, in fact, be none other than Barhebraeus grec et autres épîtres, Recherches publiées sous himself and the Nicolaus text in the Cambridge la direction de l’Institut de Lettres Orientales de manuscript may be a descendant of the very Beyrouth, N.S. A.1 (Beirut: Dar el-Mashreq, copy which was used by Barhebraeus. 1971), 83-190. 8 In what follows “But. Min.” and. “But. 14 Cf. Arist. Mete. 368b 22-32 (also 366b Mete.” stand, respectively, for the book (ktābā) 18f.); Alex. in Mete. [Hayduck] 125.17-35 (the on mineralogy and that on meteorology in this corresponding part of Olymp. in Mete. is lost). – work. The quotations below are from Takahashi, The passage here was used by Barhebraeus in his Aristotelian Meteorology in Syriac (as n. 3). Cand. (Base II, ed. J. Bakos, Candélabre des 9 Barhebraeus [Ibn al-cIbrī], Ta’rīkh sanctuaires de Grégoire Aboulfaradj dit Barhe- mukhtasar al-duwal [recte Mukhtasar ta’rīkh al- braeus, PO 22/4, 24/3 [Paris, 1930-33], 128.9- duwal], ed. Antūn Sālhānī (Beirut: al-Matbaca al- 129.1) and But. (Min. 2.2.4). In the light of the Kāthūlīkīya, 1958), 82.15f. corresponding passages of Nic. syr. and But., we 10 Paris syr. 346, fol. 69v 16: mnahhar wa- should correct Bakos’ reading ܐܒ at Cand. mhawwē HWNYN āsyā d- …”; fol. 70v 7: “āmar II, 128.10 to ܐ , which is also the reading gēr HWNYN kad mnahhar d-lam …” – The pas- of the Vaticanus (syr. 168, 14th c., the oldest of sage at Paris 69v 16ff. corresponds to ms. Can- the manuscripts used by Bakos) and Çiçek’s tab. p. 29.18ff., that at Paris 70v 7ff. to Cantab. edition of Cand. (Mnorath kudshe (Lamp of the p. 30.26ff. Sanctuary) by Mor Gregorios Yohanna Bar 11 Cf. Alexander of Aphrodisias, In Aristo- Ebryoyo [Holland (Glane/Losser): Bar-Hebraeus telis Meteorologicorum libros commentaria [= Verlag, 1997], 97.30; based on ms. Hierosolym. Alex. in Mete.], ed. M. Hayduck, CAG III/II 135, dated 1590; vocalised neqshānā’īt by (Berlin: Reimer, 1899), 53.19-22; Olymp. in Çiçek). Mete. [Stüve], 100.11-13. The Syriac scholiast 15 The text of the sentence here presents here is in agreement with the Greek commenta- considerable difficulties. I translate reading āplā tors in telling us that pneuma/rūhā is a more (or w-lā) instead of ellā in line 9. The words general term than anemos/zīqā, but omits to tell “hāwē [erased?] hāwē … hāwē hwā” is also us that the term anemoi is reserved for winds problematic especially as the manuscript reading with “specific names” (ōnomasmenoi, katono- itself is not altogether clear. The sense may be masthenta). conditional: “if someone were to descend on a
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 32 Syriac Version by Hunain (?) of Nicolaus Damacenus’ Compendium of Aristotelian Philosophy ______ladder, his motion would be …” Olympiodorus text in the Syriac and Arabic 16 This word, left in transliteration by the transmission of Aristotelian meteorology. The Syriac translator, allows us to identify the three chart is intended to supplement (and partially types of earthquakes mentioned here with the correct) the charts given at Lettinck, Aristotle’s Meteorology (as n. 19), viii-ix. Some of the rela- “κλιματίας,” “βρασματίας” and “χασματίας” tionships shown in this chart but not discussed in found mentioned in a fragment of Posidonius the present paper are discussed in Takahashi, (Frag. 12 Edelstein-Kidd, = Diogenes Laertius “Greco-Syriac and Arabic Sources” (as n. 12); 7.154; cf. I.G. Kidd, Posidonius, Vol. 2. The id., Aristotelian Meteorology in Syriac (as n. Commentary (Cambridge: CUP, 1988), ii.817 3), esp. p. 37-59; and id., “Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī, [on Frag. 230]). Qazwīnī and Bar Shakko,” to appear in The 17 I translate reading rwahtā instead of Harp as part of the proceedings of the Vth rawwīhtā. A possible Greek equivalent would Syriac Conference (held at SEERI, Kottayam, be ἀναπνοή used of vent-holes in the earth Sept. 2002). associated with earthquakes and volcanic activ- 22 cAbd el-Halīm Montasir, Sacīd Zayed, & ity at De mundo 395b 20 and 397a 32 (cf. also cAbdallah Ismācīl, Ibn Sīnā. Al-Shifā’. La Phy- Arist. Mete. 368b 9 διαπνοή). The corruption sique. V - Les Métaux et la Météorologie (Cairo: into rawwīhtā may be explained partly as a result Organisation Générale des Imprimeries of the influence of the phrase dukktā rawwīhtā Gouvernementales, 1964). which occurs just a few lines earlier at 41.7 and 23 Ibn Sīnā/Abū cUbaid al-Jūzjānī, Sīrat al- which is therefore likely to have been in the shaikh al-ra’īs, ed. W.E. Gohlman, The Life of copyist’s mind. Ibn Sina: a Critical Edition and Annotated 18 The text of this last part of the passage, Translation (Albany: State University of New like the corresponding part of the Syriac York Press, 1974), 58.3f. scholion, presents some difficulties. I read insert- 24 Iliad, 11.306, 21.334 (“ἀργεστᾶο νότοιο” ing a negative in the clause beginning with “wa- in the genitive case in both instances). li’anna” at ed. Badawi 141.1 (“wa-li’anna laisat 25 See G. Strohmeier, “Homer in Bagdad,” …”, “wa-laisat …”?). The referent of the femi- Byzantinoslavica 41 (1980) 196-200. Rep. in id., nine suffix in harakatu-hā in the same clause is Von Demokrit bis Dante. Die Bewahrung unclear. 19 antiken Erbes in der arabischen Kultur Text in P. Lettinck, Aristotle’s Meteorol- (Hildesheim-Zürich-New York: Olms, 1996), ogy and its Reception in the Arab World. With an 222-226. Edition and Translation of Ibn Suwār’s Treatise 26 The Syriac nshab here does not answer on Meteorological Phenomena and Ibn Bājja’s Commentary on the Meteorology, Aristoteles exactly to the Greek ἐμπίπτω, but nshab is also Semitico-Latinus 10 (Leiden-Boston-Cologne: used to render Aristotle’s ἐπιπίπτω (364b 3) at Brill, 1999), 313-379, where Nicolaus is men- Nic. syr. 33.29. tioned at 320.4; cf. F. Sezgin, Geschichte des 27 “αἰθρηγενέτης”: “aether/sky-born” ac- arabischen Schrifttums, 12 vols. (Leiden: Brill/ cording to modern scholarship, but understood to Frankfurt: Institut für Geschichte der mean “making clear sky” by earlier lexicogra- arabisch-islamischen Wissenschaften, phers, as our Syriac translator/scholiast has done 1967-2000), VII.284. here. – See Hesychius (5th c.), Lexicon, ed. K. 20 Lettinck, Aristotle’s Meteorology (as n. Latte, Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon, vol. I-II 19), 10 et passim. (Copenhagen: Ejnar Muskgaard, 1953-66), I.68, 21 A chart is given at the end of this paper no. 1886: “αἰθρηγενέτην· εὐδίαν ποιοῦντα”; showing the position of the Syriac Nicolaus- cf. Eustathius (12th c.), Comm. ad Hom. Od., ed.
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G. Stallbaum, Eustathii archiepiscopi thessalo- gamma and tau in Greek, the emendation here nicensis Commentarii ad Homeri Odysseam is admittedly one that could have been pro- (Leipzig, 1825; rep. Hildesheim-New York: posed even without the help of the Syriac, but Olms, 1970), 220.27-29 [ad. E.296]; Etymologi- it is reassuring to have the witness of the tēt con magnum, ed. T. Gaisford, Etymologicon in the latter. 31 magnum seu verius Lexicon saepissime vocabulo- To whom (Syriac translator/scholiast, rum origines indagans ex pluribus lexicis scholi- subsequent copyist or Barhebraeus) the error of astis et grammaticis anonymi cuiusdam opera turning the word into “Arseonitis” should be concinnatum (Oxford, 1848; rep. Amsterdam: ascribed is now difficult to determine. 32 A.M. Hackert, 1967), s.v. “αἰθρηγενέτης”. Due to a lacuna in the Greek Olympio- 28 In the singular in Homer; GL’ RB’ written dorus, we are missing precisely those parts which with syāmē in both ms. Cantab. and Paris, but are of concern to us in the probable source pas- the plural of rabbā as an adjective should strictly sage there. – Ed. Stüve 236.8: “*** δοκεῖ εἶναι, be rawrbē. καὶ τὰ γωνιαῖα σώματα ἀγωνία ***”. 29 Mahmoud Qassem & Ibrahim Madkour, 33 Melius nadillu, “we err”? Ibn Sīnā. Al-Shifa. Physique 2-4 (Cairo: Dār al- 34 For the liberty taken in reducing c c Kātib al- Arabī li-l-Tibā a wa-l-Nashr, 1969). “rocks” (qattārā) to “stones” (hajar), see the 30 H.G. Liddel, R. Scott, & H.S. Jones, A frequent definition of qattārā simply as “large Greek-English Lexicon. With a Supplement stone” (al-hajar al-kabīr) in the Syriac-Arabic (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 1772b, s.v. – lexica cited at Payne Smith, Thesaurus syriacus, Had one thought of the possible confusion of col. 3777f.
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MONK, MISSIONARY, AND MARTYR: JOHN OF EPHESUS, A SYRIAC ORTHODOX HISTORIAN IN SIXTH CENTURY BYZANTIUM1
JAN J. VAN GINKEL LEIDEN UNIVERSITY, THE NETHERLANDS
INTRODUCTION goes to get the lentils he states, while laugh- ing(!): “I am going to raise your son from
the dead by letting him eat lentils.” Maron orders the monk to dip his finger in the len- round 507,2 saint Maron, a local tils and to insert it in John's mouth three stylite in the village and monas- times. The monk does so, while saying: tery of Ar‛ā Rabthā, near “See! These things have been done to no Amida, is relatively new on the purpose.” But after the third dip John opens job.A His brother, who had been his predeces- his eyes and gets up and is well again. This sor on the local column, had died some first miracle by Mar Maron is also the first years previously. Maron had climbed up the information we have about our focus of at- ladder, handed down the corpse, and stayed tention here, John of Ephesus.4 on top ever since. He made certain that the John’s life and career would have been tradition would be continued and took it forgotten had it not been for his own writ- upon himself to fulfil the role of the local ings. These became an intricate part of the ascetic for his area.3 His first test comes literary tradition of the Syriac Orthodox when the parents of a little boy, John, who is Church5 and one of the main sources for the about a year or two old, ask him for help, as early part of the history of this church.6 Peo- their son is suffering from some kind of ple like Michael the Great (d. 1199) and Bar stroke and is clearly seriously ill. All their ‛Ebroyo (d. 1286) refer to his Church His- previous children had died around that same tory as one of the central sources of their age and from a similar cause. Maron tries to own historiography.7 The account of his per- console the parents by saying: “Be quiet. sonal life also provides some additional in- John will not die before Maron.” At that formation about the proto-Syriac Orthodox very instant John goes silent and his mother Church in the Sixth century. John was one assumes that he has died. Maron then orders of the players in the process of the separa- someone to get some lentils from the mo- tion of the churches, in which a major issue nastic kitchen and to let the boy eat some of seems to have been the ordination of a sepa- them. The mother and the monks object that rate ecclesiastical hierarchy by Jacob praying might be more useful. As one monk Burd‛ana (d. 578) from the 540’s on.8
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THE HISTORICAL SETTING council on the part of those loosely called “Miaphysites.” As a result, with the excep- The sixth century is the century of the fa- tion of the ‘Chalcedonisation’ of Palestine, mous emperor Justinian (527-565), when the the Byzantine Empire in many ways ignored East Roman Empire of Byzantium flour- the council. Emperors like Zeno—whose ished only to suffer severe setbacks in the Henotikon was another attempt to bridge the following centuries. The sixth century is a gap between the Miaphysites and the Chal- century of wars, first of all against the Per- cedonians—and Anastasius (491-518)— sians in the East—in essence two superpow- who gradually even seemed to promote ers locked in battle for supremacy in one Miaphysitism, for example by letting long war, with at times a decade or so of Severus of Antioch become patriarch in that “peace”—but also on the northern, southern city—gave the impression that Chalcedon and western fronts. On the Balkans and in had been a “mishap” and would soon be Egypt the barbarians have to be kept at bay, forgotten in the East.10 and in the West attempts were made to re- store the old empire by re-conquering JOHN'S LITERARY WORKS Northern Africa, Italy and parts of Spain. In the end these gains could not be consoli- Our knowledge of John’s life and career is dated. In fact, due to the loss of resources in almost entirely based on his own works: a these campaigns even the old frontiers in the collection known as the Lives of the Eastern North and East were weakened. Enemies Saints (published by E. W. Brooks, and like Sassanian Persia took the opportunity to studied by Ashbrook Harvey11) and a strike hard at the heartlands of the empire, Church History in three parts, starting in the which, in turn, weakened the empire even time of Julius Caesar until more or less the more. In addition, this is the century of the death of the author (part III published by “Plague.” In the 640's a new form of plague Brooks, and studied by D’yakonov and van struck the empire, killing large numbers of Ginkel12). The collection of saints’ lives and its population. It returned several times af- part three of the church history have been terwards reducing the economic power of preserved more or less intact.13 The first part the empire even more.9 of the church history is lost—it probably It is also a century of religious upheaval, contained an adapted and summarized ver- the belated clash of the Chalcedonians and sion of the Church Histories of Eusebius of the anti-Chalcedonians (or Miaphysites). In Caesarea and of Socrates the Scholastic 451 at the council of Chalcedon a new at- (with elements of other church histories like tempt had been made to find a formula to those of Theodoret, and possibly Sozomen). reunite the various groups in the doctrinal The second part of John’s Church History, dispute of the natures of or in Christ. In ad- which probably started its account with the dition it was also used to “punish” patriarch death of Theodosius II (d. 450) or the Coun- Dioscurus of Alexandria for his bullying of cil of Chalcedon (451), has been used by his opponents at the second council of later Syriac historiographers—most promi- Ephesus (449). Immediately there was great nently the anonymous author of the Chroni- resentment against the decisions of this cle of Zuqnīn14 and Michael the Great. On
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 36 Monk, Missionary, and Martyr: John of Ephesus… ______the basis of these works and other Syriac was spent in the monastery, where he was chronicles it is possible to at least get some educated in reading and writing Syriac, idea of the material that John had incorpo- probably by memorizing and copying the rated into his work. Most of it was Psalter.18 All this happened during the reign “documentary” material like the Henotikon of emperor Anastasius, who looked favoura- by Zeno or the Letter of Simeon of Beth bly to the anti-Chalcedonian movement, and Arsham on the persecution of the Christians when Severus was governing the Syrian dio- in Najran. Parts of Chronicles were also cese. In John’s description there is little in- used. Even for the period of which John had formation on ecclesiastical affairs, just the been an eyewitness, he often used the daily routine in a small monastery.19 Chronicle of Malalas15 as his main source, In 518, however, after Anastasius’ death to which, at times, he added some personal and after a little palace intrigue, a staunch notes. He did, however, incorporate several Chalcedonian, Justin I (518-527), had come works that he had written previously, on the to power. Early on in his reign he ordered all persecution by the Chalcedonians and on the bishops—with the exception of those in plague of the early 540’s.16 Egypt, it seems— to show some form of Only the third part consists almost en- commitment to the council of Chalcedon. In tirely of John’s own account, although there Asia Minor and Syria many bishops had to may have been some preceding source mate- leave their sees after declining to do so. rial, probably documents and oral sources, John has a list of famous bishops from Asia for his war account. Part three was a kind of Minor and Syria who were exiled.20 Al- afterthought, after the publication of the first though it is presented as if all these bishops two parts. The religious and military politics were removed from office immediately, it demanded a “continuation,” on which John becomes clear from his Lives and the probably kept working until his death in or Church History of Pseudo-Zachariah of after 588 AD.17 Mytilene21—an anonymous Syriac Mia- On the basis of these works the account physite historiographer and contemporary of of John’s life can be more or less recon- John—that in fact the last of these bishops structed. It can be divided into three periods: left their sees only in 521 or 522. In the end his monastic training (until about 542); his Egypt was the only region where Miaphy- missionary exploits (until about 566); and sites were universally recognized as bishops his struggle over Church-unity with the pa- of the imperial church. Although no official triarchs of Constantinople, John the Scho- explanation was given by the emperor, his lastic and Eutychius, and the emperors policy of removing anti-Chalcedonian lead- Justin II (565-578), Tiberius (578-582) and ers from office was never implemented Maurice (582-602) until his death. there, possibly out of fear of disrupting the grain-supply for Constantinople. JOHN THE MONK The exile of the bishops was followed by a campaign against clergy and monks. After John had been saved by Maron, his They, also, were expected at least to keep parents promised to send him to the monas- quiet about their anti-Chalcedonian beliefs. tery at four years of age. His entire youth Maron, for example, was still on his column
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 37 Monk, Missionary, and Martyr: John of Ephesus… ______in 522. An insight into the reason why that of the Chalcedonians and early Byzantine was the case can be gained from the story of society, they had effectively been dealt with. the blessed Sergius (Life 5), a more outspo- They were “invisible.”24 As a result, the ken colleague, who visits Maron on his col- number of “martyrs” for their faith is very umn. Sergius “was eager to contend until limited, and those who do die for the most death with the renegades,” but the blessed part seem to die of anxiety rather than of Maron “tried to restrain him and said: ‘My real torture. The only real martyr in John’s son, you are throwing yourself into a strug- saints’ lives is John of Tella, and in his his- gle (ܐ ܓܐ) and you are about to fall into torical fragments there is a priest who is the hand of cruel and merciless men, and killed in Amida at the stake.25 But these two you have a trial to endure. Beware.’ ” Maron are the only ones that are actually killed by seems not to want to rock the boat. John, of the persecutors. course, offers another explanation. The In his rural setting, John continues his Chalcedonians simply did not dare to molest training and becomes a deacon.26 During Maron for fear of his valour.22 this period he starts visiting famous ascetics After Maron’s death in or around 522 in order to learn from them. As he himself John moves to a monastic community, the says: “My soul loved and clave to anyone in monastery of Mar John Urtaya, originally whom I saw anything of this kind [of asceti- from Amida, but which had been forced to cism].” He himself has a go at it, but when leave Amida by the Chalcedonian bishop.23 he tries to imitate his “idols” his seniors The community was living in a rural monas- laugh at him and joke: “If you see a boy go- tery. Like other communities, which had left ing up to heaven, catch hold of his foot.”27 the cities, these communities were left to Although the Lives of the Eastern Saints fend for themselves, most of the time. One was written explicitly to stimulate people to of these exiled communities even found the imitate and emulate these ascetics, it is obvi- time to build a vineyard and become famous ous that for John asceticism is more than for its excellent wine. just “harsh treatment of the body.” An as- In his description of this period—a cetic, Harfat, who had chains hanging all small booklet he produced around 540, later over his body and was clearly suffering, was embedded in his Church History—John chided by John and eventually advised by stresses the brutality of the persecutors, but him “to throw off these irons which are a if read carefully—and combined with his useless burden, and lade yourself instead of Lives of the Eastern Saints from this pe- them with the burden of labours performed riod—the method of persecution by the with knowledge; and thus you will please Chalcedonians becomes clear. They went God. ... for now, as you said, you are a sin- for the leaders—bishops, clergy, famous ner; and we and others, who see you with ascetics and monks—and tried to force them irons hanging on you think to ourselves that to accept Chalcedon. If not, they were re- you are a great and holy man, a worker of moved from their lay communities in the miracles. If you are so, you do well in hang- cities and from the public sphere. If, how- ing irons on yourself.”28 Asceticism needs to ever, they were out of sight in the territories, be earned and one has to have reached a cer- they were at times harassed, but in the eyes tain level of “sainthood” to make it effective
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 38 Monk, Missionary, and Martyr: John of Ephesus… ______and positive. Otherwise it is detrimental. the mountains, close to the Euphrates, and The distances of his travels increase lived there for 12 or 13 years.32 after emperor Justinian—emperor since John’s abbot had gone to Constantinople 527—and his wife Theodora (d. 548)— after being maltreated by Chalcedonians, famous for supporting the Miaphysites—lift possibly about 537 or 8, and stayed there for the ban in approximately 53029 and allow 5 years under the protection of Theodora.33 the monks to return to their urban monaster- She acted as patron to all Miaphysite exiles ies. Although a monk needs the permission in the capital, providing them with lodgings of his community to travel, it seems that and resources. It should be noted, however, John could always get this permission, and that Justinian is presented as helping her, he travelled throughout Northern Mesopota- accompanying her to these make-shift mon- mia. In 532 he went to Antioch, and two asteries. On the other hand, Theodora’s pro- years later, to Egypt and Constantinople.30 tection of these monks and bishops did The monastery had “brethren” or at least come at a price. She did not want them to go “associates” throughout much of the empire wandering off and clearly states to John of and they kept in touch and were visited by Hephaestopolis: “See that you remain within monks like John. the palace (the hide out), lest trial in truth In the winter of 536/7, however, the come upon you. Remain still and keep quiet “thaw” between Chalcedonians and their like your companions and do not make opponents became a harsh winter again. priests in this city.” This John of Hephaesto- Unification debates in the capital had been polis then felt the need—after sneaking off thwarted by the Pope Agapet (d. 536), and without permission—to send a letter to the probably also by the emperor, who was not empress in which he almost blatantly lies to amused when his chief negotiator, patriarch her saying: “Since I, my lady, have on ac- Anthimus, switched sides. After being de- count of ill health not been able to come in posed, Anthimus went into hiding in one of and make obeisance to you all this time, the empress’s palaces. Severus, the ideologi- send me a letter on what you wish to say.”34 cal leader of the Miaphysites, returned to In essence Theodora wanted to control their Egypt to die and patriarch Theodosius of going and coming and wanted to make cer- Alexandria was kept near or in the capital tain that most of them did not make a fuss. for the rest of his life (until 566).31 The Only selected persons were allowed to go Chalcedonians threw the Miaphysites out of out and work on behalf of the dissident the cities again. And this time some very movement, like Jacob Burd‛ana and Theo- zealous types even hunted them down in the dore of the Arabs, and only after some pres- rural areas, not allowing them to live in the sure had been used by the Ghassanid kings. rural monasteries. This became known as We should therefore be very careful not to “The descent of Ephraim,” after the name of over-emphasize the differences in religious the patriarch of Antioch, who authorized the policy between Justinian and Theodora.35 persecution in Syria. The communities were John also went up to the capital, three split into small bands and John was ordered years after his abbot. However, he first trav- to lead one of these groups to safety across a elled to Alexandria and visited some ascet- frozen Euphrates. The monks regrouped in ics in the desert—among others Caesaria,
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 39 Monk, Missionary, and Martyr: John of Ephesus… ______one of the correspondents of Severus.36 ions44—and went to the province of Asia. During his travels John already saw the first He converted an old pagan temple into a stages of the plague in Palestine, which monastery in a place called Dareira (?) near would date his visit there around 540/41. Tralles.45 In the following years (until the After a short stop at his monastery in North- late sixties) John claims to have converted ern Mesopotamia, he moved to the capital, 70000 souls, to have built 98 churches and before or in 542.37 Around this time John twelve monasteries, and to have transformed officially got permission to leave the monas- seven synagogues into churches.46 tery of John Urtaya after being a part of it One of the problems of this account is for 19 years.38 While on route he met and of course that Justinian appoints a non- helped John of Hephaestopolis, who had Chalcedonian to convert his own population. wandered off again and had been ordaining As a result, Michael the Great asserts that priests and providing pastoral care to John converted them to the Chalcedonian Miaphysites in Asia Minor.39 In the capital, doctrine.47 However, John’s helpers are all he then personally saw the havoc that was clearly Miaphysites, several of his financial caused by the plague among its population. sponsors are Miaphysites, and around AD His account of this tragedy is quite vivid.40 558 John was ordained bishop for the region In the capital John became the abbot of around Ephesus by Jacob Burd‛ana for the a small monastery in Sycae across the Miaphysites there.48 Since no other source Golden Horn. It had been a villa, which had refers to John as a Chalcedonian, it seems been transformed by Mare the Solitary into that Michael created his own explanation for a monastery. After his death Mare had been this apparent contradiction. buried there.41 John made this monastery the John’s activities in Asia Minor are in main base for his activities in the following fact an aspect of a larger campaign by decades.42 Justinian to “Christianize” his empire.49 His laws reflect this policy. According to Pro- JOHN THE MISSIONARY copius the temple of Phylae (in southern Egypt) was closed, even for the pagans liv- Although it is not entirely certain as to how ing outside the empire. To these pagans both “official” his appointment was, it is certain he and his wife Theodora send missionaries that from around 542 John was involved to convert them.50 Another “Christianizing” with missionary activities on rather a large aspect of his foreign policies can be found in scale. According to a fragment of his the Chronicle of John Malalas which de- Church History it was through him that scribes how several allies are baptized in “God’s grace visited the countries of Asia, Constantinople to seal their alliance with the Caria, Lydia and Phrygia by the zealousness empire.51 of the victorious Justinian”—i.e. south-west Whether or not the internal missionary of modern-day Turkey.43 The palace and the activities reflect a real flourishing pagan public treasury did clearly sponsor his ac- society is open to debate. In his account of tivities lavishly. John gathered some helpers the plague John states that many villages with a Syrian background—four of his had preserved their local idols, while their Saints lives are dedicated to his compan- cult had died out. When the plague hit the
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 40 Monk, Missionary, and Martyr: John of Ephesus… ______empire some people again sought refuge in the name “converter of the pagans” and the adoration of these old statues. In Con- “destroyer of idols.”55 His mission had also stantinople, people responded to the horror brought him to the attention of Jacob by throwing pottery out of the house to Burd‛ana, who, in 588, made him a bishop frighten off the disease or by fleeing from for the Miaphysite communities in the same monks, since rumour had it that death came area where he worked as a missionary. His in the manifestation of a monk. This gives diocese was the province of Asia. Although the impression of a society that had accepted nominally based in Ephesus, John really Christianity, by and large, but always kept a worked from his base in Mar Mama, his second option open, just in case. Many old monastery in the capital, and from Dareira, rituals and statues had been preserved, while his main monastery near Tralles. His mis- society gradually shifted towards Christian- sionary activities gave him the freedom to ity. Therefore it seems that many of the con- go wherever he wanted to go, which was verts may in fact have been “waverers,” or also useful for his pastoral obligations. people who did not follow the rules and regulations of the church as closely as the JOHN THE MARTYR church would want them to. Especially in rural areas, where priests were scarce, there John’s role of bishop also had implications were many instances of syncretism. It is in for his position within the Miaphysite this context that we should see John’s activi- church. He was included in the circle around ties; he was busy eradicating pagan elements Patriarch Theodosius, who led the church from society, rather than converting real from Constantinople. Several documents pagans.52 from Theodosius were co-signed by John, In the capital there may have been an- among others.56 He now became a figure- other form of “paganism.” In 546 John insti- head and involved in the on-going debate gated an official investigation against gram- between Chalcedonians and anti- matici, sophists, scholastici and physi- Chalcedonians. And it is in this role that he cians—people of learning, people of the old became “a martyr for his faith,” although classical culture. One cannot help wonder probably not a martyr to the death. whether this was also an aspect of Already before his ordination, according “Christianization.” In other sources of this to John, Justinian had tried to use him as his time, these well-trained professionals are messenger in order to convince Miaphysite also called “pagan” and the sincerity of their leaders in Syria and Mesopotamia to come adherence to Christian beliefs is doubted.53 to the capital for “talks.”57 John seems to John and others perceived these traces of the have been present at these meetings, which pagan past as real forms of paganism and took place in the years leading up to the were trying to root them out. In his account, Council of Constantinople (553). Although John says that “they were arrested, scourged the talks did not produce a compromise ac- and imprisoned ... and sent into churches to ceptable to all, the decisions at Constantin- learn the faith of the Christians as befitted ople II did produce a re-interpretation of pagans.”54 Chalcedon in a form which was supposed to His missionary activities had earned him be more appealing to the Miaphysites.58
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In the last years of Justinian’s reign ment, they tore it to pieces.64 John spent his time on his mission, his com- Although annoyed, Justin II decided to munity in Asia Minor, his assistance to try again, this time in Constantinople, where Theodosius and the writing of his he could use some additional leverage, and “memoirs” in the form of the lives of saints where John could not avoid being involved he had met throughout his life. After the this time. In 571 the local Chalcedonian pa- death of Justinian (565) and Theodosius triarch, John the Scholastic, decided on a (566) John became the de facto leader of the more robust approach in trying to convince Miaphysite community in the capital. The the Miaphysite leaders.65 Although dragging community was mostly left to its own de- their heels, John and his companions ac- vices and John spent some of his time writ- cepted, on condition, according to John, that ing a church history, up to the first years of later on John the Scholastic would officially the new emperor. He could end on a high denounce Chalcedon. After celebrating the note, where anti-Chalcedonian sentiments holy communion together several times, the were acknowledged, and it seemed but a Miaphysites withdrew again because the matter of time before both church parties Chalcedonians did not live up to their prom- would be reunited.59 ise.66 All four delegates were arrested and At this time the Miaphysite movement imprisoned and put under severe pressure. was split asunder by the Tritheite contro- All cracked (Paul the Black, patriarch of versy.60 John Ascotzanges had published (in Antioch [577-584?], and the bishops Elisa 557) a confession of faith, according to and Stephen),67 except for John. After being which there are three natures as well as three imprisoned in the hospital of Euboulus for hypostases in God. A Miaphysite minority, more than a year, he was exiled to a small including several bishops, accepted his con- island in the Sea of Marmara, just outside fession of faith, even trying to win John the capital, only to be allowed back to Con- over to their cause.61 This bitter conflict was stantinople after Justin II had been de facto ultimately to be settled in a dispute before replaced by Caesar Tiberius, his regent the Chalcedonian patriarch, John the Scho- (Justin had gone mad). Even then, John was lastic (565-577), in 57062—again illustrating under close guard until John the Scholastic that some form of connection was still pre- died in 577.68 sent between Chalcedonians and anti- It was these events which prompted Chalcedonians. John to write a continuation of his Church Justinian’s successor, his nephew Justin History, in order to give his version of the II, also tried to find reunification through story, with a certain apologetic tone, as he compromise. Again the new emperor may had indeed been in communion with John have tried unsuccessfully to involve John in the Scholastic.69 His suffering and his stead- a meeting in Callinicum (568).63 At this fastness are one of the main features of the meeting it seems that the theologians of both first part of this third part of the Church His- parties did hammer out a mutually accept- tory. John even goes so far as to describe able compromise, but when local Mia- himself like a martyr for his faith, who due physite monks heard that Chalcedon had not to his perseverance is rescued by divine explicitly been declared dead in this docu- intervention.70
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After the death of John the Scholastic, it is impossible to establish anything John was harassed several times by the new about this other figure with any certainty. Chalcedonian patriarch Eutychius (552-565; 577-582),—among other things he was EPILOGUE forced to hand over the papers of ownership of his monastery in Sycae and banished for Through his works, John provides us with a several months.71 Nonetheless, he continued window into the events of the Sixth Century living in the capital and taking care of his from the perspective of a Miaphysite partici- Miaphysite community there. He also be- pant of these events. came involved in internal quarrels within the First of all, John illustrates the increas- Miaphysite movement. Although Tritheism ing importance of monks and ascetics for remained a problem, the more acute prob- daily life in society. The Miaphysite move- lem was that Paul the Black had been forced ment had to rely on these workers through twice to agree to take communion with the their social and pastoral work to keep their Chalcedonians.72 Many leaders in the East communities working. As bishops and did not want to accept him back in his old clergy gradually disappeared due to the per- position.73 John tried to be impartial, but his secution it was left to the monks to keep the sympathies were clearly with Paul.74 When parishes going. From their communities the al-Mundhir, king of the Ghassanids, the new priests and, eventually, new bishops Arab allies of Byzantium,75 and also were drawn. Rural monasteries became the staunchly Miaphysite, had brokered a deal backbone of the church. The bishops started in 58076 and the new Patriarch of Alexan- living there permanently, after having been dria, Damian (578-607), retracted from the thrown out of the cities. deal and ordained in 581 a new patriarch of John is also an example of the gradual Antioch (while Paul was still alive), John “Christianization” of the empire, especially flatly refused to recognise Peter of Callini- under Justinian. Christian leaders became cum (581-591).77 ever more the representatives of society to- In his Church History no mention is wards the state (and vice versa). This Christi- made of any further activities by John anization also meant a continuous eradication personally, although there is an event of traces of “non-Christianity.” John’s activi- mentioned in the book on the wars, which ties as a missionary should be seen in this can be dated in 588.78 It seems that John context rather than as a second Paul or Addai. was not involved in any further major John decided to preserve his perception events. According to a spurious entry in of events in a Church History. In doing so the Chronography of Michael, a certain he deliberately followed in the footsteps of “John” died in Chalcedon, after having his famous Greek predecessors, first of all been imprisoned for more than a year. He Eusebius. His work, however, was intended predicted his day of death and was buried for a Syriac-speaking audience. John did while both Miaphysites and Chalcedo- follow Eusebius in his intention to show that nians honoured him. Whether or not this his community preserved orthodox Christi- refers to John of Ephesus is unclear.79 anity. To him that also meant that the church Without our John writing about it himself, was the imperial church. This is an aspect of
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John that distinguishes him from all his Syr- Copts for a reason. Right up to the 580’s ian Orthodox successors. To John, ortho- these dissident groups all felt themselves to doxy is still linked with the Roman State be part of one Church, which in essence was and the Imperial Church. John never waiting to return to its rightful place—like challenges the authority of the emperor. the Nicaeans had done under the Arian em- A person may hold to a false doctrine, but perors in the fourth century. Like the Ni- the institution keeps its authority.80 caeans, true believers had to endure hardship, He never intended nor envisioned a but by writing about it John hoped to encour- separate church. To him, reunification was age his audience to keep faith and model still possible. Even better: he hoped for a themselves on the examples he provided, new Anastasius, who would once again mainly in his book of Lives. John’s works are swing the pendulum back to a Miaphysite part of a propaganda-war. doctrine for the imperial church. John also John could not have known that a com- presents a united front with the Chalcedo- munity could survive as a church without nians against any “outside” challenge, may being linked to the Christian Empire of they be Jews, heretics or pagans.81 Byzantium. To his successors, the antago- And John was not the only one thinking nistic elements against the surrounding Byz- like that, as can be seen in the example of antine society had become a central and uni- the anonymous Church History of Pseudo- fying element of history. To them the Byz- Zachariah (ca. 569). I have been talking antine state was often a military force that about “anti-Chalcedonians” and “Mia- invaded Islamic territory and destroyed their physites” rather than Syrian Orthodox and lands. There was little love lost…
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NOTES
1 This article is based on chapter 2.1 “The text edition of 1871), book VIII 6 (text: volume life of John of Ephesus” in: J.J. van Ginkel, John IV, p. 180; translation: volume II, p 28) (from of Ephesus. A Monophysite Historian in Sixth- now on: MS
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11 See Brooks (1923-1925); Ashbrook-Harvey tina Australiensia 6 (Sydney: Australian Associa- (1990). tion for Byzantine Studies, 1990), 299-310. 12 See E.W. Brooks, R. Hespel, “Iohannis 16 For a discussion of reception and work, Ephesini Historiae Ecclesiasticae Fragmenta see Van Ginkel (1995), chapter 2.2 b, 46-68; On quae e prima et secunda part supersunt,” in: J.B. the “lost” works, which are probably integrated Chabot, R. Hespel, (Incerti auctoris) Chronicon into Part II of the Church History, see Van Pseudo-Dionysianum vulgo dictum, CSCO 104, Ginkel (1995), chapter 2.2 d, 87-91. 17 507 (Louvain: Secrétariat du CorpusSCO, 1933 See Van Ginkel (1995), chapter 2.2 c, 70-85. and 1989), 401-420 (104), 323-330 (507); E.W. 18 Brooks, Iohannis Ephesini Historiae Ecclesiasti- For monastic schools see Life 5 (PO XVI, cae Pars Tertia, CSCO 105, 106, (Louvain: Se- 89-90 [89-90]): “to read the psalms and the Scrip- tures ...” ; “accordingly the boy-pupils supplied crétariat du CorpusSCO, 1935 and 1936) (cited their [sc teachers] needs”; Life 16 (PO XVII, 246 as JE
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 46 Monk, Missionary, and Martyr: John of Ephesus… ______accept the council of Chalcedon or leave the see. 31 Frend (1972), 263-276; E. Schwartz, He died before having to choose. The next two “Collectio Sabbaitica contra Acephalos et Orige- successors to this see were Miaphysites, but they niastas destinata : insunt acta synodorum Cons- were not challenged by the authorities. (See tantinopolitanae et Hierosolymitanae A. Honigmann [1951], 100-101). 536,” Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum III, 22 See Life 5 (PO XVII, 98-101 [98-101]). Berlin, 1940; J. Hofmann, “Der hl. Papst Agapit I. 23 Life 4 (PO XVII, 84 [84]): after the death of und die Kirche von Byzanz,” Ostkirchliche Maro, to avoid the neighbourhood of bodily kin he Studien 40 (1991) 113-132; E. Honigmann, left for the Amidenes. There is a discrepancy in “Anthimus of Trebizond, Patriarch of Constantin- John's references to the date of Maro’s death. Ac- ople,” Studi e Testi 173 (1953) 185-193. cording to Life 4 (PO XVII, 83 [83]) he died after 32 See PD 837.8 (38-44; 27-31) and MS IX 19 being a stylite for 29 years. In 515 he had been a (275-6; 187-8); also see Life 35 (PO XVIII, 619- stylite for 20 years (Life 4 (PO XVII, 79 [79])). 621 [417-419]); Life 58 (PO XIX, 224-225 [570- Therefore his death should be dated to 524. On the 571]). other hand, according to Life 58 (PO XIX, 222 33 Life 58 (PO XIX, 225 [571]). [568]) John entered Mar John Urtaya during the 34 Life 25 (PO XVIII, 534-535 [332-333]). abbacy of Sergius (d. 522/3: his successors have 35 See van Ginkel (1995), 152; see for exam- tenures of three and a half and four years in exile ple PD 865 (128-129; 96-97): Theodora trying to (ended in 530)): see D'yakonov (1908) (38 n 51), find Miaphysite negotiators, who are hiding Brooks (1923) (iv)). The fact that John had been a from her after having left a dispute against her resident of the monastery of John Urtaya for 19 wishes. On Theodora in general see e.g. R. years (Life 13 (PO XVII, 197 [197])) does not Browning, Justinian and Theodora (London: help since the beginning of his abbacy of Mar Thames and Hudson, 1987; rev. ed.). Mama in Constantinople cannot be determined 36 Life 25 (PO XVIII, 537-538 [335-336]): exactly. John meets John of Hephaestopolis while “we 24 See J.J. van Ginkel, “Persuasion and Perse- were going up from Alexandria to the royal city” cution: Establishing Church Unity in the Sixth in ca. 540, after having spent considerable time in Century,” in (Vanstiphout, H. et. al. eds.) All Egypt (see Life 56 (PO XIX, 198 [544] and n 1, Those Nations ... Cultural Encounters Within Life 54 (PO XIX, 185-191 [531-7], esp. 186 And With The Near East. Studies Presented To [532] n 4)). Han Drijvers at The Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth 37 PD 855 (87; 65). Birthday, COMERS/ICOG Communications 2 38 Life 13 (PO XVII, 197 [197]); Life 18 (PO (Groningen: STYX Publications, 1999), 61-69. XVII, 260-265 [260-265]) suggests one had to 25 For John of Tella see Life 24 (PO XVIII, have some form of official release in person at 522-525 [320-323])), Martyrs by Bar Kaili, bishop the monastery. of Edessa see PD 837 (32-36; 24-26). 39 Life 25 (PO XVIII, 538-539 [336-337]). 26 Life 24 (PO XVII, 319 [319]). 40 PD 855 (79-109; 59-82). 27 Life 14 (PO XVII, 217-218 [217-218]). 41 Life 36 (PO XVIII, 624-641, [422-439]). 28 Life 11 (PO XVII, 160-166 [160-166]). 42 Life 36 (PO XVIII, 643-644, [441-442]); For John on asceticism in general see Ashbrook- Note that Lives 21, 33, 34, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, Harvey (1990). 43, 44, 45, 46 and 47 are linked to the Monastery 29 PZ (II) VIII, 5 (82.15-17, 82.22-23; 56.29, Mar Mama, across the water, in Sycae. Most of 56.34-35): “In the year nine [indiction], in the fifth them are linked to John's missionary activities as year of the reign of ... emperor Justinian.” well. 30 Life 13 (PO XVIII, 207, 209-210 [207; 209- 43 PD 853 (77; 58), MS IX (287; 207): “in the 210]). fifteenth year of Justinian” (541/2): Note that there
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 47 Monk, Missionary, and Martyr: John of Ephesus… ______is no clear reference to an official appointment, byzantinischer Mission zur Zeit Justins und only to Justinian's active financial support. Note Justinians, Miscellanea Monacensia 19 also that both PD and MS date the plague after the (München: Institut fur Byzantinistik und beginning of John’s missionary task. The plague is neugriechische Philologie der Universitat, dated in SEL 855 (543/4) or the 16th year of Justin- 1974); F.R. Trombley, “The Justinianic Program ian (542/3) (PD 855 (79.16-8; 59.22-3) and MS IX of Christianizing the Empire,” Abstracts of Pa- 28 (305.4; 235.3-4)). pers: Eighth Annual Byzantine Studies Confer- 44 Lives 39 (PO XVIII, 645-647, [443-445]), ence (Chicago, Ill: University of Chicago, 1982) 40 (PO XVIII, 647-651, [445-449]), 43 (PO in http://www.byzconf.org/1982abstracts.html. XVIII, 658-660, [456-458]), 51 (PO XIX, 159- 50 See S. G. Richter, Studien zur Christianis- 164, [505-510]). ierung Nubiens, Sprachen und Kulturen des 45 JE III, 36, 37 (169-172; 125-128): the em- christlichen Orients 11 (Wiesbaden: Reichert, peror defends John’s authority over the monastery 2002); J.H.F. Dijkstra, Religious Encounters on against the local (Chalcedonian?) bishop; On the Southern Egyptian Frontier in Late Antiquity Dareira see E. Honigmann, “L'histoire ecclésias- (AD 298-642) (Groningen: 2005 dis.). tique de Jean d'Éphese,” Byzantion XIV (1939) 51 L. Dindorf, Ioannis Malalae Chrono- 615-625, esp. 620-1. graphia, Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantiae 46 Life 47 (PO XVIII, 681, [479]): “80.000” 28 (Bonn: E. Weber, 1831), 427.17-428.4. according to the manuscript, but all other sources 52 For paganism in the Sixth century see F.R. indicate 70.000: Life 43 (PO XVIII, 660, [458]): Trombley, Hellenic Religion and Christianiza- 92 churches and 10 monasteries (Honigmann tion, c. 370‑529 (2 vol), Religions in the (1951), 208 n 6 (sic)); PD 853 (77-78; 58): 70.000 Graeco‑Roman World 115 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, converts, 96 churches and 12 monasteries (Hespel 1993); P. Chuvin, Chronique des derniers païens: translates: 7000 [sic]); MS IX 33 (324; 270) la disparition du paganisme dans l'Empire romain (closely related to Life 47): 7000 converts, 98 du règne de Constantine à celui de Justinien churches, 12 monasteries and 4 hospitals (Collection Histoire) (Paris: Belles Lettres/Fayard, (transmission error: “in 4 hyparchias;” afterwards 1990); K.W. Harl, “Sacrifice and Pagan Belief in another 23.000 converts); see MS IX 24 (287; Fifth and Sixth Century Byzantium,” Past and 207): 70.000 converts; Life 47 (PO XVIII, 681, Present 128 (1990), 7-27; I. Rochow, “Die [479]): “30 years” of mission seems very impre- Heidenprozesse unter den Kaisern Tiberios II cise or the mission would have started in 537. Konstantinos und Maurikios,” Studien zum 47 MS IX 24 (287; 207). 7.Jahrhundert in Byzanz (Fr.Winkelmann (ed.)) 48 See note 44 and for financial support see (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1976), 120-130; idem, Lives 55 and 57 (PO XIX, 191- 196, [537-542] “Zu ‘heidnischen’ Bräuchen bei der Bevölkerung and 200-206, [546-552]); John's ordination in Life des Byzantinischen Reiches im 7. Jahrhundert,” 50 (PO XIX 157, [503]). The date can be deduced Klio 60 (2) (1978) 483-497; L.M. Whitby, “John from the life of Kashish (Life 51 (PO XIX 160- of Ephesus and the Pagans: Pagan Survivals in the 161, [506-508]). Kashish probably left John about Sixth Century,” Paganism in the Later Roman 540, travelled for 13 years and lived on Chios for Empire and in Byzantium (M. Salamon (ed.)) five years. Both were ordained on the same tour by (Cracow: Universitas, 1991), 111-131; Also see Jacob Burd‛ana (see Brooks (1923) (v)). Whether Life 16 (PO XVII, 229-247, [229-247]) on Simeon John became a priest first, and if so, when, is un- the Mountaineer, who finds a village, who see known. For Jacob's ordinations see Honigmann themselves as Christians, although there is no (1951), 168-177. priest and knowledge is ‘limited.’ PD 855 (85-86; 49 I. Engelhardt, Mission und Politik in 64): people in Palestine start worshipping statues Byzanz: Ein Beitrag zur Strukturanalyse again in response to the plague.
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53 See also I. Rochow, “Der Vorwurf des Tritheist Dossier, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Heidentums als Mittel der innenpolitischen 10 (Leuven: Departement Oriëntalistiek 1981). Polemik in Byzanz,” Paganism in the Later 61 JE III, V, 1 (253-254; 191-192). After John Roman Empire and in Byzantium, 133-156. turned them down, they started slandering him. 54 PD 852.3 (76-77; 57-58). Athanasius, the Tritheite grandson of empress 55 JE II, 4 (58.5; 41.6). Theodora, accused John of having embezzled 70 56 John signs second, when Theodosius of κεvτηvάρια from the treasury in the same period Alexandria is still alive (J.-B. Chabot, Documenta (MS IX 30 (315-316; 255)). ad origines Monophysitarum illustrandas, 62 MS IX 30 (317-8; 257-260), X 3 (337; 293- CSCO 17, 103 Scr. Syri 17, 52 (Paris: Se- 294): possibly based on material from John's crétariat du CorpusSCO, 1908, 1933) (cited as Church History Part Two. Documenta (
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151-153)). The Egyptians also bore a grudge (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research against Paul for trying to become the successor Library and Collection, 1995). of Theodosius, their patriarch, in 566, even 76 JE IV, 40 (220-221; 165-166). though he was already the patriarch of Antioch. 77 JE IV, 41-45 (221-229; 166-172). ( MS X 21 (333; 285) 1234 (II) 31 (242-3; 182- 78 See P. Allen, “A New Date for the last re- 3)). Originally Paul was to be barred from the corded Events in John of Ephesus, ‘Historia Eccle- Eucharist for three years (JE IV, 15 (201; 150)), siastica,’” Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 10 which corresponds to Canon 3 of “the Canones, (1979), 251-254. sent by Johannes the Egyptian bishop” (537-541 79 MS X 15 (364; 336-337). The story is posi- AD), which were specifically designed with perse- tioned several chapters before the end of the part cution in mind (A. Vööbus, Syrische Kanones- of Michael’s work based on John of Ephesus’ sammlung. Ein Beitrag zur Quellenkunde I West- Church History. On the other hand there are sev- syrische Originalurkunden 1,B, CSCO 317, Subs eral biographical remarks on John in MS, which 35 (Louvain: Secretariat du CorpusSCO, 1970), may go back to an unknown Vita of John. 175-180, esp. 176 n 21. 80 J.J. van Ginkel, “John of Ephesus on Emper- 74 See JE IV 46 (229-231; 172-174); also see ors: The Perception of The Byzantine Empire by a for example JE IV, 14 (198-199; 148-149). Monophysite,” VI Symposium Syriacum 1992 Uni- 75 J.R. Martindale, The Prosopography of the versity of Cambridge, Faculty of Divinity 30 Au- Later Roman Empire III AD 527-641 (Cambridge: gust - 2 September 1992 (R. Lavenant (ed.), OCA Cambridge University Press, 1992), 34-37; On 247 (Roma: Pont. Institutum Studiorum Oriental- Ghassanids in general see e.g. I. Shahid, Byzan- ium, 1994), 323-333. tium and the Arabs in the sixth century (2 vols) 81 Van Ginkel (1995).
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NESTORIAN GRAVE INSCRIPTIONS FROM QUANZHOU (ZAITUN), CHINA
NIU RUJI XINJIANG UNIVERSITY, URUMQI, CHINA
INTRODUCTION1 erations of researchers. According to the report of Wu Wenliang, there are about one hundred Islamic inscriptions and some thirty Christian inscriptions. The latter include he city of Quanzhou 泉州 (fig. 1) some Nestorian examples with at least ten in whose ancient name was Citong 6 7 2 Syriac, and four in the Pag-’sba script. In 刺桐, is located on the southeast the 1980s, more Nestorian inscriptions were shore of the sea of Fujian 福建, betweenT Fuzhou and Xiamen It uncovered, one of which was written in the 福州 厦门. Uighur script and language.8 borders the bay of Quanzhou in the south- east, near the mouth of the Jinjiang 晋江 THE GRAVES AND THEIR TYPES river. This location was ideal for movement, which explains why it was a crossroad and a The tombs uncovered in Quanzhou are of trade centre at the national and international two types: The altar-type tomb, and the sim- levels. ple (or regular) tomb.9 Emmanuel Diaz, the 17th century Chris- The altar-type tomb (fig. 2) is built with tian missionary, was the first to notice the 3 a monolithic granite, blue and white in col- existence of a cross at Quanzhou. In 1906, our. The rectangular upper part, measuring Serafin Moya uncovered an inscription 3.60 m in length and 90 cm in width, serves 4 showing another cross and an angel. Wu as a sacrifice table. The most prominent part Wenliang 吴文良 was the first to gather and of the tomb, located in the middle of the top classify the Nestorian steles. Beginning in part, is carved with petals of the lotus or 1928, he undertook the task of gathering and with leaves of the pothi tree. The middle classifying the Nestorian inscriptions from part of the tomb is divided into three, four or Quanzhou, which he published in a book more often five sections, the joints of which entitled Religious Inscriptions and Funerary are made of columns. If the tomb is made of Stones in Quanzhou.5 This is an invaluable five sections, the central section and the oth- book, full of drawings, rich in records, and ers to its left and right bear typically reli- with enough relevant data for several gen- gious motifs. The first and the last pieces of
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 51 Nestorian Grave Inscriptions From Quanzhou (Zaitun), China ______the stone show carved lotus and peony, fa- ond level from the bottom is decorated with miliar in Chinese fine art. sculptured petals and leaves of trees. In the If this tomb were of a Muslim person, case of a Muslim tomb, this level may con- the central section would include carved tain canonical texts written in Arabic, depictions of clouds and the moon—two whereas a Christian tomb would rather show important symbols in the eyes of the Mus- wavy lines. The top level is often an inde- lims. The other two pieces would also be pendent stone called the ‘tomb’s roof’, inscribed in Arabic. Behind the stela is the which sits on the fourth level. The front of real tomb, higher than the base of the mono- this level depicts the moon and the clouds in lith by 90 cm. Before the real tomb, behind the case of a Muslim tomb or a lotus and a the table, a pointed stela stands bearing de- cross in the case of a Christian tomb. pictions of clouds and the moon. Muslim monuments are hollow on the If the altar-type tomb were of a Chris- inside, a fact which led later generations to tian, the middle section would be a stone reuse them as steles. Nowadays, most of the panel sculptured with a cross and angels and stone bases of governmental temples built Nestorian and Syriac texts would be in- under the Ming and the Qing dynasties were scribed on both sides. The pointed stela of made of such hollow tombs, for they are the Christian tomb, similar to the one found both beautiful and practical. In 1936, during in Islamic tombs, bears one cross and one the restoration of the great judicial court of angel—important symbols in the eyes of the the Jinjiangxian 晋江县 district, a dozen Christians. stele were uncovered, seven of which were In short, the altar-type tombs of the made out of Muslim grave monuments. Muslims are distinguished by the cloud, the Moreover, as in the stela of the divine doc- moon, and the Arabic script, whereas the trine shendaobei 神道碑 and the stela of the altar-type tombs of the Christians are identi- Hall of Mingluntang 明伦堂, the replace- fied by the cross, angels and the Syriac ment of their bases were also made out of script. In every other detail, tombs of this Arab tombs. Some of the bases still show kind are strikingly similar. clear Arab characters, but in some others the The structure of the simple or regular characters were intentionally rubbed off, tomb (fig. 3) is a transformation of the altar- though their traces are still visible. By con- type tomb from which it derives. It reminds trast, the Christian tomb is never hollow and one of European tombs, though the former differs in its larger size and its finer sculp- was therefore rarely displaced. ture. This kind of tomb is generally made of monolithic granite, divided into five levels. LOCATIONS OF THE GRAVES From the lowest level, which measures 9.7 m in length and 90 cm in width, the monu- The tombs discovered so far are scattered ment rises progressively narrower until it over a large region of Quanzhou: from the reaches the fifth level. Along the first level Gate of Tonghuaimen 通淮门, along both ornamental ruyi (an S-shaped symbol of sides of Renfengjie 仁凤街 Street, to Xiacu- happiness) are sculptured as is also the case oshan 夏厝山, Jincuowei 金厝尾, and with the six columns of the base. The sec- Yücuowei 鱼厝尾, to the east, stretching to
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 52 Nestorian Grave Inscriptions From Quanzhou (Zaitun), China ______the sacred tomb at the foot of the Mount of picted with a cross. In 1987, he found the the Soul, Lingshan 灵山, as well as almost upper stone of a grave,11 and according to everywhere in the Garden of Pleasure to the him, to the left side of Renfen 仁凤 Street left side of the road Fuzhou-Xiamen. The and behind an inhabited house there are also cemetery in the Garden of Pleasure 乐园区 two hollow tombs that belonged to Muslims, is by far the largest compared to the other inscribed in Arabic and covered with wild cemeteries found in Quanzhou. On the basis weeds. To the right side of this street, there of Wu Wenliang’s report and in light of the are six Islamic tombs remarkably complete new discoveries made during the past two despite holes left after attempts to destroy decades, one observes that the Nestorian them. Finally, in the middle of the street, to tombs are mostly located in Jingtoupu 津头 the bottom of the pool, one notices six 埔, East Port 东门, Secuowei 色厝尾, East Christian tombs that are still intact. The mis- Montagne 东岳山, and Houmao 后茂. sionary of the Ming Dynasty, S. J. Em-
manuel Diaz, published a monograph enti- The Quarter of Jingtoupu 津头埔 tled Commentary on the Christian Inscrip- The tombs may be divided into two tion of Si-ngan-fou under the Tang Dynasty. groups. The first group, in the street, con- Here he stated that three steles bearing sists of four tombs uncovered in 1945 by a crosses were uncovered in the church of peasant in an abandoned house. They are Dongchan, Dongchansi 东禅寺 on the shore buried in the ground in an orderly manner, of Lake Donghu, Donghu 东湖, near the separated from each other by an average of quarter of the East Port at Quanzhou.12 In one metre. All four tombs bear Arabic in- 1988, another cover stone of a Nestorian scriptions. The second group is located in a grave was found in this area in perfect con- village in which there are four pools. When dition and bearing the depiction of an angel the water dries out in winter, one can see at and clouds.13 Thus, both Muslims and Chris- the bottom of the pools some thirty tombs, tians used the clouds as a motif. one of which, mostly intact, lies near a large tree. In one of the pools the water is not The Secuowei Quarter 色厝尾 deep and one can still see in the surrounding This quarter can be divided into two wall a layer of ancient bricks. A large pillar zones, a south one called Secuowei 色厝尾, rests on the bricks and rises above the and a north one named Secuotou 色厝头. ground by about one metre. The pillar is as The northern zone contains a Christian wide as it can be embraced by two men. It is cemetery made of four white tombs, two of quite possible that this whole structure was which are buried in the ground to their part of a Nestorian church since groups of fourth section, which are still visible. In the Nestorian graves were found nearby it. southern zone, there are two Islamic tombs The Quarter of the East Gate, belonging to the Se 色 family. What remain Dongmenqu 东门区 now are five hollow tombs, one of which In 1939, Wu Wenliang, while digging belonged to an infant. The tombs are placed the foundations of the city near the Quarter in an orderly manner but lack the upper of the East Gate,10 uncovered a stela de- stones and one of them consists only of the
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stela showing scripts and a large lotus at the are problems with the transliteration and bottom. In the summer of 1948, this ceme- translation and especially with the identifi- tery was destroyed, and parts of the stone cation of the owner of the tomb. According were taken away. Since the 1950s only three to the aforementioned scholars, the stela incomplete tombs have survived. relates to two or even three deceased per- In the quarters of the East Mountain, sons. Relying on Wu Wenliang’s mono- Dongyueshan 东岳山 and Houmao 后茂, graph, J. Foster published an article in 1954 inscriptions relevant to Nestorianism were in which he presented and analyzed the in- uncovered but in small numbers. scriptions.18 He discussed two lines of the
Syriac inscriptions, but there remain other THE FUNERARY INSCRIPTIONS lines to analyze. In 1999, I published a Syriac inscription and identified the owner Around fifty years ago the photographs of of the tomb on which it was found—a man inscriptions uncovered in Quanzhou were from the city of Qoču, Gaocang 高昌 at first published by Wu Wenliang. Since then, Turfan of Sérinde, Xiyu 西域. Nonetheless, Nestorian inscriptions with the Syriac script there are still difficulties in the reading of 19 began to be studied, but incompletely, by D. this inscription. I have also edited a new 20 Segal, A. E. Goodman, and J. Foster,14 who Syriac inscription uncovered in May 2002. read only the first two lines of the inscrip- The only inscription in Uighur from Quan- tions (“In the name of the Father, Son, and zhou was published in a co-authored article 21 Holy Spirit,”)15 while leaving the rest. by J. Hamilton and the present writer. The transcription and translation of the Before discussing more Syriac-Uighur Syriac and Uighur inscriptions of Quanzhou inscriptions from Quanzhou, I would like to were published by the Japanese S. Mura- present the Syriac alphabet in transliteration yama;16 they were then translated into Chi- and transcription so as to facilitate the read- nese by Xia Nai 夏鼐.17 Nonetheless, there ing of the inscriptions in question.
The Syriac Writing System and the Consonants and Vowels of Turkic-Uighur in transliteration and Transcription
List of Vowels
Syriac Name Transliteration Transcrip- Example Letter tion A Ōlaph syr.: ’ a / ä Yila ’lty/altï; arbQ qbr’/qabra; (ouï.: ’’ ) ܢaK k’n / qan; abA ’b’; Pylax k’lyb / kälip; zywia ’t-wyz / ät-öz
ya Ōlaph ’y i / ï GylyA ’ylyg / ilig yūdh wa Ōlaph ’w u / o /ü / ö lwa ’wl /ol; ; jWa’wč / üč waw ______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 54 Nestorian Grave Inscriptions From Quanzhou (Zaitun), China ______
Ywa Ōlaph ’wy ü / ö yiwzYWa ’wyzwty /özüti waw yūdh Yw Waw wy ü / ö Ydrwiywp bwytwrdy/bütürdi yūdh w Waw w u / o/ ü / ö ܢwqydyxra ’rkydyqwn/arqïdïyaqon; xwliwx kwtlwk / qutluq
Y Yūdh y i / ï aklyP pylk’/bilgä; ܢwiyaZ z’ytwn/ zaïton; ykylraY y’rlyky /yarlïγï
Consonants
Syriac Name Translitera- Transcrip- Exemple Letter tion tion B Bēth b b ArbQ qbr’/qabrā
G Gōmal g g SYGrwyG gywrgys/giorgis
D Dōlath d d DwWA ’wwd / ud
H Hē h h anH hn’ / hānā
Z Zain z z ܢwiyaZ z’ytwn/zaïton
U Hēth h h ܢnUwY ywhnn/yohanan
I Tēth t t JaxbaI t’bk’č/tabγač K, x Kōph k k, q, γ axlyP bylk’/bilgä; ylxWA ’wkly/oγlï ; jaivwx kwšt’č/quštač L Lōmadh l l SwrdnsxlA ’lksndrws/alqsandros M Mīm m m anvmvM mšmšn’/mešamšānā ܢN Nūn n n ܢmA ’mn / amen; ܢax k’n / qan S Semkath s s YvyxaS s’kyšy/saqïšï
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C ‘Ē ‘ ‘ LYawnmC ‘mnw’yl; dnC ‘nd
P Pē p b, p SwpylyP pylypws / pilipus
J Sōdhē č č JywA ’wyč/üč
Q Qūph q q ArbQ qbr’ / qabrā
R Rīš r r RA ’r/är ; xylraY y’rlyk / yarlïq V Šīn š š xamivWA ’wštm’k / uštmaq T Taw t t AtylI tlyt’ / talitha ; TnvB bšnt / bašnat
Note: The five letters B, H, Q, C and T are generally used only in Syriac words
Quanzhou 1 (fig. 4) mental threefold leaf, while a ring decorates the point where they meet. This is of the same Current Location: Quanzhou, Lapidary family of crosses in the collection of the mu- Museum of the History of Maritime Rela- seum of Guimet 16599 (now Louvre AO tions. 28051) and 16600, edited by F. Nau in 1913. Provenance: Gate of Renfeng, renfeng- Text: Eleven lines, the first in Syriac and lines men 任风门 of the city wall, uncovered in 2 to 10 in Uighur Garshuni. The lines 22 cm 1943. long, 25 cm wide, and the space between them Edition: Wu Wenliang, 1954 (photo); J. being of 25 cm, module: 0.7 cm. Foster 1954, p. 14-15 and pl. XIII Copy: (transcription and English translation of æVd‹QD æU›RW ÆrBW æBA µvB .1 the first line in Syriac); Niu Ruji 1999, pp. 33-34 (Transliteration, transcription and yvykas ܢax swrdnsklA .2 translation into Chinese of the whole in- ainylyY jywa ܢwa zwY yila gnyM .3 scription).22 Copies: Photo and rubbing by Niu Ruji, j[ny]nwa lyY dwwa yvyxaS jaxbaI .4 October 1999. wjwx ai ytla ymrygyY ya .5 Description: Quadrangular Funerary stela (40 cm in length and 31 cm in width), ra aia vymuwI xyL xylaP .6 crudely polished. The inscribed face was ܢaxS aI avvQ ylxwa gnyn .7 cut in such a way that the top would be rounded so as to protrude from the rest of wp ainyvaY yiyY vymilA .8 the grave. On the top, a cross is carved in pyiyx ax xylaP ܢwiYaZ .9 relief. The four arms of the cross are equal in size (6 x 6 cm), all ending with an orna- ydyrwiŸwP yxylraY yrgnI .10
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ai amivw[A] yiwZ[wa].11 Commentary: x ܢyma ܢwslwP Line 5: qoču, toponym, Qočo, name of the Transliteration: ancient city of Xinjiang in Turfan. Line 6: tuhmïš ata är, homonym. 1. bšm ’b’ wbr’ wrwh’ dqwdš’ Line 9: zaytun is a geographical name in 2. ’lksndrws k’n s’kyšy reference to the city of Quanzhou 泉州, 3. myng ’lty ywz ’wn ’wč yylynt’ whose ancient name was Citong see 4. t’bk’č s’qyšy ’wwd yyl ’wn[yn]č 刺桐 ( 5. ’y yygyrmy ’lty t’ kwčw endnote 2). 6. p’lyk lyk twhmyš ’t’ ’r Line 9: ketip, verb “to go,” though its read- ing is not secure. 7. nyng ’wkly qšš’ t’sq’n 8. ’ltmyš yyty y’šynt’ pw Quanzhou 2 (fig. 5) 9. z’ytwn p’lyk k’ kytyp 10. tngry y’rlyky pwytwrydy Current location: Lapidary Museum of the 11. [’w]zwty [’]wštm’k t’ pwlswn ’myn History of Maritime Relations. Provenance: North Gate of the city wall; Transcription: found in 1951.
1. bšem ābā wabrā werūhā deqūdšā Publication: Wu Wenliang (1958), pl.84. 2. alaqsandros qan saqïšï Edition: None. 3. mïng altï yüz on üč yïlïnta Copies: Photo and rubbing by Niu Ruji, Oc- 4. tabgač saqïšï ud yïl on[ïn]č tober 1999. 5. ay yigirmi altï-ta qoču Description: Plaque measuring 76 x 26 cm 6. balïq-lïq tuhmïš ata är and possibly of a tomb similar to tomb 3-4. 7. -nïng oglï qašïša tasqan It is rectangular in shape (46 x 15 cm) with 8. altmïš yiti yašïnta bu an elaborate, 5 cm-wide wave-patterned 9. zaytun balïq-qa ketip frame. The inscription inside this frame is 10. tängri yarlïqï bütürdi made of vertical lines to be read from left to 11. [ö]züti uštïmaq-ta bolsun amen right. Ornamental columns, 9 cm in width, are carved symmetrically and stand upright, Translation: one on each side of the plaque. Text: The inscription consists of fifteen “In the name of the Father, the Son, and lines, each of which is 13 cm long, with the the Holy Spirit. In the year one thousand six space between them being 2.5 cm; module hundred and ten according to the computa- 0.5 cm. Lines 1 to 3 are in Syriac and 4 to tion of Emperor Alexander and in the year 15 in Garshuni Uighur. ten of the Ox according to the Chinese com- Copy: putation, on the twenty-sixth of the tenth ÆrBW æBA µvB .1 month, the priest Tasqan, son of Tuhmïš Ata Är, native of the city of Qočo, at the age æVd‹QD æU›RW .2 of sixty-seven years, went to this city of Zaytun and fulfilled the will of God. May ~yMA ~ymlcL .3 his soul be in Paradise, amen.” xyLæP æyNWdqM .4
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ܢax ∑wpylyP xyl .5 6. oγlï alaqsandros 7. ilig qan saqïšï ÒWRdnsxLA Úlx‹A .6 8. yïl mïng altï yüz ÚvyxæS ܢæx fiYlYA .7 9. on altï-ta 10. tabγač saqïšï zWA ÚilA finyM lyY .8 11. luu yïl onunč ay æI ÚilA ~WA .9 12. on altï-ta bu 13. qabra giorgis-nïng ÚvyxæS JæxBæI .10 14. turur aq amen är 15. ////// yat bolsu ÚA jnwnwA lyY WwL .11 Translation: wP æI yilA ~wA .12 “In the name of the Father, the Son, and gnN skrwyG arbQ .13 the Holy Spirit, for ever and ever, amen. According to the computation of the King rA ܢmA qA rrwI .14 (and) Sovereign Alexander son of the Sover- wslwP iaY ////// .15 eign Philip, native of the city of Macedonia, in the year one thousand six hundred and Transliteration: sixteen, and according to the Chinese com- 1. bšm ’b’ wbr’ putation the Year of the Dragon, the tenth 2. wrwh’ dqwdš’ month, the sixteenth (day), this is the grave 3. l‛lmyn ’myn of George. Amen ! ..... let there be com- 4. mqdwny’ p’lyk memoration.” 5. lyk pylypws k’n Commentary : 6. ’wkly ’lksndrws 7. ’ylyg k’n s’kyšy The dates agree with each other: Seleu- 8. yyl myng ’lty ’wz cid 1616 corresponds exactly to AD Oc- 9. ’wn ’lty t’ tober 16, 1304, which is also the Turkic- 10. t’bk’č s’kyšy Chinese Year of the Dragon; see W. 11. lww yyl ’wnwnč ’y Klein, Das nestorianische Christentum 12. ’wn ’ltyt’pw an den Handelswegen durch Kyrgyzstan 13. qbr’ gywrks nng bis zum 14. Jh., Silk Road Studies 3 14. turr ’q ’mn ’r (Brepols: Turnhout, 2000), p. 344. 15. ////// y’t pwlsw Lines 4-7. maqadonya balïqlïq pilipus Transcription : qan oγlï alaqsandros ilig qan saqïšï “The computation of King (and) Sovereign 1. bšem ābā wabrā Alexander son of the sovereign Philip 2. werūhā deqūdšā native of the city of Macedonia;” com- 3. l‛almīn amen pare with the inscription found in 4. maqadonya balïq Semirietchié published by P. K. Kokow- 5. -lïq pilipus qan zoff (1909), N°2, pp. 788-96, pl. 1.
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Quanzhou 3 (fig. 6) adxamyivwA .17
Current location: Lapidary Museum of the daY ydrwirA .18 History of Maritime Relations. ܢmA ܢWslwP .19 Provenance: None. Edition: None. Transliteration:
Copies: Photo and rubbing by Niu Ruji, Oc- 1. bšm ’b’ tober 1999. 2. wbr’ wrw’ Description: The slab measures 63.5 x 25 3. dqdš’ lylmn cm; the width of the frame is 5 cm and the 4. mqdwny’ p’lyq size of the inscribed surface is 52.5 x 13.5 5. -lyq pylypws cm. 6. k’n ’wkly Text: The space between the lines is 3 cm in 7. ’lksndrws k’n height, module 0.5 cm. The first three lines 8. s’qyšy yyl are in Syriac and lines 4-19 are in Garshuni 9. myng ’lty ywz Uighur. 10. ’wtwz yylynt’ Copy: 11. twrk s’qyšy kwy yyl abA µvB .1 12. ’wnwnč ’y s’kyzt’ 13. q’š’ gywrgys awrW arbW .2 14. myšh’-nyng y’rlyk ~mlyL avdqD .3 15. -yn pwytwrdy 16. ’wyzwty m’ngw xylaP aynwdqM .4 17. ’wštym’kd’ 18. ’rtwrdy y’d swpylyP yl .5 x 19. pwlswn ’mn
ylx wA ܢax .6 Transcription:
ܢax swrdnsxlA .7 1. bšem ābā lyY yvyxaS .8 2. wabrā weruā (for werūhā) 3. deqūdšā lyalmin (for l‛almīn) zwY yilA gnyM .9 4. maqadonya balïq ainylyY zwiwA .10 5. -lïq pilipus 6. qan oγl-ï lyY ywK yvyxaS krwI .11 7. alaqsandros qan 8. saqïšï yïl aizkaS yA jnwnwA .12 9. mïng altï yüz sygrwyG avaQ .13 10. otuz yïlïn-ta 11. türk saqïšï qoy yïl xylraY gnynauvyM .14 12. onunčï ay säkiz-tä 13. qāšā giorgis ydrwiywP ܢy .15 14. mešiha-nïng yarlïq wgnaM yiwzywA .16 15. -ïn bütürdi
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16. özüt-i mängü all ending with an ornamental threefold leaf, 17. uštïmaq-da while a ring decorates the point where they 18. ärtürdi yat meet; it also surmounts a Chinese-shaped 19. bolsun amen cloud. The entire depiction is in relief. The bottom section, also framed, contains the Translation: inscription. “In the name of the Father, the Son, Text: Twelve lines are inscribed vertically and the Holy Spirit for ever and ever. In to be read from the top downward and from the year one thousand six hundred and left to right. Lines 1 and 2 are in Syriac, thirty according to the computation of Em- whereas lines 3 to 12 are in Garshuni Uig- peror Alexander son of Emperor Philip of hour. Macedonia, in the Year of Sheep according Copy: to the Turkic computation, in the tenth ÆrBW æBA µvB .1 month, the eighth day, the priest George fulfilled the will of the Messiah. May his æVd‹QD æU›RW .2 soul be in Paradise. Let there be commemo- yvykaS ~aK srinsklA .3 ration, amen.” ilA ~wa zwY yila gnM lyY .4 Commentary: yvykaS grwI vyM .5 Line 7-11: The Seleucid year 1630 (=1318 A.D.) corresponds indeed to the Turkic- jnYiaY ylyY dwA .6 Chinese Year of the Sheep. Line 12: The month and day dates are not [a]zwa irwI ~wA YA.7 clear in the inscription. ymrgYA ynaS vaY .8 Line 13: avaQ /q’š’/qāšā = qaššīša ~klrY yrgnI aIryS .9 “priest;” see also the inscriptions of Bailing- miao and Wangmuliang 11, 12, 13 et 14. ivwA yIzwa ydrwiwP .10
Quanzhou 4 (fig. 7) yira wgnm aiuaM .11
Current location: Lapidary Museum of the ~ymA rydAY ya jniyY .12 History of Maritime Relations. Provenance: Found at the North gate of the Transliteration: wall of the city Quanzhou in 1946. 1. bšm ’b’ wbr’ Publication: Wu Wenliang (1958), pl. 2. wrwh’ dqwdš’ 77.1-2. 3. ’lksntrs k’n s’kyšy Edition: None. 4. yyl myng ’lty ywz ’wn ’lt Copies: Photo and rubbing by Niu Ruji, 5. myš twrg s’kyšy November 1999. 6. ’wd yyly y’tynč Description: The borders throughout are in 7. ’y ’wn twrt ’wz[’] relief. The top is filled with a cross the four 8. y’š s’ny ’ygyrmy arms of which are equal in size (6 x 6 cm), 9. sirt’ tngry yrlkn
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10. pwtwrdy ’wzty ’wšt Publication: Wu Wenliang (1958), pl. 7, n° 5. 11. m’ht’ mngw ’rty Edition: None. 12. yytnč ’y y’dyr ’myn Copies: Photo and rubbing by Niu Ruji, No- vember 1999. Transcription: Description: Fragment of a funerary stela 1. bšem ābā wabrā similar in type to Quanzhou 6, particularly 2. werūhā deqūdšā its upper part: there the left angel and the 3. alaqsantros qan saqïšï beginning of the inscription have survived. 4. yïl mïng altï yüz on alt- One is also able to identify the left side of 5. mïš türk saqïšï the cross and the lotus flower that supports 6. ud yïlï yätinč it. The surface is carefully prepared and the 7. ay on tört üz[ä] cross and the angel are both in relief. 8. yaš sanï yigirmi Text: Seven lines have survived completely. 9. sïrta tängri yarlïqïn Lines 1 and 2 are in Syriac and lines 3 to 7 10. bütürdi özüti uštï- are in Garshuni Uighur. 11. maqta mängü ärti Copy: 12. yetinč ay yadar amen ÆrBW æBA µvB .1 Translation: ~ymlcL æVd‹QD æU›R .2 “In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. In the year one thousand six ÈylkyLæP æyNWdqM .3 hundred and sixty according to the computa- ÚlK‹A ܢak ∑wpylyP .4 tion of Alexander the Emperor and in the Year of the Ox according to the Turkic- fiYlYA ÒWRdnskLA .5 Chinese computation, on the fourteenth finM ÚvykæS æK (day) of the seventh month, at the age of ܢ .6 twenty years, Sïrta fulfilled the will of God. (zW)Y ÚilA lyY .7 May her soul be eternally in Paradise. In- scribed in the seventh month, amen.” //////~wA zkyS .8
Commentary: Transliteration: 1. bšm ’b’ wbr’ Lines 6-7: yätinč ay on tort “seventh 2. rwh’ dqwdš’ l‛lmyn month fourteen,” the words are unclear. 3. mqdwny’ p’lyklyk Line 9. Sïrta, homonym. 4. pylypws k’n ’wkly Line 12. yad- “to inscribe, to inscribe in 5. ’lksndrws ’ylyg the heart;” –ar is the Turkic verbal suffix. 6. k’n s’kyšy mng Quanzhou 5 (fig. 8) 7. yyl ’lty y[wz] 8. sykz ’wn ////// Current location: Lapidary Museum of the Transcription: History of Maritime Relations. Provenance: Found at the East Gate of 1. bšem ābā wabrā Quanzhou in 1960. 2. werūhā deqūdšā l‛almīn
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3. maqadonya balïqlïq the Holy Spirit. According to the computa- 4. pilipus qan oγlï tion of the King (and) Sovereign Alexander 5. alaqsandros ilig son of the Sovereign Philip native of the city 6. qan saqïšï mïng of Macedonia, the year one thousand six 7. yïl altï yü[z] hundred and eighty …” 8. säkiz on ////// Comment: Translation : The Seleucid year 16[80] corresponds to AD “In the name of the Father, the Son, and 1368/9.
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NOTES
1 I appreciate the help and suggestions of muzhibei basibazi kaoshi 元代景教徒墓志碑八 the late Dr. James Hamilton and those of Mr. 斯巴字考释 “Study of Funerary Stele of the Alain Desreumaux (CNRS, France) in my Nestorian faithful of the Yuan Dynasty in the reading and editing of the Nestorian inscrip- Pag’sba script,” haijiaoshi yanjiu “海交史研 tions in Syriac found in China. I also thank Dr. 究” Studies on Maritime History N° 2 (1994) Amir Harrak for inviting me to give a lecture 119-124. in his Department, and for reading an earlier 8 Hamilton, James & Niu Ru-Ji, “Deux in- version of the present article. 2 scriptions funéraires turques nestoriennes de la This is a phonetic transcription of Arabic Chine orientale,” JA 282 (1994) 147-164. < 9 .Wu Wenliang 吴文良, op. cit., 39-40 زﻳﺖ ) ”Zeytoon, Zaitun or Zayton “olive زﻳﺘﻮن zayt or zeyt “oil”, compare with the Arabic verb 10 Wu Wenliang 吴文良, op. cit., 40-42. zayyata “to annoint”). The ancient name زﻳّﺖ Zayton appears in the reports of Peregrino da 11 Yang Qinzhang 杨钦章, nan zhongguo Castello, Odoric and Marignolli, and on the map citong shizijia de xin faxian 南中国“刺桐十字 of Catalan. The form Zaïtūn was used by Waś- 架”的新发现 “New Discoveries of ‘the Crosses śāf, Abū-’al-Fidā and Rašīd, whereas the form of Zaitun’ in the South of China,” in shijie zong- Zăītūn « olive tree » is found in Arab and Per- jiao yanjiu “世界宗教研究” Studies on the Re- sian sources. Marco Polo used the form Zaiton. I ligions of the World 4 (1988) 72, 74 . found the name in an inscription from Quan- 12 Wu Wenliang 吴文良, op. cit., 36. zhou: ~wiyaZ Zaiton ou Zaytun, for ancient 13 Yang Qinzhang, op. cit., 71-74. Quanzhou; see Niu Ruji, “A New Syriac Uighur 14 Foster, J., “Crosses from the Walls of Inscription from China (Quanzhou, Fujian Zaitun,” JRAS 182 (1954) 1-25, pl. I-XVII. Province),” Journal of the CSSS 4 (2004) 15 Ibid., 14-16. 60-65. 16 3 Murayama, S., “Eine nestorianische Grab- Moule, A.C., Christians in China before the inschrift in türkischer Sprache aus Zaiton,” Year 1550 (London, New York and Toronto, 1930; UAJb 35 (1964) 394-396. repr. New York, 1972), 78-79, fig. 9-10. 17 Xia Nai 夏鼐, 1981, 59-62. 4 Ibid., 80, fig. 11. 18 Foster, J., op. cit., pp. 1-25, pl. I-XVII. 5 Wu Wenliang 吴文良, Quanzhou zongjiao 19 Niu Ruji 牛汝极, “A Study on a Nes- shike 泉州宗教石刻,The Religious inscriptions torian Inscription in Uighur and Syriac script religieuses on Funerary Stones of Quanzhou Found in Quanzhou”, minzu yuwen 民族语文 (Peking: Scientific Press, 1958). 6 (National Philology) No.3 (Beijing 1999), Wu Wenliang, Ibid., pl. 3, 6, 7, 9, 10. Luo 33-34. Xianglin 罗香林, “Nestorianism under the Tang 20 Niu Ruji, “A New Syriac Uighur Inscrip- and the Yuan” 唐元二代之景教 (Hong Kong: tion from China (Quanzhou, Fujian Province),” House of Sinology, 1966), (香港中国学社出 Journal of the CSSS 4 (2004) 60-65. 版), 182-186. 21 Hamilton, J. & Niu Ruji, op. cit., 147-164. 22 7 Junastu 照那斯图, yuandai jingjiaotu See note 19.
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Fig. 1: Sites of the Nestorian tombstones uncovered in the city of Quanzhou
Fig. 2: The Nestorian altar-type of tomb, after Wu Wenliang (1958), pl. 100
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Fig. 3: The structure of the Nestorian simple tomb, after Wu Wenliang (1958), pl. 104
Fig. 4: Left: Nestorian inscription with the Syriac script found in 1943 at the Renfeng (任凤门) Gate of the city wall of Quanzhou; photo Niu Ruji, October 1999. Right: Rubbing of the same inscription, after Wu Wenliang 1958, pl. 76.2.
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Fig. 5: Funerary stone showing Syriac script found at the North Gate of the city of Quanzhou in 1951; after Wu Wenliang (1958), pl.84.
Fig. 6: Inscription in the Syriac script; photo by Yang Qinzhang
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Fig. 7: To the left : Inscription in Syriac found in the North Gate of the wall of the city of Quanzhou in 1946. To the right: one portion of the inscription; both after Wu Wenliang, pl. 77.2
Fig. 8: Inscription with the Syriac script found at the East Gate of Quanzhou in 1960. Photo: Niu Ruji, November 1999.
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THE STYLITES OF NEBO: A SYRIAN TRADITION IN THE HIGHLANDS OF CENTRAL JORDAN1
DEBRA FORAN University of Toronto
quest of the mid-7th century. Stylitism sur- INTRODUCTION vived mainly in areas where the majority of the rural population remained Christian.2 A stylite is an ascetic monk who, in order to Research over the course of the last two dec- demonstrate his devotion to God, makes a ades has shown that, contrary to previous vow to spend the remainder of this life atop assumptions, the Christian communities a pillar. Stylitism emerged from the land- around Madaba and Mount Nebo continued scape of northern Syria in the early 5th cen- to prosper after the Muslim conquest,3 pro- tury, and although this practice spread rap- viding an ideal environment for the survival idly during the 5th and 6th centuries, it ap- of existing stylite cults. pears to have been largely confined to this Stylitism experienced a brief resurgence region. There are, however, occurrences of in the 9th century, primarily in Mesopota- stylitism elsewhere in the Byzantine- mia, Anatolia, and Palestine. It would, how- Christian world, more specifically in the ever, never regain the status it experienced highlands of central Jordan. in the 6th century, and, from the 10th century The stylite movement began in the year onwards, gradually disappeared. As Fr. 422, when St. Symeon the Elder made the Ignace Peña so eloquently described it, decision to pass the remainder of his days “stylitism faded away gently like a lamp atop a pillar. This practice experienced a running out of oil.”4 There are a small num- rapid rise in popularity until it reached its ber of stylites known from the period be- apex in the 6th century. At this time, stylites tween the 11th and 15th century, most of could be found not only in Syria, but also in whom were based in Syria-Palestine. De- Egypt, Palestine, Mesopotamia, Byzantium, spite its dramatic decline in importance, Russia, and even Gaul. Stylitism’s popular- stylitism was still being practiced in the 19th ity declined dramatically in the 7th and 8th century; there are records of stylites in centuries, due mainly to the Muslim con- Georgia and Romania.5
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THE LIFE OF A STYLITE prepared to speak and preventing certain more fanatical devotees from stealing small The life a stylite was understandably quite fragments of the pillar itself.8 difficult; the summit of a column offered A basalt relief found near Hama depicts little shelter. These holy men were exposed St. Symeon the Elder atop his pillar with to the inclement weather of the summer and only his head visible above the platform winter months. Their situation was further structure. A bird, representing Christ, is exacerbated by the common practice of crowning him with a wreath. The column- standing immobile for long periods of time guard is shown balanced on a ladder while and occasionally chaining one of their an- swinging a censor,9 proof that this position kles to the platform atop the pillar. In fact, not only involved the care of the stylite and St. Symeon the Elder, the first and most fa- the management of crowds, but it also re- mous stylite, evidently spent an entire year quired a certain level of participation in rit- standing on one foot, not moving at all. ual activities. They filled their days with prayer, often One question that always arises when reciting psalms from memory late into the discussing stylites is the matter of personal night, and rarely getting more than a few hygiene. How did the stylite attend to his hours of sleep. Stylites also spent a signifi- basic human needs? Evidence has been cant portion of their day ministering to their found that most stylite towers were disciples and the numerous pilgrims who equipped with a drainage system, consisting visited their pillars seeking assistance and of a ceramic pipe that led from the summit enlightenment. St. Symeon the Elder was of the pillar to a channel or reservoir at its reputed to be able to cure infertility and base. The stylite could take care of himself, childless couples flocked to his column. with only limited assistance from the col- Certain stylites spent their time copying li- umn-guard. turgical manuscripts or composing hymns The life-span of the stylite was, as a and prayers. A universal chronicle in Syriac rule, quite short. The extreme conditions was written by a former stylite, resident of under which they lived often led to a prema- the Monastery of Zuqnīn near Amida in ture death. Historical documents recount the 774.6 Another stylite, John of Athareb near details of their poor physical health, includ- Aleppo, corresponded with Jacob of Edessa ing incidences of sores that would not heal and produced a chronography at the begin- and revolting odours that emanated from the ning of the 8th century.7 holy men, at times putting their disciples’ A figure that is often overlooked when loyalty into question. There are other discussing the life of stylites is the column- stylites, however, who were always in good guard. This figure, often a novice, deacon, health and reached old age. St. Daniel the or disciple, was charged with keeping watch Stylite died at the age of 84, after spending at the base of the pillar and tending to the 33 years on his column, while St. Alypius needs of the holy man. He was also required was 99 years old when he died. Mar Michel, at times to manage the crowds of pilgrims a stylite established in the region of Nineveh who would gather around the column, re- during the 6th century, apparently died at the questing their silence when the stylite was age of 105!10
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THE STYLITE COLUMN ted the Syrian landscape may have influ- enced the form and style of these Islamic The columns atop which the stylites were monuments. At the site of Athareb, near perched were as a rule quite simple. There Qal’at Sem‘an—the location of Symeon the was no shortage of available columns in 5th Elder’s column, the minaret of the local mosque is located only a few hundred me- century Syria; abandoned Roman monu- th ments provided an abundant resource for the ters from the pillar of a 7 century stylite budding stylite. In addition, wealthy bene- named John. The similarities between the factors sometimes offered to defray the cost two monuments are striking, and it is diffi- of a new column, the height of which de- cult to imagine that the Muslim architects pended on the donor’s generosity. The col- did not draw any inspiration from this Chris- umn itself was divided into three compo- tian structure. Another connection between the minaret nents: the base, the shaft, and the platform. th The shaft was secured to the base with the and the stylite tower comes from an 8 cen- help of an iron bar. Several stone-carved tury historical account from Damascus. drums placed on top of each other formed When the caliph al-Walid made plans to the shaft, which could range in height from expand the Great Mosque in Damascus, by only a few meters to over 15. The platform, demolishing the neighbouring Church of St. which constituted the stylite’s home, was John, he climbed one of the minarets in or- built at the top of the shaft. The structure der to survey the property. At the top he was large enough to allow the holy man to found a monk who had withdrawn to this lie down if necessary. These constructions secluded place in order to pursue an ascetic were seldomly made of stone, the majority life, employing the minaret as a stylite being built of wood, thus explaining why so tower. Al-Walid asked him to leave, but the few have been recovered. In order to assem- monk was talking incessantly and paid no ble these wooden platforms, cross-bars were attention to the caliph, who eventually had to drag the holy man out of the minaret by inserted into the top of the shaft, and this 12 would provide a base for the floor and bal- the scruff of his neck. ustrade that were subsequently erected. As this tradition grew and evolved, stylites be- FAMOUS STYLITES TH TH gan to add roofs to these structures in order OF THE 5 TO 7 CENTURIES to improve their living conditions, and plat- form size increased as well. The platform There is no rule that governed the stylite’s housing St. Symeon the Younger was large behaviour. Their unusual practices were so enough to entertain guests.11 far removed from standard monastic life that The popularity of the stylite column in no formalized set of regulations could be early 7th century Syria suggests that these implemented. Despite this reality, the ac- monuments may have provided inspiration counts of their lives are remarkably similar, for the Early Islamic minaret. Although and although this may have been caused by there is no tangible evidence of a direct link literary or religious objectives rather than between the two structures, it is not incon- actual parallel events, it speaks to the per- ceivable that the numerous pillars that dot- ception of how these saints led their lives.
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These accounts can offer an added dimen- ing. When he became too exhausted to sion to stylite sites that are not linked to any stand any longer, he would sit down, and textual evidence, such as those of Mount by the last days of Lent, completely devoid Nebo. of strength, Symeon would simply lie on the floor. Later on, while he was atop his St. Symeon the Elder13 pillar, he would tie himself to a post to keep from falling over. Eventually, how- Symeon was born around the year 389 in the ever, he could stand for the entire 40 days village of Sisan, near the northern border of without any support. Syria. His parents were Christian and had After spending three years in the monas- him baptized. As a young boy he worked as tery at Telanisus, Symeon tired of commu- a shepherd. After hearing the gospel during nity life and set himself up on a neighbour- mass one day, he was inspired and decided ing hill. He placed a large stone within a to go and live with some of the holy men circular enclosure and fastened his ankle to who were stationed in the neighbouring the stone by means of a heavy chain. News countryside. He spent two years in their of Symeon’s exploits traveled across the company and then joined the monastic com- region and soon pilgrims began to flock to munity at Teleda. The tortures he put him- his location. They brought the sick and in- self through while at the monastery raised firm to obtain cures from him. Everyone concerns among the elders. They pleaded wanted to touch the saint and take away with him to abandon these practices, but some sort of relic, such as a piece of his tu- Symeon could not be swayed. He was asked nic. Symeon grew frustrated with the con- to leave the monastery and withdrew into an stant pleading and dreamt of climbing onto a abandoned cistern in the mountains. After column to avoid the crowds of pilgrims. He only five days, the leaders of the monastery initially commissioned a pillar of almost 2 regretted their decision, went looking for meters, then a second of 3.6, and a third of him, and convinced him to return to the com- 6.7. The tower that he occupied at the time munity. He eventually left Teleda and joined of his death was 11 meters in height. the monastery at Telanisus, near Antioch. Symeon stood atop his column, day and At the beginning of Lent, Symeon asked night, without any shelter, exposed to the one of the other monks to wall him up in his heat of summer and the cold of winter. The cell. When the monk refused, Symeon sug- only covering he had was the hood of his gested that he place ten loaves of bread and tunic he wore over his head. He stood very a pitcher of water inside the cell. On this straight and very still, except while praying, condition, the monk agreed and Symeon when he was known to bow deeply. This spent the entirety of Lent enclosed in his way of life caused the holy man to suffer cell. When they finally opened the cell, the from numerous sores and illnesses, yet he food and water was untouched and, albeit was unrelenting in his devotion to God. weak, Symeon was still alive. He repeated Symeon’s actions earned him interna- this practice on several occasions. Not only tional fame. Pilgrims from a variety of cul- would he deny himself food, but he would tural backgrounds visited his shrine, includ- also spend all of his time standing and pray- ing Arabs, Persians, Armenians, and Iberi-
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 71 The Stylites of Nebo: A Syrian Tradition in the Highlands of Central Jordan ______ans. Western visitors, from Spain, Britain, At the opposite end of a large open and Gaul made the lengthy journey to the space is a monumental baptistery con- mountain northwest of Aleppo. Symeon’s structed in conjunction with the shrine of St. popularity reached epic proportions and Symeon. The size of the building implies devotees began referring to him as a saint. that large groups of pilgrims could be ac- This honour soon attracted negative atten- commodated. The structure is hexagonal- tion. The monks of Egypt, who felt they shaped with an ambulatory around its pe- were losing control of the movement they rimeter that would have allowed the faithful had created, disagreed with Symeon’s bi- to process into the building during the bap- zarre practice and sent him a letter of ex- tism ceremony.14 communication. They withdrew their decree The pilgrims who visited Symeon’s after communicating directly with the Saint, holy mountain often took away small souve- yet they remained apprehensive of stylites. nirs to remind them of the time they spent Symeon the Elder died in the year 459, there and as protection against illness and after having spent 37 years atop his pillar. misfortune. These small tokens, called eulo- His funeral was one of the greatest specta- gia, have been found all over the Roman- cles of the time. Seven bishops came to his Byzantine world, carried to the far reaches shrine, accompanied by 600 soldiers who of the empire by the faithful who traveled to were enlisted to prevent the crowds of pil- Qal’at Sem‘an. Certain examples were made grims from removing the body. It is said that of moulded glass and were decorated with a the entire population of Antioch came out to variety of images, including depictions of greet the mourners. The body was first St. Symeon atop his pillar. A second type of placed in the Church of Kasianus, and a eulogia were made out of terra cotta and month later it was transferred to the city’s formed into coin-like tokens. In an example th Cathedral. from the early 6 century, the image shows Symeon’s importance and the legacy he only the upper part of the saint’s body peek- left behind are embodied in the grand monu- ing out from the top of his pillar. Symeon is ment that was built, after his death, atop the shown wearing a hood as he was known to mountain where he spent the latter part of have done. A ladder is propped against the his life. An enormous church was built column, perhaps in preparation for a visitor around the famous pillar, and the place was or to assist the column-guard. A cross ap- renamed Qal’at Sem‘an, the castle of pears above the stylite’s head, and angels Symeon (Figure 1). The enormous cross- are depicted on either side of him.15 shaped martyrium, each wing measuring between 80 and 90 meters, was designed to The Stylites of Syria house large crowds of pilgrims. The centre and the Qal’at Sem‘an region of the complex, which contained the col- umn, was originally roofed with timber to St. Symeon’s legendary exploits made him a accommodate its height. Each wing of the model of asceticism and his popularity en- structure was a complete basilica, with the sured that his memory would be honoured east wing being further embellished with long after his death. He was also an inspira- three apses at its eastern end. tion to members of different monastic com-
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 72 The Stylites of Nebo: A Syrian Tradition in the Highlands of Central Jordan ______munities, many of whom emulated the died and Daniel was promoted. He promptly stylite’s behaviour. Pillars began turning up turned over control to the steward and left all over Syria in the 5th century.16 Around the monastery. the holy site of Qal’at Sem‘an itself there Daniel decided to embark on a pilgrim- are nineteen stylite sites and fifteen sites age to Jerusalem, but during his voyage he devoted to the cult of stylites. Peña has been had a vision of St. Symeon who counselled suggested that the location of Symeon’s him to abandon his trip and travel to Con- tower near the major trade route that linked stantinople instead, which Symeon referred Apamea and Cyrrhus was a major factor in to as “the new Jerusalem.” Daniel followed the widespread and rapid transmission of his the saint’s advice and turned his sights teachings. In the following centuries, stylites northward. As he approached Constantin- often chose strategic locations in which to ople he discovered a temple inhabited by establish their pillars in order to ensure the demons. After ridding the place of evil spir- diffusion of their message. There were also its, he barricaded himself inside, leaving concentrations of stylites around the cities of only a small opening through which to com- Homs and Damascus, as well as isolated municate with visitors. sites on the Mediterranean coast and the Daniel spent nine years in this location, eastern desert.17 at which time he had another vision of St. Symeon who told him to follow in his foot- St. Daniel18 steps. A few days later, a messenger arrived with news that the saint had died. This so- In addition to the numerous anonymous lidified his resolve and Daniel chose to be- stylites who followed in Symeon’s foot- come a stylite. Once his column had been steps, he had one devotee who acquired in- built and all the necessary preparations had ternational fame and became a central figure been made, Daniel left the temple and took in the Imperial court of the 5th century. St. his place atop the pillar. Daniel the Stylite was born in Syria in 409 The stylite quickly developed a close CE. His mother was unable to have children, relationship with the royal family in Con- and it was only after dedicated prayer that stantinople. The Empress Eudocia visited she became pregnant. To thank God for her Daniel and welcomed him to their land. The good fortune she delivered Daniel to the Emperor often asked the holy man’s advice local monastery at the age of five. At the age and requested his intercession on certain of twelve, he left this monastery and joined matters. In order to repay him, the Emperor one of the larger ones nearby. He had al- Leo expressed the wish to have Daniel enter ways wanted to visit St. Symeon on his pil- the priesthood. After a series of difficulties, lar, and the opportunity presented itself including Daniel’s own reluctance, the when his abbot was summoned to a meeting archbishop visited the stylite and ordained in Antioch and he was invited to join him. him. In September of 465, the capital suf- On their return journey they stopped at fered a terrible fire, which Daniel had pre- Qal’at Sem‘an and Daniel was able to climb dicted several months before. The imperial to the top of the column and receive the family expressed their deep regret for not saint’s blessing. Shortly thereafter the abbot having listened to the holy man, and to
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 73 The Stylites of Nebo: A Syrian Tradition in the Highlands of Central Jordan ______strengthen their relationship had a palace well-known and large groups of pilgrims built within the vicinity of the stylite tower. began gathering at the foot of his pillar. He As another gesture of good will, the Em- found these crowds distracting and commis- peror offered to have a monastery built near sioned a 12 meter high column. Shortly after Daniel’s pillar to accommodate the faithful. this his master, John the stylite, died. The The stylite requested instead that he have reports of Symeon’s miracles continued to the relics of St. Symeon brought from An- multiply, including one account of him rais- tioch. The Emperor agreed and had a mar- ing the dead. By the time he reached the age tyrium built especially for the relics. of 20, the crowds at the foot of his pillar had This was only the beginning of Daniel’s become unmanageable and Symeon decided longstanding relationship with the Imperial to withdraw to a nearby mountain, known as Court. He was often called upon to assist in the Wondrous Mountain. He continued to political matters, and his predictions were perform miracles for those who were willing carefully considered by contemporary rul- to make the climb to his new station. He ers. The stylite predicted the death of Em- also made several predictions, including the peror Zeno and the rise of his successor An- earthquake of Antioch in 557 CE. astasius. He even predicted his own death, Symeon had not yet been able to erect which occurred in the year 493 when the a pillar on the Wondrous Mountain. The stylite was 84 years old. His corpse was pilgrims who had established themselves found curled up at the top of his pillar. A there joined together to construct one for funeral procession ensued in which his the holy man. Symeon was led to the new numerous disciples were given a final op- column with a great procession. He had portunity to gaze upon him. A luxurious already spent 10 years on this mountain, coffin had been commissioned by the Em- and he would pass another 45 on top of the peror, and Daniel was buried, as per his tower. request, with the relics of three Babylo- After a visit with John of Antioch, nian saints Emperor Leo had transferred to Symeon predicted John’s promotion to Constantinople. archbishop and he also foretold the identity of Emperor Justinian’s successor, Justin. St. Symeon the Younger19 The new Emperor cultivated a close rela- tionship with the holy man. The stylite This second Symeon the stylite was born in cured Justin’s daughter of a grave illness. th the year 521 CE in the city of Antioch. He He died on the 26 of May in the year 597 began experiencing visions as a child, after at the age of 75. the death of his father. One such vision led The cult of St. Symeon the Younger was him to a small monastery that housed a one of the most popular during the 6th cen- stylite named John. Symeon joined the mon- tury and continued long after his death. Nu- astery and quickly gained the respect of his merous tokens of terra cotta and lead have brethren. At the age of seven, he requested a been found throughout Europe and the Near column be built next to that of John and East. They typically depict the saint, atop took up residence upon it. his pillar, flanked by angels and disciples Symeon’s healing powers quickly became making offerings at the foot of the column.
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St. Alypius20 himself to a small cell where he spent the next six years. St. Alypius the stylite was born in the city of Alypius soon became famous for his th Hadrianopolis in the early 7 century. At the ability to perform miracles, and large groups age of three his father died, and his mother of pilgrims began to gather near his cell. placed him in the care of the local bishop. The saint was unable to ignore these crowds Alypius’ abilities and his piety impressed and, in order to pursue his life of seclusion, the bishop, who appointed him steward of took up residence at the top of a pillar. He the church and ordained him a deacon. Al- constructed a small wooden shelter to pro- though he was successful in his new posi- tect him from the elements, leaving only tion, Alypius craved a life of seclusion. As a enough room for him to stand. result, he gave away all of his possessions to The crowds continued to gather at the the poor and informed his mother that he foot of Alypius’ pillar, and a convent and was leaving for the Holy Land and embrac- monastery were soon founded on either side ing the monastic life. of the monument. Alypius stood atop his col- He had not traveled very far when the umn for 53 years, at which time he became bishop caught up with him and insisted he paralytic and could only lie on one side, return home. Alypius acquiesced, but began which is how he remained for an additional looking for a remote spot in which to estab- 14 years, until his death at the age of 99. lish himself. A vision brought him to a These accounts provide a description, mountain with a spring. He dedicated a albeit embellished, of the life of a stylite. chapel at this location and built his cell. The They can aid in elucidating the archaeologi- local bishop however did not agree with cal remains linked to these holy men. Al- Alypius’ aspirations; he would have pre- though there is no literary evidence to sup- ferred if the holy man remained and served port a stylite presence in the Mount Nebo the community. To this end he blocked up region, these contemporary reports offer a the spring in order to force Alypius off the reflection of the activities associated with mountain. In response the saint established the existing monuments. himself in an abandoned sanctuary, setting up a cross atop a column, in place of a pa- gan statue. THE STYLITES OF NEBO The bishop invited Alypius to join him on a trip to the capital, but once in Chal- The monastic presence in the Mount Nebo cedon, the Saint took refuge in one of the region stems from the early recognition of churches. In a dream, Saint Euphemia ad- the site itself as the burial place of Moses vised him as to return home. Alypius agreed and thus an important pilgrimage location. and built a chapel dedicated to her once he Egeria, writing in the late 4th or early 5th had returned to his hermitage. This required century, tells of a visit to the church and the assistance of his friends and followers monastery at Uyun Musa, in the valley to who provided the necessary materials for the north of the mountain. The monk living building the chapel. Although Alypius there invited them indoors and offered to longed to be a stylite, he instead confined accompany them to the summit of Mount
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Nebo.21 This text chronicles the first known Umm al-Rasas encounter with a monastic community in this region, establishing the foundation date The site of Umm al-Rasas has been identi- for these monasteries sometime in the mid- fied as ancient Kastron Mefaa, a well- 4th century. The rudimentary community known military encampment from the Ro- visited by Egeria evolved and expanded into man period. The settlement prospered dur- a well-organized and international monastic ing the Byzantine period as is witnessed by establishment. the numerous mosaic-paved churches that The monastic population grew and lined its streets. Considerable portions of the spread from Mount Nebo to various sites site have been exposed through the efforts to the south and to the east. Monasteries of Italian and Swiss teams. These projects were built in both remote and urban ar- have uncovered a large Roman fort, or cas- eas, and some monks chose to work ex- trum, as well as a significant amount of the clusively within the urban environment. Byzantine city.22 There is also a strong ascetic tradition in Approximately 1.5 km north of the set- the region. The presence of hermitages tlement is a well-preserved tower, still attests to a thriving community of holy standing to a height of 14 meters (Figure 2). men. The structure was built during the Byzantine More than 10 monasteries have been period, and is located at the centre of a identified in the Mount Nebo region. They square courtyard. A channel ran from the form a network of institutions much like summit of the column to its base, where a the monasteries of the Judean desert around water cistern was located. The tower had a Jerusalem. The largest of these establish- domed room at the top with no stairway ments was of course that of Mount Nebo leading to it. The lack of access to the sum- itself, and it formed the nucleus of this mit, combined with the presence of a drain- group of communities. Institutions that age system, has led excavators to identity were too small to warrant the involvement this structure as a stylite tower.23 The Umm of an abbot may have answered directly to al-Rasas column is extremely important for the leader of the Mount Nebo community. the study of stylitism. There are no contem- Larger monasteries were also supervised porary descriptions and no complete surviv- by the abbot of Mount Nebo, for this indi- ing examples of these pillars. This structure vidual held the office of archimandrite, the can provide invaluable information about head of all of the communities east of the the columns on which these holy men lived. Jordan. To the south of the pillar is a small There are two stylite towers associ- chapel referred to as the Tower Church. It ated with the monasteries of Mount was built against the perimeter wall enclos- Nebo. The first, and most impressive, is ing the courtyard in which the tower was located at the site of Umm al-Rasas, 30 located. This small monastic complex was km south-east of Madaba. The second is clearly established in conjunction with the associated with the Monastery of the stylite tower. The monks, including the col- Theotokos at ‘Ayn al-Kanisah, south of umn-guard who resided in the building, Mount Nebo. could serve the needs of the holy man living
______Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies 5 (2005) - Page 76 The Stylites of Nebo: A Syrian Tradition in the Highlands of Central Jordan ______atop the tower. The church was paved with a The Greek inscription in front of the plaster floor. Two rooms were annexed to apse of the monastery’s chapel has been the north side of the church. A vertical shaft dated to the late 6th or early 7th century, leading to a tomb was uncovered under the based on the stylistic traits of the mosaic. It floor of the church.24 This could very well reads as follow, “First of all, let us give have been the final resting place of the glory to God, Amen. And by the prayers of stylite of Umm al-Rasas. the saints, may the Lord reward the most holy Sir Abraham, the hegumen and archi- ‘Ayn al-Kanisah mandrite of the whole desert, and may He reward the most God-loving stylite, Abba The ruins of the Monastery of the Theotokos Longinus, and Abba John.”26 It is not absurd are located to the south of Mount Nebo. The to suggest that Longinus is the holy man small monastery was built on one of the hill- who occupied the tower at the bottom of the tops above the Wadi al-Kanisah. The pre- hill. The designation Abba is further proof dominant feature of the monastery is the that this individual was revered by his con- chapel, located in the centre of the east wing temporaries. This title was usually given to with the rooms of the monastery extending elder monks as a sign of respect.27 to the north and south. The chapel has a sim- ple plan, consisting of a nave with a raised chancel and apse at the east end. The origi- CONCLUSION nal pavement dates to the latter half of the 6th century. The mosaic in front of the en- The diocese of Madaba, which included the trance was renovated in 762 CE, a date that monasteries of Mount Nebo, had strong ties is confirmed by the Greek inscription incor- to southern and central Anatolia. A political porated into the floor. The northern wing of relationship existed between the two, for the the complex contained the service rooms of bishop of Madaba came under the purview the monastery. of the Patriarch in Antioch. In addition, the At the bottom of the valley, to the west first bishop of Madaba, a man named of the monastery, are the ruins of a sizeable Gaianus, hailed from the city of Melitene, tower. Only the foundations and the first modern Malatya, in central Anatolia. He is few wall courses have been preserved, but not only mentioned in the Lives of the excavators were still able to identify a door Monks of Palestine by Cyril of Scythopo- in the southern wall of the structure. Ce- lis,28 but his name also appears in a Palestin- ramic evidence from the excavations has ian Aramaic inscription from the late 5th or allowed scholars to postulate a Byzantine early 6th century, discovered in the Church date for this building. It has been suggested of Kaianus, located in the valley of Uyun that these are the remains of a stylite tower Musa to the northeast of Mount Nebo. The associated with the Monastery of the The- presence of stylite towers in the Mount otokos.25 Although there is little physical Nebo region only further strengthens the evidence to support this claim, epigraphical existing bond between these communities data from the monastery demonstrates that and their counterparts to the north. this is a viable possibility. The monastic communities of Mount
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Nebo were influenced by various forms of the local population; members came from all monasticism. The Egyptian monastic move- over the Byzantine world. It is not unreason- ment had a profound impact. The Life of able to assume that certain Syrian monks Peter the Iberian recounts the story of a traveled south and transplanted these prac- monk from one of the great monasteries of tices into their new community. The stylite Sketis who settled here while the monastery presence at Mount Nebo could also be at- of Mount Nebo was still in its infancy. Pal- tributed to the lay population of the region estinian monasticism was also a driving who, upon hearing of St. Symeon and his force behind the development of these com- disciples, invited a stylite to join one of munities. Mount Nebo had direct ties with these monastic communities, and thus in- the great monasteries of the Judean desert, crease its prestige and popularity. and the people of the Madaba region are The connection between the monastic known to have visited the venerable abbots communities of central Jordan and the Syr- resident in the desert around Jerusalem. ian church was not limited to stylitism. The stylite towers of Mount Nebo are There are also a small number of Palestinian further proof of a direct link with the Chris- Aramaic inscriptions that have been found tian communities of northern Syria. This in the mosaic floors of the monastic build- ascetic practice could only have been trans- ings of the area. Thus it appears that the mitted to Central Jordan from the region in Mount Nebo monasteries may have acted as which it originated. Mount Nebo’s impor- a gateway for the transmission of Syriac tance as a pilgrimage site would have culture in this region. brought people from all over the Christian- Although strange and almost incompre- Byzantine world to this region. Pilgrims hensible, the life of a stylite was revered in from northern Syria may have conveyed the Near East from the 5th century onwards. knowledge of stylitism to the Nebo region, Despite its humble beginnings in the hills and inspired local ascetics to adopt this way surrounding Aleppo and many attempts to of life. Members of Madaba’s Christian eradicate it, this practice continued to thrive community were also known to go on pil- and to spread as far a field as the highlands grimage, they may have witnessed the ex- of central Jordan. Stylitism may confuse and ploits of the stylites of Syria and brought bewilder our modern way of thinking. Yet this information back to their homeland. as Father Ignace Peña has put is, “[t]he The monastic communities of Nebo Spirit blows where and when it wants, often were not composed entirely of monks from in a direction that upsets our human logic.”29
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NOTES
1 The author would like to acknowledge the Stylite: Perspectives on Simeon the Elder,” assistance of the Pontifical Institute of Mediae- Vigiliae Christianae 42 (1988) 376-394. val Studies, Toronto and the Department of Near 14 R. Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byz- and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of antine Architecture, fourth edition (New Haven: Toronto for their assistance in the preparation of Yale University Press, 1986), 143-51. this paper. 15 Fortin, Syria, 290. The Mission française 2 I. Peña, “Martyrs du temps de paix: les de Qal‘at Sem‘an, under the direction of Jean- stylites,” in Les Stylites Syriens, ed. B. Bagatti Pierre Sodini, has been working to complete (Milan: Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, 1975), investigation of the architecture and artifacts of 60-65. the site. The publication of the final report will 3 G. Bisheh, “The Archaeology of the Late certainly provide more insight into the nature of Byzantine – Early Islamic Transition in Jordan. this complex. The Evidence from the Diocese of Madaba: De- 16 David T. M. Frankfurter provides an inter- cline, Change or Continuity?,” in Australians esting explanation for this popularity by placing Uncovering Ancient Jordan: Fifty Years of Mid- the stylite movement within the broader religious dle Eastern Archaeology, ed. Alan Walmsley context of this region. See David T. M. Frank- (Sydney: The Research Institute for Humanities furter, “Stylites and Phallobates: Pillar Religions and Social Sciences, University of Sydney and in Late Antique Syria,” Vigiliae Christianae 44 the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, 2001). (1990) 168-198. 4 Peña, “Martyrs,” 64. 17 Peña, “Martyrs,” 30-32, 67-76. 5 Ibid, 79-84. 18 Delehaye, Stylites, XLV-LVII. 6 A. Harrak, The Chronicle of Zuqnīn Parts 19 Ibid, LXIV-LXXI. III and IV A.D. 488-775, Mediaeval Sources in 20Ibid, CXLVIII-CXCIV. Translation 36 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of 21 Egeria. Egeria’s Travels to the Holy Land, Mediaeval Studies, 1999), 8-9. trans. John Wilkinson. (Warminster: Aris and 7 Ibid., and A. Palmer, in Abr-Nahrain 28 Phillips, 1981). (1990) 144. 22 M. Piccirillo and E. Alliata, Umm al-Rasas 8 Peña, “Martyrs,” 52-55. Mayfa’ah I: Gli scavi del complesso di Santo Ste- 9 M. Fortin, Syria: Land of Civilizations, fano (Jerusalem: Studium Biblicum Francis- trans. Jane Macaulay (Quebec: Les Éditions de canum, 1994), and J. Bujard et al., “Fouilles de la l’Homme and Musée de la civilisation de Qué- mission archéologique Suisse (Foundation Max bec, 1999), 292. Van Berchem) à Umm al-Rasas et Umm el-Walid 10 Peña, “Martyrs,” 57-59. en 1988,” Annual of the Department of Antiquities 11 Ibid, 33-42. of Jordan 32 (1988) 101-113. 12 Ibid, 44-47. 23 M. Piccirillo, “Les églises paléo- 13 H. Delehaye, Les Saints Stylites chrétiennes d’Umm er-Rasas (Jordanie): cinq (Bruxelles: Société des bollandistes, 1923), campagnes de fouilles,” Comptes rendus de l’a- XXIV-XXXIII; and Theodoret, Bishop of cadémie des inscriptions et belles-lettres (avril- Cyrrhus, The Lives of Simeon Stylites, trans. R. juin 1991), 273-94. Doran (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 24 A. Michel, Les églises d’époque byzantine 1992). For a thought-provoking comparison of et umayyade de la Jordanie, Ve-VIIIe siècle the Syriac and Greek vita of St. Symeon the (Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2001), 417. Elder see S. Ashbrook Harvey, “The Sense of a 25 M. Piccirillo, “The Monastic Presence,” in
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Mount Nebo New Archaeological Excavations 27 Y.E. Meimaris, Sacred Names, Saints, 1967-1997, ed. M. Piccirillo and E. Alliata Martyrs and Church Officials in the Greek In- (Jerusalem: Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, scriptions and Papyri Pertaining to the Christian 1998), 209-17. Church of Palestine (Athens: National Hellenic 26 L. Di Segni, “The Greek Inscriptions,” in Research Foundation, 1986), 235-36. Mount Nebo New Archaeological Excavations 28 Cyril of Scythopolis, The Lives of the 1967-1997, ed. M. Piccirillo and E. Alliata Monks of Palestine, Translated by R. M. Price (Jerusalem: Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1991). 1998), 448-49. 29 Peña, “Martyrs,” 23.
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Figure 1: Qal‘at Sem‘an, pillar in centre of martyrium
Figure 2: Umm al-Rasas, stylite tower
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OBITUARY
PROFESSOR DAVID JOHN LANE (1935-2005)
yriac Studies worldwide has lost an Egypt for a year, he studied Theology at outstanding scholar, a great Magdalen College, Oxford, and won a teacher, and a staunch supporter. second undergraduate degree in Oriental S David John Lane died of heart at- Studies, concentrating on Hebrew, Aramaic tack in January 9, 2005 in Kerala, India, and and Syriac. He then studied for priesthood at it is no coincidence that he passed away the College of the Resurrection, Mirfield, while lecturing on Syriac Studies at the St and while there, he won the Oxford Univer- Ephrem Ecumenical Research Institute, an sity Hall-Houghton Syriac Prize. He taught academic institution which has a Masters New Testament and Greek at Codrington programme in Syriac under the auspices of College, Barbados, West Indies, where he Mahatma Gandhi University. was ordained priest in December 1962. David was born in 1935, in Hudders- After he returned to England in 1965 he be- came Associate Chaplain at Pembroke Col- lege Oxford and was awarded the Kennicott Hebrew Fellowship. He began working on the Peshitta of the Old Testament and asso- ciated himself with the Peshitta Institute in Leiden, The Netherlands. Between 1967 and 1971 he taught elementary Hebrew at Ox- ford University and was also Lecturer in Theology at Pembroke College. In 1971 David joined the Department of Near Eastern Studies, University of Toronto, as assistant professor of Aramaic and Syriac. Here he proved to be very produc- Photo courtesy Fr. Jacob Thekeparambil tive, editing for the Leiden Peshitta Institute field, Yorkshire, England, and studied in several books of the Old Testament, revising Hurstpierpoint College, a Church of Eng- others, and publishing a monograph which land boarding school, where he took interest took Peshitta studies out of simple text criti- in theology. After two years of army service cism of the Old Testament into the wider with the Royal Signals, which took him to field of Syriac church history and liturgy. In
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Toronto, he is remembered as a great Members of the CSSS and readers of its teacher, whose delight was to communicate Journal remember his wonderful report on his vast knowledge of biblical Aramaic and the Vth International Conference on Syriac Syriac to his students and to learn from Language and Literature that took place at these through their questions and insights. the Saint Ephrem Ecumenical Research In- With a great didactic sense and generous stitute in Kerala, India, September 8-14, spirit, he associated them in his own re- 2002 (see JCSSS 2 [2002] 79-81). search, thus helping them effectively to A virtuous priest, learned scholar, and become scholars in their own right. Great eloquent teacher, David is best described in teacher but humble as he was, he always a Syriac funerary formula, metre of Saint acknowledged students in his research, as he Ephrem, that was in vogue during the 17th did in his The Peshitta of Leviticus (1994) and 18th centuries in Qaraqosh—a Syriac viii. Those students who later became schol- town in the north of Iraq. It is given below ars of Syriac he followed very closely, and in the language and script that he loved, and supported them limitlessly and benevolently in translation: in their careers, progress in ranks and re- search. He considered their success his own ܐ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܠܙ ܙ ܠ ܐ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܒ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܒـ ܗ ـ ـܐ .success ܒ ܘ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܕ̈ ܐ ܐ In 1983 and while tenured Associate ̈ Professor, David left Toronto to join the ܐ ܘ ̈ ܒ ܬ ܐ ̈ ܐ ܘ ـ ـ staff of his alma mater, the College of the Resurrection. Prominent in Biblical research (...) ܐܬܘܐܓ̈ and in academic administration, he became ܐܬ ܘ ܐ ܒ ܐ ܒ ܘ ܐܘܗ ܒܪ the Director of Studies at the said College, ܦܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐܐ ܐ then its Vice-Principal, and in 1990 its own ܐ ܗܙ Principal. He was an Honorary Lecturer of ܐ ܘ ܗ ܒܘܕ ܒ ܐ ܒܓ ܐܬ Old Testament at the University of Leeds and an Affiliated Lecturer in Syriac Studies Go, truthful Priest and human angel! at Mahatma Gandhi University in India, as Go and get a befitting blessing on mentioned above. His love of Syriac led him the lap of Abraham, to complete his work on the Peshitta and where the righteous ones dwell, then to embark on researching the Syriac and which is free of all difficulties; Fathers, especially Shubhalmaran, a 7th cen- in it groans are not found and it is full of all delightful things (…) tury bishop and ascetic author. His edition He was great and glorious in the town, and translation of the latter’s Book of Gifts th speaking the truth. was published on his 70 birthday in the How the sweet name befits him: CSCO series (Belgium). Chaste and venerable priest David’s support of our CSSS, including —chosen priest of the church, who was its symposia and Journal, was immense, not sublime in his whole behaviour! the least because these scholarly activities REQUIESCAT IN PACE take place at the University where he devoted himself fully to Syriac studies. Amir Harrak
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