Visibility, conviviality and active listening
A case study of an exogenous project in Africa´s last colony
Celia Sánchez-Valladares Barahona
(Word count: 13642)
Communication for Development One-year master 15 Credits 2021 Supervisor: Vittorio Felci
This research project is dedicated to all the people from Western Sahara who constantly fight for their freedom, being an inspiration of hope and resilience, worldwide.
I would like to acknowledge the twenty-three participants of this study, for their openness and willingness to share their knowledge and experiences. In special, I want to thank the ten Saharawi activists to whom I had the pleasure to listen. Thank you for inspiring me to write this thesis.
Thank you to my supervisor Vittorio Felci, for making of this challenging task a fun experience, supporting me along the way and keeping me on the right track.
To my mother and my sisters, for believing in me, always and with no doubts. To you Ahmad, for your unmeasurable patience and love. To my father, for giving me the energy to never give up. Finally, thank you to all of you who supported me from the beginning and made this happen.
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Abstract
The occupation of Western Sahara is a question of a forgotten colonization with a very limited framework of international recognition, media acknowledgment and talks. To break the remaining silence and invisibility, human rights activists have developed different initiatives, shedding light on the current situation of Western Sahara. This study investigates the Sahara Marathon campaign, an international sport event that has been developed in the Western Sahara refugee camps of Smara, El Aaiún and Auserd for twenty consecutive years.
Framing the Sahara Marathon as a case study, this degree project aims at inquiring into the potential impact and long-term implications of the international sport campaign, seeking “if” and “how” it contributes towards a social change and an end to the enforced invisibility of “Africa's last colony”, (Güell, 2015). In particular, this qualitative study examines the participatory approach and community engagement promoted through the campaign as well as the awareness-raising and dialogical processes triggered as a result of the Sahara Marathon sport event. The study is grounded on 23 in-depth interviews that have contributed to the external reliability of the research, underlining the reflections shared by organizers of the Sahara Marathon, drivers, freelancers, runners and most importantly human rights activists from Western Sahara. Findings reveal that the Sahara Marathon campaign raises awareness about the current situation in Western Sahara, contributing to a transnational acknowledgment of the conflict. The study also shows that active listening and convivial experiences are promoted throughout the campaign, dismantling stereotypes among communities coming from abroad and Saharawi people living in the refugee camps. In terms of participation, it has been concluded that the campaign uses a participation by consultation approach, needing a new model to showcase the utility and effectiveness of the event as well as to ensure its sustainability in the future.
Keywords: human rights, Western Sahara, social change, Sahara Marathon, visibility, awareness, participation, conviviality, active listening, stereotyping, colonization, agency, Communication for Development
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Contents
Abstract ...... 3 Introduction ...... 5 Historical background on Western Sahara ...... 6 Case presentation: The Sahara Marathon...... 9 Literature review ...... 12 Sport-for-development programs ...... 12 Volunteering while doing tourism ...... 15 Theoretical framework ...... 18 Participatory communication approach ...... 19 Dialogical processes and collective action ...... 19 Community participation in a development intervention ...... 20 Sustainable partnership approach & conviviality ...... 21 When Looking good overpasses Doing good - current trends and the White Gaze of development ...... 22 Subverting the colonial gaze, shifting towards Indigenous Knowledge ...... 23 Research design framework ...... 23 Methodological approach ...... 24 Selection of participants and research conduct ...... 24 Ethics, reflexivity and limitations ...... 25 Analysis and research findings ...... 26 Visibility as a weapon against silence ...... 27 Messengers for freedom ...... 28 Conviviality as a hub for new gazes and networks ...... 30 Being present but not as hosts ...... 33 Looking good while doing solidarity work ...... 36 Conclusion ...... 38 References ...... 41 Appendices ...... 47 Appendix 1. Map of Western Sahara ...... 47 Appendix 2. Sahara Marathon 2017 Official Timetable ...... 48 Appendix 3. Interview Guide to Saharawi activists ...... 49 Appendix 4. Four samples of Interview Transcripts ...... 51 Said ...... 51 Nour ...... 55 Omar ...... 60 Lucia ...... 63
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Introduction
Western Sahara, also known as “Africa's last colony” (Güell, 2015), has been on the list of Non-Self- Governing Territories since 1963. Even though Morocco’s claim to sovereignty over Western Sahara is not recognised by any state, nor by the United Nations (WSRW, 2019, p.4), the conflict of Western Sahara is a question of decolonization (Ruiz Miguel et al., 2018, p.69).
Morocco´s occupation over Western Sahara entails continuous human rights violations against people of Western Sahara, such as enforced disappearances, torture, killing and the plunder of natural resources over the territory (Human Rights Watch, 2019, p.403). Still, albeit the extreme character of the situation, the case of Western Sahara has been referred on many occasions as a “forgotten conflict” (FCA, 2019), scaled by a 10 out of 11 within the forgotten crisis assessment index of 2019, with some of the lowest grades in relation to media coverage and public aid per capita.
In order to raise awareness of the current situation in Western Sahara, a variety of international development campaigns take place in the Saharawi refugee camps every year. This is the case of International Encounters of Arts and Human “ARTifariti”, the international cinema festival “Fisahara”, and the international sport event “Sahara Marathon”. Celebrated throughout twenty consecutive years, the Sahara Marathon defines itself as a solidarity campaign, which main goals are to fight against the hindering and lack of acknowledgement of the conflict, preventing the Saharawi cause from being forgotten and addressing informational gaps as well as to raise funds for developing humanitarian aid projects in the refugee camps while encouraging the international community to translate awareness into action after they come back to their home countries (Muñoz, 2018, p.23).
This research will analyse the Sahara Marathon sport event, to investigate the campaign approaches to Social Change, aiming to contribute to the field of Communication for Development and Sport-for- Development research. Through a case study of the campaign, this degree project uses the lens of community participation, inclusion, engagement and visibility, as a qualitative and exploratory research conducted through twenty-three in-depth interviews. Finally, this case study aims at providing a glimpse into processes of development, behavioural and social change, exploring the potential impact, implications and contributions of the campaign towards a social change and a status-quo shift in the question of Western Sahara.
The main research questions that guide this degree project are the following:
• What are the potential effects and implications of the Sahara Marathon campaign for a social change in the situation of Western Sahara?
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• How do people of Western Sahara perceive this campaign and how do they participate in the Sahara Marathon international sport event?
To answer these research questions, I start with historical background information on Western Sahara, continuing with the case study presentation of the Sahara Marathon campaign. This is followed by a literature review about sport-for-development research and volunteer tourism as well as the existing gaps and challenges within these fields of study. I then provide a theoretical framework and methodology section that include concepts such as the community participatory approach, active listening and manufactured consent as well as the research conduct, ethics, reflexivity and limitations within the study. The main findings of the Sahara Marathon case study are then analysed and presented in relation to the theoretical framework. Finally, the concluding section provides an answer to the research questions as well as some suggestions for future research.
Historical background on Western Sahara
Western Sahara is located on the West coast of Northern Africa, bordering Mauritania in the South, Morocco in the North, Algeria in the East and the Atlantic Ocean in the West. The territory has an extension of 266 000 km1 (Codina et al., 2018, 13), although 80% of its territory remains under Moroccan control and occupation2 (Human Rights Report, 2018, p.1). Most of the people of Western Sahara belong to the nomad’s indigenous population known as the bidan society and the primary language in Western Sahara is Hassaniya3.
Chronologically, moving back to the sequence of events that occurred over the territory, on November 28th of 1884, Spain4 signed a treaty of protectorate with some independent Saharawi tribes and founded the city of Villa Cisneros5 (Ruiz Miguel et al., 2018, p.17), colonizing the territory6 and instilling a continuous plunder of natural resources7 over the Saharawi territory and its people. Despite the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols on 1949, as well as the first attempts
1 A map of Western Sahara can be found in the Appendix 1. 2 Within the 20-remaining percentage of the liberated territories, there are included the refugee camps of Tindouf, in Southern Algeria, in which 173.600 Saharawi refugees live for the past 46 years under extremely difficult circumstances and almost entirely dependent on humanitarian aid (UNHCR, 2018, p.4). 3 a dialect that comes from the Arabic language. 4 formal colonial and administering power of the territory. 5 the city of Dakhla. 6 Spain communicates the treaty of protectorate to the foreign powers that met in the Berlin Conference on December 28th, 1884. 7 The phosphate reserves discovered in Bou Craa in 1947 are an example of this plunder of natural resources. The Bou Craa phosphate reserves became the first source of mineral revenues for the Spanish colonial power. By then, Western Sahara was also known as Spanish Sahara. 6
toward the decolonization of Western Sahara during the 60s with the UN Special Committee on Decolonization in 19638, the requests to Spain both in 1965 and 1966 to decolonize the territory9 and to hold a referendum for Western Sahara’s self-determination under the United Nation supervision10, resulted into failed attempts. A few years after, in 1973, the legitimate representative of the people of Western Sahara “El Frente Popular para la Liberación de Saguia el-Hamra y Río de Oro”11 is founded and recognized by the United Nations as the legitimate representative of the Saharawi people (UNOCHA, 2019). The same year, a first military operation occurred in Western Sahara between Polisario and Spain to achieve the independence from the Spanish colonial rule. Two years after, in 1975, the International Court of Justice urged the need for the right to self- determination to apply, stating that: prior to Spanish colonization, the territory belonged to neither Morocco nor Mauritania, not having legal ties with any of both12. Despite of the advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice, on 6th of November 1975, the then King of Morocco Hassan II initiated “the Green March” to claim sovereignty over the territory. This apparently peaceful demonstration entailed the invasion of Western Sahara’s territory, which forced over half of the Saharawi people to flee from their home country.
Even though the invasion of Western Sahara was condemned by the UN Security Council, less than two weeks after and six days before the death of the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco, Spain signed the Madrid Accords13 together with Mauritania and Morocco, in an attempt to cede the administering power of the territory to both Mauritania and Morocco, and to get exempt from the unfulfillment of its International Law obligations. Afterwards, Morocco signed the Rabat Accords together with Mauritania, dividing Western Sahara´s territory. Then, the war begins and lasts until the cease-fire in 1991. Within this period of time, on 26 February 1976, Spain formally withdraws de facto as a colonial power and, one day after, on February 27, the Polisario Front declares the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), and the refugee camps of Western Sahara are established in the middle of the desert, in Tindouf, South-west Algeria.
8 The General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) declared Western Sahara a “non-self-governing territory to be decolonized”, in accordance with the 14 Dec 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence of Colonial Countries and People. 9 In 1965, The UN General Assembly adopted its first resolution on Western Sahara, the General Assembly resolution 2072 (XX) of 17 December 1965 10 General Assembly resolution 2229 (XXI) of 20 December 1966 on the “Question of Ifni and Spanish Sahara”. In this resolution, it is noted that the Spanish government, as administering power over the territory, had not yet applied the provisions of the 14 Dec 1960 Declaration. More information can be found here: http://www.worldlii.org/int/other/UNGA/1966/101.pdf 11 herein referred to as Frente Polisario or Polisario Front. 12 Western Sahara, Advisory Opinion of 16th January 1975, I.C.J. Reports 12, 162 13 Also known as the Tripartite Agreement, the Madrid Accords were signed without the prior consultation of the people from Western Sahara nor the United Nations on November 14, 1975. 7
Figure 1. Western Sahara refugee camps, Smara 2020. Credit: Celia Sánchez-Valladares/2020
After four years of continuous fighting, the Polisario Front and Mauritania signed peace in 1979, a peace that triggered the annexation by Morocco of two-thirds of Western Sahara´s territory (Hagen & Pfeifer, 2018, p.19), invading the area previously controlled by Mauritania14. One year after, in 1980, a 2720 kilometre-long15 sand-berm surrounded by mines is built by Hassan II16, cutting diagonally through Western Sahara from its northeast-corner down to the southwest near the Mauritanian border (Beristain, et al., 2017, p.31). The wall exists up until today and is commonly known as The Wall of Shame (Bachir, 2017, p.79).
Around that time, by the end of the 1980s, the United Nations designed a peace plan which set out a voting from Western Sahara to decide whether being an independent country or being integrated
14 and despite the United Nations condemnation of Morocco´s occupation. More information can be found in the General Assembly Resolution 34/37 of 21 November 1979 on “the continued occupation of Western Sahara by Morocco”: https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/un-documents/document/ares3437.php 15 Recognized as the second-longest wall after the Wall of China, the wall or berm is a physical witness of the war that opposed Morocco and the Polisario Front between 1975 and 1991 after Spain´s withdrawal (Ruiz Miguel et al., 2018, p.16). 16 Hassan II was the King of Morocco by that time. The sand-berm was erected between 1981 and 1971, dividing the Saharawi people and their territory. Eduardo Galeano describes it as follows, in Muros (2010): “And nothing, nothing is talked about the Moroccan Wall, which for 20 years has perpetuated the Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara. This wall, mined from up till down, surrounded by thousands of soldiers, measures 60 times more than the Berlin Wall. Why is it that there are such high-sounding walls and such silent walls? Could it be because of the informational blockage walls?” The full text is available at: https://sites.google.com/site/losmurosdelaverguenza/a--los-muros-segun-eduardo-galeano 8
with Morocco17. Up until now, the MINURSO remains to be one of the very few international UN missions with no mandate to report on human rights violations (Hagen & Pfeifer, 2018, p.21), not having been implemented yet. Since the creation of the MINURSO until now, Morocco has offered economic support, employment and other subsidies for people from Morocco to settle in the occupied territories of Western Sahara, as well as signed trade agreements18 that plunder the natural resources over the Saharawi territory19.
Last 13th of November 2020, after weeks of peaceful demonstrations led by people of Western Sahara in the area of The Guergerat20, Morocco sent a military operation in the buffer zone, violating the 1991 ceasefire agreement. As a result, the Polisario Front declared war on Morocco (UN News, 2020). Currently, the Saharawi people are waiting for support from the international community to help resolve the long-standing conflict by facilitating the celebration of the referendum that was promised three decades ago by the United Nations. Up until now, silence is again veiling the current scenario.
Case presentation: The Sahara Marathon21
The Sahara Marathon campaign is an international sport initiative developed for twenty consecutive years in the refugee camps of Western Sahara22. During its first editions, the Sahara Marathon sport event was organized by a group of volunteers from different countries together with the Saharawi Ministry of Culture and Sports. Currently, the management of this international sport event is handled by the Spanish association “Proyecto Sahara”23 as well as the Saharawi Arab Democratic
17 This promising political solution, mandate and referendum for Western Sahara´s self-determination is also known as the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO), and it was approved by the UN Security Council in 1991. More about it can be read in the Security Council Resolution 690, “The Situation Concerning Western Sahara” of 29th April 1991. 18 Trades agreements between the European Union and Morocco are signed such as the “EU-Morocco agricultural agreement 2012” which includes products from Western labelled as Moroccan. See more in: Western Sahara Resource Watch, 2017: “Label and Liability”: https://wsrw.org/a214x2321 19 including oil exploration, phosphate, agricultural and fishery products among other resources. 20 More information about The Guerguerat area can be found in the following article: https://www.publico.es/internacional/narcotrafico-milicias-resiliencia-guerguerat-frontera-sahara-occidental- invadida-marruecos.html 21 Information about the Sahara Marathon case study has been gathered from four interviews conducted with organizers of the campaign as well as available information at the campaign´s official websites: saharamarathon.org; proyectosahara.com and the book “Una huella en el desierto” (Muñoz, 2018) 22 Located in Tindouf, Southern Algeria, the Saharawi refugee camps are administered as state provinces by different local committees, popular councils and SADR departments which act as intermediary benchmarks for exogenous projects to take place in the refugee camps (Farah, 2009, p.82). 23 Information about the association Proyecto Sahara can be found at: http://www.proyectosahara.com/ 9
Republic Ministry of Sport in coordination with a team of volunteers from different nationalities which swings in between five or six to fifteen or seventeen members every year.
Figure 2. Runners of the Sahara Marathon preparing for the race. Credit: Celia Sánchez-Valladares/2020
The Sahara Marathon campaign takes place for a week during the last week of February, coinciding with the anniversary celebrations of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic proclamation, on February 27th. On average, around 500 people from 25 different nationalities come to the Saharawi refugee camps to participate in the yearly campaign. During the Sahara Marathon week, participants from the international community24 are hosted by Saharawi families at their houses, distributed among different state provinces25 and districts26 within the Saharawi refugee camps. The hosting families receive economic fees as well as food and water provisions for each of the participants27, apart from voluntary donations.
Most of the humanitarian aid projects created throughout the twenty editions of the Sahara Marathon campaign are related to sport activities and infrastructure, such as sport centres, sports equipment and training projects. Nonetheless, other heterogeneous projects have been
24 The term participants from abroad, runners from abroad and participants from the international community refer to the same concept and will be included interchangeably within this case study. 25 Also known as Wilayas 26 Also known as Dairas 27 Most frequently, runners who have attended prior editions of the campaign continue staying with the same families and in the same district every year. 10
implemented as well such as a Youth Centre, Internet infrastructures or schools twinning plans28 and other projects emerged from the runners after they came back from the campaign29.
The current coordination among the team managing the campaign is based on a regular communication between the Spanish association Proyecto Sahara and a facilitator or “change agent” (Schulenkorf & Edwards, 2012, p.4) from Western Sahara who lives in Spain and liaises with the association and the Saharawi authorities, transmitting the association’s different requests and ideas for each year´s editions.
The involvement of different actors before, during and after the campaign includes people from Western Sahara who arrange different aspects of the campaign such as: the selection of runners and athletes from Western Sahara and Algeria30; logistics-employment needed within the campaign which includes: a health section coordinating medical assistance; checkpoints within the Marathon itinerary31; security and vehicles coordination32; media coverage33; institutional taskforces coordinating the presence of Saharawi authority members within different key activities34; as well as a constant coordination with the Saharawi Ministry of Sports.
Apart from the marathon race35, the Sahara Marathon sport event includes a side-event program carrying different activities throughout the week that complement the marathon event. This side- event program has been varying along the years36. For instance, a children’s race37 is held every edition, one day after the 42km marathon. Other activities include visits to schools, medical centres and museums; a press conference and race briefing; a Saharawi cultural festival, etc38. The effects
28 Through the school twinning plans, communication exchanges are created among children from Spain and Western Sahara by post, apart from the gathering of some monetary donations. 29 More information about the projects developed thanks to the Sahara Marathon participation fee can be found here: http://www.proyectosahara.com/p/nuestros-proyectos.html 30 which varies every year in between 80 to 100 runners from Algeria and 150 runners from Western Sahara. 31 such as supply stations and refreshments points coordinated by the local Saharawi people every two kilometres throughout the race. 32 monitoring the race and transporting runners to participate in the different key activities of the campaign. 33 with local media and journalists covering the event. 34 such as during the ceremony awards, giving the prizes to the race winners. 35 each participant can choose to run a distance of either 5, 10, 21 or 42 kilometres. All the races are held simultaneously; the 42-kilometer marathon begins in El Aaiún; the half marathon of 21km starts from Auserd; and the 10 and 5 km races start from Smara. Throughout the whole week as well as during the race, a medical service accompanies and assists the participants if needed. 36 An example of the Sahara Marathon official program can be found in the Appendix 2. The program attached was facilitated after the interviews conducted for this research by one of the Sahara Marathon organizers as well as a runner who participated in the campaign. 37 The children’s race is also known as “Children´s Olympics”, and is conducted with the aim of raising sport awareness among children. 38 the awards ceremony; an excursion to the dunes together with the hosting families as well as a trip to the Wall of Shame in some of the campaign’s previous editions; art workshops; football matches; bicycle races as well as visits to the projects funded by the Sahara Marathon, among others. 11
and implications of the Sahara Marathon campaign and its side-event program will be discussed in the analysis section.
Literature review
This literature review encompasses three fields that inform both the theoretical framework as well as the analysis and findings of the study: sport, tourism, and development. Due to the lack of existing literature focused solely on the Sahara Marathon campaign, this literature review is based on similar research, with the aim of analysing the potential effects and implications of international sports events.
Sport-for-development programs In this chapter, we first inquire into the characteristics of international sports campaigns, covering the main approaches and key aspects of sport-for-development programs. Subsequently, we discuss the existing gaps and challenges within the field of study.
During the last decades, sport-for-development events have grown exponentially as they have been recognized to be apolitical and flexible tools with universal and transnational meanings, (Darnell, et al., 2019, p. 184). This increased recognition came about after the United Nations embraced sports programs as key instruments for the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals agenda39. From this standpoint, sport programs were seen to be potential tools capable of promoting peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development and empowerment, providing access to justice for all and building effective, accountable, and inclusive institutions at all levels (UNOSDP, 2018, p.16). In particular, Marathons appear to be an effective way to induce changes in the perception of oneself and others40.
According to Coalter (2010, p.304), one of the key features of sport programs is their contribution to the development of human capital and social relationships. For Schulenkorf & Edwards (2012, p.8), this is triggered by bringing together unlike groups of people that might have otherwise never shared the same space, thus creating new narratives or discourses in which culturally, politically, or geographically divided societies find commonality and gather around a mutual bond. Besides, the
39 in particular, the SDG Goal 16 of “Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions”: https://www.un.org/sustainabledevelopment/peace-justice/ 40 This was a clear outcome from a research undertaken in 1971 with a group of 8 to 12 people who did not have prior connections before the race but developed a very high level of harmony and tolerance among each other after their participation (Weissman et al., 1971, p. 669). 12
processes of community cohesiveness prompted by sport events possess a symbolic power capable of triggering intergroup togetherness and reconciliation (Chalip, 2006, p.111).
From this perspective, Franklin (2003, p.48) arguments that, when social cohesion is prompted, a new “communitas”41 emerges as a unique social bond between strangers who happen to have in common the fact that they are in some way traveling or on holiday together. In this context of conviviality, emotional friendships and cross-cultural interactions are likely to appear (Palacios 2010, p. 875). Furthermore, the unfolding social cohesion triggered has the potentiality to increase support and engagement in social change (McGehee, 2012, p.99).
Specifically, when sport-based initiatives are developed in refugee camps, the United Nations Office on Sport-for-Development and Peace (UNOSDP, 2015, p.5) argues that sport programs can deliver social, psychological, and physiological benefits to the host communities. Named benefits are funds as well as awareness-raising and social mobilization, with the potentiality of creating new synergies and networks (UNOSDP, 2015, p. 17). From a different angle, Norman (2020, p.188) adds a critical theoretical consideration into Sport for Development research when the sport event occurs in sites of confinement, such as in refugee camps. From her perspective, Norman (2020, p.193) argues the need to develop a critical analysis of sport-for-development interventions seeking the way in which these events occur, understanding if they empower the host communities (promoting community cohesion and social acceptance) or further marginalize them.
The latter can happen if the sport-for-development program does not engage certain community members who usually do not take part in sport activities (Hover et al., 2016, p. 21). The non- participation in sport events and/or side-event programs is a challenge that can be overcome by winning local support (Bull & Lovell, 2007, p. 246) as well as involving active citizens who are keen to connect with other members of the community (Misener & Schulenkorf, 2016, p.333).
Another factor identified as a challenge within this field of study is the research of intangible social impacts triggered by sport campaigns. These can be for instance: cultural understanding, social interaction, and community cohesion. Indeed, Bull & Lovell (2007, p. 234) argue that intangible outcomes remain vague and unexplored, being rarely evaluated and less publicly newsworthy compared to the solid facts and figures more usually associated with economic impact. On this matter, Schulenkorf & Edwards (2012, p.6) note that looking beyond direct impacts requires incorporating further strategies into sport intervention projects in order to achieve “wider long-term outcomes for individuals and their communities”. According to Coalter, (2010, p.298) new strategies
41 Schulenkorf & Edwards (2012, p.2), on the other hand, names this concept as “imagined communities” or “dedicated interest groups”. 13
can be applied by, for instance, including side-events in the sport-for-development interventions. Side events need to be implemented through a bottom-up approach in which local communities take ownership through collaborative decision-making processes. On the contrary, exogenous projects planned and implemented without an interaction, consensus and solution-oriented approach carry the danger of employing a dominant paternalistic approach.
On a different note, it is important to highlight the current growing demand for evidence and transparency in the field of Sport for Development research. For instance, Misener (2015, p.132) argues that there is almost no research addressing the potential utility of small-medium scale sport events. On the contrary, the primary focus has been mainly set on large-scale sport events, which has made a challenge to understand how sport events can be used for more inclusive, positive social outcomes. In this line of research, Chalip (2006, p.123) affirms that more work is needed to explore how post-event euphoria can be translated into emerging social initiatives and community development.
We could then ask ourselves: how are small-medium scale sport programs entailing social change, inclusive participation, and mutual understanding?
To cover this question, it is first important to understand the categories of impact unleashed by sport-for-development initiatives. According to Minnaert (2012 p. 362), sport events can unleash impacts related to individuals, including increased employment opportunities and new networks strengthened between groups of people. Another type of impacts created by sport-for-development initiatives are community impacts, which include participation and social cohesion. In this category, sport programs are understood to enable face-to-face exchanges and dialogues between individuals from across the globe, an aspect that, according to Brown & Morrison (2003, p.74) may contribute to international cooperation, social bonds and mutual understanding. Kersting (2007, p.279) defines these outcomes as social constructs and cohesive forces that hold nations together, shaping their relationships.
Notwithstanding, for sport events to achieve desired positive and sustainable social impacts, sport- for-development initiatives need to be pleasant and/or beneficial, meeting and reflecting the local demands (Schulenkorf & Edwards, 2012, p. 8). Additionally, to sustain the host community's enthusiasm for an external project, the initiators of that venture should recognize the prominent value of freedom-of-action and self-determination from the indigenous population, spending considerable effort in developing cross-cultural consultative and operational guidelines for the event program (Hollinshead, 1992, p. 59).
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Still, several authors have signalled a lack of studies rooted in local experiences, arguing that an interpretive perspective is missing, with an inadequate understanding of the legacy of sport events and non-giving enough space to the insights, details and depth of the program´s results (Waadenburg et al., 2015, p. 101). In this instance, Simpson (2004, p.690) points out the need to questioning the presumption that by bringing Glocal communities together and by creating new encounters, it may not be sufficient to generate structural changes and cross-community understanding.
In addition to this, Misener (2015, p.136) points out a lack of strategic approach concerning how sport events bring potential benefits and social outcomes for the host communities. Indeed, even though host communities are both the source and the beneficiaries of the social development concept, there is a lack of empirical research on sport events impacts and long-term outcomes (Schulenkorf & Edwards, 2012, p.8). A particular challenge seems to be an absence of impact measurement tools to reflect on the social implications triggered by transient sport events on local societies, which would otherwise guarantee its sustainability (Ziakas, 2015, p.691).
One key feature of this field of study is clear: active community participation is fundamental in sport- for-development programs. As Minnaert (2012, p.364) affirms, host communities and local organizations must be involved throughout all decision-making phases of the sport campaign, including its approach, preparation, organizational processes as well as its legacy and social impact.
Volunteering while doing tourism In this literature episode, we argue the need for a broader framework that critically assesses the benefits and costs of volunteer tourism events and their contribution to development. Following the previous discussion, it is important to highlight “the centrality of volunteering in sport” (Coalter, 2010, p. 304) and thus, this second chapter will cover the co-relation between sport-for- development programs, volunteering and tourism.
During the last two decades, volunteer tourism has been considered one of the fastest growing and expanding niches from the tourism industry across the world (Vrasti, 2012, p.2). This growth has been caused by the global reach, wide appeal and universal character of volunteer tourism events, as well as an increased willingness from societies to contribute to other communities while being on vacation (Brown & Morrison, 2003, p.73).
Lyons et al. (2012, p.362) define volunteer tourism as a form of ethical tourism in which people pay money to participate in development projects, fostering new encounters that may trigger mutual
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understanding and respect42. These encounters can at the same time unleash a deeper connection to the visited place and visited communities (Brown & Morrison, 2003, p.73). According to Misener (2015, p.138), the intangible impact of cross-cultural understanding is ensured when the tourism sport events and their side-event programs are embedded in the host society’s structures, offering opportunities for volunteers to interact with the host communities. Indeed, Mostafanezhad (2013, p. 162) argues that the socializing rationale behind cultural tourism (even if superficial), seems to be the foremost attraction for volunteer tourists. Through affective encounters with cultural others, volunteer tourists want to “make a difference”, promoting one-to-one exchanges and dialogues to understand and appreciate more their global neighbours (Brown & Morrison, 2003, p.74). At the same time, sport tourism events can represent political issues and social inequalities, subsequently increasing social awareness and perhaps leading to a consciousness-raising experience and social change (McGehee, 2012, p.101).
Brown and Morrison (2003, p.77) name the motivation of being part of a good cause while on vacation as “Mini-mission” or “Mission Lite”, defining it as an opportunity for the traveller to have a cultural exchange with local communities, getting in return memories for a lifetime. On the other hand, participating in international sport campaigns involves traveling, which may contribute towards new knowledge, cultural awareness, tolerance and dialogue, reducing racial, cultural or social boundaries and leading towards peaceful outcomes (Raymond & Hall, 2008, p. 532).
Nonetheless, and despite its growing popularity, the field of volunteer tourism is albeit under- theorized (Butcher & Smith, 2010, p.28). This lack of research requests the need for a critical leveraging approach towards the planning and implementing strategies of tourism events before they take place (Bull & Lovell, 2007, p. 236). In this regard, Simpson (2004, p.690) sees a lack of pedagogy for social justice in volunteer tourism events, with the risk of offering a simplistic understanding of reality in which the public face of development is one dominated by the value of western “good intentions”, combining the hedonism of tourism with the altruism of development work.
We could then ask ourselves again, how are these types of events enhancing mutual understanding, inclusive participation, and social change?
According to Hover et al. (2016, p.13), the social impact created throughout volunteer tourism campaigns can be analysed by the sense of trust, hope and reciprocity triggered during the social interactions that emerge from a sport volunteering event. In addition, themes of the campaign's
42 Vrasti (2012, p.6), on the other hand, conceptualizes volunteer tourism as a spontaneous act of kindness in response to other people‘s needs and suffering. 16
side-event activities must be culturally inclusive, heeding indigenous holistic conceptions of the environment in which they are developed (Hollinshead, 1992, p. 58). This has an important significance as sending organizations need to manage their programs through pre-departure preparation43, orientation and debriefings, providing accountability, and reflecting on the learning outcomes for these events to become potential catalysts of social change (Ziakas, 2015, p. 699). On the contrary, according to Mostafanezhad (2013, p.151), the legitimization of sport tourism events will be celebrated as a cultural practice that perpetuates the anesthetization of poverty rather than its politicization. If that is the case, the oversimplification of the context may become an act of spectatorship in popular humanitarianism (Darnell et al., 2020, p.4).
According to Wearing (2015, p. 123), this process of commodification, trivialization and over simplicity may also reinforce existing stereotypes and deepen the dichotomy of “Us” vs “Them” if the sport tourism program has not been carefully managed. Indeed, for many of the cases in which no real consultation of the local community is held, the development of sport-tourism events relates to processes of “manufactured consent44” that emerge by power imbalances between the privileged volunteers and the host communities, creating an atmosphere for the “Othering” (Lyons et.al, 2012, p.371). Raymond & Hall (2008, p.533) add to this view by arguing that a merely facilitated contact with “The Other” does not necessarily lead to respect and long-term international understanding but may instead reinforce stereotypes in the mind of the guest rather than challenge them.
Similarly, Vrasti (2012, p.114) notes uneven power relationships between guests and hosts camouflaged in the “helping discourse” of volunteering events. According to Raymond & Hall (2008, p.531), volunteer tourists assume positions of “expertise” by the neoliberal discourse of traveling to help others as “humanitarian saviours”. This position may unknowingly reproduce cultural images of Western superiority (Palacios, 2010, p. 867) and locate tourists as primary actors for social and economic development in the hosting country where the sport program takes place (Mostafanezhad, 2013, p.161). In this context, volunteer tourists tend to receive more benefits than the hosts (Palacios, 2010, p. 861) carrying a position of benevolence and rationality (Coalter, 2010, p. 298) that represents the challenge of extricating anti-colonial touristic events from their colonial roots (Darnell et al., 2019, p. 136). Moreover, Butcher & Smith (2010, p.27) relate volunteer tourism projects as part of the colonialist and neo-colonialist forces that create new forms of dependency. Similarly, Butcher (2003, p.336) compares the sensitivity of relations between guests and hosts in the same
43 providing contextualization, workshops and information about the historical background and current situation of the event´s location. 44 The theoretical concept of manufactured consent is further explained in this degree project under the section of “Community participation in a development intervention”. 17
light as relations between countries. According to him, volunteer tourists become a vehicle for cultural imperialism, bringing western culture to bear on the indigenous and local environment.
Within this field of study, one thing seems clear: the implementation of sport and volunteering events should not be automatically assumed as beneficial for both guests and hosts communities (Raymond, 2008, p. 48). On the contrary, sport-for-development initiatives need to be strategically planned, managed, leveraged and evaluated to achieve long-term positive outcomes (Schulenkorf & Edwards, 2012, p.8). In addition, a key strategy for sport volunteer programs to enhance positive social impacts is community mobilization and partnerships with local organizations, embracing the core values of residents and host communities (Taks et al., 2015, p.3). Involving local community members in the different event processes safeguard the respect of the hosting community culture, values, norms, and opinions as well as increase the public support of the event itself (Misener, 2015, p. 144). Furthermore, evidence suggests that sport tourism programs must ensure a bottom-up endeavour with the local community, guaranteeing active and equal participation as well as a reached intergroup consensus through all the event phases (Ziakas, 2015, p. 693). As a result, awareness building and social interaction between hosts and guests appear to be more profound (Wearing, 2015, p. 123).
To realise a sustainable form of development triggered by sport tourism events, there needs to be real community involvement and intersectoral cooperation, in which local residents receive a higher number of responsibilities over time, increasing their engagement and active participation as well as having the leading role over the project in the long-term (Schulenkorf & Edwards, 2012, p.5). Lastly, for this long-term sustainability to be applied, volunteer sport events need to build an analysis of the legacy left behind, evaluating what has been done, being aware of the potential benefits and costs and learning from the past to improve the event in the future (Hover et al., 2016, p.11).
Theoretical framework
This degree project draws upon the participatory communication approach, including the paradigm of “Doing good vs looking good” as an analytical category. Throughout this theoretical frame, and including concepts such as community engagement, indigenous knowledge, active listening and manufactured consent, this study investigates the potential impacts and implications of the Sahara Marathon campaign, analysing the international sport event approaches to Social Change and Communication for Development. This theoretical framework will provide a structure for what to
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look for in the data and, as Kivunja (2018, p.47) states, it will help to make connections between abstract, concrete and reflective elements of the information gathered within the research process.
Participatory communication approach The participatory approach to communication, also known as community engagement approach, is described by Manyozo (2012, p.18) as a fundamental component of Communication for Development that allows for the articulation and incorporation of multiple voices and interests in the development intervention. Through community-based and bottom-up approaches, the participatory community approach conceives communities as agents of change and not subjects of aid, developing strategies that place the local citizens at the heart of each development process. Thereby, local individuals are actively involved in the design, planning, management, implementation, and evaluation phases that affect their lives, defining themselves what they value and their own interests (Manyozo, 2012, p. 194). In this way, the role of communication is not to disseminate information in order to change individual behaviours, but to promote the inclusive expression of the communities´ needs and wishes (Scott, 2014, p.49).
The participatory development paradigm has the capacity to stimulate citizen-driven social change processes by empowering individuals to be engaged and act (Tufte, 2017, p.40). Thus, the central focus of participatory communication is the empowerment of citizens through their active involvement in the identification of problems, the development of solutions and the implementation of new strategies. This is done through a two-way communication and grassroots process-focused approach, which enhances structural change and collective action (Tufte, 2017, p.157).
Dialogical processes and collective action Following the participatory communication approach, voice and active listening are recognized as two key factors that need to be embedded within any participatory development and communication practices for a long-lasting commitment towards empowerment and social change. Couldry (2010, p.15) defines voice as a value and process that provide accountability for personal stories and experiences to be told but also be listened through storytelling, dialogues and discussions. On the other hand, Lacey (2013, p.14) observes that: “Without a listening public, opened to give those voices a hearing, there can be no guarantee of the plurality of voices or the exercise of freedom of speech”. In this framework, Tufle & Mefalopulos (2009, p.20) remark the significance of providing reflective time and space for local communities to define their problems, voice their concerns, articulate their needs, formulate solutions and act on those by and for themselves.
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As a result, participatory communication practices and dialogic spaces are fostered through the exercise of citizen engagement, uttering the voices of local communities and inciting social change (Tufte, 2017, p.122). Specifically, horizontal communication appears to be a benchmark within any participatory development process, facilitating the emergence of new linkages and networks. According to Heimann (2006, p.605), horizontal communication builds a field in which everyone communicates and interacts at an equal level, regardless of their context or status. For this to be achieved, a collective dialogical process must be applied within all stages of a participatory development project, empowering all stakeholders to be actively involved, shaping decisions and influencing the objectives and outcomes of the development initiative (Tufle & Mefalopulos, 2009, p.26).
Community participation in a development intervention Tufle and Mefalopulos (2009, p.15) specify four categories of community participation within a development project. The first one, empowerment participation, is characterized by joint decision making, an equal partnership between stakeholders during the development intervention as well as open and interactive community practices, knowledge exchange and ownership led by the local communities. The second category, participation by collaboration, depends on outsider facilitators who pre-determine the project objectives. In this collaborative approach, horizontal communication and capacity building are attained for all stakeholders, requiring an active involvement in the decision-making process to decide on how to achieve the pre-set goals, which offers the potentiality to evolve into an independent form of participation.
The last two categories are defined as participation by consultation and participation by information (Tufle & Mefalopulos, 2009, p.15). Also known as tokenism, participation by consultation consists of an advisory process in which outsider stakeholders possess the decision-making power and consult the primary local stakeholders, who are the ones providing answers to the questions exposed. After informing and consulting the primary stakeholders, outsider parties are not required to include the local input into practice. Lastly, the least participatory approach is participation by information, in which primary local stakeholders are just informed about what the intervention consists of, barely having space to give their feedback and not influencing in any decision-making processes.
Among these categories, Govind and Babu (2017, p.6) add a new level of participation known as manufactured consent. In this new approach, an agreement is manufactured to legitimize the implementation of a development project, not through free choices but unequal power relations and conceptions of “common sense”, from which primary stakeholders are left with not much free choice to opine differently (Govind & Babu, 2017, p.17). Through manufactured consent, external change
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agents drive the development processes offering very little or no room for participation, as well as a lack of knowledge and information (Tufle & Mefalopulos, 2009, p. 16)
If manufactured consent or passive participation applies, and a development program is not implemented through participatory communication, the local population would become objects of development instead of change agents with autonomy, and the aid relationship would turn into “an ill-concealed extension of the colonial rule” (Hossain, 2017, p.88). An example of it applies with the concept of “Clanship”, a term opposed to community participation and engagement in which organizational management is distributed between just a few members, becoming more of a business-like initiative that is characterized by “a capitalistic commoditisation of workers” (Mannan, 2015, p.152).
Sustainable partnership approach & conviviality One of the theories that inform this study is the sustainable partnership approach model of development. The partnership approach involves collaborative planning and decision-making processes through dialogue, community-led projects and processes of communication and social change based on equal power relations (Manyozo, 2012, p. 191). As Wilson (2018, p.67) argues, the partnership approach is built from an alternative development discourse that questions the development assistance enthusiasm and the established aid hierarchies between donors and beneficiaries. For this partnership model to be effective, it needs to be applied away from hierarchical and paternalistic narratives of rescue (Wilson, 2018, p.73).
Another theory that guides this study is convivial solidarity. Conviviality refers to the Spanish term “Convivencia” and represents a bottom-up, local and participatory approach applied through interconnectedness, diversity and mutual aid (Hemer et al., 2020, p.8). As Encarnación Gutiérrez (2020, p.118) describes, conviviality may experience simultaneously the paradox of proximity and distance, as each given encounter requires a contextualization to see existing power relations and imbalances as well as structural divisions that sustain a “living together” but also a “living apart”. These emerged “new communitas” (Franklin, 2003, p.48) are capable of breaking down social rules and prompt multicultural exchanges, which may also enhance community participation, socialization and networking (Chalip, 2006, p. 124).
On the other hand, Deniz Neriman Duru (2020, p.133) positions convivial solidarity as an outcome from practices of collective work, including face to face social interaction, a shared sense of humanity and social justice. Following this principle, convivial solidarity gives space, attention, and legitimacy
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to local communities but also a narrative of humanization based on a “Collective We” (Chouliaraki, 2013, p. 28).
Both research frameworks bring us to the context of communication for development and social change, stating the need to get rid of the saviour complex, strengthening people’s stories, informing citizens about different ways in which they can contribute to social change, and appealing to empathy rather than compassion (Waisbord, 2018, p.175).
When Looking good overpasses Doing good - current trends and the White Gaze of development Whist participatory communication processes equalise doing good interventions by challenging power relations and “giving voice to the voiceless” (Tufte, 2012, p.79), non-inclusive development interventions evolve into looking good interventions, new forms of dependency and hegemony (Pieterse, 2010, p. 212). In particular, when “looking good” overpasses “doing good”, development interventions become a spectacle of public appearance, lacking accountability towards the actual benefits for the local communities and missing a pathway towards positive social change (Wilkins, 2018, p.76). According to Waisbord (2018), looking good practices equate development aid interventions with charity projects, perpetuating “development as a Western story, casting the Global South as secondary characters and dismissing the fact that social change demands tackling long-standing inequalities” (ibid, 2018, p.173).
Tufte (2012, p.153) attributes looking good interventions to the current crisis of development; a crisis of participation and inclusion in which people do not have an influence on the decisions that affect their lives. Researchers such as McEwan (2018, p.151), define the discursive power of development as a hierarchical, oversimplified and homogenized vision of the world that is rooted in European imperialism and false assumptions of western domination and superiority. This philosophy and power hierarchies of “first the West, then the rest” (McEwan, 2018, 135), evokes “The Otherization of the world” (Clammer, 2012, p. 91), perpetuating stereotypes instead of challenging them (Tufte, 2017, p.106). As a result, the dichotomy of “Us” vs “Them” contributes towards a pattern of delegitimization and dehumanization, portraying people by a sensationalistic depiction of suffering (Wright, 2018, p.92).
In this context, development interventions are performed “in favour of a selected group and at the expense of another group or the environment” (Tavernaro, 2019, p. 20), as distant and oppressive acts (Desai et al., 2014, p. 46) that can trigger compassion fatigue from “ironic spectators of vulnerable others” (Chouliaraki, 2013, p.3). Pailey (2019, 733) refers to this paradigm as the “White
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gaze” of development: a colonial and paternalistic frame of the field that assumes whiteness as a superior reference of power, in which “white is always right, and west is always best”. Specifically, the “white gaze” conditions the theory and practice of development by categorizing different parts of the world into oppositional judgment binaries and unequal power structures (Pailey, 2019, p.734).
Subverting the colonial gaze, shifting towards Indigenous Knowledge The perpetuating inequality within traditional development discourse can be challenged by acknowledging the white gaze of development and transferring the agency to the global South to express authority, make decisions and participate as active subjects in the processes of development and social change (Tacchi, 2016, p.120). From localism, alternative ideas, text and imaginary, McEwan (2018) highlights the necessity of new types of knowledge and politics of representation that contests the Western cultural hegemony and suppresses the gap between North and South, “disrupting the power relations of speaking for distanced others” (ibid, 2018, p.317).
Indigenous knowledge is a key feature embedded within the participatory communication approach as it represents plural and dynamic voices from the local communities and brings innovative solutions to development challenges (Manyozo, 2012, p. 80). According to Clammer (2012, p.11), indigenous knowledge (IK) represents a shift of the developmental paradigm, subverting Eurocentric and hegemonic representations of the world, while empowering local communities through participation and autonomy. Significantly, IK places the community at the centre, expanding knowledge creation and “giving ownership on the part of the indigenes” (Clammer, 2012, p. 40).
This people-centred approach (Clammer, 2012, p.11) supposes a shift from exogenous to endogenous development interventions, unleashing new community networks, actors, voices and forms of participation (Clammer, 2012, p. 67).
Research design framework
According to Gorard (2013), research design is a way of organising a research project in order to maximise the likelihood of generating evidence that provides a convincing answer to the research questions (ibid, 2013, p.6). This research project aims at finding out the potential effects and implications of the Sahara Marathon campaign from the perspectives, insights and experiences of human right activists from Western Sahara as well as runners, freelancers and organizers who have or have had a connection with this international sport event. To this end, qualitative research methodologies were used to gather data from the respondents.
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Methodological approach The degree project methodological approach consisted of in-depth interviews conducted within a case study of the Sahara Marathon campaign. I decided on this qualitative research method as it aligns with the aim of finding out “how” and “why” (Kulothungan & Oham, 2019, p.12) this campaign may be contributing to a social change in the question of Western Sahara. The methodological perspectives for this research project are constructivist, narrowing the gap between concrete observations and abstract meanings by using interpretive techniques (Markham, 2012, p.6), where meaning-making has been a continually unfolding process (Holstein & Gubrium, 1995, p.2).
Due to the informational blockage about Western Sahara´s situation, one of the challenges I have encountered is the lack of multiple data and literature sources for a descriptive interpretation on the potential implications of the campaign. Thus, to provide solidity to this methodology, and following the conceptualization that defines interviews as one of the most important sources for data in qualitative case study research (Alpi et al., 2019, p.2), I chose in-depth interviewing methodology to contribute to the external reliability of this case study, as it helped me to have a better understanding of the implications of the campaign as well as new perspectives and reflections that I did not anticipate before the interviews. For instance, one of the interviewees from Western Sahara answered the interview questions after having gathered first the opinion of seven young people and three elderly women living in the Saharawi refugee camps of Auserd, El Aaiún and Smara. Prior to our interview, she wanted to ask other Saharawi people about their experiences regarding the campaign, with the aim of “gathering more authentic answers from local people who may feel more comfortable talking to someone they already knew before” (Leila, personal communication, October 11, 2020). Her support and insights shared have undoubtedly enriched the data gathered in this degree project, adding new narrative perspectives.
Finally, the design of the interview guide45 consisted of open-ended questions, inciting the participants to shape the form and the content of what was said (Holstein & Gubrium, 1995, p.3), and thus allowing enough room for spontaneous answers and questions not initially planned to be explored (Brinkmann, 2008).
Selection of participants and research conduct A total of 23 participants were interviewed for this degree project, consisting of ten Saharawi human rights activists, four organizers of the Sahara Marathon, two freelancers who have participated in more than one edition of the campaign as well as seven runners coming from Spain, Sweden and
45 An example of the interview guide used with the Saharawi participants of this study can be found in the Appendix 3. 24
Italy. The selection of participants was based on people who have and/or have had a connection with the Sahara Marathon in any of its twenty editions. Throughout the research process, I reached out by email to project representatives of different Saharawi organizations such as NOVA46, AFAPREDESA47 and UJSARIO48 since I wanted to include first-hand representative viewpoints from different Saharawi organizations about the campaign as well as in-depth information on Western Sahara´s situation. As an example, I managed to talk to the Director of Cooperation and Program Coordinator at the Saharawi Ministry of Sport and Youth, who has been involved in the development of the Sahara Marathon for more than ten years.
Besides, last February I visited for the first time the Saharawi refugee camps as a volunteer of Emmaus Stockholm49, supporting the different activities and visits organized by Emmaus during the same week of the Sahara Marathon. The visit to the camps allowed me to establish a first contact with several people from Western Sahara and runners from abroad. Few of them collaborated in this study and, thanks to their support, I managed to reach out to other runners who have participated in one or more editions of the campaign, thanks to the snowball word-of-mouth effect. At the same time, I researched on the Internet different contact details of Saharawi human rights activists and associations as well as a celebrity from Sweden who participated in the campaign. Positively, most of the people responded showing an interest to participate in this study.
The interviews took an average of 45 minutes to 90 minutes and were conducted through WhatsApp and Facebook messenger as well as by international voice calls at the time that was most suitable for the participants.
Ethics, reflexivity and limitations Before submerging into this qualitative research project, I reflected on the potential bias of my subjectivity as a researcher. Two years ago, I collaborated in Emmaus Stockholm as a communication´s trainee for six months, mainly working on the issue of Western Sahara. Even though I am aware that the knowledge acquired during my internship may have biased my perception of the conflict, I attempted my best to use that as an advantage as it provided me with an insight and possibly better understanding of the participants' experiences, beliefs, and opinions.
46 The Saharawi Non-Violence Association was created in 2012 and consists of approximately 270 members that actively work for a dialogical and non-violence approach, https://www.facebook.com/nova.westernsahara 47 AFAPREDESA is the human rights Association of Families of Saharawi Prisoners and Disappeared, http://afapredesa.blogspot.com/ 48 UJSARIO is the Saharawi Youth Union organization operating from the Saharawi refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria, http://www.ujsario.com/ 49 Emmaus is an organization that works with development and communication advocacy projects, with a primary focus on striving for Western Sahara's right to self-determination, https://emmausstockholm.se/ 25
In addition, throughout the research process and to the best of my capabilities, I tried to carefully follow all steps to guarantee the ethics of research. First, informed verbal consent to record and use the interviews for this degree project was obtained from each of the interviewees at the start of the conversation. Thanks to audio recording the interviews, the conversation flow was natural, giving me more time to reflect on the previous answers and to arrange the order for the rest of the questions. Additionally, the confidentiality of the interviews and the anonymity of the participants from Western Sahara and others who could relate to Saharawi activists were guaranteed at all stages. In order to do so, I replaced the name of the participants with nicknames, anonymizing them both in the transcripts attached as well as in the analysis and findings section.
The interviews were held in English and Spanish50, although one of the interviews was held in Arabic, with the help of an interpreter. Each interview was transcribed afterwards and, the ones held in Spanish and Arabic have been also translated into English to allow for a comprehensive analysis. This has eased the process for an adequate interpretation of the reflections and experiences shared during the interviews.
At the beginning of each interview, I introduced the main subject of the study, the aim of the research as well as my interest and passion to find out the answers to the research questions. All the data sources were treated with diligence and impartially to ensure reliability in the study. Lastly, the transcribed51 interviews have been analysed qualitatively by highlighting different themes, insights and quotes that are included in the following section of analysis and research findings.
Analysis and research findings
The main findings of this research are presented through five major chapters that emerged from the experiences and perceptions shared during the interviews: visibility as a weapon against silence; messengers for freedom; conviviality as a hub for new gazes and networks; being present but not as hosts; and looking good while doing solidarity work. All data gathered from the in-depth interviews has been analysed and discussed in relation to the theoretical framework and research questions.
50 Spanish is the second official language in The Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic. More information about it can be read in the following article: https://www.farodevigo.es/opinion/cartas-al- director/2015/08/29/espanol-sahara-occidental-16826316.html 51 Four examples of the interview transcripts can be found in the Appendix 4 of this thesis. 26
Visibility as a weapon against silence For the participants who were interviewed for this study, the Sahara Marathon campaign appeared to be an opportunity to denounce the living condition in the Saharawi refugee camps as well as a claim for accountability against Morocco´s occupation and the remaining silence from the international community. The Saharawi athlete Obada, who has participated more than ten times in the Sahara Marathon, stated that one of the most important aspects of the campaign resides on the striking foreign participation, which exceeds other sports events in Africa (Obada, personal communication, October 10, 2020). Indeed, each of the Saharawi interviewees agreed on the campaign´s global scope as a key aspect that offers possibilities to unleash dialogical processes and knowledge exchange among people from Western Sahara and participants from the international community. This approach includes the paradigm of voice and listening, suppressing the distance from the audience, and giving visibility to the local community (Manyozo, 2020, p. 154).
Figure 3. A Saharawi athlete running the Sahara Marathon throughout the desert. Credit: Celia Sánchez-Valladares/2020
In fact, most of the Saharawi interviewees defined the Sahara Marathon as an awareness campaign that enables face to face dialogues and first-hand testimonies with people who come from outside to the refugee camps. Heysham, a humanitarian expert on the Wall of Shame and Saharawi military engineer working against landmines, outlined that the visibility ensured thanks to the campaign sheds light on the conflict, confronting the occupation and the informational blockade (ibid, personal communication, October 8, 2020).
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According to the interviewees who came from abroad to run the Sahara Marathon, knowing more in- depth information about Western Sahara while having a purpose to be there was a key reason to join the campaign. Lucia, winner of the female category in one of the Sahara Marathon editions, explains:
“I felt it was a political thing to do while having my own mission running a marathon. It can be hard to just go somewhere and look at people, so I thought I could go there with a purpose, hoping that spreading information about Western Sahara could help afterwards” (Lucia, personal communication, October 11, 2020).
For all the runners interviewed, the campaign draws attention to the conflict, getting more people aware of the situation and being able to demand a social change. Caroline, one of the founders of “Spring For Frihet”52 campaign, explains that the campaign offers a gain situation per se due to the very low knowledge about the conflict (ibid, personal communication, October 12, 2020). In addition to it, Sergio, who came to the marathon as a freelance journalist, argues that the Sahara Marathon eases the possibility to visit the Saharawi refugee camps, as he always wanted to go in different periods, but the bureaucratic procedures made it very difficult (ibid, personal communication, October 11, 2020). Leila, a student leader in the Saharawi Youth Union for years, explains that:
“These types of initiatives are very intelligent, as they bring people from abroad to live together and come closer with the Saharawi society, triggering international awareness while involving Saharawi people who are also aware of the campaign and become part of it” (Leila, personal communication, October 25, 2020).
Nonetheless, Leila also feels there is a commitment established with the foreign runners as a consequence of their participation in the campaign. The advocacy role of participants, the media involvement throughout the campaign, and alternative missions shared by the interviewees are further unpacked in the next section.
Messengers for freedom Faced with the informational blockade mentioned above, Saharawi activists advocate for this awareness campaign to convey a message that arrives further through the international participants, demanding the people of Western Sahara´s right to self-determination. According to Anas, member of the Association of Families of Saharawi Prisoners and Disappeared53, “The international participants can be politicians; athletes; artists or celebrities, but they have a message to share. They
52 The campaign “Spring For Frihet”, Run for Freedom in English, was created to spread information and raise awareness about Western Sahara while training participants of the Sahara Marathon. The blog post can be found at: https://springforfrihet.wordpress.com/ 53 Also known as AFAPREDESA, the Saharawi human rights organization was founded in 1989 to fight against human rights abuses perpetrated against people of Western Sahara: http://afapredesa.blogspot.com/ 28
have to support us, standing for us and acknowledging our right to independence” (Anas, personal communication, October 11, 2020). This advocacy role and commitment is shared by all the Saharawi activists interviewed, not only referring to horizontal communication and dialogues emerged among Saharawi families and runners, but also an approach to communication and social change that draws attention to the conflict and empowers collectives to engage and act for social change (Tufte, 2017, p. 164).
Omar and Nour, two young activists from Western Sahara, manifest how important is for them when people can listen to their personal experiences: “They have to tell their families that Western Sahara is here” (Nour, personal communication, October 14, 2020). By sharing their stories, Saharawi citizens seek to establish constructive dialogues and inspire action for international participants to listen actively and mobilize once they come back. The latter issue is particularly relevant in the context of this study as the sport event engages runners from abroad to participate in the campaign, triggering citizen engagement afterwards (McGehee, 2012, p.100).
At the same time, the Indigenous Knowledge communicated through the shared personal stories represents plural and dynamic dialogues from the voices of the local Saharawi people living in the refugee camps. Nonetheless, even though all runners who were interviewed in this study agreed that their visit to the camps provided them with more tools to further talk about Western Sahara once they were back in their home countries, they also stated a lack of guidance from the campaign organizers to understand their role. Shari, a participant of the Sahara Marathon from Sweden states: “The message was there, but it wasn't that clear what we were supposed to do” (ibid, personal communication, October 15, 2020). In this regard, Said argues the need to include a designing plan on how participants from abroad can contribute and stay involved after their participation in the Sahara Marathon: “When you are bringing people here, you want quality support. You are not a website looking for clients. Instead, you want people to understand the situation and take action” (ibid, personal communication, October 3, 2020).
Diego, organizer of the Sahara Marathon and participant during the last 18 editions, argues that the type of communication arriving from the campaign combines both media attention, (addressing the informational gap with a sport-centred approach), and the personal experiences of all of those who travel to the camps (ibid, personal communication, September 25, 2020). Nonetheless, Javier and Sergio, both freelance journalists covering the Sahara Marathon, believe that media attention is achieved during the week of the campaign but later there is almost no repercussion (personal communication, September 28 & October 11, 2020). Obada, Mustafa and Omar discuss the
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importance of gathering more media presence during the event, arguing that there is insufficient media coverage.
Additionally, the representation of the event seems to be controversial for some people living in the camps. As the media activist Said explains, the image portrayed as a result of the campaign is usually of positive cheering messages, carrying the potential risk of representing a biased picture that downplays the situation at the refugee camps and is counter-productive for a social change:
“Through this picture, you don't get to hear what people are going through. Instead of seeing a group of people who are displaced and traumatized, awaiting to return to their homeland, you receive a message of welcoming kids in the desert, with music, dancing, traditional tea, and beautiful stars” (Said, personal communication, October 3, 2020).
In the end, as Caroline explains, “the campaign uses sports as a way to connect people to one another, even if they are not interested in politics or in the issue of Western Sahara” (ibid, personal communication, October 12, 2020). Shari echoes this sentiment and remarks the need from the campaign to further inform participants “for us to go home and have a clear mission on how to support the Saharawi society” (ibid, personal communication, October 15, 2020). In order for this to happen, they believe there is a need to re-theorize the campaign’s agency, voice and knowledge from a local perspective, as highlighted by McEwan (2018, p.134), empowering local communities and changing the discourses through the indigenous knowledge of the Saharawi society.
Conviviality as a hub for new gazes and networks As discussed in the literature review, sport events may cultivate a positive feeling of celebration, trust and reciprocity, enhancing social cohesion and action. For the Saharawi participants of this study, the Sahara Marathon campaign brings a sense of togetherness and intercultural learning, triggering new relationships, communication exchanges and networks.
Anas explains it as follows: “On these types of occasions, the Saharawis feel they are not alone but they have the support of a big population that is with them and not with the political decisions of their governments” (ibid, personal communication, October 11, 2020). Omar shares this experience, noting new opportunities for people from abroad to meet new friends as well as to get to know the Saharawi culture54 (ibid, personal communication, October 14, 2020).
54 Western Sahara's Independence Day is celebrated on 27th February, coinciding with the development of the Sahara Marathon´s campaign, in which participants from abroad join Saharawi citizens in the celebration of the republic anniversary as well as other cultural activities developed during the day 30
Figure 4. Sahara Marathon – Smara, Western Sahara refugee camps. Credit: Celia Sánchez-Valladares/2020
As the experiences of participants were shared, all runners interviewed outlined hospitality and convivial experiences as common threads that allowed them to experience very close relations with the hosting families, maintaining contact with them afterwards. According to Lucia:
“It felt like we were in the same team fighting for the same. They were teaching us about their situation, we learned a lot from them and got really inspired. It's much easier to fight for their freedom if you have been there, in person” (Lucia, personal communication, October 11, 2020).
This approach stresses what Deniz Neriman Duru (2020, p. 134) refer to as crisis situations catalysing people’s engagement in convivial solidarity. Indeed, all runners participating from abroad affirmed they would repeat this experience to be able to meet their friends and hosting families again. For Leila, the project contributes by building an essential human capital that evokes connectivity and networking opportunities (ibid, personal communication, October 25, 2020). A similar experience of socialization and cross-cultural exchanges was also recognized by Anas, who sees that the campaign brings a chance to dismantle stereotypes, strengthening new social relationships and networks of people feeling part of the same movement (Chalip, 2006, p.120), instead of reproducing a sense of distance from the “Other” (Simpson, 2004, p. 687). In Anas´ words:
“In the world, there are stigmatizing conceptions about cultures, religions and races. In these campaigns, we can build new relationships between people, leaving behind hatreds and differences. Instead, we sit down and discuss together”. (Anas, personal communication, October 11, 2020)
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A pragmatic example of new gazes prompted by the campaign is the common theme shared by all runners interviewed, who affirmed that their participation in the Sahara Marathon has for all changed the perception they had before about Western Sahara´s conflict. As Alex highlights:
“One thing is to read about it and a totally different thing is to experience it. Living in the camps and meeting the people who live there, has affected me in the way I see the whole situation. After experiencing this, it is now much clearer to understand what people are going through.” (Alex, personal communication, October 14, 2020)
Nonetheless, as Snelgrove et al. (2008, p. 167) point out, the involvement of different subcultures within a particular sport event usually develops distinctive attitudes, beliefs and values among the individuals who come together. In this sense, all runners recognized that not equal relations were established during their convivial time with the hosting families. And, in this aspect, Said affirms that the Saharawi hospitality should not be confused with unbalanced power relations, as this has resulted in uncomfortable situations for some of the Saharawi families whom, according to his experience, “have hosted people that the first minute they get into your house start saying Is this the bathroom? almost making you feel they are doing you a favour by being in the refugee camps” (Said, personal communication, October 3, 2020). He also highlights the importance of having two-ways communication between guests and hosts, making the runners feel comfortable but also maintaining open conversations: “We are not there to serve them as entertainment” (ibid, personal communication, October 3, 2020).
On the other hand, for some of the runners interviewed, their encounters with the families have brought cross-community understanding, triggering new projects and activities. When asked them how they followed up the Saharawi cause after their participation in the marathon, three of the interviewees expressed different examples, such as Rubens, author of the book La Corsa Verso Il Mare, who talks about a ceramic workshop in El Aaiún, a pizzeria in Dakhla and a cultural centre; Örjan, a primary school teacher who gathered monetary donations for a library project at the refugee camps, or Alex, an influencer who held a photographic exhibition in Sweden and is currently editing a documentary film about his experience in the Saharawi refugee camps.
So, how do the participants from abroad evaluate their experience? All of them, including the organizers from Spain and freelancers interviewed, defined it as a lifetime memory. Nash, a famous Swedish athlete and participant of the Sahara Marathon, echoes this sentiment but also highlights that participants who come from abroad to the refugee camps join the campaign “as charity tourists, feeling very good about ourselves. But every time we leave, that will be hurtful in so many ways” (ibid, personal communication, October 9, 2020). This shared reflection was common for all
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interviewees from abroad, who observed the possibility of leaving a hurtful experience after the celebration of the campaign for the Saharawi people who live in the camps. For Sergio, it is about the same: “From the first day you arrive, they already know that you are going to leave” (ibid, personal communication, October 11, 2020). Caroline notes that she has always felt sad after leaving “because it feels like I have been visiting something, and I can leave while they cannot” (ibid, personal communication, October 12, 2020).
How do Saharawi people living in the camps feel about this? Do they feel they are part of the Sahara Marathon campaign? The answers to these questions are revealed in the next section.
Being present but not as hosts Throughout the interviews, the Saharawi participation in the Sahara Marathon was highlighted in variable ways. In terms of presence during the campaign, all Saharawi interviewees stated that participation from the local communities needs to improve. Sahara Marathon´ organizers from Spain such as Victor, recognize a great evolution and improvement over the last five years, arguing that before, much more responsibility was carried by the campaign´ organizers from abroad but now there is a more balanced management. He states that “our goal is one day to stop doing it ourselves” (Victor, personal communication, October 13, 2020).
For the Saharawi activist Leila, since the last five years, there has been given much more space for civil organizations to explain their work during the side-activities of the campaign, albeit she outlines that “more involvement from the Saharawi youth should be promoted” (Leila, personal communication, October 25, 2020). Among other Saharawi participants interviewed, Hisham, Omar, Sama and Nour agree on the need to further involve the Saharawi community during the event, affirming that the idea of the Sahara Marathon needs a new approach. When asked if they would change something, Sama affirms that she would involve more people actively in the campaign, representing other society members such as youth and women (ibid, personal communication, September 27, 2020). Omar believes this lack of community participation stems from a need to evaluate the alignment of the campaign with the Saharawi culture, and he hopes to see more Saharawi participation in the next five years (ibid, personal communication, October 14, 2020).
Anas illustrates this concern, describing the need for a more inclusive representation: “The Saharawi society needs to be the protagonist of this campaign, for example, further emphasizing Saharawi athletes within the marathon” (ibid, personal communication, October 11, 2020). Additionally, during the development of the event, runners also observed an unbalanced involvement of the Saharawi society. Their interviews revealed that most of the recognition and emphasis is focused on the
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runners from abroad contributing to the Sahara Marathon rather than on the Saharawi issue or society. Caroline explains that, in her opinion, it is the Sahara Marathon organization and in particular the people from Spain and Italy that do the talking (ibid, personal communication, October 12, 2020). Other runners who participated in more than one occasion shared the same view, such as Nash, who believes that the campaign is not hosted by the Saharawi people: “Instead, in many ways the local people were working with it as if they were guards but not really participating” (ibid, personal communication, October 9, 2020).
This lack of community-based participation was also apparent for Leila and Said, who explained that most exogenous projects are designed without a clear vision of the context in which they are implemented, facing afterwards many difficulties, as the beneficiaries and people who put these projects into practice have not been participating during the planning and designing phases of the project itself (personal communication, October 3 & October 25, 2020). Both argue the necessity to involve more people who have the nuance and expertise of living in the ground, understanding the language and the culture of the Saharawi society. Otherwise, Said declares that:
“A lot of times, when foreigners bring projects to the refugee camps, people just tend to agree with these projects even when they don't see any usefulness for the society or even if they have strong reservations about certain things. They give them green light to start their projects, and this problem comes from power dynamics: you have the money, you have the resources, you have the access” (Said, personal communication, October 3, 2020).
This unequal participation seems to permeate during the Sahara Marathon campaign due to the “Clanship” (Mannan, 2015, p.152) concept mentioned in the theoretical framework, in which there is a small distribution of the event management between just a few members. According to Diego, Victor and Lidia, (Spanish organizers of the Sahara Marathon interviewed for this study), there are three to four people from Spain and Italy who are most involved in the campaign, taking the decisions and goals for every yearly edition, as well as a Saharawi person living in Spain who acts as a direct link with other Saharawi collaborators living in the camps, including the Saharawi authorities, the Ministry of Sport, and the Athletics Federation. Diego elucidates: “We make the decisions and then we share them with the Saharawis. If they agree, we move forward. If they don´t, we discuss it and assess other options” (ibid, personal communication, September 25, 2020).
Hence, in contrast to empowerment participation, ownership is led by outsider facilitators who pre- determine the campaign’s program. This model shows an approach that distances from a participatory model but moves towards advisory processes by consultation or tokenism. Mustafa, Saharawi engineer who developed a project founded by the Sahara Marathon, explained that the
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dialogue was sometimes difficult with the organizers, colliding in the planning phase of the project development. He associated these disagreements to a different vision and understanding of the context: “There were some difficulties, different opinions and ideas. In the end, we think differently and come from a different world" (Mustafa, personal communication, October 1, 2020).
Figure 5. Smara, Western Sahara refugee camps. Credit: Celia Sánchez-Valladares/2020
For some of the Saharawi activists like Said, the campaign´s approach is good if its planning and design would be empowering and participatory, treating the local population as “real partners and decision-makers and not as people who are hired to be service providers, without a saying in what's being done and what the program consists of” (Said, personal communication, October 3, 2020). On the contrary, as some of the runners like Alex highlight, the side-event activities of the campaign carry the potential risk of becoming part of a spectacle or “a touristic attraction, instead of being part of a political act on something that's really serious. And, then it might be that people go more as tourists thinking yeah, I spent a night in a refugee camp” (ibid, personal communication, October 14, 2020)
In this regard, Caroline expresses that the campaign may be romanticizing poverty in a way, including Saharawi people not as part of the program, but “more represented as Objects of Charity, to whom participants look at or give things” (ibid, personal communication, October 12, 2020). Following her opinion, the objectifying gaze of the campaign could be considered essentially a White gaze (Hollinshead, 1992, p. 43). She gives a pragmatic example:
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“I think it is problematic when we, as white people or wealthy people, go to Western Sahara refugee camps, visit the schools and stand in front of the whole class, photographing the kids and giving them pencils. I do think the Sahara Marathon management should take responsibility to provide enough information about the conflict and about how to behave as a foreign person in a refugee camp.” (Caroline, personal communication, October 12, 2020)
The interview questions looked further into the side-activities of the campaign, such as the visits to the schools; the perception of the overall campaign from the Saharawi interviewees´ perspective, and the vision of the Sahara Marathon as a solidarity campaign rather than a political campaign. The most common themes are presented in the following chapter.
Looking good while doing solidarity work Despite the lack of empowerment community participation described above, most of the Saharawi participants agree with the continuation of the Sahara Marathon campaign, emphasizing its contribution by shedding light on the conflict, facilitating new encounters, grabbing media attention, and building bridges in between different cultures.
Indeed, the side-event activities of the Sahara Marathon (such as art workshops, visits to medical centres, museums and hospitals), appear to be also for the Saharawi participants of this study, a potential hub for new projects as well as an open space to express their voice, as mentioned above. Nonetheless, for Leila and other Saharawi human rights activists interviewed, the side-event program and overall campaign have some gaps in its long-term vision, benefiting more the Saharawi cause (by giving visibility and breaking the media blockade during the campaign’ development) rather than the local people. Leila reasons this as a campaign that ends up after it takes place, not been planned on the ground (ibid, personal communication, October 25, 2020). Sama echoes her opinion and elucidates the need for “long-term projects that aren’t finished as soon as they are implemented” (ibid, personal communication, September 27, 2020).
In addition, all Saharawi interviewees feel that the campaign must evaluate its legacy. Even though they explain how important the campaign was from the beginning, they also state how some people have started questioning its effectiveness and utility, as they have not seen any long-term change. Said explains that “for some people, it’s just some foreigners running. When you ask people living here, they tell you I do not have any opinion, not necessarily for or against it. They just don’t care” (ibid, personal communication, October 3, 2020). Just like Said, Caroline shares that there are critical voices from people living in the camps who question the usefulness of the campaign and she believes some of these critical voices cannot be easily expressed, as the event is important for many people
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(ibid, personal communication, October 12, 2020). Some of the runners interviewed share a similar perception, such as Shari, who outlines two approaches:
“For some people living at the camps, they may think we are doing good, spreading their voice and freeing their message when we go back home. On the other side, the Saharawi society has seen this happening for 20 years and they are a bit bored and tired of us coming there, saying we are going to make a change, but they have not seen much of a change in the situation. They just treat and greet us like a bunch of tourists, to whom they then wave us goodbye” (Shari, personal communication, October 15, 2020).
On the other hand, in hearing the opinion of the organizers interviewed for this study, it became clear that the sportive challenge of running a marathon in the desert is used as a hook to attract hundreds of participants every year, who may be already aware (or not) about the historical background of Western Sahara before their participation. By inviting them to overcome this physical challenge while being part of a solidarity campaign, organizers trust that runners from abroad will understand what the conflict is about after talking to the hosting families and being at the refugee camps (Victor, personal communication, October 13, 2020). Nonetheless, the lack of a clear political statement from the event development phases carries the potential risk of perpetuating the aestheticization of poverty, rather than its politicization, as described by Mostafanezhad (2013, p. 160). In this aspect, Leila expresses critically that the campaign needs to have a clear political incidence in order to end the suffering of the Saharawi people and not worsen it by maintaining the situation (ibid, personal communication, October 25, 2020). Similar conclusions are shared by runners like Lucia, who believes the Sahara Marathon would further much more its impact if it would clearly state that it is also a political campaign:
“In that case, people may have felt that they need to know more about the conflict before they go in there because it is a political statement to go there. If they do not really know what the conflict is about, and they just go because it is a hard marathon, then it does not make me feel so well” (Lucia, personal communication, October 11, 2020).
The lack of contextualization prior to the event regarding Western Sahara´s conflict reveals a potential risk that has been identified by all runners. They all stated that some participants may come back home not carrying the message correctly due to a lack of knowledge about the conflict. For instance, while Shari shares that he wished to know more about all actors vetoing the situation, Alex recalled an experience while running the marathon:
“I was talking to a lot of people whom I met when I was running and many of them didn't have any clue of what was going on and what the conflict was about. They knew about the
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marathon, but not about the occupation of Western Sahara and the minefields. It was more like, okay, we are in a refugee camp and we are running a marathon for solidarity so these refugees will not be here, but actually, I don't know why they are here. That was an opinion that I met a few times” (Alex, personal communication, October 14, 2020)
Caroline explains when she received information about the context of Western Sahara one of the last days of the campaign and expresses that: “I don't think avoiding the political statement it's something that you want to work towards, because if it's not political but tends to be more charity- based, I don't think it will change the situation” (ibid, personal communication, October 12, 2020). In addition, she discusses that understanding the context would contribute to having horizontal communications with the Saharawi people and thus, carrying the mission to spread information and inspire action afterwards.
In a nutshell, and following the opinion of the Saharawi participants of this study, I believe the Sahara Marathon needs to develop a new approach that reflects the voice and demands of the local population by developing collective dialogical process and a side-event program that includes activities led by local Saharawi organizations and other community members like the Saharawi youth. Hence, I suggest the campaign to collectively organize workshops that align with the Saharawi culture and values; to arrange seminars that are developed by Saharawi associations as well as to involve Saharawi citizen journalists and storytellers55 working to provide a platform for the voices of the people of Western Sahara to be heard and listened.
Conclusion
This Degree Project sought to explore the international sport event Sahara Marathon, aiming to analyse the campaign approaches to Communication for Development and Social Change as well as its potential impacts and implications for a socio-political transformation in Western Sahara.
By addressing the research questions, the analysis of the data was presented through five major themes, aligned with the theoretical framework presented in this degree project. Throughout this study and, in response to the primary research question “What are the potential effects and implications of the Sahara Marathon campaign for a social change in the situation of Western Sahara?”, several threads became clear among the participants. The analysis of the data revealed
55 Saharawi Voice is a collective of Saharawi citizen journalists and storytellers that was founded in 2010 to educate people about the situation in Western Sahara and to show an authentic portrayal of the news in the territory, https://www.facebook.com/saharawivoice/ 38
that the Sahara Marathon raises awareness about the current situation in the Saharawi refugee camps, drawing attention to the conflict transnationally. In terms of visibility, all Saharawi activists remarked on the importance of campaigns such as the Sahara Marathon to hold accountability within the international community, contributing to the acknowledgment of the conflict and against the informational blockade on Western Sahara.
Regarding the latter issue, media attention needs to be further evaluated, as positive cheering messages transmitted around the marathon seem to be counter-productive for a social change, representing a misleading touristic discourse of “looking good” experience that understates the living situation at the Saharawi refugee camps. In addition, the campaign needs to offer guidance and tools on how participants can contribute further after their participation in the campaign in order to promote citizen engagement, networking and action.
On the other hand, the analysis revealed that active listening and convivial experiences are promoted throughout the campaign, building an atmosphere of support and connectivity capable of triggering new projects and networks that contribute to the dismantling of stereotypes within communities from abroad and the Saharawi people living at the refugee camps. This seems to be the case for all the runners interviewed, who admitted having changed their perception about the Saharawi people and the conflict of Western Sahara after participating in the campaign. Hence, echoing the concept of “Mini-mission” (Brown & Morrison, 2003, p.77) previously exposed in the literature review, the Sahara Marathon campaign fosters new encounters among unlike people who share a purpose and feel part of the same team.
Nonetheless, and even though participants from abroad evaluate their experience as a lifetime memory, they also acknowledge a potential harm to the local communities, defining themselves as charity tourists who go for a visit and leave as well as identifying uneven power relations among the local Saharawi people and the participants coming from abroad. As Lyons et al. (2012, p.371) state, the power imbalance between the privileged volunteers and the hosting communities carries the potential risk of creating an atmosphere for the “Othering”. An aspect that requires a future investigation in order to analyse if the campaign reproduces a paternalistic approach and White Saviour Complex.
These outcomes are tied in with the second research question “How do people of Western Sahara perceive this campaign and how do they participate in the Sahara Marathon international sport event?”. When discussing the campaign´s approach, analysis of the data unveiled a participation by consultation model in which few members, who are involved in the event management, communicate the decisions made to the local communities and organizations through an advisory
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process, exposing the ideas decided from abroad and looking for an overall agreement. Despite an evolution over the past five years, the majority of runners who were interviewed for this study acknowledged that the event is not hosted by the Saharawi people and identified uneven power hierarchies between organizers from abroad and Saharawi members, positioning their participation during the development of the campaign as if they were represented more like service providers rather than active agents of change.
On a different note, even though the solidarity approach of the Sahara Marathon campaign can still be argued in order to reach a wider audience who may not be interested in politics, both local and international participants have experienced and foresee problematic interventions throughout the campaign due to a lack of both historical and political contextualization before and during the development of the Sahara Marathon. This argument is consistent with a “looking good” model, in which people are attracted to participating in the campaign due to its sportive and solidarity-based approach, without being necessarily aware of the context and becoming more of a touristic attraction. As shared by authors like Mostafanezhad (2013, p.162), an oversimplified contextualization may de-historize the political backgrounds that surround the experience, which brings a clear thread for all the Saharawi participants of this study who highlighted the need for a political incidence in order to promote a positive social change and citizen engagement.
Hence, by examining the implications of the Sahara Marathon campaign, this study hopes to offer a resource for further research into the way small-medium scale sport events can contribute towards more inclusive, positive social outcomes, building empowerment community-based participation and international support in Western Sahara, as well as contributing to the field of Communication for Development and Sport-for-Development research. The analysis of the data may offer a resource for a further evaluation into the power relations established during the campaign; looking beyond the development phases of the program; deeper exploring the long-term outcomes and social implications triggered by the Sahara Marathon on a Glocal scope.
In order to improve the campaign´s Communication for Development approach, it is necessary to transfer the agency and decision-making processes to the local Saharawi communities so that they participate actively as subjects of change and not as “Objects of Charity”56. Besides, for this project to have a long-term positive impact within the local Saharawi communities, there needs to be a shift towards an empowerment participation, embracing the core values of community members and local organizations, counting on them as peers who take ownership through equal power. After
56 The term “Objects of Charity” was referred to by Caroline during her interview conducted for this case study on October 12, 2020. 40
hearing all voices from the ground, this study can argue that the previously described shift is necessary in order to ensure the event´s sustainability and positive contributions.
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Appendices
Appendix 1. Map of Western Sahara
Figure 6. Map of Western Sahara (Internet Scientific Publications, 2009)
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Appendix 2. Sahara Marathon 2017 Official Timetable
Figure 7. Official program, Sahara Marathon 2017, (Victor & Caroline, October 2020)
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Appendix 3. Interview Guide to Saharawi activists Interview Guide to local people of Western Sahara
Introduction and Consent
This interview is part of a degree project I am developing for a master’s in Communication for Development at Malmö University in Sweden. I am focusing my thesis on analysing how the Sahara Marathon campaign may be contributing towards a social change in the current situation in Western Sahara. If you agree, I will record this interview, just to transcribe it afterwards. I am not going to share it with anyone, and I can give you a copy of the recording if you prefer. This research paper will be published on the online repository of the University of Malmö, and the interview will be anonymous, I will not include your name in the thesis to ensure your anonymity.
Personal background:
• First of all, I wanted to ask you if you could tell me a bit about yourself, what do you study and what is your role in (AFAPREDESA / NOVA / UJSARIO; etc.)?
• What are the current projects you are working on and what are the main goals of these projects?
Involvement and participation
• Talking about the Sahara Marathon, how did you first know about this campaign?
• How do you think that the Saharawi society receives this type of campaign? (Are they happy; do they agree, they do not? etc.)
• Regarding the different activities that are organized during the Sahara Marathon campaign, such as the visits to the medical centres, museums and schools:
- Do you think that this type of visits promotes a culture of dialogue between people of Western Sahara and runners of the Marathon coming from abroad? - Do you think that this type of visits offers a space for people of Western Sahara to express their voice and share their experiences about the current situation they experience living in the camps? - Do you think these visits give visibility to local projects and/or offer the possibility for new projects to be developed in the refugee camps as a consequence of this campaign? - Do you think these types of visits are linked to the Saharawi culture and society or they could be more connected?
Storytelling and advocacy
• The Sahara Marathon campaign claims to be a solidarity campaign, not a political campaign. What do you think about this approach?
• In your opinion, are there any political messages communicated during the different phases of the campaign?
• Would you say that this campaign represents the Saharawi cause?
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Participation and social cohesion
• How would you say that the people of Western Sahara participate in the Sahara Marathon campaign?
• Do you think that the Saharawi society could be included more?
• In case the previous answer was affirmative: Could you provide any examples in which people of Western Sahara could be more included throughout the campaign?
• What type of relations would you say that are established between marathon runners from abroad, organizers of the campaign and Saharawi people who live in the camps?
Reimagining the Sahara Marathon campaign
• If you could choose one positive aspect and one negative aspect of this sport event, what would you say?
• What are the things that you would you change from this initiative?
Possible effects and implications
• Would you say that the Sahara Marathon campaign is contributing towards a change in the status quo of the conflict in Western Sahara?
• How would you say that this campaign contributes to the runners?
• How would you say this campaign contributes to the locals?
• Would you say that the initiative could contribute more, and how could this be achieved?
Final questions
• Finally, what are the biggest challenges for the situation in Western Sahara to change?
• And what are your hopes for the future of Western Sahara?
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Appendix 4. Four samples of Interview Transcripts57
Said Interview with the Saharawi media activist
• I wanted to ask Said, when you receive participants that come to the Sahara Marathon from abroad, how do you explain them the current situation in Western Sahara? What are your main messages?
For the occupied territories I usually like to try to point people towards media groups that are based in the occupied territories because there are more knowledgeable and they can speak better than us here, but if they are absent or if they are not there to speak, we can say what we have been told and witnessed. People have been denied of their own rights and there are a lot of cases of enforced disappearances, extra judicial killings for some activists, tortures, imprisonments for those who are daring to challenge the status quo or to demand the Saharawi rights, to even simple stuff as employment or work, or even like social demand, even political demands. It is just that deplorable situation and an area that is closed and shut from the outside world and only the access is granted to the people who are pro Moroccans. But if you are investigators or international observer or journalists who want to see the reality for what it is, you will be were not granted access or if somehow you managed to enter in the territory, you will be expelled as soon as they found you, and there are many cases of that. It is not just isolated incidents, but its policy over there, that's like a fixed policy.
• Do you have regular connection with other media where you publish your work? Or would you say that there is a lack of interest or an invisibility from the mainstream media regarding the situation in the camps and regarding the situation in Western Sahara? And if that's the case, why do you think this is happening? What is the reason behind this enforced invisibility?
It is a tricky situation, because media usually is after a sensation and after armed struggle, after wars, after blood, and after something that directly affect them. So in our case, before the ceasefire, a lot of people used to know Western Sahara and hear about it from time to time. Even in the eighties and seventies, there was a big amount of media coverage, but after the ceasefire when Saharawi people decided to keep waiting peacefully and believe in the referendum, through which they were going to be allowed to decide their own fate, after that it was an easy decision for the media to ignore and forget about them for the whole world. A smaller group of people peacefully waiting in the desert. They are not newsworthy, you know? they are not affecting anyone. They are not trying to cross into European countries, they are not waging war or bombing you know? they can wait as long as they want to. And, Western Sahara doesn't sell for media. People do not know about Western Sahara because there is not interest there. Of course, those who are the owners of media, they have their own agenda in Western Sahara. They do not have any interesting in this situation to talk about it. For some of them, they do not have the resources, or they have other priorities that they need to send journalists to, so I think solution for that is Saharawi people more organized, more strategic in planning and thinking they could produce their own materials and send it to the media. And the
57 Certain extracts of the conversation have been omitted to ensure the confidentiality of the research participants 51
media, of course, some of them would be willing to publish it and share it and disseminate the materials. And we can do our stories of people with good quality images and then media get stuff and some for them would be willing to talk about this. So that is something I think we have not been doing, and I think we should do it.
What we are facing is a total neglection, which is not going to help in solving our case. But on the other hand, a lot of media attention is not necessarily a good thing. We do not want empathy fatigue to happen, and we do not want people just tired of hearing the same thing.
• And talking about the local, national and international media, and talking more about the Sahara Marathon campaign, how do you think that these media cover this annual event?
Usually, it is covered in a positive way. The people who come here, for them it's something new, different, you know? And even for the kids, the program of the marathon, is kind of interesting for them because in this media coverage, you do not get to hear a lot about Western Sahara and what people are going through. You do not get to hear about the politics. You do not have to be exposed to the situation in the refugee camps. And even before coming, you see photos of people cheering, photos of the traditional tea, the dancing. Instead of seeing a message of going to a group of people who are being occupied and displaced from their lands. All of that is obscured, and instead you are going to kids in the desert, and they are generous and welcoming. And you can experience the desert and you can experience the stars. And you can experience the music, which undoubtedly downplays what is the situation here.
This type of positive cheering messages instead of people who are displaced and traumatized and generations of people who have been born in the camps waiting for their rights and waiting to return to their homeland.
• And how do you think that the people from Western Sahara and the Sahara Society receive this type of campaign? Are they happy? Are they not happy? Do they agree, they do not?
There is not just one opinion. Of course it was a big thing from the beginning. It was huge. But some people start questioning how effective it is or why should they care about something that has been happening for 20 years since they have not seen any change. And some people they just do not care, it’s just some foreigners who are running, and it's there. They tell you “I don’t have any opinion, not necessarily for it or against it”. They just don’t care about it.
And you can see that the numbers of people who used to come are going down in the past years. And to be fair that is not just with the marathon. That is happening with a lot of public events. The Marathon for sure is now one of these public events.
• And, Said, how would you say that the Saharawi society participates in this marathon? Do you think that the people from Western Sahara could be included more?
The problem is not the just the organizers, it is the Saharawi ministers and people who are involved in the organization of the campaign. A lot of time people, when foreigners bring projects here, they tend to agree with them, even when they do not see any usefulness for their projects. Or even if they have stronger reservation about certain things. They do not talk about that. They just give them
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green light to start their projects. And that is the problem. Part of it is power dynamics. You have the money you have the resources, you have the access.
But again, I am not hearing a norm. if it is willing to help me and the Saharawi people in a way that is dignified and in a way that helps the society; if you are really bringing a project to help my community, then you should take my concern into consideration and to design a project with me, if not, then you just like take your project somewhere else. We are better than this. But unfortunately, that's not the case. They just say yes, yes, yes.
For example, FiSahara when it started, they used to showcase adults’ content to a society which was in shock, and there was a backfire from the people themselves that they had to address that. The input of the Saharawi society should be included. What you can show in Madrid or Washington it's not necessarily what you can show in a refugee camp; even the subject matters, for example bringing a romance story to the refugees, it's not something that relates to their case. I am not saying that you should be just narrow minded and just show one type of story, but you should be aware of where you are talking to, your materials and your stuff. And not just think what is best for people. Even though you have never been there, and you do not know their culture. It is not just good because this is the intention; you are not the one to decide. It seems as if while we are waiting for our decolonization we are being reoccupied again. But this time in a more insidious way.
• Regarding the different activities that are organized during the Sahara Marathon campaign, such as the visits to the medical centres, museums and schools, do you think this type of visits offers a space for people of Western Sahara to express their voice and share their experiences? Do they give visibility to local projects? Do you think these visits be more connected to the Saharawi culture and society?
Saharawi people by nature, part of their generosity is not to share bad news or what is really bugging you with your guests, which is stupid. You can be generous, and you can make your guests feel comfortable. But there is no way you should not be honest with your guests if something bothers you. You shouldn't be thinking all the time your job is just like to live in the desert, and when people come (who can be a potential supporters), you serve them as entertainment for them and you just make sure they are happy all the time. That is not what we are created for. You should have some time to talk to them, to tell them about your story and the Saharawi story. We have people who came and left without understanding the Saharawi cause or the history.
I remember meeting a journalist that was in the camps to report to an independent newspaper, and she thought she was in Western Sahara. And I was just explaining to her that she was in the refugee camps of Western Sahara, but that she camps are located in Algeria, and it was like mind blowing for her. I was telling her, are you aware of Palestinian camps in Lebanon, in Syria and Jordan? She was, yes. Okay, this is a similar case. Except that we are in Algeria.
So this is an educated person who is supposed to be knowledgeable and who is going to be writing a piece about Western Sahara. You can just imagine what the runners from abroad coming here to the camps and not hearing a lot about the historical background may know afterwards. I remember another time, there was one winner of the marathon who was saying, “I'm happy for winning Moroccan Sahara Marathon”. And the journalists had to stop him. These are just two examples for
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showing how little people are getting out of this in terms of understanding the situation. That is what I can tell for sure, from my experience, working as a translator.
• And how do you think that this marathon contributes and has contributed so far to the Saharawi cause, in the camps and outside the camps? Do you think it could be contributing more?
I think the idea itself is good If it truly accomplished the planning and how it was designed. We should be included as real partners and decision makers and not just like people who are asked to be a service provider, but without a saying in what is being done and how the program is.
I'm angry and I am sad because there are a lot of voices and a lot opportunities and the resources and chances for educating more people coming to the camps. If they were really want to teach people about Western Sahara for over 20 years; let's say, each year, they are bringing 500 new people. That would be a considerable number of people who could be ambassadors of Western Sahara and who could be teaching other people about Western Sahara cause.
So I think what they need to change is to ask more to the Saharawi people, so that people from Western Sahara are treated as peers and not just as someone who's hired to do something. And, to include more local people, and at least one day to just teach people about Western Sahara and the history and different aspects of it. And then to design a plan for how the people who come here, how can they contribute and stay involved.
And thinking about it like you are bringing people here, you want quality support. You are not a website looking for clients, “click buy it” and how many people visit. But instead how many people really need help; and understanding them, their suffering and trying to do something.
• The Sahara Marathon campaign claims to be a solidarity campaign, not a political campaign. What do you think about this approach?
In Western Sahara we do not have the luxury for not to have something not political. That's one of the things that I said, that we should take our responsibilities as well, the Saharawi, the sport minister and those who are involved in organizing this event. They should be clear and state that if it's not a clear-cut case of supporting the Saharawi people rights then we have no interested on hosting this event; then you should take it somewhere else, you know, because the Saharawi people are here because of a political situation. They were not displaced because of a tsunami or because of hunger, they were displaced from their land because of a political situation. And they are here because they have political demands. And unless those demands are met, they will continue to live here. But it is still solidarity event. That does not make sense.
• And which type of relations do you think that are established between the people from Western Sahara and the runners that come to the camps from abroad?
I do not think there's one answer fits all. Of course, those relationships, some of them are based on pure understanding and caring for each other. Some of them are just people who are in desperate need for the resources that those people bring with them. There is not just one case, I think it is kind of a good thing that people who are coming here are happy about their hosts and their hosts are happy about their guests because it's difficult to host people here. But some of them are saying all
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the time we don't have this. We don't have that. And then you wish to kick them outside the first minute they get into your house complaining, “Where is the bathroom? Is it that? almost making you feel they are doing you a favour by being in the refugee camps; you feel that they were expecting to be in hotels, and instead they were sent to the refugee camps.
Some cases will be understanding, love, caring, etc. some of them are people who are just in need of maybe the resources that the participants can bring with them and I don't think it's a bad thing, because it is a mutual benefit, they are getting someone who's happy to host them and served them. And at the same time, they are contributing and giving back; so it is two ways and it is good.
• How do you think this campaign is contributing towards a social political transformation or a change of the status-quo in Western Sahara?
We can start from the Saharawi people who host the campaign. They need to start being opened with people and share with them their personal story and their suffering and what means to be a refugee. And not just smiling to people and serving them tea all the time and making sure they are happy. It is good to do that sometimes. But it is also good, and it is necessary to share with them, what feels like living here at the camps for 45 years.
And from the Saharawi people, they have to be honest with the officials and say that if this is not a political act, if this is an event that is not comfortable with being associated with the Saharawi demands for freedom and independence, then we shouldn't host it here. And if we are not treated as peers in deciding what to do and what not to do, then the event should not be hosted here.
And from the organizer's side, to rethink about if they are doing this for money or if they are doing it to help people. So I think if they answer to this question, then they need to listen to people and maybe make better decisions and to feel okay about making mistakes, because if we are doing something, we'll make mistakes, but from there we will just improve those mistakes; but if we do them deliberately then they are not mistakes, instead it’s just something intentional and reflective of who we are.
Nour Interview with the young Saharawi activist
• What do you think of the Sahara Marathon campaign? And why do you think it is important?
There are a lot of people who want to run in the Sahara Marathon, and in this experience, you are running in the desert to grab the attention of people. To some of them, they told them to run for Western Sahara and there are some of them who doesn’t want to be engaged in the political thing and they told them to run for refugees, and they went through the humanitarian side, saying “they are refugees and they are there and a lot of people don’t know about them. Run for them, just give them something. Give them hope. Give them some help in the way that you can. If you can run, do it. You can just come and have a visit those people”. You know, this kind of campaign they do outside their country to gain more people to join the marathon. This is the type of campaign the foreigners were doing to gain more people to participate in the marathon.
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Just imagine, each person who is participating in the Sahara Marathon has a family. He/she has a mother, a sister, a boyfriend, girlfriend, etc. And he/she will tell the story: “I've been there. There are a lot of people. They aren’t recognized”. Because the majority of us, when people come in the marathon, even if I find someone in the market, we will do our best to tell him/her about our issue.
This is what all the youth have in mind. Either to tell it in Spanish, English, Italian, etc. Just to do their best. Even the mothers who are there in those days of celebration of the marathon. I saw elderly ladies trying to tell a young lady how much she is grateful that this girl comes from her country just to participate in the marathon and she told her: “Tell your mother that Western Sahara is here”.
We are still trying to do that job to spread the issue, letting the people know about what is happening in Western Sahara. To tell everyone every issue about our conflict, for them to know everything about it. And I think that each year, those people who come they go back to their home countries and they tell the mother, their sister, their aunts and their aunts also have a family.
The majority of them when they come, they have been told a few headlines: “there are refugees and if you want to do humanitarian work for them, run for them”. And I like so much when people can listen to you while you are explaining them our issue; people listen very carefully when you are talking about ourselves and about the society itself, about the Saharawi youth and their organizations and those things. And the next year he/she comes and brings other people with him/her. And then you feel like you have done well.
• Regarding the different activities that are organized during the Sahara Marathon campaign, such as the visits to the medical centres, museums and schools, do you think this type of visits offers a space for people of Western Sahara to express their voice and share their experiences? Do they give visibility to local projects? Do you think these visits be more connected to the Saharawi culture and society?
Well, I know that you cannot change the situation, and give me my dependence in a day but at least you can tell your mother, you can tell your sister and if they say it to someone else then can tell about us. For example, after one or two years, if something happened, they can make a campaign. They can do anything. Those types of things guide you to those big things. And I think the marathon is doing a good job since a lot of people love it, they love how it is organized and how many foreign people come at the same time. Not like for example, this month only the Spanish people, the next one only the Swedish people; no; they come from different parts of the world and they come at the same time. They can know each other at the same time that they can know us. It is something global, it is a global thing.
And I see people both foreigners talking with each other, they are talking about the Saharawi issue. And if you can make your organization and mine work together to do something, I think this is very, very helpful.
• And would you say then that the people from Western Sahara living in the camps, and in general the Sahara society, receive this campaign positively and that they are happy with the campaign?
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I think that the fact that people from Western Sahara are telling their stories, it brings them happiness. Just telling their stories to only one person. When you think about telling your story to more than one person, it is much more happiness.
Just imagine that someone has left his family and all his/her things to take this week to come for you, to know you, to participate and to do this for you. However, he/she has, he/she has his/her own country, his/her own independence, his/her own work. And he/she knows that is making a change.
• When you ask people before our interview, to how many people did you ask more or less?
I asked about seven people from the youth and I asked three old ladies from Auserd, El Aaiún and Smara, from different places.
• That is amazing. Thank you so much. And how would you say that people from Western Sahara participate in the campaign? Do you think that the Saharawi society is included or could be included a little bit more?
How we cannot be included? Because I'm not running? The kids, the military etc. there are a lot of levels and there are a lot of things in which we are participating. And even also the people that are running in the marathon., there are Saharawi people in the marathon all those days.
• And the different activities from the program, do you feel that they are related to the culture of Western Sahara?
The campaign is combined between both. There is Saharawi women who are coming and there is a military thing that is representing Western Sahara; and there are a lot of things that represent Western Sahara. However, in the marathon thing, it is more for both, for the foreign people that are interesting in running and spending time running. And also, for us, there is a lot of us that they like the athletic thing. I mean, all what we want is to be visible and to show you the culture of Western Sahara, but you also have to enjoy. Because you cannot make a campaign in a foreign country and ask them, please come to Western Sahara to represent the culture of Western Sahara. They can just go to Google and Google it and they will find everything about Western Sahara. But if you tell them that you will be running, and if he/she is interesting running, actually all those people are interested in running, in seeing the desert and those things. So they are enjoying and at the same time you are trying to get their attention for what we want to give them so they can carry it with them the message to the other countries.
• So will you say that this campaign is aligned with the Saharawi cause? Is it representing Western Sahara?
In a way yes, I think that it represents Western Sahara. However, there is a lot of things that there need to change a bit. I think that people, they are not getting what they should be getting. But it is still representing Western Sahara.
• You mean that it should bring more benefits for the people and for local projects? Of how do you see it?
I see that it is something for the country itself, it is representing all the Saharawi people and they are happy with this and a lot of people they want this opportunity to come. Some of them they found a
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lot of work as translators and some of them they like practicing, they are going somewhere else and in this context, you are explaining about the issue, the thing that runners should do when they come back home. For example, for people to communicate, to participate. And, at the same time, I feel like I'm doing this thing that I should do. I'm telling people about my country, about my issue, about the things that I have suffered for a lot of years; about the thing that hurts me a lot; about being a refugee, being born as a refugee.
So I think that this is very good. If they keep going this way and trying to make more touches, not to be all those ideas the same thing. Because if they keep making the same campaign without adding things, it will be boring for those people to come. However, if they change some activities and some things for people from abroad to be more interested to come next year, they will say, mmm there's something new. And they are doing something to have fun and at the same time you are sending this message through this campaign.
• The Sahara Marathon campaign claims to be a solidarity campaign, not a political campaign. What do you think about this approach?
I see it from both sides. Sometimes there's people that you cannot touch with them politics; but when you told them that you are a refugee and that you've been abandoned, and that you are suffering, they try to talk a bit about politics just to know what happened to you. Our issue is handled in both ways, you feel like it is solidarity, but you still have to know that's my issue it's because of a political thing.
Especially those years when the youth are not asking “give me food or give me water” but they ask “help me in my issue, I don't want to eat, just help me to get back to my own land” It has changed from the nineties and the eighties, before people were asking just for something to eat; humanitarian aid, clothes, anything. But now I feel like we are going further. we want the impact to do something in our societies, to make other governments to support Western Sahara and I think this is something good that we're not sucking in receiving humanitarian aid.
• And from the people that you talk to, when they were talking about the most positive and a bit less positive aspect from this campaign, is there something common that they would like to change and that they like the most?
They were talking so positively. However, there was one of the guys who was saying that it is a waste of time because he said that those people are coming just to have fun and what if some of them went back and didn't tell others? But still this is one person from seven young people, and also he said that the campaign itself it is positive. But he was saying that they should include more material to tell about the Saharawi issue and go more for the political thing.
But I think that you cannot force people to go to the political thing; I can tell you about my story and you can see it from the perspective that you want. If you love solidarity, I can tell you my story from this way; if you love politics, I can tell you my story in this way, and If you love just being human, I can also tell you my story In this way. I can tell my story in every way. Even through poems, in film, in anything, dancing, even dancing. And I think that the majority of them they see this campaign more positively than negative.
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We were just talking about one same thing, that they should make some changes to make it something new.
• And would you then say that the campaign is contributing for a social change in the status quo of the conflict in Western Sahara?
Some of them, they are in touch with foreign people that they have been participating in the marathon. They feel that those people who come, they are taking with them more than the issue.
And also, when those foreign people come to us, it also makes a little bit good changes in our society because we get affected by them. If they find someone very disappointed and they tell them you can work, you can do it, and you can go to study, etc. This is something good. Giving someone advice or whatever. Here there's a lot of youth who are hopeless, they have finished their studies, and get back to the camps with no job and with nothing guaranteed. As some people say, you have used your “West” studies and then you come back to the camps and you spend your live without finding any job. If one of those young people meets someone from abroad who tell him no, you can do it. You will find a job. If it's not today, if not tomorrow, it's maybe the next day. And if we keep exchanging ideas fast, this is something good, something to spread the type of life that could not have been tested if we didn't meet other people who were not from our society.
• And would you say then that this campaign offers like a mutual contribution? From the Saharawi society to the runners from abroad as well?
Yeah, it's his based in both.
• and to the people that you talked to, do you think then that this campaign is important that it continues happening?
Yeah, the majority of them they see that it should be contained and developed at the same time. It is not necessary to keep the same thing every year, you can change. Perhaps they cannot change the dates, that it is always developed in February. But they can change a lot of things during the campaign itself.
• Could you give me an example?
The program, the activities, there are a lot of things that can change.
• And the last question I wanted to ask you, what are the biggest challenges for the situation to change? And what are your hopes for the future of Western Sahara?
Sometimes I go further, directly for the independence or for our self determination. At least, self- determination for us. To organize the referendum for the people of Western Sahara to get the self- determination. To vote for it.
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Omar Interview with the young Saharawi activist
About your question on the Sahara Marathon, me as a young Saharawi boy, I participated three times in the Sahara Marathon. Two times, I participated with friends from Denmark, because we are working with them and they came to the camps at the same time as the Marathon, so that they can participate in the Sahara Marathon or see the event and so that they can know more about Western Sahara. So I think that the idea of the Marathon is very useful and they actually help for more people around the world to know a lot more about the conflict. And I think the most important is that sometimes during the Sahara Marathon campaign, we see a lot of media coming from Spain and from other countries in Europe and I think this point is very important for us because I think that our event and our work in the organization I work, does not focus on how we can show to European people and other people working with Western media about our rights. This is the first thing.
And about my evaluation, actually I can evaluate the Sahara Marathon just from outside because I don't work with them and I came just to see how they run it and then I went to the end to see how they celebrate the awards ceremony. And sometimes I feel that it can be better than what they do. I feel that it can spread more awareness about the Saharawi cause than what they do. And I think that the idea must be evaluated and they have do some development on the idea pending to do, because it is an old idea. So I think that they must improve.
• And how do you think that the Sahara Society participates in this campaign? Do you think that it could be improved it a little bit and that they could involved more the Sahara Society?
The Saharawi society now you can see that they are more open towards sport, to practice sport and do things like that and I think the real participation of the Saharawi people in this Marathon is from the children on from some youth and they are doing very good. Other thing, I think the society, specially the elderly people they don’t practice sport and they don’t run the marathon, so they cannot participate. This is to be clear with you.
I think now, the club of football, I saw them during the marathon campaign in schools, and I think this idea can be better and in the next marathon from the upcoming 5 years we hopefully have more participation from the Saharawi people living in the camps.
• Regarding the different activities that are organized during the Sahara Marathon campaign, such as the visits to the medical centres, museums and schools, do you think this type of visits offers a space for people of Western Sahara to express their voice and share their experiences? Do they give visibility to local projects? Do you think these visits be more connected to the Saharawi culture and society?
I think the museum and the humanitarian situation is clear for everyone that come and visit us in the camps. People can see directly that the Saharawi people are suffering and waiting for their rights. On the other side, I think the people have space to speak during the campaign, to speak and to say “yes, we are tired of waiting, the government must do something or we will finish this”. I think this must be clear to the people who visit the camps. The majority of the people who live there, they speak directly about the struggle: “we will continue the struggle”. And this is the real situation in which people are trying and they really want to continue the struggle. But people coming from outsite to
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the Marathon, they also have to know that these people are very tired of waiting. So yes, we are still taking our museum and our photo and our situation to show the people and to say that yes, we are suffering here to have our rights. But I think that for the majority of the Saharawi youth and the majority of the people there, is really hard the fact of waiting and they really want to show people coming from outside that it's enough, it's enough time of waiting.
• And, in relation to the different projects that are developed from the Sahara Marathon funds, do you think that these projects are connected to the Saharawi culture? Do you think that this is what the people want? Or how do you see this?
I think that there is a bad thing there. And, I will be clear with you. Most of the people who work there in the cooperation that comes, they do not discuss the project. They do not discuss with the partner the project. They just, any partner wants to do any projects in the camps, so they come in there and do the project. So I think they must talk back to the people. They must speak with them. They must see what people really want and not just give them a project like that.
I think there are some projects that do not do anything in the camps; just because some people want to do this kind of project. So I think they must come back to the people, they must discuss with the target group, discuss with them and see what it is useful for them and what it is not useful.
And I think the most successful projects in the camps are those organized from some Saharawi youth who bring their own ideas and other projects which came from the camps. Because they are doing something really useful for the people, not something brought from outside.
• And how do you think that the Saharawi society receive this type of campaign? Do you think that people are happy? Maybe not as happy? Do they agree? They don't? How do you think that the society receive this type of campaigns?
I think the idea of the marathon and FiSahara and Artifariti or other projects activities like that, I think the people like these projects and they always participate because we don't have any space to enjoy or to meet friends or to enjoy with the family. So I think people there, they go to see the celebration, to see our culture. Especially with the Marathon because they celebrate the anniversary of republic; they get together, it is a change to get together and to visit friends, especially the youth.
• The Sahara Marathon campaign claims to be a solidarity campaign, not a political campaign. What do you think about this approach?
I think you can see both sides, because if you do something without political results, I think that is something that cannot bring anything to Saharawi people. Because we have to be real with ourselves and to know that we want our freedom and that we are in the process of pace, so we have to show this to the people by political events, by cultural events, and of course it is a cultural thing because we participate with the people, we exchange our culture and we show them that this is the Saharawi culture.
• And, at the beginning and you were saying that they there should be some development of the idea. That the idea is good, but that there should be some development to make it better. What will you change? What are the things that you will change from this initiative?
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I will try to prepare more, to give more time to prepare for the Sahara Marathon campaign. To bring more participation. And I would focus on gathering participants and runners from a lot of different countries, not just from the same ones. And I would give the youth the chance to speak and to discuss with the participants.
• So maybe to include the youth also in the program of the activities?
Yes, absolutely, we must include the youth.
• And what would you say that this campaign contributes to the runners? And, do you think that it's important that this type of campaign is developed?
Yes, I think this campaign should continue being developed because I think it's important. It has results for the people and for the cause, so we have to keep it but to develop it further.
• Do you think that then somehow these types of campaigns are contributing for a social change in Western Sahara? Or would you say that it could contribute a little bit more?
In relation with the society, I think that this type of events makes people from the international community understand more the Saharawi society and see other cultures and to be more opened to other people.
• And do you think that the marathon contributes towards a socio-political transformation of the situation and towards Western Sahara right to self-determination?
I think it's not that much, to be clear. If we want to focus or to speak about the referendum, there are other ways and other places, such as other countries, in which to speak about that and the world do not understand about the referendum in this way, through this event. I think that this event helps just to spread awareness about the cause and to maybe find new friends. This is it, but it does not have any relation to our referendum.
• What are the biggest challenges for the situation to change? What are your hopes for the future of Western Sahara?
Our hope is to see a change within the political situation. And I think the biggest change that I want to see is to see the Spanish and the French government working positively to help our people to take our rights because I think they must understand that they are doing something wrong. They are showing the world that they are helping and that they are against terrorism. And the biggest terrorism that I see now is what the Spanish and the French government are doing to the Saharawi people. And what I really hope is that I see a change in this.
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Lucia Interview with the runner and winner of the female category
• How did you find out about the Sahara Marathon why did you decided to participate?
I think I found out about it from my friend Mathias, of course I was already knowing and hearing about the conflict for many years but I was not so into it, so when, Mathias asked me if I wanted to join, I was reading a lot more about the conflict and then I felt like it was both a political thing to do, but also good to do something, to run a marathon. I think it can be hard to just go somewhere and just look at people, so I thought I could go there and take part in the situation, but you having my own mission there. And of course, to hope that going there and spread information about Western Sahara also could help them afterwards.
• And would you say that your perception about the situation in Western Sahara has changed before going to the camps and after participating in the marathon?
I do not know, maybe in one way it has changed. Maybe because we met so many people. And you really felt like many people can go to other cities and study in Algeria or go and work in Spain. But I mean, that is not the big problem. The problem is really that they want their country and that even if people have possibilities to go somewhere else, they want to stay in the desert because their family and their people are there. And that was maybe new for me that I didn't know before, that so many people actually went to other countries to study and came back. So, in one way, I think that maybe my perception of the Saharawi people changed a bit, but not so much about their situation in the refugee camps, I think that was like I was thinking before.
• So somehow your perception changed about the people? Did getting to know them and living with them, gave you a different image?
Yes, exactly. And also, sometimes when I have been in other countries which are in a hard situation, there it can be like really different relationships between them and me. But now they were very welcoming and I felt like we were both fighting for the same.
• What kind of relations will you say that are established between the marathon runners and the people from Western Sahara who live in the camps?
I felt that there were some problems with the language because we did not have anyone speaking Spanish in our house. But still, I felt like you get to know the family we were living with very close and that you just felt it was so natural, everything, To just stay there and hanging out with them and also all the people we met, when we visited different places, they felt welcoming in a very nice way because, it was not like we were coming from the north and it was white people meeting, it was more that they were teaching us everything, and that was really nice, because sometimes it's not like that when you go to that kind of areas. But it really felt like okay, we are the visitors and they are welcoming us, but they are also teaching us about the situation and everything. And we learned from them and that was nice. You get a lot of inspiration about everything they did. You really get inspired about so many things that were going on in the camps.
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• And while you were running and when you arrive to the finish line and you won the marathon, what were your feelings? What did you feel like? Do you think that it is important that this type of campaign is developed?
I do not know, I was tired, I was happy, of course I also felt like it is maybe good to win, because maybe then it's easier to get the information out about Western Sahara in Sweden.
• And, when you were talking about the different activities of the campaign and how much inspiration they gave you, do you think that this type of activities organized throughout the Sahara Marathon campaign could include more the people of Western Sahara?
Yes, I think that, of course. I felt like it was not the Western Sahara people that organized the marathon. It felt like it was the Italian people and the Spanish people the ones that organized it. And I think that both in organizing it, it would have felt better if they were more involved in it. Because it was hard to know if Saharawi people were enjoying that there was a marathon going on or not. And also, I think it was a bit weird that not more people of Western Sahara were running.
• How do you think that the Saharawi society received this type of campaign? They were happy? They were not?
Yeah, it felt like it was maybe two sides of it, I got the feeling that some people were feeling like “Ok, here you come and run but that doesn't change anything for us” like, they didn't really care and maybe in one way it's like, it's easy for us to just come there and run, ”but please can you do something more really to help us change this situation” And of course, you always feel a bit ashamed of that when you come there.
But I also felt that many people show it like a good opportunity, that so many people come and see the place so they could raise awareness about the conflict in our home countries. And often, many people from Western Sahara may have enjoyed talking with us and, that is something in the camps that is happening so, yeah, it felt like it was so different feelings from the people there. I never met anyone that was, like, angry or rude or anything, but yeah, maybe it is just in my head, but I imagine that some people think that it is not helping, thinking please do something else.
• And why do you think that there is a lack of interest or an invisibility from the international community about the situation in Western Sahara and the situation in the camps? What do you think is the reason behind this invisibility?
Yeah, I do not know, it is a really hard question. I mean, of course, I think that the economic issues are behind it somewhat, but there are also countries that do not have trading with Morocco and do not get any economic profit. So, I do not know, actually, why people or countries don't care more.
• And, since we were talking about visibility and raising awareness. How do you think that this campaign contributes to the Saharawi Society?
I hope that it raises awareness and maybe that some politicians somewhere maybe hear about it and also it spreads the word about the conflict and that more people get to know about it that didn’t know about it before. Maybe it makes more people being conscious of the conflict.
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• The Sahara Marathon campaign claims to be a solidarity campaign, not a political campaign. What do you think about this approach?
I think it sounds quite weird because I think for me, it is almost the same. I mean, how can it be solidarity if it is not political? I think it would just have been better if you really state that it was a political thing. And I do not really see why they have issues to phrase like they do. For me, it is hard to see how it could be solidarity without being political. And if you really stated that it was political, maybe also people felt that they have to get to know more about the conflict before they go in there because it is a statement to go there. And if they just say that is a solidarity campaign but not political, everyone can go there even if they do not really know what the conflict is about. And then if people just go there only because it is a hard marathon, then it does not make me feel so well.
• If you could choose a more positive aspect about the campaign and a less positive aspect, what would you say? Is there something that you would change from this initiative?
The positive aspect is that for everyone that goes there, I think it gives you something, it is much easier to fight for their freedom if you have been there and if you have seen them and met the people. So I guess that when people go there, people will try to change the situation more when they come back home, so that I think it's a positive side of it and the negative side is that I think it should be like clearly a political thing. And it is hard to know what the Saharawi people are thinking about it and I would have liked to feel more that people from Western Sahara were more involved in it.
• How do you then evaluate your experience after participating in the marathon and in case you consider repeating what will encourage you to do so, to participate again?
I really would say that I am very grateful for my experience and that it was much better than I had thought before because I was a bit afraid. Before I thought that it would be like bad relationships between us and the people living there or anything like that, and I just got to know so much more than I was thinking before. And I am so glad that I went there.
Living at their houses, that was really nice as well. But if I want to go there again, that would be because I want to meet people that I got to know again.
• And would you say that this campaign is contributing or has contributed so far, in your opinion, towards a socio-political transformation in the situation of Western Sahara? Would you say that it is contributing towards a social change? Or will you said that it could contribute a little bit more?
I mean, I think it has contributed in some way, it feels like during the years that this campaign has been going on, it feels like it has raised some awareness and that maybe some politicians have tried to do something. But, I mean, it has not changed the situation, so I don't know how much it really changes.
• And would you say that then it's important that it continues being developed as it is or would you say it could change to be able to contribute further?
I think it is nice if it continues but I think it needs something more to change the situation.
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