Impacts of India's Transit Warfare Against Nepal
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Nepali Times Welcomes Feedback
#304 30 June - 6 July 2006 16 pages Rs 30 Explosive legacy There may be a ceasefire but not a week goes by without children and women dying from bombs scattered across Nepal. On 25 June, the anti-landmine group Geneva Call organised a seminar in Kathmandu that brought together Maoists and the victims of their bombs. On the podium was socket bomb victim 13-year-old Ashok Thapa Magar, sitting next to Maoist leaders Ailman and Ekraj Bhandari (pictured, right). After hearing Ashok’s mother relate how her son was wounded, the audience bombarded the Maoists with questions. Used to getting their way with the gun, the comrades have not yet learnt to engage in public debate. Their response was: war is not a picnic, people are killed and injured. After we attain victory, there will be no more violence, etc. But these answers didn't seem to satisfy Ashok’s mother about why her son had to suffer. Weekly Internet Poll # 304 Q... Do you think the seven party alliance has given in too much to Maoist demands? Total votes: 5,236 Weekly Internet Poll # 305. To vote go to: www.nepalitimes.com Q... Which among these is your favourite team in the 2006 Football World Cup? KIRAN PANDAY Parallel government Everywhere we look, we see double olitical transitions are a for bids resolution rejecting it. aparliamentary proclamations time of confusion. But the The government has a police This is a direct challenge to between 7-16 June to demote the P post-uprising interregnum force, the Maoists have their militia the Maoists and their strategy to king, delink him from the army is looking more and more bizarre. -
Reacting to Donald Trump's Challenge
centro studi per i popoli extra-europei “cesare bonacossa” - università di pavia The Journal of the Italian think tank on Asia founded by Giorgio Borsa in 1989 Vol. XXIX / 2018 Reacting to Donald Trump’s Challenge Edited by Michelguglielmo Torri Nicola Mocci viella centro studi per i popoli extra-europei “cesare bonacossa” - università di pavia ASIA MAIOR The Journal of the Italian think tank on Asia founded by Giorgio Borsa in 1989 Vol. XXIX / 2018 Reacting to Donald Trump’s Challenge Edited by Michelguglielmo Torri and Nicola Mocci viella Asia Maior. The Journal of the Italian Think Tank on Asia founded by Giorgio Borsa in 1989. Copyright © 2019 - Viella s.r.l. & Associazione Asia Maior ISBN 978-88-3313-241-9 (Paper) ISBN 978-88-3313-242-6 (Online) ISSN 2385-2526 (Paper) ISSN 2612-6680 (Online) Annual journal - Vol. XXIX, 2018 This journal is published jointly by the think tank Asia Maior (Associazione Asia Maior) & CSPE - Centro Studi per i Popoli extra-europei «Cesare Bonacossa», University of Pavia Asia Maior. The Journal of the Italian Think Tank on Asia founded by Giorgio Borsa in 1989 is an open-access journal, whose issues and single articles can be freely downloaded from the think tank webpage: www.asiamaior.org. Paper version Italy € 50.00 Abroad € 65.00 Subscription [email protected] www.viella.it Editorial board Editor-in-chief (direttore responsabile): Michelguglielmo Torri, University of Turin. Co-editor: Nicola Mocci, University of Sassari. associate editors: Axel Berkofsky, University of Pavia; Diego Maiorano, National University of Singapore, ISAS - Institute of South Asian Studies; Nicola Mocci, University of Sassari; Giulio Pugliese, King’s College London; Michelguglielmo Torri, University of Turin; Elena Valdameri, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology - ETh Zurich; Pierluigi Valsecchi, University of Pavia. -
Govt in Backdoor Talks with Left on Guv Choices
Govt in backdoor talks with left on guv choices The government has expedited backdoor negotiations with the left alliance for appointing governors for the seven provinces in consensus with the alliance, postponing a scheduled cabinet meeting to Wednesday. The cabinet meeting was to have been held Tuesday afternoon. According to highly placed sources, the government has asked the left alliance to recommend three of the governors--two from CPN-UML and one from CPN (Maoist Center)--for appointment by the cabinet meeting now scheduled for 9 a.m. Wednesday. The sources further claimed that the ruling Nepali Congress (NC) for its part would recommend three governors also. The Madhes-based parties would recommend the governor for Province-2. Commerce Minister Min Bahadur Biswakarma, who is among those in Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba's inner circle, admitted that the cabinet meeting was postponed with a view to taking the left alliance into confidence before the decision on governors. “The prime minister has been making a last-ditch effort to bring the UML, the Maoists and also the Madhes-based parties on board before appointing the governors,” Biswakarma told Republica. However, he didn't go into details. According to sources, Prime Minister Deuba has deployed party leaders Bimalendra Nidhi and Krishna Sitaula for negotiations with the left alliance. UML leader Bishnu Paudel and some others have also been involved in the negotiations for governatorial appointments. UML has staked a claim to at least three governors, said the sources. Rastriya Janata Party Nepal has already recommended Umakanta Jha for governor of Province-2. -
The Madhesi Movement in Nepal: a Study on Social, Cultural and Political Aspects, 1990- 2015
THE MADHESI MOVEMENT IN NEPAL: A STUDY ON SOCIAL, CULTURAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS, 1990- 2015 A Dissertation Submitted To Sikkim University In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for the Degree of Master of Philosophy By Anne Mary Gurung DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES February, 2017 DECLARATION I, Anne Mary Gurung, do hereby declare that the subject matter of this dissertation is the record of the work done by me, that the contents of this dissertation did not form the basis of the award of any previous degree to me or to the best of my knowledge to anybody else, and that the dissertation has not been submitted by me for any research degree in any other university/ institute. The dissertation has been checked by using URKUND and has been found within limits as per plagiarism policy and instructions issued from time to time. This dissertation is being submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science, School of Social Sciences, Sikkim University. Name: Anne Mary Gurung Registration Number: 15/M.Phil/PSC/01 We recommend that this dissertation be placed before the examiners for evaluation. Durga Prasad Chhetri Swastika Pradhan Head of the Department Supervisor CERTIFICATE This to certify that the dissertation entitled, “The Madhesi Movement in Nepal: A Study on Social, Cultural and Political Aspects, 1990-2015” submitted to Sikkim University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy in Political Science is the result of bonafide research work carried out by Ms. -
Download Publication
No. 43 Working Papers Working Negotiating Between Unequal Neighbours: India‘s Role in Nepal‘s Recent Constitution-Making Process Prakash Bhattarai December 2018 1 Negotiating Between Unequal Neighbours: India’s Role in Nepal’s Recent Constitution-Making Process1 Prakash Bhattarai ABSTRACT Nepal’s post-conflict constitution-making process has seen the involvement of many international actors. While studies on democracy promotion, to this day, mainly focus on Western “donors” and international organizations, this paper looks at the role played by India in the complicated process of moving from a peace agreement to the establishment of an inclusive, democratic constitution in Nepal. More specifically, it is analysed how a powerful neighbouring democracy (India) participated in what is essentially a domestic negotiation process (constitution-making) with a view to influencing the emerging demo- cratic regime. In terms of the issues on the negotiation table, the analysis shows that India, in pushing for an inclusive constitution, pursued the specific agenda of supporting the inclusion of the Madheshis, an ethnic group mostly living in Nepal’s Terai region. In terms of negotiation strategies, the paper identifies four different ways in which India tried to influence the constitution: high-level dialogue; economic blockade; international coalition building; and targeted support of domestic oppositional forces in Nepal. Com- prehensive as this negotiation strategy was, it only met with partial success. Parameters that limited India’s influence included the domestic strength and legitimacy of the official Nepali position (elite alignment; popular support) as well as scepticism concerning In- dia’s role in Nepal, which was reinforced by India’s overly partisan agenda. -
Nepal's Peace Agreement: Making It Work
NEPAL’S PEACE AGREEMENT: MAKING IT WORK Asia Report N°126 – 15 December 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. APRIL AFTERMATH................................................................................................... 2 A. FROM POPULAR PROTEST TO PARLIAMENTARY SUPREMACY ................................................2 B. A FUNCTIONAL GOVERNMENT?..............................................................................................3 C. CONTESTED COUNTRY ...........................................................................................................5 III. THE TALKS ................................................................................................................... 6 A. A ROCKY START...................................................................................................................6 1. Eight-point agreement.................................................................................................6 2. Engaging the UN ........................................................................................................7 3. Mutual suspicion.........................................................................................................8 B. THE STICKING POINTS............................................................................................................8 1. Arms -
Statement by Prime Minister and the Leader of Nepali Delegation Right Honorable Mr. K P Sharma Oli at the General Debate Of
Statement by Prime Minister and the Leader of Nepali Delegation Right Honorable Mr. K P Sharma Oli at the General Debate of the 75th Session of United Nations General Assembly New York, 25 September 2020 Theme: -The future we want, the United Nations we need: reaffirming our collective commitment to multilateralism - confronting COVID-19 through effective multilateral action Mr. President Excellencies the Heads of State and Government, Mr. Secretary General, Distinguished delegates: I extend warm greetings to you all from Nepal, the land of Gautam Buddha and Sagarmatha, also known as the Mount Everest. I join with other leaders in expressing our profound grief and agony on the loss of lives around the world due to COVID-19, including in my own country. I congratulate you, Mr. President, and other members of the Bureau on your election and assure you of Nepal’s full support. 1 The outgoing President deserves our appreciation for successfully steering the 74th Session of the Assembly. We commend the Secretary General, Mr. Antonio Guterres, for his tireless efforts to enable the UN deliver at this difficult time. Mr. President, We are passing through an extraordinary time. The COVID-19 pandemic is confronting us as a crisis of epic proportion. Be it the magnitude of public health crisis, impact on livelihoods and societies or global economic recession, the fallouts of the pandemic have been colossal. We support the efforts of the United Nations, World Health Organization and the World Bank Group in leading the global response to the pandemic. In particular, we commend the UN Secretary General for launching the Comprehensive Response to COVID-19. -
Kulekhani I Hydropower Station
MESSAGE FROM THE MANAGING DIRECTOR I would like to express my sincere greetings to the Generation Directorate on the publication of its 12th edition of NEA “Generation Directorate Magazine” on the occasion of the 35th anniversary of Nepal Electricity Authority. I believe the precious data presented herein will be useful to the NEA stakeholders as well as the general public. The total installed capacity of the NEA owned power plants is 626.70 MW (20 hydro and 2 thermal) out of total 1332.86 MW in INPS. The annual generation from these power plants is 3011.43 GWh, which is 50.09% of the total energy generation in Nepal. Upper Trishuli 3A (60 MW) was inaugurated by Rt. Hon’ble Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli on 18 Nov, 2019. The long awaited cascade type Hydro power project, Kulekhani-III (14 MW) also started generation from 11 Oct, 2019. The taking over of this plant is still on hold due to the Covid-19 pandemic as well as a few other liabilities that need to be accomplished by the Contractor. Major rehabilitation or overhauling works were carried out in Kaligandaki A (including SCADA/ Control system upgradation), Middle Marsyangdi, Marsyangdi, Kulekhani- I & II, Sunkoshi, Modi, Trishuli, Devighat and Puwakhola HPS, even during the lockdown imposed by the government and the continued pandemic. This has ultimately resulted in minimizing generation outage due to breakdowns. These regular and timely maintenance has made Generation Directorate capable of supplying reliable and continuous energy to national grid. Finally, I’m thankful to all the employees working in the power plants, their plant managers and the entire team in Generation Directorate for putting in all the hard work to achieve the desired result. -
In a Big Blow to Oli, Supreme Court Annuls Appointments of 20 Ministers
WITHOUT F EAR OR FAVOUR Nepal’s largest selling English daily Vol XXIX No. 125 | 8 pages | Rs.5 O O Printed simultaneously in Kathmandu, Biratnagar, Bharatpur and Nepalgunj 35.6 C 14.0 C Wednesday, June 23, 2021 | 09-03-2078 Nepalgunj Jomsom In a big blow to Oli, Supreme Court annuls appointments of 20 ministers Interim order asserts government is a caretaker one and terms induction of new ministers earlier this month, after prime minister lost a confidence vote, unconstitutional. TIKA R PRADHAN final hearing on petitions against his KATHMANDU, JUNE 22 May 21 House dissolution. With Tuesday’s order, the Oli gov- The KP Sharma Oli government is a ernment is left with five ministers, caretaker government. including himself. This is what the Supreme Court The Article of the constitution the said on Tuesday, as it quashed appoint- court has cited to relieve the 20 minis- ments of 17 ministers and three minis- ters of their positions states that if ters of state, citing Article 77 (3) of the the Office of the Prime Minister falls constitution. vacant after the prime minister fails Responding to six different peti- to win a vote of confidence or resigns, tions filed against Oli’s move of the same Council of Ministers shall expanding his Council of Ministers continue to act until another Council twice after his May 21 House dissolu- of Ministers is constituted. tion decision–on June 4 and June 10–a Oli lost a vote of confidence on May divisional bench of Chief Justice 10 after at least 28 members from his Cholendra Shumsher Rana and jus- own party, the CPN-UML, decided to POST PHOTO: KABIN ADHIKARI tice Prakash Kumar Dhungana called abstain. -
A Case Study of Jana Andolan II in Nepal
Occasional Paper: Peace Building Series No.1 FutureGenerations Applied Community Graduate School Change and Conservation PeoPle’s ParticiPation in conflict transformation: a case study of Jana andolan II in nePal Bandita Sijapati Social Science Baha February 2009 Occasional Papers of the Future Generations Graduate School explore community-based approaches to social development, health, nature conservation, peace building, and governance. Faculty, alumni, and partner organizations present their field studies and applied research. www.future.edu People’s Participation in Conflict Transformation: A Case Study of Jana Andolan II in Nepal Rise from every village, rise from every settlement To change the face of this country, rise Those who have a pen in hand, bring your pen and rise Those who can play an instrument, bring your instrument and rise Those who have a tool in hand, bring your tool and rise Those who have nothing at all, bring your voice and rise.1 I. INTRODUCTION In April 2006, there was a country-wide people’s movement in Nepal, popularly known as the Jana Andolan II,2 against King Gyanendra’s direct rule3 following a 12-point understanding reached between the Seven Party Alliance4 and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which was leading a communist insurgency against the state. The 19-day-long Jana Andolan II5 (People’s Movement II) ended direct rule by Gyanendra, forced him to return power to the reinstated parliament, and created a conducive environment for the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the government and the rebel Maoists in November 2006. The success of Jana Andolan II in thus ending the decade-long conflict that had affected all parts of the country has thus been hailed by many as being exemplary of the ways in which engaged citizenry and communities at the local level can have an impact on the resolution and transformation of violent conflict at the national level. -
Rashtriya Prajatantra Party – Recruitment of Children
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: NPL31734 Country: Nepal Date: 14 May 2007 Keywords: Nepal – Chitwan – Maoist insurgency – Peace process – Rashtriya Prajatantra Party – Recruitment of children This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Was Bharatput Chitwan an area affected by the Maoist insurgency, particularly in 2003 and 2004? 2. Has the security situation improved since the peace agreement signed between the government and the Maoists in November 2006 and former Maoist rebels were included in the parliament? 3. Please provide some background information about the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party - its policies, platform, structure, activities, key figures - particularly in the Bharatpur/Chitwan district. 4. Please provide information on the recruitment of children. RESPONSE 1. Was Bharatput Chitwan an area affected by the Maoist insurgency, particularly in 2003 and 2004? The available sources indicate that the municipality of Bharatpur and the surrounding district of Chitwan have been affected by the Maoist insurgency. There have reports of violent incidents in Bharatpur itself, which is the main centre of Chitwan district, but it has reportedly not been as affected as some of the outlying villages of Chitwan. A map of Nepal is attached for the Member’s information which has Bharatpur marked (‘Bharatpur, Nepal’ 1999, Microsoft Encarta – Attachment 1). A 2005 Research Response examined the presence of Maoist insurgents in Chitwan, but does not mention Maoists in Bharatpur. -
Nepal's Faltering Peace Process
NEPAL’S FALTERING PEACE PROCESS Asia Report Nº163 – 19 February 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................i I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................1 II. CONSENSUS OR CONFLICT? ......................................................................................2 A. WHAT’S LEFT OF THE PEACE PROCESS?.......................................................................................2 B. THE MAOIST-LED GOVERNMENT: IN OFFICE BUT NOT IN POWER? ..............................................3 C. OLD NEPAL: ALIVE AND WELL....................................................................................................5 D. THE RISKS OF FAILURE................................................................................................................6 III. PEACE PARTNERS AT ODDS.......................................................................................8 A. THE MAOISTS: BRINGING ON THE REVOLUTION?.........................................................................8 B. UNCERTAIN COALITION PARTNERS..............................................................................................9 C. THE OPPOSITION: REINVIGORATED, BUT FOR WHAT? ................................................................11 1. The Nepali Congress................................................................................................................. 11 2. The smaller parties ...................................................................................................................