Swap Meet: Introducing the Framers to Nader’S Traders Through Porter V

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Swap Meet: Introducing the Framers to Nader’S Traders Through Porter V Cornell Law Review Volume 93 Article 12 Issue 6 September 2008 Swap Meet: Introducing the Framers to Nader’s Traders through Porter v. Bowen Eric J. Finkelstein Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Eric J. Finkelstein, Swap Meet: Introducing the Framers to Nader’s Traders through Porter v. Bowen, 93 Cornell L. Rev. 1211 (2008) Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol93/iss6/12 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Law Review by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOTE SWAP MEET: INTRODUCING THE FRAMERS TO NADER'S TRADERS THROUGH PORTER V. BOWEN Eric j Finkelsteint INTRODUCTION ................................................. 1212 I. AN OVERVIEW OF VOTE SWAPPING ........................ 1214 A. Vote Swapping Generally ........................... 1214 B. Vote Buying and Selling ............................ 1216 C. Vote Pairing in Politics ............................. 1218 II. PORTER V. BOWEN ....................................... 1220 A. Factual and Procedural Background ................ 1220 B. Vote Swapping and the First Amendment ........... 1221 C. The Legality of Secretary Jones's Actions ........... 1222 D. The Ninth Circuit's Discussion of the Electoral C ollege ............................................. 1224 III. WOULD THE FRAMERS HAVE APPROVED OF VOTE SWAPPING? ............................................... 1224 A. Historical Development of the Electoral College System .............................................. 1224 B. The Original Goal or Ideology Behind the Electoral C ollege ............................................. 1227 1. Arguments that the Original Goal Was to Foster Direct Election by the People ....................... 1228 2. Arguments that the Original Goal Was to Appoint Independent Electors .............................. 1229 3. Arguments that the Electoral College was a Compromise, Intended to Evolve .................... 1230 4. The Electoral College Was Most Likely a Compromise ...................................... 1232 C. Where Does Vote Swapping Fit In? ................. 1232 1. If the OriginalIdeology Behind the Electoral College Were Direct Election by the People .................. 1233 t B.S., Industrial and Labor Relations, Cornell University, 2006;J.D. Candidate, Cor- nell Law School, 2009; Executive Editor, Cornell Law Review, Volume 94. The author would like to thank Professor Michael Kang, Jonah Fecteau, Emily Green, Brendan Mahan, Ashley Miller, Michael Page, Jennifer Roberts, Owen Roth, Kate Rykken, and Michael Zuckerman for their comments, Sue Pado for her help, and his family and friends for their support. 1211 1212 CORNELL LAW REVIEW [Vol. 93:1211 2. If the Original Goal Were to have Independent Electors Make the Choice .......................... 1234 3. If the Electoral College Were Simply a Compromise.... 1235 D. Considering Counterarguments ..................... 1236 1. Originalists Should Look to Ideology of the Framers, Not Solely the Constitution's Text .................. 1236 2. The Constitution Does Not Prescribe a Method of Choosing Electors ................................. 1238 3. Any FederalistPurpose the Electoral College May Have Had Is Now Obsolete ........................ 1239 CONCLUSION .................................................... 1241 The electoral college has been entirely divested of its originalfunctions, without a change of a letter of the law. Instead of possessing discretionary powers, it has become as mechanical in its operation as a typewriter. The case is conclusive evidence of the ability of public opinion to modify the actual constitution to any extent required. 1 HENRY JONES FoRDI By engaging with each other to vote strategically, voters are asserting control over presidentialelections---putting it back in the hands of citizens, where it belongs. 2 VOTEPAIR. ORG INTRODUCTION In The Federalist No. 68, Alexander Hamilton opines that "if the manner of [electing the President] be not perfect, it is at least excel- lent. It unites in an eminent degree all the advantages, the union of which was to be desired."'3 Hamilton continues by extolling the vir- tues of what Americans have come to call the Electoral College; a sys- tem he believed the Framers designed to allow the people to "operate in the choice," but also to allow the "immediate election [of the Presi- dent] to be made by men most capable of analizing [sic] the qualities adapted to the station, and acting under circumstances favourable [sic] to deliberation and to a judicious combination of all the reasons and inducements, that were proper to govern their choice."4 Al- though these goals are admirable and thoughtfully constructed, whether the Framers intended the goals to be strict guidelines5 or I HENRY JONES FORD, THE RISE AND GROWTH OF AMERICAN POLITICS: A SKETCH OF CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT 161 (Da Capo Press, 2d prtg. 1967) (1898). 2 VotePair.org, Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs), http://www.votepair.org/faq. php (last visited July 31, 2008). 3 THE FEDERALIST No. 68, at 363 (Alexander Hamilton) (J.R. Pole ed., 2005). 4 Id. 5 See ROBERT W. BENNETT, TAMING THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE 15 (2006) ("[T]he elec- tors were meant basically to be independent decision makers rising above political consid- 2008] SWAP MIEET 1213 merely starting points from which the infant United States could evolve is unclear.6 Though many have attempted to answer this ques- tion over the years7-mostly in discussions of whether the Electoral College should be abolished altogether-the purpose of the Electoral College has again become relevant, but for a wholly different reason. The Internet has had a profound effect on the electoral process in the United States, from spreading a candidate's message8 to fun- draising from the masses.9 But in no way has the Internet threatened to affect the outcome of an election so directly as it has through vote swapping, 10 where a voter who believes a presidential candidate will win her state "swaps" votes with a voter who supports a third-party can- didate in a so-called "swing" state.11 The implication is that the candi- date that both voters want to win-and expect can win-gets a vote where it will make the most difference, while giving a third-party can- didate a vote that both indicates support and helps provide federal funding for future elections.' 2 Several state governments have chal- lenged this procedure, 13 but in August 2007 the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit decided in Porter v. Bowen' 4 that vote 5 swapping is a protected activity under the First Amendment.1 The vote-swapping controversy is unlikely to end with Porter v. Bowen. Although other circuits-and potentially the Supreme Court-might adopt the Ninth Circuit's analysis, there is no guaran- tee that they will see vote swapping as a First Amendment question or decide the case in quite the same way.16 Would the Framers-who erations in a search for the best available executive for the nation .... "); Lucius WILMERDING, JR., THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE 22 (1958) ("Without asserting that they were meant to be the automata which they eventually became, mere agents without discretion, we must look upon [the electors] as a medium for ascertaining the public will."). 6 ROBERT M. HARDAWAY, THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE AND THE CONSTITUTION: THE CASE FOR PRESERVING FEDERALISM 85 (1994) ("It was doubtless envisioned that the entire process of electing electors and determining their characteristics would be an evolutionary one."). 7 See LAWRENCE D. LONGLEY & NEAL R. PEIRCE, THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE PRIMER 2000, at 17 (1999) ("A recurring theme in discussions about the electoral college is 'the inten- tions of the founding fathers' concerning the manner of the election of the president."). 8 See Tim Cramm, The Designated Nonpublic Forum: Remedying the Forbes Mistake, 67 ALB. L. REV 89, 113 (2003) ("With the growth of the Internet, fringe candidates have found it much easier to get their messages out to the electorate . .") (citation omitted). 9 See GlenJustice, Kerry Kept Money Coming with Internet as HisA.T.M., N.Y. TIMES, Nov. 6, 2004, at A12. 10 Many have used the terms "vote pairing" or "vote trading" to describe the same phenomenon. For simplicity's sake, I will use only the term "vote swapping" in this Note. 11 SeeJohn M. Rushing, Vote Swapping and Free Speech: Voice, Politics, and Choice, 7 TEX. F. ON C.L. & C.R. 73, 74 (2002). 12 See id. 13 See infta Part 11. 14 496 F.3d 1009 (9th Cir. 2007). 15 See id. at 1027. 16 For example, a court could attempt to decide a vote swapping case analogously to MGM v. Grokster, 545 U.S. 913 (2005), in which the Supreme Court said that "one who 1214 CORNELL LAW REVIEW [Vol. 93:1211 could not have contemplated the advent of the Internet-have ap- proved of the use of vote swapping in presidential elections? An an- swer could go a long way toward creating a consensus on this critical issue 17 because the Framers' intent should be a main concern in con- sidering constitutional questions of this nature.18 This Note argues that regardless of the Framers' original under- standing of the Electoral College, they would approve of Internet vote swapping today. Part I of this Note examines the growth and develop- ment of vote swapping over the last decade. Part I analyzes
Recommended publications
  • What's Wrong with Bush V. Gore and Why We Need to Amend the Constitution to Ensure It Never Happens Again Jamin B
    Maryland Law Review Volume 61 | Issue 3 Article 7 What's Wrong with Bush v. Gore and Why We Need to Amend the Constitution to Ensure it Never Happens Again Jamin B. Rasking Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the Politics Commons Recommended Citation Jamin B. Rasking, What's Wrong with Bush v. Gore and Why We Need to Amend the Constitution to Ensure it Never Happens Again, 61 Md. L. Rev. 652 (2002) Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol61/iss3/7 This Conference is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WHAT'S WRONG WITH BUSH V. GORE AND WHY WE NEED TO AMEND THE CONSTITUTION TO ENSURE IT NEVER HAPPENS AGAIN JAMIN B. RASKIN* I. Disenfranchisement as Remedy, Vote-Counting as H arm ................................................... 652 A. A Political Question Raised By a Candidate Without Standing ............................................ 653 B. And If It Had Been Gore v. Bush? ................... 660 C. Bush v. Gore: Hypocrisy and Reaction; Moral Expressivism and Legal Realism .................... 668 1. Moral Realism and Moral Expressivism ......... 670 2. Moral Realism and Legal Realism at Odds ...... 673 3. Hypocrites or Reactionaries ..................... 676 II. The People's Missing Right to Vote ..................... 679 A. The Missing Right to Vote in House and Senate Elections: Disenfranchisement in the District ....... 682 B. Territorial Subjects: The People of Puerto Rico, American Samoa, Virgin Islands, Guam ............
    [Show full text]
  • Security Considerations for Remote Electronic UOCAVA Voting
    NISTIR 7770 Security Considerations for Remote Electronic UOCAVA Voting Nelson Hastings Rene Peralta Stefan Popoveniuc Andrew Regenscheid [This page intentionally left blank. ] NISTIR 7770 Security Considerations for Remote Electronic UOCAVA Voting Nelson Hastings Rene Peralta Stefan Popoveniuc Andrew Regenscheid Information Technology Laboratory National Institute of Standards and Technology Gaithersburg, MD 20899-8930 February 2011 U.S. Department of Commerce Gary Locke, Secretary National Institute of Standards and Technology Patrick D. Gallagher, Director [This page intentionally left blank. ] This document has been prepared by the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) and describes research in support military and overseas voting for the Election Assistance Commission and the Technical Guidelines Development Committee. It does not represent a consensus view or recommendation from NIST, nor does it represent any policy positions of NIST. Certain commercial entities, equipment, or materials may be identified in this document in order to describe an experimental procedure or concept adequately. Such identification is not intended to imply recommendation or endorsement by NIST, nor is it intended to imply that the entities, materials, or equipment are necessarily the best available for the purpose. There may be references in this publication to other publications currently under development by NIST in accordance with its assigned statutory responsibilities. The information in this publication, including concepts and methodologies, may be used by organizations even before the completion of such companion publications. Thus, until each publication is completed, current requirements, guidelines, and procedures, where they exist, remain operative. For planning and transition purposes, organizations may wish to closely follow the development of these new publications by NIST.
    [Show full text]
  • Sorting and the Split-Ticket: Evidence from Presidential and Subpresidential Elections
    Polit Behav (2016) 38:337–354 DOI 10.1007/s11109-015-9315-7 ORIGINAL PAPER Sorting and the Split-Ticket: Evidence from Presidential and Subpresidential Elections 1 2 Nicholas T. Davis • Lilliana Mason Published online: 28 August 2015 Ó Springer Science+Business Media New York 2015 Abstract Although prior research demonstrates that strong partisans are less likely to cast a split-ticket, recent scholarly work hints that partisan-ideological sorting— the matching of an individual’s partisan and ideological identities—may play a comparatively stronger role in shaping this voting behavior. Simply, if a high degree of congruence between identities underscores psychological orientations that pre- vent association with an out-group, then highly-sorted voters should be less likely to cross-party lines within the voting booth. Using the 1972–2012 ANES Time-Series and 2010 CCES surveys, we provide evidence that demonstrates that a high degree of partisan-ideological sorting produces the strongest negative effect on split-ticket voting among a variety of alternative explanations at both the national and subna- tional levels. We then supplement these analyses with 1992–1996 ANES panel data to demonstrate how changes in sorting over time affect this voting behavior. Our results indicate that although an increase in partisan strength alone is insufficient to reduce an individual’s propensity to cast a split-ticket, an increase in identity sorting over time has a strong negative effect on split-ticket voting. We conclude with a brief discussion about the consequences of identity convergence; namely, that sorting fosters a unique form of electoral ‘‘polarization.’’ Keywords Sorting Á Ticket-splitting Á Electoral polarization Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:10.1007/s11109-015-9315-7) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
    [Show full text]
  • The Other Election Controversy of Y2K: Core First Amendment Values and High-Tech Political Coalitions
    Washington University Law Review Volume 82 Issue 1 2004 The Other Election Controversy of Y2K: Core First Amendment Values and High-Tech Political Coalitions Marc John Randazza Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Election Law Commons, First Amendment Commons, Law and Politics Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons Recommended Citation Marc John Randazza, The Other Election Controversy of Y2K: Core First Amendment Values and High- Tech Political Coalitions, 82 WASH. U. L. Q. 143 (2004). Available at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol82/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE OTHER ELECTION CONTROVERSY OF Y2K: CORE FIRST AMENDMENT VALUES AND HIGH-TECH POLITICAL COALITIONS MARC JOHN RANDAZZA, ESQ.∗ TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 145 A. The Issue.................................................................................. 145 B. Research Questions................................................................. 153 C. Research Methodology............................................................ 154 D. Part Outline............................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Modeling Canadian Federal Electoral Reforms
    Modeling Canadian Federal Electoral Reforms by Eric Koch B.A. (Political Science), Simon Fraser University, 2009 Project Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences © Eric Koch SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY Spring 2017 Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. APPROVAL Name: Eric Koch Degree: Master of Arts (Political Science) Title of Project: Modeling Canadian Federal Electoral Reforms Examining Committee: Chair: Genevieve Fuji Johnson, Professor David Laycock Senior Supervisor Professor Rémi Léger Supervisor Assistant Professor Andrew Heard Internal Examiner Professor Date Defended/Approved: April 10, 2017 ii ABSTRACT This research project is focused on developing an exploratory model that can help explain the factors that affect the political desire for electoral reform. The model, premised on institutional and rational actor theories, develops a set of “endogenous” and “exogenous” factors that allow for evaluation of electoral reform discourse. While some attention is paid to the major reforms that the electoral system has undergone since Confederation, detailed analysis is reserved to the post- 1980 period. Data was collected from party manifestos and Speeches from the Throne. Because the federal government has not made any structural changes to its electoral system, provincial and international electoral reforms are considered for the potential influence by “contagion”. Institutional barriers to reform are also factored into the model. Lastly, the model introduces the element of developing web-based technologies such as social media that are changing how the electorate is exerting its influence on the federal parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Is It Ever Safe to Vote Strategically? Tech
    Is it ever safe to vote strategically? Arkadii Slinko and Shaun White The University of Auckland, New Zealand Abstract There are many situations in which mis-coordinated strategic voting can leave strategic voters worse off than they would have been had they not tried to strategize. We analyse the simplest of such scenarios, in which the set of strategic voters all have the same sincere preferences and all cast the same strategic vote, while all other voters vote sincerely. Most mis-coordinations in this framework can be classified as instances of either strategic overshoot- ing (too many voted strategically) or strategic undershooting (too few). If mis-coordination can result in strategic voters ending up worse off than they would have been had they all just voted sincerely, we call the relevant strate- gic vote unsafe. We show that under every onto and non-dictatorial social choice rule there exist circumstances where a voter has an incentive to cast a safe strategic vote. We extend the Gibbard-Satterthwaite Theorem by prov- ing that every onto and non-dictatorial social choice rule can be individually manipulated by a voter casting a safe strategic vote. Keywords: Social choice function, strategic voting, Gibbard-Satterthwaite theorem, manipulation, safe strategic vote. arXiv:1301.1420v1 [cs.GT] 8 Jan 2013 Preprint submitted to ArXiv.org October 31, 2018 1. Introduction 1.1. Overview In this paper we consider strategic behaviour of voters when one candi- date must be chosen from a set of candidates and voters’ preferences with re- spect to those candidates are expressed as strict linear orders.
    [Show full text]
  • The Supreme Court V. the American People
    Book Review Overruling Democracy: The Supreme Court v. The American People By Jamin B. Raskin. New York: Taylor and Francis Books, Inc., 2003. BRIAN P. MARRON I. INTRODUCTION In Overruling Democracy, Professor Jamin Raskin discusses how the Supreme Court has failed to enforce basic political rights by subordinating democratic principles inherent in the Constitution.1 The Court tolerates the usurpation of popular sovereignty through the manipulation of the electoral process. The Court also fails to protect the functioning of democratic principles in our everyday lives in cases dealing with schools and corporations. Throughout the book, Raskin offers several solutions to the democracy deficit, including several proposed constitutional amendments to clearly enshrine democratic rights. However, the issues are presented in such a manner that may undermine the book’s effectiveness as a tool for building support for a democracy reform movement. II. MANIPULATION OF THE ELECTORAL PROCESS A. Bush v. Gore’s Twister Take on Democracy Raskin begins with a discussion of Bush v. Gore as a recent and blatant example of the Court’s (mainly the conservative justices’) hostility to democratic principles. He states that “the Court’s decision expressed perfectly its paramount commitment to the political rights of conservative majority-white factions in each state, its hostility to potential electoral majorities comprised of African Americans and Hispanics, its perplexing eagerness to show favoritism towards certain political parties over others, and its readiness in the crunch to substitute 1 JAMIN B. RASKIN, OVERRULING DEMOCRACY: THE SUPREME COURT V. THE AMERICAN PEOPLE (2003). 158 CONN. PUB. INT. L.J. [Vol. 3, No.
    [Show full text]
  • Legislative Process
    South Carolina's Legislative Process By Sandra K. McKinney, Clerk S.C. House ofRepresentatives SOUTH CAROLINA'S LEGISLATIVE PROCESS ( , . s. t' c ~ r:.~R.I).RV r·····tt r:. .HJV 1 " 19.9.0I ~ Jr" n HISTORY ~J ;\' !:, L n order to understand what happens in the legis­ lative process, it's necessary to know a few basic facts about the lawmaking body. The Legislature I of South Carolina (called the General Assembly) consists of two parts, the Senate and House of Repre­ sentatives. There are 170 Members- 46 Senators and 124 Representatives representing districts based on population. To be eligible to be a Representative, a person must be at least 21 years old. Senators must be 25, qualified voters and live in their districts. Members are legally immune while attending and traveling to and from the General Assembly during the session and for ten days before and ten days after adjournment. This immunity applies except for a Mem­ ber charged with treason, felony or breach of the peace. The House can punish its Members for disorderly behavior and if two-thirds of the members agree, can expel a Member from the session, but cannot do so a second time for the same reason. Members of the House serve for two years; Senators serve for four years. The terms of office begin on the Monday following the General Election, held in even numbered years on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November. The Members of the House meet on the first Tues­ day following certification of the election for a maximum of three days to organize.
    [Show full text]
  • Overruling Democracy: the Supreme Court Vs. the American People
    Overruling Democracy Overruling Democracy The Supreme Court vs. The American People Jamin B.Raskin Routledge NEW YORK AND LONDON Published in 2003 by Routledge 29 West 35th Street New York, NY 10001 www.routledge-ny.com Published in Great Britain by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane London EC4P 4EE www.routledge.co.uk Copyright © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Books, Inc. Design and typography: Jack Donner Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group. This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Raskin, Jamin B. Overruling democracy: the Supreme Court versus the American people/ By Jamin B.Raskin. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-415-93439-7 (hbk.) 1. United States. Supreme Court. 2. Political questions and judicial power— United States. I. Title. KF8748 .R33 2002 347.73'26—dc21 2002011222 ISBN 0-203-50921-8 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-57541-5 (Adobe eReader Format) To my mother and father CONTENTS Acknowledgments vi CHAPTER ONE The Supreme Court and America’s 1 Democracy Deficit CHAPTER TWO The Court Supreme 11 Bush v.
    [Show full text]
  • SUBMISSION to Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland from the DE BORDA INSTITUTE
    SUBMISSION TO Working Group on Unification Referendums on the Island of Ireland from THE DE BORDA INSTITUTE www.deborda.org www.debordavote.org “If the problem ain’t binary, don’t use a binary vote.” “The truth of an [electorate’s] decisions depends as much on the form by which they are reached as on the enlightenment of its members.” Le Marquis de Condorcet, (McLean and Urken 1995: 113). “In blunt words, by not publicising what can go wrong [with different voting systems]… expect to experience societal consequences that are significant and serious.” Donald Saari. (Saari 2008: 217.) In the Belfast Agreement, {Constitutional Issues, para 1 (ii)}, the two governments: Quote I recognise that it is for the people of the island of Ireland… to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South… subject to the… consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland; and in para 1 (iii), Quote II acknowledge that while a substantial section of the people in Northern Ireland share the legitimate wish of a majority of the people of the island of Ireland for a united Ireland, the present wish of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland… is to maintain the Union… and that it would be wrong to make any change in the status of Northern Ireland save with the consent of a majority of its people. 1 INTRODUCTION The Agreement is riddled with the word majority1 (my emphases), due no doubt to the widely held notion that a majority opinion can be identified in a binary procedure, a (simple, weighted or consociational) majority vote.
    [Show full text]
  • Vote Reassignment & Parliamentary Voting
    VOTE REASSIGNMENT & PARLIAMENTARY VOTING PROCEDURES UNDER PPR123 PPR123, by fulfilling its promise to “Make Every Vote Count—Always!”, presents exciting new possibilities for consideration. This should be the subject of future academic analysis and broad discussion. Here’s a preliminary list of some of the issues and possibilities. 1. Absentee voting. o With digital technology, it should be possible for MPs to vote securely from any location. o It’s suggested this should be subject to approval by the party whip. 2. Vote verification and vote security. o Voting procedures, records and responsibilities would be carefully established and continually monitored by technical experts. o Voting would be initiated by the Speaker, through the party whips, sending an ‘invitation to cast a vote on a particular issue’ (i.e. a ‘voting transaction’ or online ballot) to the registered voting devices (cell phone or tablet computer) of each MP. o Each MP would respond by casting a vote, to be sent to the vote servers (i.e. networked computers) controlled by the Speaker and each party whip. o The Speaker’s vote server would issue a vote confirmation message to each MP. o Every MP and party whip would be responsible to report any inconsistencies or problems to the Speaker. o The overall security of the voting process and voting records would be ensured through security procedures and controls, authorization, verification, replication of data, and transparency. o Potentially each MP’s digital device could be enabled to record all votes by all MPs. o Potentially the media might also be authorized to immediately receive voting summaries.
    [Show full text]
  • Legislative Flg&~§~ ·Qy
    Jouthfi~j Legislative flg&~§~ ·qy STATE DOCUMENTS BY SANDRA K. MCKINNEY, CLERK S.C. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES SouTH CAROLINA's LEGISLATIVE PROCESS HISTORY n order to understand what happens in the legislative process, it's necessary to know a few basic facts about the lawmaking body. I The Legislature of South Carolina (called the General Assembly) consists of two parts, the Senate and House of Representatives. There are 170 Members - 46 Senators and 124 Representatives rep­ resenting districts based on population. To be eligible to be a Representative, a person must be at least 21 years old. Senators must be 25, qualified voters and live in their districts. Members are legally immune while attending and traveling to and from the General Assembly during the session and for ten days before and ten days after adjournment. This immunity applies except for a Member charged with treason, felony or breach of the peace. The House can punish its Members for disorderly behavior and if two-thirds of the members agree, can expel a Member from the session, but cannot do so a second time for the same reason. Members of the House serve for two years; Sena­ tors serve for four years. The terms of office begin on the Monday following the General Election, held in even numbered years on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November. The Members of the House meet on the first Tues­ day following certification of the election for a maxi­ mum of three days to organize. The business at this organizational session includes: election of officers, appointment of standing committees, adoption of rules, assignment of desks and other housekeeping de­ tails.
    [Show full text]