DOCSLIB.ORG

Appendix 1 P. Tebt. I 86 Verso

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Appendix 1 P. Tebt. I 86 Verso Appendix 1 P. Tebt. I 86 verso In their edition of the Tebtunis papyri Grenfell and Hunt merely accorded the verso of P. Tebt. 86 abrief comment. From what they indicated it was apparent, however, that the text, albeit fragmentary, was of importance for the subject of the Ptolemaic epistrategos. The text is now in the possession of the Rare Books Collection, The Bancroft Library, University of California at Berkeley, and I am most grateful to the Director for permission to publish it heret. On the question of date Grenfell and Hunt merely say of the recto 'late second century', no doubt basing themselves on the general date for comparable pieces in the archive. The probability must be that such a date is near the mark. Shelton points out that &.votXWPYJ<nc; of X(.()(.Loypot(.L(.LIX-rei:c; could be a result of the complaints in P. Tebt. 28 (not securely anchored to 114, cf. Grenfell and Hunt ad loc.), and that the appearance of Menches before the dioiketes (P. Tebt. I p. 182) might relate to the same affair, suggesting a date of c. 117 f16 for our text. But as he stresses, this is all speculative. Note also the action against thirteen X(.()(.Loypot(.L(.LIX't"ei:c; of the Arsinoite nome attested in P. Tebt. 58 (111) 2• The important points which emerge are these: (1) the epistrategos is mentioned in a text from the Fayum and must be assumed to have had authority there; (2) the epistrategos cannot be Hippalos because of the date and ouyyev~c; title, so that this is the only unequivocal evidence for an epistrategos other than Hippalos having authority outside the Thebaid; (3) the official had no title other than ema-rpoc't'Y)yoc; and must therefore have been acting in virtue of powers which came from this post. 1 Inv. no. UC 2585 verso. The text has been read forme by Professors A. Henrichs, J. G. Keenan, and J. Shelton, and I have clone no more than check their readings against a photograph. The credit for this edition should therefore go to them, to all of whom I am most grateful. In the notes I have recorded some suggestions of Shelton's which are marked (S). 1 The only firm fact is that the text falls after the introduction of the auyyEV'f)~ title; but as this is in the early 160s (see Mitford, Stud. Calderini-Paribeni II (1957) 184, Inscr. Kourion (1971) pp. 93f.), it gives us no useful help. 124 J. David Thomas [ ] -r[o]ü 'Apcnvoeh·ou XCU!J.QYP(CX!J.!J.OtT ) &vexwp1Jcrcxv [ em8]e8cuxety -rijv emcr-roJ.(Lx~v) &vetcpopocv EV ~L [XCXL ' CXVTLypcxcpOV' ' 't"Yjc;- 7t ] etpet' "H pcuvoc; TOU- oLOLX'YjO"OtVTOc;~ ' ·~oO 0'LO"'Y)c; ' TWL- [ l!-reL] llcxx6lv iö 5 [7tcxpoc x]CU!J.Oj'pCX!J.!lCX't"ewy. Öv !J.Ev -rp67tOV [ ö] g[uy]yev~c; xcxt &mcr-rpcX'f"1JYOc; [&]ycxxetJ.ecrcf- [!levoc; ] ...... -roü evecrT&-r9~ ~'t"o[uc; •••• ]w't"~ ( xcx-ret7tecppo ]v"1Jx6-rcxc; ~!liic; 8Loc TiJy [ •• ] • [ ••••.••• ] y [ [ ] 't'&'t'&A&O"!leVOt etc; ~!liic; [ 10 [ ] xcxt e~. v 7tpoc; t8[(]ouc; -r.[ [ ]v -re-rety!J.tvO~ !OC 1tcxp' e~y[-roü [ ] •• c; &xoJ.ouOoüv '"id 1 E. g. ot] j[o]ü 'Apatvoeh-ou X(J)!L9YP(ot!L(LOtTei:c;) or !vtot Toov] ;[o]ü 'Apatvoe:LTou X(J)!L9YP- (ot!L(LOtU(J)V) (S). a Supplement exempli gratia (S). 5 X(J)!LOYPCX!L!LCXTt(J)~ (v read on the plate). 1 &: ]~cxxcxAe:ali[!Le:voc;: almost certain; therefore the epistrategos is presumably acting in a judicial capacity (S). s XCXTotne:cppo ]V"I)K6Tcxc;: supplied S. 1o e;4.v: seemingly E~~v not ~1.6&lv (S). Read T~[nouc;? 11 Apparently not Tb ]v Te:TotY!Ltvo~. 11 ]c;,c;? • P. Tebt. I 86 verso Reproduced by permission of the Director, the Baneraft Library, University of California, Berkeley. Appendix 2 The northward extension of the Thebaid It may be supposed that we know the area of Egypt to which the term 07Jß1X(c; applied in the Ptolemaic and Roman periods or at any rate that we are sure of its northern boundary. Such confidence can however be easily dispelled. We need only think on the one hand of the papyrus of the Revenue Laws, which enumerates the nomes southwards up to and including the Hermopolite before grouping together the remainder of the country under the heading 07Jß1X(c; 1 ; and on the other hand of the frequent references in papyri even as late as the second half of the second century A. D. to Oxy­ rhynchos as being in the Thebaid2• There are in fact no less than three places which need to be examined as possible northern limits of the The­ baid3. (1) The papyrus of the Revenue Laws already alluded to fixes the limit as the southern boundary of the Hermopolite nome. In addition we know that there was a customs post in existence between the Hermopolite and Lykopolitenomes, whichis clearproofthatthis ranks as aninternal boundary in Egypt4• This boundary apparently went back to the New Kingdom5, and literary sources attest it from the second century B. C. to the first century A. D. Furthermore there is no doubt that for the Romans the term 01Jß1XEc; as an administrative district was confined to this area, since they had a separate name for the administrative area embracing Middle Egypt, namely 1 P. Rev. = SB Bh. 1 (1952), col. xxxi, cf. cols. lx-Ixxii. 2 See below and n. 7. 3 This problern has been strangely neglected; see however the discussion in Bengtson 91-4, and cf. Van 't Dack, CE xxiii (1948) 149, Stud. Hell. ix (1953) 44, n. 2, and my remarks in Proc. XII International Congress of Papyrology (1970) 465f. W. Gr. 8 n. 5 merely notes that the description of Oxyrhynchos in the Romanperiod as in the 07jßcdt; is 'noch nicht aufgeklärt'. Bevan 142, speaks of a province from Koptos south to the border, but I know no evidence which justifies this Statement. ' Agatharchides, GGM I 122, sect. 22 (2nd cent. B. C.), Strabo xvii 1.41 (p. 813) and Pliny, NH v 61. See W. Gr. 8, L. Fiese!, Geleitszölle im gr.-röm. Ägypten =Nach. Gött. Ges. phil. hist. Klasse, 1925, 57 ff. 6 Cf. Bengtson 93. 126 J. David Thomas •E7t't'a VO!J.Ol xcxl 'ApatvoET-YJt; 6• There is therefore no possible doubt that the term 0YJßcx(t;, when used of an administrative area, could be limited to the area south of the Hermopolite and that this could apply throughout the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. The question is, must 0YJßcx(t;, when used administratively, be confined to this area only? (2) The fact that the Hermopolite and Oxyrhynchite nomes are alluded to as being Tijt; 0YJßcx(3ot; has already been mentioned. The evidence is substantial for the Oxyrhynchite until weil into the Roman period 7 ; for the Hermopolite it is sufficient to show the use of this designation from the second century B. C. to the second century A. D. 8• This seems to have been the survival of a development which took place during the Saite period9 • This evidence is of coursein flat contradiction to that cited under (1) above. The question to be answered therefore is whether there was a time during the Ptolemaic and Roman periods at which the term 0YJßcx(t; could be applied administratively to the area of Egypt extending at least as far north as the Oxyrhynchite nome, or whether the expression Tijt; 0YJßcx(8ot; when applied to this nome and the Hermopolite is always being used in a different, non-administrative, sense. (3) Egypt was traditionally divided into two parts, "Av(J) X6>pcx and Kch(J) X6>pcx, with the break being at the southern boundary of the Memphite nome, i. e. Upper Egypt embraced all the nomes northwards up to and including the northern Aphroditopolite (nome XXII of the old hieroglyphic lists) 10• This old twofold division is still mentioned in the Ptolemaic period in royal decrees based on Pharaonie models11, and it is usually considered that in appointing two nomarchs to control Egypt Alexander was perpetuat- e At least from the time of Vespasian. The extent of this subdivision of Egypt and the date of its institutionwill be discussed in the second part of this work; in the meantime cf. my remarks, loc. cit. 466-8. 7 See Preisigke, Wörterbuch III Abschn. 16a s. v. The latest examples I have noted are P. Merton 18 (A. D. 161) and P. Oxy. 495 (reign of Commodus); it is unclear why the description drops out after this date. 8 The evidence is SB 7632.4 (159/8), P. Rein. 13.1-2, 21.2 and 26.1-2 (alllate second cent. B. C.), P. Ross. Georg. II 7.2 (108) and P. Flor. 81.1 (A. D. 103); cf. BGU 1222.59 (2nd cent. B. C.; Thebaid)? 8 See Bengtson 93 and Kees, RE VA 1574. to See, e. g., Jones, Cities of the Bastern Roman Provinces1 295f. Wilcken (Gr. 8, esp. n. 3) seems to regard the division into two as between the nomes south of the Hermopolite ( = the Thebaid) and the rest, but this is surely wrong, as the nome lists prove. 11 E. g. the Rosetta stone, SB 8299.3; cf. W. Chr. 109.8-9. Appendix 127 ing this division into an Upper and a Lower Country12• Indeed we find that the term ''Avw X<i>pa.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 2007 Conference Papers
    Volume19 Journalof the NumismaticAs soc ratron of Austraha 2007Conference Papers Images in the Roman world Hugh Preston The role of the visual in establishing, themselves as Roman. The use of imagery reinforcing and transforming Roman seems to have created a significant degree culture is sometimes overlooked in of cohesion, and that surely was one of the traditional historical accounts. It is perhaps reasons that the Empire lasted for centuries. no surprise that the visual receives more Images reinforced cultural and attention in art history. Thus, art historian political identity. The same or similar Jas Elsner, in Imperial Rome and Christian images were used across the Empire and Triumph, wrote ‘In several significant were reused over hundreds of years, ways the Roman world was a visual although the use of imagery became more culture’ and ‘With the vast majority of the sophisticated with time as its propaganda empire’s inhabitants illiterate and often value was increasingly appreciated. unable to speak the dominant languages of The vast visual heritage left by the the elite, which were Greek in the East and Romans is an important source of infor- Latin in the West, the most direct way of mation to complement the written word, communicating was through images.’1,2 and to illuminate the vision we have of their The Roman state was immense and world. While it is important to recognize lasted for centuries. It comprised a host of visual and pictorial imagery as legitimate different ethnic groups and geophysical sources of historical information, care environments. Figure 1 shows the Empire should be taken not to rely exclusively on at its greatest extent.
    [Show full text]
  • Centurions, Quarries, and the Emperor
    Comp. by: C. Vijayakumar Stage : Revises1 ChapterID: 0002507155 Date:5/5/15 Time:11:37:24 Filepath://ppdys1122/BgPr/OUP_CAP/IN/Process/0002507155.3d View metadata,Dictionary : OUP_UKdictionarycitation and similar 289 papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF – REVISES, 5/5/2015,provided SPi by University of Liverpool Repository 16 Centurions, Quarries, and the Emperor Alfred M. Hirt INTRODUCTION The impact of Rome on the exploitation of natural resources remains highly visible in the many ancient stone and marble quarries dotting the landscape of the former empire. Not only do they reveal the techniques employed in separating the marble or granite from the rock face, the distribution of their output can still be traced. The progressively more scientific determination of type and origin of these stones used in sacred and profane architecture of the Roman Empire reveals an increasingly detailed image of the distributive patterns of coloured stones. Even so, the analysis of these patterns stays vexed: the written sources are frightfully mute on the core issues, expressly on the emperor’s role in the quarrying industry and his impact on the marble trade. Scholarly discourse has oscillated between two positions: John Ward- Perkins argued that by the mid-first century AD all ‘principal’ quarries were ‘nationalized’, i.e. put under imperial control and leased out to contractors for rent; the quarries were a source of revenue for the emperor, the distribution of its output driven by commercial factors.1 Clayton Fant, however, offered a different view: the emperor monopolized the use of coloured and white marbles and their sources not for profit, but for ‘prestige’, consolidating his position as unchallenged patron and benefactor of the empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Untitled Report in Bulletin Archéologique Du Comité Des Travaux Historiques, 282–4
    ROME’S IMPERIAL ECONOMY This page intentionally left blank Rome’s Imperial Economy Twelve Essays W. V. HARRIS 1 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York © W. V. Harris 2011 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this book in any other binding or cover and you must impose the same condition on any acquirer British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Library of Congress Control Number 2010943332 Typeset by SPI Publisher Services, Pondicherry, India Printed in Great Britain on acid-free paper by MPG Books Group, Bodmin and King’s Lynn ISBN 978–0–19–959516–7 13579108642 to my Columbia students This page intentionally left blank Contents Preface ix List of Maps xi Abbreviations xii Introduction 1 PART I.
    [Show full text]
  • Dancing with Decorum
    http://www.diva-portal.org This is the published version of a paper published in Opuscula: Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome. Citation for the original published paper (version of record): Habetzeder, J. (2012) Dancing with decorum: The eclectic usage of kalathiskos dancers and pyrrhic dancers in Roman visual culture Opuscula: Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome, 5: 7-47 https://doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-05-02 Access to the published version may require subscription. N.B. When citing this work, cite the original published paper. Permanent link to this version: http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-274655 JULIA HABETZEDER • DaNCING WITH DECORUM • 7 JULIA HABETZEDER Dancing with decorum The eclectic usage of kalathiskos dancers and pyrrhic dancers in Roman visual culture Abstract* Kalathiskos dancers constituted an established motif This article examines two groups of motifs in Roman visual culture: fe- within Roman visual culture1 at least from the age of Augus- males modelled on kalathiskos dancers, and males modelled on pyrrhic tus, on into the 2nd century AD. During the same time-span, dancers. Eclecticism is emphasized as a strategy which was used to intro- the iconography of such dancers was also used for depictions duce novelties that were appropriate within a Roman cultural context. The figures representing kalathiskos dancers and pyrrhic dancers were of the goddess Victoria (Table 4). The armed males modelled both changed in an eclectic manner and this resulted in motifs repre- on pyrrhic dancers, on the other hand, are only depicted senting the goddess Victoria, and the curetes respectively.
    [Show full text]
  • CCNY Assembly Guide
    COMMON CAUSE REFORM MAPS – STATE ASSEMBLY REDISTRICTING PLAN P a g e | 1 COMMON CAUSE REFORM MAPS – STATE ASSEMBLY REDISTRICTING PLAN P a g e | 2 COMMON CAUSE REFORM MAPS – STATE ASSEMBLY REDISTRICTING PLAN P a g e | 3 SUFFOLK COUNTY Common Cause Reform Map description and explanation - The population of Long Island relative to the rest of the state supports placing 22 Assembly districts in Long Island. During the last redistricting cycle, Assembly Democrats chose to draw only 21 districts in Long Island instead of 22, overpopulating each Long Island district by +3.66%. Due to population growth, these 21 existing Long Island Assembly districts are now overpopulated by an even greater+4.42%.Drawing 21 districts in Long Island instead of 22 is a clear political gerrymander to avoid an additional likely Republican seat. - If the appropriate 22 Long Island Assembly districts are drawn, the populations of the districts in Long Island would be very close to the statewide average, deviating by less than half a percent. o The CC Reform Plan draws 22 Assembly districts in Long Island and adds the additional seat in the Great Neck area of Nassau, shifting the other North Shore districts (16-Schimel-D, and 13-Lavine-D) to the east. CC Reform AD 13 straddles the Suffolk- Nassau border in Huntington and Oyster Bay and is the only district that crosses the Nassau-Suffolk line. Suffolk County essentially gains an additional half-seat in the Assembly as a result. - The CC Reform Plan keeps districts on the North Shore and South Shore separate.
    [Show full text]
  • Strategies of Remembering In
    GREECE UNDER ROME (100 BC - 100 AD) GREECE UNDER IN REMEMBERING OF STRATEGIES STRATEGIES OF REMEMBERING IN GREECE UNDER ROME (100 BC - 100 AD) At the beginning of the first century BC Athens was an independent city bound to Rome through a friendship alliance. By the end of the first century AD the city had been incorporated into the Roman province of Achaea. Along with Athenian independence perished the notion of Greek self-rule. The rest of Achaea was ruled by the governor of Macedonia already since 146 BC, but the numerous defections of Greek cities during the first century BC show that Roman rule was not yet viewed as inevitable. In spite of the definitive loss of self-rule this was not a period of decline. Attica and the Peloponnese were special regions because of their legacy as cultural and religious centres of the Mediterranean. Supported by this legacy communities and individuals engaged actively with the increasing presence of Roman rule and its representatives. The archaeological and epigraphic records attest to the continued economic vitality of the region: buildings, statues, and lavish tombs were still being constructed. There is hence need to counterbalance the traditional discourses of weakness on Roman Greece, and to highlight how acts of remembering were employed as resources in this complex political situation. The legacy of Greece defined Greek and Roman responses to the changing relationship. Both parties looked to the past in shaping their interactions, but how this was done varied widely. Sulla fashioned himself after the tyrant-slayers Harmodius and Aristogeiton, while Athenian ephebes evoked the sea-battles of the Persian Wars to fashion their valour.
    [Show full text]
  • The Twentieth Legion and the History of the Antonine Wall Reconsidered1" Vivien G Swan*
    Proc Soc Antiq Scot, 129 (1999), 399-480 The Twentieth Legion and the history of the Antonine Wall reconsidered1" Vivien G Swan* ABSTRACT A study of utilitarian pottery from the Antonine Wall has distinguished small numbers of locally made vessels with North African affinities at nine or 10 forts. Similar vessels at Chester and others made by Legio XX at the Holt works depot, one with a potter's graffito in neo-Punic, suggest the presence of North Africans. Detachments sent from Britain to Pius' Mauretanian war of AD 146-9 may have brought North Africans back with them Britainto (possibly including legionary recruits or transfers, and Moorish irregulars or levies). At the western sector of the Antonine Wall, changes in the legionary work-stints may be linked to troop reductions for the war, as the mural barrier and Bearsden and Duntocher fort interiors were still unfinished. After the conflict, Bearsden and Duntocher were each partitioned maketo annexean theirand internal buildings re-plannedand completed; programmea annexeof construction began otherat forts, secondaryand alterations were made to many existing fort interiors. All may be connected with changes in units or in the composition of the returning garrisons, now perhaps mixed and augmented with small numbers of North African troops. Possible relevant epigraphic evidence examined.is INTRODUCTION histor AntoninThe the yof e Wal bee subjeclhas nthe numbea of t bookrof articlesand s overthe past century. Most have been concerned wit structurale hth , epigraphi numismatid can c evidence (Macdonald 1911 & 1934; Steer 1964; Hanson & Maxwell 1983; Gillam 1976; Breeze 1976), though Brian Hartley's paper (1972) focused on the samian ware as a relative dating tool in a compariso occupatione th f no Hadrian'f so Antonine th d san e Walls purpose Th .
    [Show full text]
  • India and the West and the History Of
    2 I NDIA AND THE W EST AND THE H ISTORY OF S OUTH A SIAN S TUDIES David Pingree (†) Mesopotamian and Greek Astronomy in India When Wilhelm Halbfass published his magisterial Indien und Europa in 1981, the full extent of the interrelationship between the astronomies of the ancient world were not yet widely known among historians (including historians of science) nor was the methodology used for establishing those interrelationships well understood. Halbfass, of course, is particularly in- terested in the mutual influences of Indian and European philosophy upon each other in the past two centuries, but he does speak about broader influences in earlier periods. In his chap- ter assessing India’s reputation for xenophobia Halbfass (1981: 209-210) also briefly refers to the Greek influence on the Indian exact sciences. In an attempt to enlarge upon my readers’ understanding of the theoretical basis, established by Neugebauer (1956 and 1957), for as- serting that a substantial interaction between India and the rest of Eurasia did take place over the long period from about 1000 BC till the present time, during which India was both a re- cipient and transmitter of scientific ideas, and to exemplify the results of modern investiga- tions into this broad field by detailing the progressive adaptation by Indian astronomers of ideas originally formulated in Mesopotamia and in Greece I offer the following paper. While all mankind has the potential to see celestial phenomena, to attribute specific meanings to them is an intellectual act that has been repeated many times in different ways in different cultures over time.
    [Show full text]
  • NYU Abu Dhabi Bulletin 2014-2015
    NYU ABU DHABI BULLETIN 2014–15 2 2014–15 | DEPARTMENT | MAJOR NEW YORK UNIVERSITY ABU DHABI BULLETIN 2014–15 Please note that this pdf was last edited on September 9, 2014, this subsequent to the printed edition. NYU Abu Dhabi Saadiyat Campus PO Box 129188 Abu Dhabi United Arab Emirates The policies, requirements, course offerings, and other information set forth in this bulletin are subject to change without notice and at the discretion of the administration. For the most current information, please see nyuad.nyu.edu. INTRODUCTION 340 Graduation Honors 340 Incompletes 4 Welcome from Vice Chancellor 340 Integrity Commitment Alfred H. Bloom 340 Leave of Absence 6 Educating Global Leaders 341 Midterm Assessment 8 About Abu Dhabi: A New World City 341 Minimum Grades 9 Pathway to the Professions 341 Pass/Fail 342 Religious Holidays BASIC INFORMATION 342 Repeating Courses 342 Transcripts 12 Programs at a Glance 343 Transfer Credit 14 Academic Calendar 343 Withdrawal from a Course 16 Language of Instruction 16 Accreditation STUDENT AFFAIRS AND CAMPUS LIFE 16 Degrees and Graduation Requirements 19 Admissions 345 Advisement and Mentoring 345 Office of First-Year Programming COURSES OF INSTRUCTION 346 Career Services, Internships, Global Awards, and Pre-Professional Advising 22 The Core Curriculum 346 Office of Community Outreach 58 Arts and Humanities 347 Fitness, Sports and Recreation 140 Social Science 348 Health and Wellness Services 180 Science and Mathematics 348 Student Activities 228 Engineering 349 Religious Life 254 Multidisciplinary
    [Show full text]
  • LEGIO Xx VALERIA VICTRIX a PROSOPOGRAPHICAL and HISTORICAL STUDY
    LEGIO xx VALERIA VICTRIX A PROSOPOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL STUDY Stephen James Malone, BSc. Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2005 Volume 2 111.1 The Early History of Legio XX (31 BC-AD 43) The legions of Republican times were on the whole short-lived, raised for specific campaigns and disbanded wholesale when no longer required. Legions were numbered according to the order of their creation in any given year and, even if held over into a second season of campaigning, might be subject to 1 reordering and renumbering whilst in winter quarters • There was thus little continuity from campaign to campaign, and legions with the same number existed at different times without necessarily being connected. The vast increase in the number of men under arms during the civil wars of 49-31 BC means that there was certainly a Twentieth Legion in existence in this period - at times probably more than one, fighting on opposing sides - and although it was out of the legions of these wars that Octavian fashioned his standing army, questions of continuity and identity still remain over the origins of the legion that was to become legioXX Valeria Vietra. Republican formations At the height of the Second Punic War (218-201 BC) the forces of Rome had exceeded 20 legions, but it was not until the first century BC that they regularly surpassed that numbe~. Whether numeration was always continuous, or whether duplications were allowed between the forces of different commanders in different theatres of war, is uncertain.
    [Show full text]
  • Unit 1 Historiography of the Pre-Colonial Economy – Ancient
    UNIT 1 HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE PRE-COLONIAL ECONOMY – ANCIENT Structure 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Ideas and Economy 1.3 Pre-1950s Historiographical Trends 1.4 The New Historiography 1.5 Recent Researches 1.6 Summary 1.7 Exercises 1.8 Suggested Readings 1.1 INTRODUCTION The last forty years have witnessed numerous publications on the economic history of early India, on themes ranging from landownership, revenue system and rural settlements to urbanisation, crafts, money and trade. This heightened interest in the study of early Indian economy has been the result of the shift in focus from political or dynastic history towards an understanding of material culture and economic life. Though there were earlier efforts in this direction the decisive shift came only with the influential writings of D.D. Kosambi and R.S. Sharma in the 1950s and 1960s. In their writings they began to explain change with reference to environment, technology and economic life. Ancient or early India came to be visualized not as a static epoch, but in terms of stages in relation to the dominant social and economic patterns prevailing during the various periods. Early India is broadly divided into two phases i.e., the early historical and the early medieval. While the first extends up to and includes the Gupta period, the second covers the succeeding six to seven centuries. Within these two phases a number of other stages have also been worked out. To elaborate, while the Age of the Buddha is seen to have been characterized by peasant production and urbanisation, the Mauryan period is perceived to have been marked by state control of the economy.
    [Show full text]