Candida Xu, a Chinese Christian Woman of the Seventeenth Century

COLLECTANEA SERICA • NEW SERIES 2

Editor: ZBIGNIEW WESOŁOWSKI, S.V.D Sankt Augustin

Gail King

“A Model for All Christian Women”

Candida Xu, a Chinese Christian Woman of the Seventeenth Century

Candida Xu 徐甘弟大 (1607–1680) From: Philippe Couplet, Histoire d’une dame chrétienne de la Chine, Paris 1688, preceding p. 1. Courtesy of the Archives and Special Collections, James Ford Bell Library, University of Minnesota Library.

COLLECTANEA SERICA • NEW SERIES 2

Gail King

“A Model for All Christian Women”

Candida Xu, a Chinese Christian Woman of the Seventeenth Century

Monumenta Serica Institute • Sankt Augustin

Sumptibus Societatis Verbi Divini (S.V.D.)

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Table of Contents

Acknowledgments ...... VII Preface by D.E. Mungello ...... IX List of Abbreviations ...... XIII Map: China in the time of Candida Xu ...... XV Introduction ...... 1 Chapter One: Roots of the Xu Family: The Generations before Candida Xu ...... 15 Chapter Two: Childhood and Married Life ...... 31 Chapter Three: The Widowed Years ...... 63 Chapter Four: The Legacy of Candida Xu ...... 99 Appendices: Appendix 1: “Baolun tang gao” 寶倫堂稿. Autobiographical Preface by Hesha 鶴沙 (Xu Zuanzeng 許纘曾). Translation of Portions Related to Candida Xu ...... 115 Appendix 2: Xu Zuanzeng’s Biography of His Mother Candida Xu. Translation of “Compendio de la vida y la muerte de Doña Candida, sacado de un librito, que imprimió su hijo D. Basilio Hiù.” Translated by Matt Hill ...... 121 Appendix 3: Xu Yunxi, Foreword to the 1938 edition of Yiwei Zhongguo fengjiao taitai 一位中國奉教太太 ...... 133 Bibliography ...... 135 Index with Glossary ...... 155

List of Illustrations and Maps Cover: Section of a Portrait of Candida Xu. From: Philippe Couplet, Histoire d’une dame chrétienne de la Chine. Paris 1688. Frontispiece: Portrait of Candida Xu. From: Philippe Couplet, Histoire d’une dame chrétienne de la Chine, Paris 1688, preceding p. 1. Courtesy of the Archives and Special Collections, James Ford Bell Library, University of Minnesota Library. p. XV Map: China in the time of Candida Xu. Map produced by the Geospatial Lab of the Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University.

Introduction p. 7 Figure 1. Title page of Philippe Couplet, Histoire d’une dame chrétienne de la Chine. Paris 1688. Courtesy of the Archives and Special Collections, James Ford Bell Library, University of Minnesota Library. Chapter One: Roots of the Xu Family p. 24 Figure 2. Portrait of Xu Guangqi. From: Xu shi paoyan 徐氏庖言 (Memorials and Correspondence of Xu Guangqi). Shanghai: Tushanwan yinshuguan, 1933, following the title page. Copy held in the Monumenta Serica Institute Library. Chapter Two: Childhood and Married Life p. 32 Figure 3. A view of the walled city of Shanghai (Ming period). From: http://virtualshanghai.net/Maps/Source?ID=356 (accessed 15 July, 2020)

VI TABLE OF CONTENTS p. 33 Figure 4. Eighteenth-century map of Shanghai. From: (Qianlong) Shanghai xian zhi (乾隆)上海縣志, Qianlong 15 (1750), shou juan 首卷, huitu 繪圖. p. 34 Figure 5. The Xu residence in Shanghai. From: Auguste M. Colombel, S.J., “Histoire de la Mission du Kiang-nan en trois parties.” Shanghai: Biblioteca Major Zikawei, 1900. Manuscript copy, courtesy of the Ricci Institute Library, University of San Francisco. p. 39 Figure 6. Woman reeling silk thread using cold water. From: Xu Guangqi 徐光啓, Nongzheng quanshu 農政全書, juan 33, “Cansang” 蠶桑 (Sericulture), Section “Canshi tupu” 蠶事圖譜 (Illustrations of Things [Related to] Silkworms). Tongzhi 13 (1874) ed. Shanghai: Wenhai shuju. Copy held in the Monumenta Serica Institute Library. Chapter Three: The Widowed Years p. 75 Figure 7. Image Coronation of Mary and beginning of the meditation about the fifth Joyful Mystery. From: Song nianzhu guicheng 誦念珠規程. Beijing 1638. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Roma, copy held in the section Manoscritti e Rari (72.B.298). p. 96 Figure 8. Images of Candida Xu’s cross. From: Histoire d’une dame chrétienne de la Chine, between pp. 140 and 141. Courtesy of the Archives and Special Collections, James Ford Bell Library, University of Minnesota Library. Chapter Four: The Legacy of Candida Xu p. 106 Figure 9. Portraits of Xu Guangqi and Candida Xu. From: Jean-Baptiste Du Halde, S.J. Description geographique, historique … de la Chine et de la Tartarie chinoise. Paris 1735, Tome III, between pp. 120 and 121. Copy held in the Monumenta Serica Institute Library. Back cover: Image of Candida Xu’s cross. Section of Figure 8.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS My interest in Christianity in seventeenth-century China began decades ago, as an answer to a prayer for a new direction in research. In the many years since I have never tired of the subject, never learned all there is to know, and never ceased to be thankful for that answer to prayer. It is a happy thing to recall and give thanks, and I am glad to remember all those who have helped me in my research and on the path to this book. I thank Professor D.E. Mungello and Fr. Roman Malek, S.V.D. (1951–2019) for encour- aging me from my first days of venturing into the field of the history of Christian- ity in China, mentoring me, and publishing my studies. I am grateful to the Chris- tianity in China Research Project headed by Dr. Daniel Bays (1942–2019), the Overseas Ministry Study Center, the administration of the Harold B. Lee Library of Brigham Young University, and my fellow librarians at the Harold B. Lee Library. I thank my HBLL colleagues: those who patiently read and commented on chapter pages in our writing group meetings; Matt Hill, who generously and masterfully translated the seventeenth-century Spanish of the “Compendium” obituary of Candida Xu; and Dr. Mark Jackson, Zach Colemere, and Teresa Gomez of the HBLL Geospatial Lab, who crafted the map of China that is included in this book. I am grateful to the Ricci Institute for Chinese-Western Cultural History and their archivist Mark Mir and the James Ford Bell Library of the Uni- versity of Minnesota and its Curator, Dr. Marguerite Ragnow, for their generous sharing of materials and for providing images in a time of academic service con- straints. I thank all the librarians and their friends around the world who respond- ed generously to my requests for help and materials. I am forever grateful to the editors of Monumenta Serica – Fr. Zbigniew Wesołowski, S.V.D., Barbara Hoster, and Dirk Kuhlmann – who worked with untiring patience, care, and atten- tion to bring this book to a successful conclusion. I thank the friends and well- wishers who sustained me with their warm-hearted confidence and interest. Most of all, I thank my family for their support and for their unfailing encouragement and unswerving faith that eventually my hope of writing a biography of the Chi- nese Christian woman Candida Xu would come to fruition. She was a remarkable woman. To her I dedicate this book.

PREFACE Recent interest in women in pre-modern Chinese history has generated numerous works, but they have tended to focus on either mythical figures or anonymous women, reconstructed from the fragments of the past. With this full-length study of Candida Xu (Xu Gandida 徐甘弟大, 1607–1680), Gail King has broken out of that confining mold to write about an actual woman who was remarkable in a very real rather than mythical or anonymous sense. Her life is reconstructed not from what she wrote (of which nothing is extant), but rather from biographies written by her son Basil Xu Zuanzeng 許纘曾 (1627–1696?) and by the Catholic priest Philippe Couplet, S.J. (Bai Yingli 柏應理, 1623–1693). Couplet’s Histoire d’une dame chrétienne de la Chine (Paris 1688) met with considerable interest in Europe, leading to editions in Spanish (1691), Flemish (1694) and Italian (1694). Three Chinese versions appeared in 1882, 1927 and 1938. Couplet’s biography presents the life of an upper-class Chinese woman whose devotion to Christianity led her to participate in the commercialized economy of seventeenth-century China to generate the wealth to fund numerous philanthropic projects. She and her daughters and maidservants made and sold woven cotton fabrics and fine embroidery to generate the capital needed for investment and amass a large amount of money to fund her projects. The details of women’s lives were not recorded in official histories. Nor were they prominent literary authors, as in Japan’s Heian culture. In China, men domi- nated both the official and literary spheres. Official Chinese histories were limited to records of the public, outer domain, while the sphere of the inner domain that women occupied was not included. Prior to 1800, missionaries to China were entirely male and had only restricted contact with women. They reflected these boundaries by only rarely mentioning women. However, women were among the earliest converts to Christianity and Fr. Couplet claimed that their fervor sur- passed even the most pious Christian European women. In the eighteenth century, this devotion would express itself in the beatas and the Christian Virgins known under the various names of tongzhen 童貞 (consecrated virgins), zhennü 貞女 (chaste women) and guniang 姑娘 (old mothers). They lived with their families rather than in cloisters. They taught basic Catholic doctrines to women and children, performed baptisms, organized communal devotional activities, supervised collective prayers, cared for the local chapels, and helped the sick and dying. In presenting the life of Candida Xu, King moves beyond social stereotypes about women in a unique way. In traditional Chinese society, behavioral expectations of men were higher than for women, but these expectations were also more rigid. If women observed the conventions of hierarchical subservience, the lines of convention were more malleable for them. This explains how Chinese culture in its unique way facilitated the freedom of Candida Xu. Men had the exclusive right to participate in the examination system and to occupy the public sphere, but they faced limits on their roles as officials. Her son Xu Zuanzeng passed the high- est examination, the jinshi, in 1649 and was appointed to high offices. But because of his assistance to Christian missionaries, he was dismissed from his offi- X PREFACE cial post during the anti-Christian movement of 1664–1665 led by Yang Guangxian 楊光先 (1597–1669). Women, whose lives were confined to the inner sphere, had more freedom to pursue their own lives within this domestic space. Candida Xu became a widow in 1653 at the age of forty-six. Like her sisters Felicitas and Martina, she chose a chaste widowhood. They all devoted themselves to God and Christian service. In the case of Candida Xu, this involved twenty-seven years of service. The social conventions that restricted the remarriage of widows and the social expectations of filial piety demanding that sons obey their mothers gave Candida Xu levers to attain greater freedom and to make choices as an upper-class widow. She used this greater freedom to fulfill her Christian commitment to assist the poor and needy. She used her son’s status as an official to channel money to build churches and to support missionaries in mis- sionizing new areas in China. She did this in spite of the fact that her son’s Chris- tian commitment appears to have been rather tepid. Consequently, rather than challenging the restraining bonds on women, she used the strictures of traditional society to accomplish her Christian goals. This greater freedom for women to pursue their Christian faith contrasted with the situation of Chinese men whose official roles limited the expression of their faith, unlike in the earlier days of the mission when Candida Xu’s grandfather, the prominent official Xu Guangqi 徐光啟 (1562–1633), had been an open champion of Christianity and the missionaries. King argues that while missionaries to China initially saw the rigid separation of men and women as a hindrance to conversion, it actually turned out to be an important element in the evangelization of women. The social requirement of separate meeting times and places as well as separate devotional groups for women created a separate space for women and gave them the freedom to become independent leaders in the practice of their Christian faith. Candida Xu paid the construction costs of more than thirty churches and chapels in the lower Yangzi River region and of nine churches in other provinces. She paid for artists in Macau and Goa to paint devotional pictures to hang on the walls of the church in Shanghai and the Chapel of the Blessed Mother in Songjiang 松江. She also paid for life-size images of the twelve apostles to instruct the faithful in the Shanghai church. She paid for reproductions of the plaque with the Kangxi emperor’s calligraphy, Jing Tian 敬天 (Revere Heaven), engraved in two-feet tall frames and decorated with the imperial dragons for churches in Songjiang province. She paid for altar boy robes and other church vestments and gave money and food to the priests in the Songjiang area. She financed the printing of religious books in Chinese and had them distributed throughout China. She paid for four- hundred volumes in Chinese written by Jesuit missionaries which Fr. Couplet presented to Pope Innocent XI in 1685. Under the influence of Jesuit spirituality, she practiced devotions to the Virgin Mary. These included a Marian confraternity for women. She led the Confraterni- ty of the Blessed Mother in Songjiang for many years. Having lost her own mother at the age of fourteen, she was particularly drawn to honoring the Blessed Mother as her mother. She began every day with a half-hour of prayer before the crucifix in her home chapel. She disliked any extravagance with money that could PREFACE XI be used to help the poor. She bought coffins for the poor and paid the funeral expense of indigent Christians. She sent out midwives to help poor families. She also rescued foundlings, let them be baptized and entrusted them to Christian families. She convinced her son Xu Zuanzeng to found an orphanage for abandoned children by soliciting contributions from prominent citizens. During the period 1675–1694 this orphanage in the Lou district of Songjiang prefecture rescued 4,745 infant boys and girls, although many of the infants were moribund and died soon after baptism. Candida Xu contributed large amounts to the care of the foundlings and the hiring of wet nurses. In her home she led a group of young Christian women in prayers and taught them how to make herbal remedies which they would take to the poor. The role women have played in Christianity has often been obscured by male voices who are focused on leadership and strength and martial values. In this perspective, Jesus triumphant over the forces of evil was a dominating image. How- ever, there is another image that emphasizes Mary’s conception of Jesus and her maternal grief over his crucifixion. Catholicism has given greater play to this female image than has Protestantism. This image held a powerful attraction to many Chinese women who were able to cultivate it and to expand the dimensions of their experiences even within the restrictions that Chinese society placed on women. In the process, they achieved new forms of expressing the Christian faith and meaningful spiritual growth. These new forms of expressing the faith have recently become a focus of serious study. Jeremy Clarke dealt with Marian image- ry by examining the paintings and sculpture of the Virgin Mary in his book The Virgin Mary and Catholic Identities in Chinese History (Hong Kong 2013). Gail King’s work on Candida Xu is an outstanding model of her lifelong commitment to the study of one of the earliest Christian women in Chinese history. It is a model of carefully crafted scholarship filled with creative insights and consti- tutes an important contribution to this important and little-known subject.

D.E. Mungello Professor Emeritus of History Baylor University

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

BG Xu Zuanzeng 許纘曾 . “Baolun tang gao” 寶倫堂稿. Un- published manuscript held by National Library of China, Beijing, China. CCT Yesuhui Luoma dang’anguan Ming Qing Tianzhujiao wenxian 耶穌會羅馬檔案館明清天主教文獻 / Chinese Christian Texts from the Roman Archives of the Society of Jesus. Nicolas Standaert and Adrian Dudink (eds.). 12 vols. Taipei: Taipei Ricci Institute, 2002. “Compendio” Xu Zuanzeng 許纘曾. “Compendio de la vida y la muerte de Doña Candida, sacado de un librito, que imprimo su hijo D. Basilio Hiù.” Appended to Philippe Couplet, Historia de una gran señora, christiana de la China, llamada Doña Candida Hiù. Madrid: Antonio Romá, 1691. DMB L. Carrington Goodrich and Chaoying Fang (eds.). Dictionary of Ming Biography 1368–1644. 2 vols. New York: Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1976. ECCP Arthur W. Hummel. Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–1912). 2 vols. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt. Printing Of- fice, 1943–1944. HCC 1 Nicolas Standaert (ed.). Handbook of Christianity in China. Vol- ume One: 635-1800. Handbook of Oriental Studies, section 4: China, 15/1. Handbuch der Orientalistik, Abt. 4: China, 15. Lei- den – Boston – Köln: Brill, 2001. Heyndrickx Jerome Heyndrickx, C.I.C.M. (ed.). Philippe Couplet, S.J. (1623–1693): The Man Who Brought China to Europe. Monu- menta Serica Monograph Series, 22. Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 1990. Histoire Philippe Couplet, S.J. Histoire d’une dame chrétienne de la Chine, ou par occasion les usages de ces peuples, l’Etablissement de la religion, les maximes des missionnaires et les exercices de pieté des nouveaux chrétiens sont expliquez. Paris: Estienne Michallet, 1688. Hucker Charles O. Hucker. A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1985. Jami et al. Catherine Jami, Peter Engelfriet, and Gregory Blue (eds.). Statecraft and Intellectual Renewal in Late Ming China: The Cross-Cultural Synthesis of Xu Guangqi (1562–1633). Sinica Leidensia, 50. Leiden: Brill, 2001. XIV

Pfister Louis Pfister, S.J. Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jesuites du l’ancienne mission de Chine. Shanghai: Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1932. Reprinted by Chi- nese Materials Center, San Francisco, 1976. XSJP Xu shi jiapu 徐氏家譜. Microform of copy held in Shanghai Library. Family History Library, Salt Lake City, Utah. XGJS Wang Chengyi 王成义. Xu Guangqi jiashi 徐光启家世 (Xu Guangqi and His Family). Shanghai: Shanghai daxue chubanshe, 2009. Xujiahui wenxian xubian Nicolas Standaert, Ad Dudink, Wang Renfang 王仁芳 (eds.), Xujiahui cangshulou Ming Qing Tianzhujiao wenxian xubian 徐家匯藏書樓明清天主教文獻續編 / Sequel to Chinese Christian Texts from the Zikawei Library. 34 vols. Taipei: Taipei Ricci In- stitute, 2013.

Map: China in the time of Candida Xu. Map produced by the Geospatial Lab of the Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University.

INTRODUCTION

Background and Sources Candida Xu (Xu Gandida 徐甘第大, 1607–1680) would be unknown today were it not for the fact that she was a Christian. Unlike the few women recorded in Chi- nese history, she was not the favorite of an emperor; she did not write poetry; she was not a folk heroine. She was an ordinary woman in many ways: a daughter, wife, and mother. The Xu family history states that Xu Ji 徐驥 had four daughters, and the second one, i.e. Candida Xu, was married to National University Student Xu Yuandu 許遠度, who was the grandson of Transmission Commissioner Xu 許.1 In fact, this woman who merited barely a line in the family history and whose Chinese given name is not even known, was one of the foremost Chinese Christian women of the seventeenth century. A granddaughter of the eminent convert Xu Guangqi 徐光啓 (1562–1633), Candida Xu was baptized as an infant and given the Christian name Candida. Married at the age of sixteen, she was mother to eight children and a devoted wife for twenty-seven years until her husband’s death in 1653. Then, with her children grown and as a widow free of many wifely duties, Candida Xu decided to devote the remainder of her life to God. She accumulated a large private income through selling the fine handwork she and her household had made and used this money with unflagging zeal and resourcefulness to spread the Gospel in China. She helped finance the building of churches and chapels, provided living stipends for all the missionaries to China, embroidered liturgical cloths and vestments and supported local church activities in Shanghai and Songjiang 松江, helped establish an orphanage for foundlings, financed the printing of Christian publications in Chinese, aided the poor, sent relief to the sick, provided coffins and burials for abandoned infants and the destitute, and was a leader of Chinese Christian women in Songjiang and Shanghai. Still, for all her importance to the Church in China, Candida Xu was much better known in Europe, at least for a time, than she ever was in China. Two factors combined to make this happen. First of all, Candida Xu was a woman in China, where women’s deeds were seldom recorded; neither historians nor she herself wrote her life’s story. Rather, we know about her because a missionary wrote about her, in a biography intended to spur European Christian women to help the China mission in the same degree she did. Thus it came about that the primary source of information about Candida Xu’s life is a biography of her written not for Chinese readers, but for Europeans, and not in Chinese, but in French, Spanish, Flemish, and Italian.

1 徐驥 … 女四 … 次適大銀臺 … 許公太學生 … 遠度 …. XSJP, frame 41. 2 INTRODUCTION

Women in Traditional Chinese Society China has been a center of civilization for thousands of years. As early as the late Neolithic period (5000–6000 B.C.) farmers lived in scattered villages on the Yel- low River (Huanghe 黃河) plain in North China and in the central and lower Yangzi 揚子 River area. Excavations of remains dating from the Shang 商 dynasty (1500–1100 B.C.) and even before show a recognizably Chinese culture that was already well developed. The Shang people used logographic characters to write their language, they venerated their ancestors, they raised silkworms and wove cloth from the thread, and they lived in a stratified agrarian society.2 From these ancient times onward, the family was the basic unit of Chinese society. For each person, the family was the chief source of sustenance, security, education, social contact, and recreation.3 The Chinese family system was hierarchic and authoritarian, and the status of each person depended on his position by birth or marriage in the family. The father was the center of authority who took care of outer, public affairs. He inter- acted with the outside world, controlled the family property, and arranged mar- riages. Women were subordinate to men. They obeyed their fathers when children, husbands when married, and their sons in old age. The differences between men and women were seen as part of the natural order of things, and the roles of men and women were considered complementary, if not equal. Beginning from at least the second century B.C. the separation of men and women (nannü you bie 男女有别) was regarded as the normative state of civilized life in China.4 This separation involved both a distinction in work and social roles, as well as a differentiation in appropriate spaces to occupy. Women’s areas of the house were separate and away from the men’s and public areas. This was true whether the women’s area was a single room in a peasant house or an entire section at the rear of an upper-class household. The eleventh-century scholar-official Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086), explaining this expression of the fundamental order of the universe, wrote, “In hous- ing there should be a strict demarcation between the inner and outer parts, with a door separating them. The two parts should share neither a well, a washroom, or a privy. The men are in charge of all affairs on the outside; the women manage the inside affairs.”5 In the women’s separate, private space, women carried out the tasks and responsibilities that were women’s domain, such as childcare, cook- ing, and cloth preparation. After childhood, women were not to be seen by or come in contact with men except their husbands and lived their lives mostly seg-

2 For a concise summary, see Marks 2012, pp. 34-51. 3 See Lutz 2010a. 4 See Bray 1997, esp. pp. 128-150, Hinsch 2003, and Guisso 1984. 5 Ebrey 2003, p. 25, quoting Sima Guang, “Miscellaneous Etiquette for Family Life” (Jiaju zayi 家居雜儀), paraphrasing the “Domestic Regulations” from the Liji 禮記 (Record of Ritual). INTRODUCTION 3 regated from men and the world outside the home, only rarely going out into mixed society. Era, social class, and place of residence all affected these expectations. While the basic rule of separation of the sexes still held in the seventeenth century, Chi- nese women of the seventeenth century were not locked inside their houses, com- pletely forbidden to travel or have any contact with the outside world. The princi- ple of separation of the sexes did not mean that men and women lived in total isolation from each other. Nor did it mean that men, whose world included inter- actions outside of the home, led rich and varied lives while women struggled along, alone and friendless. Though they were restrained by custom and tradition to home and family, a network of marriage and kinship relations gave social and financial as well as emotional support to women. Furthermore, while the norm was for women to remain in the women’s quarters, various activities did take women outside that space. Moreover, they used their particular skills, especially in textiles, for profit, self-expression, and innovation.6 Skilled embroiderers, for example, developed new styles of surpassing artist- ry.7 Peasant women helped in the fields, and some farm tasks, such as picking tea leaves, were ordinarily carried out by women. 8 Women in the Ming dynasty maintained ties with their families, and women of wealthier families went on ex- cursions to scenic places and to celebrate festivals.9 Some Chinese women partici- pated in Buddhist lay associations and came together for daily study and to chant sutras, or met less formally with other Buddhist women to visit temples; some also went on pilgrimages to Buddhist temples.10 Such details of women’s lives, though, were not recorded in official histories. In traditional China official histories were limited to records of the public, outer domain, whereas the sphere of Chinese women was the inner domain. Moreover, men wrote the histories. Hence, the very real contributions of women for the most part went unrecorded, though not necessarily unappreciated. Women are mentioned only rarely in the writings of Christian missionaries, which is hardly surprising since missionary contacts with them were so limited. Nonetheless, women were among the converts to Christianity from the beginning of missionary work in China.11 Their brief appearances in missionary reports and letters provide glimpses of the pious, devoted lives some lived and the works they carried out despite the restrictions Chinese social conventions placed upon them. That there were many of these women is clear; details of their Christian lives, however, are not so clear. This is one reason that Candida Xu is important, for we know more about her than we do about any other Chinese Christian woman

6 Sheng 2012. 7 Gu Yanpei 2005. 8 Lu Hanchao 2004, p. 30. 9 Zhao Cuili 2009. 10 Yü Chün-fang 1998, p. 949. 11 King 2010, pp. 56-57. 4 INTRODUCTION until the nineteenth century. Of all the Christian women in seventeenth-century China, she alone had her life recorded in a biography.

Philippe Couplet’s Biography of Candida Xu That biography, Histoire d’une dame chrétienne de la Chine, was written by Philippe Couplet, S.J. (Bai Yingli 柏應理, 1623–1693), the Jesuit missionary priest who was Candida Xu’s confessor from 1671 until just before her death in 1680. Born in Mechlin, Belgium, Philippe Couplet was admitted to the Jesuit novitiate in the same town in August, 1640.12 Following his novitiate he studied philosophy in Louvain for two years and then taught for several years before join- ing the group of missionaries for China recruited in 1654 by Martino Martini, S.J. (Wei Kuangguo 衛匡國, 1614–1661). Fr. Couplet entered China in March 1659 and served in Ganzhou 赣州 city in southern Jiangxi province, Fuzhou city in southeastern Fujian province, and Huguang 湖廣 province (modern Hubei and Hunan provinces) until September 1665. At that point all Western missionary fathers, with the exception of the four Jesuits who worked at the Imperial court in Beijing, were ordered into confinement in Guangzhou 廣州 (Canton) as a result of an anti-Christian movement at court. During this nearly six-year period of confinement, from their arrival in Guangzhou until they were released in September 1671, the fathers translated the Chinese classics, wrote devotional and catechetical works, and discussed missionary methods. After the missionaries were released and allowed to return to their posts, Fr. Couplet worked in various mission stations in the lower Yangzi area, among them Shanghai and Songjiang, from 1671 to mid-1680. It was during these years that he was Candida Xu’s confessor. In 1679 Fr. Couplet was chosen to be procurator, or business agent, of the China Vice-Province of the Jesuits and was sent back to Europe to promote the Jesuit mission by gaining new recruits, financial contributions, and papal support for Jesuit policies.13 He left China late in 1681 and after a wearisome voyage that was troubled by delays and shipwreck arrived in Holland in October of 1683. On March 21, 1684, Fr. Couplet and his party were welcomed in his hometown of Mechlin, Belgium. There he offered a mass of thanksgiving for a safe voyage in which altar cloths and vestments embroidered by Candida Xu were used.14 In September of 1684 they visited Versailles, where Louis XIV met them and showed them the fountains. Additionally, Fr. Couplet spoke with the king and his entourage about China, hoping to gain royal support for sending learned French Jesuit missionary-scientists to China.15 By December of 1684 Fr. Couplet was in Rome; on June 6, 1685 he had an audience with Pope Innocent XI in which Fr.

12 This account of Philippe Couplet’s early life and mission years in China is drawn from Gordts 1990, Demaerel 1990, and Chan 1990. 13 For details of Fr. Couplet’s movements and activities in Europe, see Foss 1990. 14 Foss 1990, p. 128. 15 Witek 1990, p. 152; Foss 1990, pp. 129-131. INTRODUCTION 5

Couplet gave the pope four hundred volumes of books written in Chinese by the Jesuit fathers (printing funded by Candida Xu) and broached the subject of per- mission to celebrate mass in Chinese. Earlier, in preparation for this audience, most likely between early 1684 and November 1685,16 Fr. Couplet wrote the report “Breve relatione dello stato e qualità delle missioni della Cina” (Short Ac- count of the Condition and Results of the Mission to China) to help convince the pope of the validity and success of the Jesuit mission to China. Part 9 of this manuscript, “Narrasi la morte della Illustrissima Signora Candida: chiamata secondo la favela Cinese Hiu” (Recounting the Death of the Distinguished Lady Candida, Chinese Surname Hiu), is a short review (7 and a half pages in the handwritten original) of the life of Candida Xu and her contributions to the advancement of Christianity in China. In this brief recounting of the life of Candida Xu, Fr. Couplet says that he in- tends to write a fuller account of Lady Candida Xu’s life while he is in Europe.17 Perhaps he came to Europe with this idea, or perhaps it was while writing the report “Breve relatione” that Fr. Couplet first had the idea of expanding on the story of Candida Xu presented there into a full book of its own.18 Such a book would fit well into the Jesuit plan of using books to help gain support for their missions.

Jesuit Publications on the Missions Books on distant, foreign lands and their peoples and customs were read avidly in seventeenth-century Europe. Beginning in the mid-sixteenth century, news of the vast lands to the East began to leak past Portuguese censors, and books on the unusual, the exotic, and newly discovered lands around the world were welcomed in Europe. Books, travel collections, and maps all appeared in print from the second half of the seventeenth century on.19 Letters from Jesuits reporting on local places and customs and the progress of their missions were sent back to Rome and circulated among fellow missionaries from the mid-sixteenth century, to provide “a source of mutual consolation and edification.”20 Edited and published, the letters found a ready audience, prompting further publication of books on Asia. By the seventeenth century, publishing runs of up to one thousand were common, and books on Asia published in several of the languages of Europe found a ready audience.21 Writing and publishing books that introduced the customs, habits, history, and philosophy of China to people in Europe became one of the main means used by

16 Golvers 2000, p. 84. 17 Gatta 1998, p. 59 (p. 14r of original). 18 Golvers 2000, p. 85. 19 Lach 1965, vol. 1, bk. 1, p. 150. 20 Ibid., p. 315, quoting John Correia-Afonso, S.J., Jesuit Letters and Indian History (Bom- bay, 1955), p. 5. 21 Lach – Van Kley 1990, p. 95. 6 INTRODUCTION the Jesuits to solicit support for the goals of the mission. The procurators from the China Vice-Province who preceded Fr. Couplet – Nicolas Trigault, S.J. (Jin Nige 金尼閣, 1571–1628), Alvaro Semedo, S.J. (Xie Wulu 謝務祿; later Zeng Dezhao 曾德昭, 1586–1658), Martino Martini, S. J., Michel Boym, S.J. (Bu Mige 卜彌格, 1612–1659), and Prospero Intorcetta, S.J. (Yin Duoze 殷鐸澤, 1625–1695) – all wrote books about China, some learned and some popular, while they were in Europe to help publicize the Jesuit China mission. Many of the books by the Jesuit procurators went through several editions, printings, and translations. For example, Fr. Martini’s De bello tartarico historica, a popular history of the Manchu conquest of China, appeared in nine languages and was reprinted over twenty times in the fifty years after it was first published in 1654.22 Fr. Boym’s Briefve relation de la notable conversion des personnes royales, et de l’éstat de la religion chrestienne en la Chine (1654), a short history of Christianity in China and the conversion of the royal women of the Ming dynasty, was published in French, Polish, and German.23 Like his predecessors as procurators, Fr. Couplet too used part of his time while in Europe to write books that would add to Europe’s knowledge of China and promote the missions. He brought with him to Europe the manuscript of Con- fucius Sinarum Philosophus (Confucius, the Philosopher of China), a translation of and commentary on the Sishu 四書 (Four Books), the cornerstone of Confucian education. Originally begun in the late sixteenth century as a tool to help new Jesuit missionaries to learn Chinese, the translation evolved over the decades to become an explanation of Confucian beliefs and the missionary method of accommodation developed by Matteo Ricci, S.J. (Li Madou 梨瑪竇, 1552–1610).24 Fr. Couplet was given the assignment of completing the final editing and over- seeing publication of Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (1687). After accomplishing these tasks, he departed for Lisbon, where he arrived in April of 1688. There he was forced to wait until 1692 to embark for China because of a dispute between the King of Portugal and the Pope about jurisdiction over missions. In March 1692, he finally set sail along with sixteen other Jesuits for the China mission field.25 During the course of the long, difficult voyage Fr. Couplet suffered two strokes but was indomitable in his determination to return to “my beloved Chi- na.”26 This desire was not fulfilled. Philippe Couplet perished at sea of a blow to the head suffered during a storm May 16–17, 1693, shortly before the ship reached Goa on the western coast of India.27

22 Mungello 1985, pp. 109-110. 23 Pfister, p. 274. 24 Mungello 1985, pp. 252-253; Meynard 2011, pp. 1-27; Meynard 2015, pp. 2-18. 25 For details of this final voyage, see Malatesta 1990. 26 Quotation from a letter written April 19, 1692, at sea, thirteen degrees from the equator. Malatesta 1990, p. 180. 27 Malatesta 1990, pp. 178-179. INTRODUCTION 7

Figure 1. Title page of Philippe Couplet, Histoire d’une dame chrétienne de la Chine. Paris 1688. Courtesy of the Archives and Special Collections, James Ford Bell Library, University of Minnesota Library. 8 INTRODUCTION

History of Fr. Couplet’s Biography of Candida Xu Fr. Couplet probably wrote his biography of Candida Xu during the months from the spring of 1686 until November 1687, when he was in Paris, busy with publications about China and with furthering interest in the China mission.28 Like the books the other procurators before him had written for a general audience, and in contrast to the scholarly work in Latin on Confucius that Fr. Couplet had seen to publication, this new book would be written in the vernacular, which by then was common practice except for the scholarly works by the Jesuits. A Latin original of the biography has been conjectured,29 but if the biography ever did exist in Latin, it seems never to have been published. An edition in French was published in 1688; editions in Spanish (1691), Flemish (1694), and Italian (1700) followed. The four editions of Philippe Couplet’s biography of Madame Candida Xu, listed in order of date of publication, are 1. Histoire d’une dame chrétienne de la Chine, ou par occasion les usages de ces peuples, l’etablissement de la religion, les maximes des missionnaires et les exercices de pieté des nouveaux chrétiens sont expliquez (Paris: Estienne Michallet, 1688.) 2. Historia de una gran señora, christiana de la China, llamada Doña Candida Hiù. Donde, con la occasion que se ofrece, se explican los usos destos Pue- blos, el establecimiento de la Religion, los procedures de los Missioneros, y los exercicios de piedad de los nuevos Christianos, y otras curiosidades, dignas desaberse (Madrid: Antonio Roman, 1691). 3. Historie van eene groote, christene mevrouwe van China met naeme mevrouw Candida Hiu. Inde welcke (met de gelegentheyt, die haer nu voorwent) de gewoonte van dat volck, het vast stellen der Religie, de Maniere van handelen der Verkondighers des Gheloofs, ende de oeffeningen van godtvruchtigheyt der nieuwe Christenen, als oock eenighe andere saeckenweerdigh om te weten, uytgeleydt worden (Antwerp: Franciscus Muller, 1694). 4. Vite, e virtu de D. Paolo Siu colao della Cina, e di D. Candida Hiu gran dama cinese (Milan: Giuseppe Malatesta, 1700). The editions are similar but not identical.30 A few minor factual errors31 in the text are repeated in all the editions. All of the errors have to do with details of the

28 Witek 1990, p. 155. 29 Jesuit bibliographer Carlos Sommervogel proposed that Fr. Couplet’s Latin original of the work, titled Historia nobilis Feminae Candidae Hiu, Christinae Sinensis, quae anno aetatis 70, viduitatis 40 decessit anno 1680, was never published, and that Fr. Pierre Joseph d’Orleans (1641–1698) translated Couplet’s Latin original into French. Alternately, Sommervogel suggested that Couplet himself translated the Latin original into French, and the French text was then edited and given an imprimatur by Fr. d’Orleans. Sommervogel, 1890–1932, vol. 2, p. 1563. 30 For a detailed comparison, see King 2009. 31 See King 1996, pp. 53-54. INTRODUCTION 9

Xu family or bureaucratic office that would have been unknown to Fr. Couplet, and undetectable to his European readers. Each of the editions includes different additional material besides the life of Candida Xu and the story of the Jesuit China mission. This was done perhaps to add new interest to a new translation, the exact choice of material included being determined by the historical situation or particular audience being addressed. For example, Fr. Couplet opens the French edition of his book with the words “Presentée à Madame la Marquise de ***” and goes on to explain that he wrote the book to recount the life of Candida Xu, whose portrait had attracted the interest of “Madame la Marquise,” and to propose Madame Xu as a model for all Christian women.32 Books in the seventeenth century were commonly dedicated either to a patron who had financed publication of the book or to someone who could ensure a good reception for the book. It is likely that the “Madame la Marquise” to whom Fr. Couplet dedicated his biography of Candida Xu was Françoise d’Aubigné, the Marquise de Maintenon, who Louis XIV married in 1683 after the death of the Queen. The Marquise, who was present during Fr. Couplet’s audience with the king,33 led a quiet, devout life, and was concerned with charitable good works. At the time she was believed to have considerable influence over the King,34 and Fr. Couplet may well have believed that her favor would translate into benefit for the Jesuits and the China mission. Another link of the French edition to Fr. Couplet’s procuratorial visit to Eu- rope is his mention in the closing pages of several benefactors: the Duchess of Aveiro of Spain, Madame Lomellini of Genoa, three sisters of Antwerp, and a lady of Paris.35 The Spanish, Flemish, and Italian editions do not include any dedications or mentions of donations. On the one hand, these editions were aimed at different reading audiences; for another, the circumstances of these wealthy women may have changed. Furthermore, the situation in different countries at the time of publication, not to speak of what new items from the mission were available for inclusion in the other editions, could lead to the inclusion of different appended material.

32 Histoire, p. 1. 33 Foss 1990, p. 130. 34 Grande Dictionnaire Encyclopedique Larousse 1984 ed., s.v. “Maintenon, Marquise de.” 35 Histoire, pp. 148-149. Maria de Guadalupe de Lencastre, Duchess of Aveiro (1630–1715), was one of the major benefactors of the Jesuit missions of her era. She sent missionaries to foreign lands, built seminaries, financed publications, and received letters from missionaries from all over the world (Kino 1965, p. 20). It is not known if Fr. Couplet’s biography of Candida Xu was one of the many publications she funded. The three sisters of Antwerp were most likely Elisabeth, Maria Joanna, and Clara Joanna de Prince, who gave Fr. Cou- plet six hundred florins to build a chapel dedicated to Jesus, Mary, and Joseph in China. They also gave him a chalice veil which they made to be used in the chapel and arranged for a painter to execute a painting to be placed on the high altar (Malatesta 1990, pp. 177-178, note 42). The Lomellinis were an old, distinguished family of Genoa (Enciclopedia Italiana 1949 ed., s.v. “Lomellini). The identity of the lady of Paris is unknown. 10 INTRODUCTION

Surviving auction catalogs from the seventeenth century indicate the existence of a lively book trade and exchange across Europe at bookshops, markets, and book fairs. Authors and patrons helped to promote sales, and printed advertise- ments were sometimes prepared. During the closing decades of the seventeenth century, from 1680–1700, the period when the biography of Candida Xu in French, Spanish, Flemish, and Italian was published, common printing practice was to issue runs of 250–1000.36 How much of this general information applies specifically to Fr. Couplet’s biography of Candida Xu cannot be said with any certainty. Some copies of the biography survive in libraries in Europe and the United States; who the original owners or purchasers were, and where copies were purchased and for what price, are unknown. It can be fairly stated that the biography did not become a best-seller, but neither was it a financial loss. We may suggest a reasonable interest in the story of Candida Xu and a market for the biography, since it was published in four languages, and news about Asia, especially about women there, was eagerly sought by the contemporary European reading public. Fr. Couplet’s aim in telling the story of Candida Xu to readers in Europe was the same aim underlying all of the Jesuit publications – evangelism, saving souls to the Church and the true Christian religion. Even in books that focused on philosophy or customs, the intent was to persuade readers of the importance of taking the Gospel to new lands, and of the correctness of the Jesuit way of doing it. In considering Fr. Couplet’s biography of Candida Xu, it is vital to keep his dedication to the mission and the salvation of the Chinese in mind. All of his life, from the time when as a young Jesuit in Europe his long-held wish to be sent to the China mission was fulfilled, to the very end of his life on the stormy seas return- ing to China, he held the Chinese people foremost in his mind. He was never one of the Jesuits who served at court; he always worked among the Chinese people at mission stations. The advancement of Christianity in China and the salvation of the Chinese were his utmost concern. He clearly admired and respected Candida Xu and was abundantly grateful for her most generous support of the China mission for nearly three decades. He also hoped that making the story of this extraordinary Chinese Christian woman known in Europe would help achieve sympathy for the cause of the Jesuit mission approach against its detractors and stimulate donations to make up for the funds lost with the death of Candida Xu. Like stories of saints from all ages and other accounts of memorable Christians from his own century,37 Fr. Couplet’s biography emphasized faith that led to good works, the story made understandable to the audience through selected incidents and illuminating events. To achieve his ends of inspiring devotion and generosity,

36 Lach – Kley 1993, p. 595. 37 One example is Joseph Grandet, S.J. (1646–1724), La vie de Mademoiseille de Meleun […]: Pour servir de modèle aux personnes de qualité & aux hospitalières (Paris: Chez George & Louis Josse, 1687). The Jesuit missionaries in China wrote biographies of missionaries and outstanding Chinese Christians with the same intent. See Criveller 2016, pp. 34-37. INTRODUCTION 11

Fr. Couplet focused his story of Candida Xu on her life as he knew her – her Christian faith, generosity, and good deeds – and left aside most details of her personal life or early history, which were probably little known to him in any case or were items of Confession that could not be revealed. He tells us of no annoying habits, defects, quirks, or regrettable actions by Candida Xu and does not analyze or criticize. His intention was, after all, to show the reader a model Chinese Christian woman and to gain support for the Jesuit mission. He presents Candida Xu as a devout, altogether admirable Catholic woman, in fact a model Christian woman, and proposes that her faith and good deeds are entirely worthy of emulation by European Catholic women. He makes Candida Xu seem a Christian woman akin to them by comparing her to St. Clotilda (ca. 474–545), wife of King Clovis of the Franks, whose piety and devotion influenced her pagan husband to convert to Christianity, just as Candida con- verted her husband from Buddhism to Christianity. He compares Candida to St. Thecla, who was believed to have worked with the Apostles and St. Paul as a “female apostle” in proclaiming the Gospel in the early years of the Church, and calls her “The Apostle of China.”38 Readers of the biography, persuaded by Can- dida Xu’s conviction and devotion, are invited to participate in the cause of bring- ing the Gospel to China. At the same time that he appealed to the desire to evangelize China, Fr. Cou- plet also appealed to the European interest in far-off lands by including information about the place of women in Chinese society, Chinese customs, the spiritual life of Chinese Christian women, and the ministry of the Jesuit missionaries to Chinese Catholic women. The book is, in fact, a brief history of Christianity in China – its beginnings, the heroic labors of the missionaries and the dangers and vicissitudes they faced, plus the great strides that had been made and the triumphs that had been achieved in China through God’s grace and the dedication of the missionaries and Chinese Christians. In addition, the book is also a justification of and apology for Jesuit missionary methods in China. Fr. Couplet defends their dress as scholars, their work as scientists, their approach to the Confucian rites and sacrifices, and their regard for Chinese culture – in fact, the entire accommodative approach as developed by Matteo Ricci and his successor missionaries. All of this is backdrop to and inter- woven with the story of Candida Xu’s life, her concern for the missionaries and the conversion of the Chinese people, and her piety, devotion and good deeds, told as Fr. Couplet knew them from other missionaries to the lower Yangzi river area and from his interaction with Madame Xu on the occasions of her financial help to the mission and as he came to know her in nine years as her spiritual di- rector. Granted that Fr. Couplet’s intent in writing the biography was to arouse admi- ration and generosity in readers, it is to be expected that he would depict her as a person from a different, fascinating land who was yet a true, devout Christian.

38 For St. Clotilda, see The Catholic Encyclopedia 1907 ed., s.v. “Clothilda, Saint.” For St. Thecla, see The Catholic Encyclopedia 1907 ed., s.v. “Thecla, Saint.” 12 INTRODUCTION

Still, his portrayal of Candida Xu as a woman whose faith was the primary motive for her actions and who dedicated herself totally to Christian devotion and good works should not be dismissed as mere pious exaggeration or missionary propa- ganda. Awareness that the biography was written with a purpose does not mean that the whole story is a fiction. People do extraordinary things because of religious belief. There is no reason not to allow Candida Xu to be one of these people. All the influences in her life that we know of point to the basic correctness of the portrait given us by Fr. Couplet. Candida Xu was raised in a household headed by Xu Guangqi, well-known for his integrity and commitment to Christianity. As head of the household he would certainly have taken care to have his grand- children share his faith and be raised in Christian principles and practices. Fur- thermore, while Candida Xu is the only Chinese Christian woman to have a biography written of her, she is not the lone example of a Chinese Christian woman praised by missionaries. Missionary letters mention women in general by 1601 and women by name at least as early as 1607,39 citing their fervor and persever- ance in the face of opposition. They praise generous donations as well as the ardent faith of women who stood up against opposition from family and authorities to lead full Christian lives.40 While there were without doubt lukewarm Chinese Christian women, a high percentage of women who were Christians were examples to others of faith and goodness. In many ways the Christian communities in China in the seventeenth century resembled those of the first decades of the Church, communities “continually devoting themselves to the apostles’ teaching and to fellowship” (Acts 2:42) and praised for their “work of faith, and labor of love, and steadfastness of hope” (I Thessalonians 1:3). Candida Xu was raised in and lived her life in this sort of Christian community of shared fervor and zeal. Fr. Couplet’s portrait of her re- flects this. In essence, what he gives the reader is how he, as a missionary, knew Candida Xu through her deeds and her spiritual life as far as he was allowed to see it. Candida Xu tried to live a pure, devout life centered on God. Fr. Couplet reports on that life as he saw it, shaped by missionary intentions.

Obituary by Xu Zuanzeng A secondary source of information on the life of Candida Xu is the obituary written by her oldest son, Basil Xu Zuanzeng 許纘曾 (1627–1696?). Candida Xu died on October 24, 1680, and her oldest son presided over the funeral rites. As a part of these rites, Xu Zuanzeng composed a summary of his mother’s life and had it sent to local officials and educated elite, a custom popularized in the late Ming dynasty among orthodox Confucian scholars. This obituary/eulogy is found at the end of the Spanish edition of Couplet’s biography, translated from Chinese into

39 Carvalho 1603, p. 87. Rodrigues Girão – Ricci 1610, p. 138. 40 See HCC 1, pp. 394-395; Menegon 2009, pp.163, 304-311, 316-324; King 2010, pp. 63-64 and id. 2013, pp. 19-20, 23, 29-30. INTRODUCTION 13

Spanish for its European readers.41 In considering this source and its portrait of Candida Xu, we do well to remember that an obituary, or a eulogy, is intended to tell us of noteworthy deeds, of admirable qualities, and of the love and esteem those left behind have for the one being laid to rest. The eulogy of his mother by Xu Zuanzeng conveys these things to us, along with illuminating statements about Candida Xu’s life as wife and mother. There is little mention of her Christian faith, her efforts to spread Christianity in China, or charitable deeds. On the one hand, these are not part of what was expected to be included in the obituary of a faithful Chinese woman. Suggesting a further reason, the translator of the obituary into Spanish comments, “But it is not surprising that Sir Basilio, having cooled in the faith of Christ … after that grave persecution, being more fearful, and writing for refined men, tenacious in their literary beliefs and still Gentiles, should write more hesitantly and briefly about the piety and ardent love of his venerable mother for our religion, than a fervent son should do.”42 In other words, the translator recognized that Xu Zuanzeng hardly mentions his mother’s Christian faith in the obituary and suggests that this is the result of his own tepid faith, his awareness of possible repercussions after the recent persecution of Christians, and the realization that his audience would neither be interested in nor expect any such mention of his mother’s religious faith.

Other Sources In addition to the biography by Fr. Couplet and the obituary by her son, some bits of information about Candida Xu can be found in the Xu family records and in Xu Zuanzeng’s autobiographical preface to a collection of his writings.43 We know that Candida Xu wrote letters, but there are no known examples in Chinese. Fr. Couplet’s biography states that Candida Xu carried on a correspondence with Agatha Tong, with Fr. Couplet as intermediary, but no letters are extant.44 Trans- lations exist in French, Spanish, Flemish, and Italian of a letter she wrote in 1661 to the head of the Jesuit mission in Shanghai in response to his request for aid to

41 “Compendio de la vida y la muerte de Doña Candida, sacado de un librito, que imprimo su hijo D. Basilio Hiù.” Appended to Philippe Couplet, Historia de una gran señora, christiana de la China, llamada Doña Candida Hiù. Donde, con la occasion que se ofrece, se explican los usos destos Pueblos, el establecimiento de la Religion, los procedures de los Mis- sioneros, y los exercicios de piedad de los nuevos Christianos, y otras curiosidades, dignas desaberse (Madrid: Antonio Roman, 1691). For a translation of this obituary from Spanish into English, see the Appendices. The Chinese original is not known to have survived. 42 “Compendio,” paragraph 3. 43 Xu Zuanzeng 許纘曾, “Baolun tang gao” 寶倫堂稿. Unpublished manuscript held in Nati- onal Library of China, Beijing. For a translation into English of the portions of Xu Zuanzeng’s autobiographical preface that refer to Candida Xu, see the Appendix 1. 44 Histoire, p. 106. Agatha Tong, a fervent Christian, was the wife of Tong Guoqi 佟國器 (d. 1684), a prominent Qing dynasty official and Christian convert. ECCP, p. 793. 14 INTRODUCTION the missionaries.45 A letter she wrote to one of her sisters was translated into Por- tuguese and included in the annual missionary report of 1638.46 None of these letters survives in the Chinese original. These, then, are the sources that exist on the life of Candida Xu: more than for any other Chinese Christian woman of the seventeenth century, yet with their own limitations. We have to take the sources we have and glean what we can from them, sensibly and fairly, but at the same time acknowledging that no matter what, no matter how many or how extensive the sources, we can never show a person in his or her entirety. In the main, what is unknown about Candida Xu’s life is the ordinary, mostly traditional part of her life, the part that formed the underpinnings of her extraordinary life as a devout Christian. In reality, the broad outline of this traditional life of an upper-class Chinese woman is known, in the goods and experiences that girls and women shared, such as clothing, household skills, married life, and family expectations. I propose to use these commonalities, plus the history of what happened in China during these years – the turbulent end of the Ming dynasty, the Manchu conquest and takeover of China – to establish a foundation for understanding Candida Xu’s cultural setting and how she lived as a Christian woman in that culture. Without knowing these things, we risk seeing Candida Xu as a cardboard Christian belonging to no particular time or place. Candida Xu was no cardboard person. She was a unique Chinese woman who lived her particular life situation in the lower Yangzi River valley for seventy-three years of the seventeenth century. We may not know everything about her, but not everything can be known about anyone. What we know is enough. Candida Xu can be for us, as she was for Eu- ropeans of the seventeenth century, a window into another time and culture and the life of a Christian woman in that culture. Candida Xu’s story has been told before, but it has been largely forgotten. It is a fascinating story which when examined leads through aspects of Chinese culture, Christianity in China, and the crossing of a mainly European church with a strong, very different culture. Despite the restrictions placed upon her by the se- cluded life of an upper-class Chinese woman, Candida Xu helped spread Christi- anity in China. She lived her entire life as a devoted Christian whatever the circumstances were of her life. With determination and resourcefulness she used the advantages she had of status, talent, and position to live out the life choices she made and to achieve her purposes. Strong and devout, she was a remarkable woman.

45 Histoire, pp. 26-27; Couplet 1691, pp. 29-31 (Spanish); Couplet 1694, pp. 28-29 (Flemish); Couplet 1700, pp. 24-25 (Italian); Gatta 1998, p. 57. A translation into Chinese from the French is found in Couplet 1938, p. 29. 46 Amsler 2018, p. 118. The Portuguese translation of Candida Xu’s letter is found in João Monteiro, “Annua da Viceprovincia da China de 1638,” 20 September 1639, ARSI, Jap. Sin. 121, 142r-193r; 171v. References Primary Sources Carvalho, Valentin, S.J. (1560–1631). 1603. Lettera della Cina dell’anno 1601. Roma: Nella stamperia de L. Zannetti, 1603. Copy held by New York Public Library. Chen Zilong 陳子龍 (1608–1647). 1983. Chen Zilong ji 陳子龍集 (Collected Writings of Chen Zilong). Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe. 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