Interview Could Zimbabwean President Befallen the Country
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Scott Herring, Series Editor
ABNORMATIVITIES: QUEER/GENDER/EMBODIMENT Scott Herring, Series Editor PREVENTION GENDER, SEXUALITY, HIV, AND THE MEDIA IN CÔTE D’IVOIRE CHRISTINE CYNN THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS COLUMBUS This edition licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivs License. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Control Number: 2018020066 Cover image: Aboudia. Untitled, 2013. Acrylic and mixed media on canvas, 198 x 124 cm (00557). Image courtesy Jack Bell Gallery, London. Cover design by Susan Zucker Text design by Juliet Williams Type set in Adobe Minion Pro The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI Z39.48-1992. CONTENTS List of Illustrations vi Acknowledgments ix INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1 AIDS as an “Imaginary Syndrome”: Humor as Negotiation of Racism, Austerity, and the Single-Party State 18 CHAPTER 2 Popular Satiric State Television Programs and HIV Prevention 50 CHAPTER 3 Regulating Female Reproductive Potential: Abortion and Family as HIV Prevention 95 CHAPTER 4 The Melodrama and the Social Marketing of HIV Prevention 138 CHAPTER 5 “Stay away from unhealthy places”: Sex Work, Condoms, and the NGO 169 AFTERWORD 203 Bibliography 209 Index 229 ILLUSTRATIONS FIGURE 1.1 Sketch of “Moussa” 28 FIGURE 1.2 AIDS is there . IT KILLS 46 FIGURE 1.3 Ivorian athlete Gabriel Tiacoh 47 FIGURE 1.4 Emaciated bodies as index of the truth of AIDS 48 FIGURE 1.5 Television spot: “AIDS is not a joke. -
University of Cape Town 2019 University
EXAMINING THE IMPEDIMENTS TO CONFLICT MANAGEMENT IN WEST AFRICA: A STUDY OF THE ECOWAS INTERVENTIONS IN LIBERIA (1990) AND COTE D’IVOIRE (2010). Town Emmanuel Ampomah (AMPEMM001) A minor dissertation submitted in partial fulfilmentCape of the requirements for the award of the degree of Master of Socialof Science in International Relations Faculty of the Humanities University of Cape Town 2019 University Supervisor Associate Professor John Akokpari i The copyright of this thesis vests inTown the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes Capeonly. of Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University COMPULSORY DECLARATION This work has not been previously submitted in whole, or in part, for the award of any degree. It is my own work. Each significant contribution to, and quotation in, this dissertation from the work, or works, of other people has been attributed, and has been cited and referenced. Signature: Date: 22 July 2019 ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I owe a depth of gratitude to the underlisted individuals and organizations for their immense contributions towards my academic work and personal development: To Associate Professor John Akokpari, thank you for the advice, support and guidance throughout the conceptualization and writing of this piece, To the Mastercard Foundation, I am extremely grateful for your support throughout my academic journey at the University of Cape Town, To my family, especially Ebenezer and Grace Ampomah, you ignite hope in me every day, To Danielle Nkau, I can’t thank you enough for your support and concern. -
Côte D'ivoire
CÔTE D’IVOIRE COI Compilation August 2017 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Regional Representation for West Africa - RSD Unit UNHCR Côte d’Ivoire UNHCR Regional Representation for West Africa - RSD Unit UNHCR Côte d’Ivoire Côte d’Ivoire COI Compilation August 2017 This report collates country of origin information (COI) on Côte d’Ivoire up to 15 August 2017 on issues of relevance in refugee status determination for Ivorian nationals. The report is based on publicly available information, studies and commentaries. It is illustrative, but is neither exhaustive of information available in the public domain nor intended to be a general report on human-rights conditions. The report is not conclusive as to the merits of any individual refugee claim. All sources are cited and fully referenced. Users should refer to the full text of documents cited and assess the credibility, relevance and timeliness of source material with reference to the specific research concerns arising from individual applications. UNHCR Regional Representation for West Africa Immeuble FAALO Almadies, Route du King Fahd Palace Dakar, Senegal - BP 3125 Phone: +221 33 867 62 07 Kora.unhcr.org - www.unhcr.org Table of Contents List of Abbreviations .............................................................................................................. 4 1 General Information ....................................................................................................... 5 1.1 Historical background ............................................................................................ -
Atlantic Countries' Voting Patterns on Human Rights and Human
12 Atlantic countries’ voting patterns on human rights and human security at the United Nations: the cases of Côte d’Ivoire, Haiti, Iran and Syria Susanne Gratius Associate Research Fellow, FRIDE ABSTRACT An analysis of the voting patterns at the United Nations (UN) on human rights and human security helps identify points of convergence or divergence among the countries of the Atlantic basin with regard to values and approaches to international crises. This paper explores if such countries, or groups of countries within the Atlantic basin, share political concepts and values. Based on four case studies – Iran, Syria, Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire – the paper assesses the similarities and differences regarding conflict resolution and responses to massive human rights violations. The first section reviews the current debate over the UN principle of “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P), notably in relation to the Brazilian concept of “Responsibility while Protecting” (RwP). It looks at the perceptions of Atlantic countries, groups and alliances on issues of national sovereignty, sanctions and military interventions authorized by the UN Security Council (UNSC). The second section focuses on the initiatives and positions of Atlantic countries and regional organizations and their alignments at the UN Security Council, the UN General Assembly, and the UN Human Rights Council (HRC). The section concentrates on their voting patterns concerning four cases in particular: two outside the Atlantic space (Syria and Iran) and two inside (Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire). These four countries have been selected because they represent different types of conflicts: Iran and Syria are international hotspots and suppose, albeit for very different reasons, potential threats for regional peace and global stability; Haiti and Côte d’Ivoire rank high on the list of fragile states and the international community has been highly engaged in crisis management and stabilization in these countries. -
Predators 2021 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 PREDATORS 2021 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Azerbaijan 167/180* Eritrea 180/180* Isaias AFWERKI Ilham Aliyev Born 2 February 1946 Born 24 December 1961 > President of the Republic of Eritrea > President of the Republic of Azerbaijan since 19 May 1993 since 2003 > Predator since 18 September 2001, the day he suddenly eliminated > Predator since taking office, but especially since 2014 his political rivals, closed all privately-owned media and jailed outspoken PREDATORY METHOD: Subservient judicial system journalists Azerbaijan’s subservient judicial system convicts journalists on absurd, spurious PREDATORY METHOD: Paranoid totalitarianism charges that are sometimes very serious, while the security services never The least attempt to question or challenge the regime is regarded as a threat to rush to investigate physical attacks on journalists and sometimes protect their “national security.” There are no more privately-owned media, only state media assailants, even when they have committed appalling crimes. Under President with Stalinist editorial policies. Journalists are regarded as enemies. Some have Aliyev, news sites can be legally blocked if they pose a “danger to the state died in prison, others have been imprisoned for the past 20 years in the most or society.” Censorship was stepped up during the war with neighbouring appalling conditions, without access to their family or a lawyer. According to Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh and the government routinely refuses to give the information RSF has been getting for the past two decades, journalists accreditation to foreign journalists. -
FERDI-WP266-Civil Conflict and Firm Recovery: Evidence from Post
Pap ing er rk o W s fondation pour les études et recherches sur le développement international e D i 266May c e li ve 2020 o lopment P Civil conflict and firm recovery: Evidence from post-electoral crisis in Côte d’Ivoire* Florian Léon Ibrahima Dosso Florian Léon, Research Officer, FERDI. [email protected] Ibrahima Dosso, Consultant, World Bank, PhD Student, Université Clermont Auvergne, CERDI. [email protected] Abstract This paper examines how firms recover after a short, but severe, external shock. Thanks to a rich firm-level database, we follow surviving formal enterprises before, during and after the 2011 post-electoral crisis in Cˆote d’Ivoire. Main findings are summarized as follows. First, recovery was rapid in the first year but imperfect: three years after the shock, firms did not reach their previous level of productivity. Second, we show a wide heterogeneity in recovery across firms (within the same industry). Young and local firms were more able to rebound after the crisis. In addition, credit-constrained firms were less resilient, highlighting the importance of access to credit in post-crisis periods. Finally, the recovery was higher for labor- intensive firms but firms relying more on skilled workers and managers faced a lower rebound. Key words: Political violence; Firm; Recovery; Africa; Labor. JEL Classification: D22; L25; N47; O12. * We would like to thank the National Institute of Statistics for sharing data with us. We also thank Pierrick Baraton, Luisito Bertinelli, Arnaud Bourgain, Joël Cariolle, Lisa Chauvet, Boubacar Diallo, Marie-Hélène Hubert, Jordan Loper, Patrick Plane, Laurent Weill and Alexandra Zins, as well as participants at African Development Bank (Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire) and CERDI (Clermont-Ferrand, France), and audiences at JMA (Casablanca, Morocco) and AFSE Conference (Orléans, France), for their helpful advice. -
French Foreign Aid Policies in Côte D'ivoire
French foreign aid policies in Côte d’Ivoire: a continuance of colonial legacies and a cause for the Ivorian state’s legitimacy deficit During and after the First Ivorian Civil War and the Second Ivorian Civil War Name: Anke Besseling Student number: 11013729 Course: Foreign Aid, Development and the Politics of Legitimation in Africa Readers: Dr. Michael Onyebuchi Eze & dr. Sebastian Krapohl Date: 24 June 2019 Word count: 8714 words Source: Ballouhey 2010. Table of contents Introduction 3 Literature review 5 Theoretical framework 8 Methodology 13 Data: case description of Côte d’Ivoire 14 Analysis 18 Conclusion 23 Bibliography 24 2 Introduction The cartoon from 2010 on the title page of this thesis represents French president Nicolas Sarkozy choosing between two Ivorian ‘products’: presidential candidates Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara. France indeed chose one of the two ‘products’: that is, France chose to support Ouattara over Gbagbo. France even helped Ouattara’s forces to arrest Gbagbo on 11 April in 2011. As a result, Ouattara became president of Côte d’Ivoire in 2011. ‘Le France Afrique march encore…’ stands for unequal and exploitative economic relationships between France and (former) French African colonies, which are assumed to still be in place. The term France Afrique was first used in 1955 by the former president of Côte d’Ivoire, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, to describe these ‘good’ economic relationships. That is to say, the France Afrique community received a privileged economic status in France and Europe, France protected African regimes, offered aid packages and supplied African elite leaders with European consumer goods (Bovcon 2009: 283 – 284). -
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Established 1961 Friday ISSUE NO: 17378 SAFAR 21, 1439 AH FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 2017 Sabah Al-Ahmad Sea Macron suggests France could join Celtics roll past Lakers 4 City: A photo feature 11new fronts against Islamic State 44 for 10th straight win TRIPOLI: A poster of Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman with a phrase reading in Arabic, “God protect you” is seen on a highway in the northern Lebanese port city of Tripoli yes- terday. — AFP Saudi calls on its citizens to leave Lebanon: Minister Page 10 2 Friday Local Friday, November 10, 2017 PHOTO OF THE DAY Samson Kuwait Local Spotlight By Muna Al-Fuzai [email protected] hile Saudi Arabia has been actively arresting a number of people accused of corruption and Wstealing millions in public funds, newspapers in Kuwait published reports that became a subject of com- parison and comments among Kuwaitis. “Samson”, a mafia leader in Jleeb Al-Shuyoukh, was arrested by police, end- ing a chapter of fear and theft against Bangladeshi and other Asian street vendors selling vegetables and used clothes. He is not a minister, official or even a citizen. He is a Bangladeshi expatriate who had a chance to get rich and powerful without any restrictions or fear. We have all read about and saw Samson in several movies and cartoons. He was introduced to us as a man of superhuman strength who nonetheless could not escape tragedy. Samson is the biblical Hercules and he was the last of the judges of the ancient Israelites mentioned in the Book of Judges in the Hebrew Bible. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
How Ethnic Armies Shape the Capacity of Presidents to Defy Term Limits
Military Loyalty and the Failure of Democratization in Africa: How Ethnic Armies Shape the Capacity of Presidents to Defy Term Limits Kristen A. Harkness School of International Relations University of St. Andrews1 Open Access Copy—Please Do Not Cite Forthcoming in Democratization Abstract: The military plays a crucial role in furthering or hindering democratization in Africa. Beyond direct intervention through coups, armies more subtly and perniciously condition the political trajectory of states through their loyalty. Leaders who can rely on unwavering military support for protection against internal unrest face fewer risks and greater chances of success in rolling back liberalization and entrenching authoritarian practices. Constructing ethnic armies, which tie the fate of soldiers to the regime, is a profoundly powerful way to affect such loyalty. Through a mixed methods analysis of presidential bids to challenge term limits, including a paired comparison of Senegal and Cameroon, I demonstrate that ethnic armies triple the chances of success and, in so doing, encourage defiance in the first place: 82% of presidents back by ethnic armies attempt to defy their constitutions and extend their hold on power, as opposed to 31% of other leaders. Conversely, ethnically diverse armies are far more likely to defend constitutional politics and constrain leaders to abide by term limits. The ethnic composition of the military thus critically shapes the prospects for African liberalization. Key Words: democratization, term limits, civil-military relations, ethnic politics, African politics Many African countries took their “indispensable first steps” toward liberalization2 and free and fair elections after the end of the Cold War.3 Long-time dictators were voted out of office, multi-party competition replaced single party regimes, and respect for civil liberties and human rights increased. -
1,385,298 2,199 Refugees/ Asylum Seekers USD 29,611,512
EXTERNAL UNHCR NIGERIAWEEKLY UPDATE 18-25 June, 2015 HIGHLIGHTS HIGHLIGHTS Summarize, in a few bullet points, the main activities conducted by UNHCR during the reporting period in operations covered in this updates and their impact on beneficiaries. Make sure the sentences are result-oriented and concise. Details on the activities listed in this section can be added in the Achievements section. Also place emphasis on the expansion of UNHCR’s presence, airlift of NFIs, distributions, most at risk groups of population, etc. KEY FIGURES Examples: 1,385,298 -UNHCR distributed plastic sheeting to 500 households in operation 1 since January; Internally Displaced Persons in North East(IOM and NEMA, -Five schools have been established since January in operation 2, thus increasing refugee June 2015 DTM) children’s access to primary school from 10 per cent to 50 per cent; -UNHCR together with the authorities conducted a rapid assessment in XXX site where they identified 175 unaccompanied minors. 2,199 refugees/ asylum seekers Refugees and Asylum as of 31 May 2015 FUNDING UNHCR Representative to Nigeria & ECOWAS, Angèle Dikonguè-Atangana (center), and NHRC President, Prof Bem Angwe (left), appending their signatures to the agreement, 25 USD 29,611,512 June. Abuja Garriba©unhcr Requested for the situation On 25 June, UNHCR and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to strengthen collaboration, promote and share experiences with a view to facilitating capacity-building. UNHCR and the Federal Capital Territory Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) distributed non-food items to Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Abuja. UNHCR and NEMA have planned CCCM trainings in Maiduguri and Damaturu for 30 protection actors and state representatives. -
Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa Richard Joseph
“The third wave of democracy did sweep across much of sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s, but has now subsided, except for ripples and eddies.” Democracy and Reconfigured Power in Africa richarD Joseph n July 2009, President Barack Obama declared This is an appropriate moment, therefore, to in Accra, Ghana, that Africa no longer needs step back from the volatility and try to under- Istrongmen—it needs strong institutions. stand the deeper dynamics of political change Almost a year later, at a meeting of the African and continuity in the region. In this exercise, Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Secretary of State the perspective of Richard L. Sklar, a longtime Hillary Clinton contended that many African lead- student of African affairs and retired professor of ers seem more concerned with staying eternally political science at the University of California, in power than with ably serving their people. In Los Angeles, is helpful. Sklar has argued for the some cases, she said, democracy “as one election, importance of studying power and the means by one time” still prevails. which it is acquired and exercised. He contends How much do these views correspond with what that all governmental systems are mixed, and is taking place in African countries? What patterns everything that is good in governance may not emerge in the configuration of political power? And necessarily be “democratic.” finally, how do we assess Africa’s democratic pros- Sklar calls attention, for example, to the sig- pects in light of global developments? nificance of oligarchic entities, such as the US As once impregnable autocracies fall in North Supreme Court or the British House of Lords, Africa, the people of sub-Saharan Africa can in capitalist democracies.