The Tiara in the Tiber

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The Tiara in the Tiber View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Reti Medievali Open Archive The Tiara in the Tiber. An Essay on the damnatio in memoria of Clement III (1084-1100) and Rome’s River as a Place of Oblivion and Memory by Kai-Michael Sprenger Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> Framing Clement III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 Umberto Longo, Lila Yawn (eds.) Firenze University Press 1 Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> ISSN 1593-2214 ©2012 Firenze University Press DOI 10.6092/1593-2214/342 Framing Clement III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 Umberto Longo, Lila Yawn (eds.) The Tiara in the Tiber. An Essay on the damnatio in memoria of Clement III (1084-1100) and Rome’s River as a Place of Oblivion and Memory by Kai-Michael Sprenger 1. «DEAD ANTIPOPE KEEPING COMPANY WITH THE FISH!» That might have been the headline of the brief account of Clement III’s end in the records of the German monastery of Disibodenberg if their author had been a tabloid journalist rather than a twelfth-century annalist. As the author notes, when Pope Paschal II learned that Clement III’s followers were spreading rumors of miracles that Clement had purportedly performed, Paschal decided to put a prompt end to the circumstance. In a military demonstration of strength, he seized the city of Civita Castellana, had Clement’s cadaver disinterred, and 1 ordered it thrown into the Tiber . Paschal II’s approach to the corpse of his enemy and former rival for the cathedra Petri illustrates a particular variant of what is conventionally called damnatio or deletio memoriae, a form of intentional forgetting typically 2 applied to antipopes . Since official histories of the Holy Roman Church did 1 Annales S. Disibodi, ed. G. Waitz, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, vol. 17, Hannover 1861, p. 4-30, esp. p. 17, ad annum 1099: «Wigbertus Romanae et apostolicae sedis invasor, moritur; (…). Quidam autem de fautoribus eius rumorem sparserunt in populum ad sepulcrum eius vidisse divina micuisse luminaria. Quapropter dominus apostolicus Paschalis zelo Dei inflammatus iussit ut effoderetur et in Tyberim iactaretur. Quod et factum est». For the historical context see also J. Ziese, Wibert von Ravenna, Der Gegenpapst Clemens III. (1084- 1100), Stuttgart 1982, (Päpste und Papsttum 20), p. 273; for an analysis of the miracles worked by Clement, M.G. Bertolini, Istituzioni, miracoli e promozione del culto dei santi: il caso di Clemente III antipapa (1080-1100), in Culto dei santi, istituzioni e classi sociali in età prein- dustriale, ed. S. Boesch Gajano and L. Sebastiani, Rome 1984 (Collana di studi storici 1), p. 69- 104; R. Rusconi, Santo Padre. La santità del papa da san Pietro a Giovanni Paolo II, Roma 2010, p. 40-43, and the article of U. Longo in the present volume. 2 A comprehensive study of damnatio memoriae and the various forms of the selective destruc- tion of memory in the Middle Ages is long overdue. Such a study, with a focus on the early Middle Ages, is currently underway by Gerald Schwedler (Zurich). Founded in Zurich in 2011, the inter- Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> 153 [2] Framing Clement III, (Anti)Pope, 1080-1100 not (and do not) number Clement III (Wibert of Ravenna) among the legiti- mate popes, there was no need to remember even the place, date, and cir- cumstances of his burial. This was true of dead antipopes in general, most of whom did not create any further problems after their respective demises. Who among us would guess, for example, that some antipopes, including Paschal III (1164-1168), the second antipope of the Alexandrine Schism (1159-1177), were buried at the very center of Roman Christianity, in St. 3 Peter’s Basilica ? The long inscription at the entrance to the Vatican grottoes, the area of pontifical graves under St. Peter’s, listing all of the popes laid to rest there does not, of course, mention any «antipopes», given the damning of their memory. Since for medieval, as for modern Christianity, the desecra- tion of a grave was a sacrilegious act, even former political opponents were normally allowed to rest in peace once they were defeated and dead. Symptomatic of the attitude underlying this practice is Emperor Henry IV’s well-known wish, «Would that all my enemies lay [buried] so honorably». Henry made this remark, Otto of Freising tells us in his Gesta Friderici, after his advisors had urged him to destroy the splendid tomb of the anti-king Rudolf of Rheinfelden because its epitaph described Rudolf as the legitimate 4 king . There were exceptions to this rule of non-violation, however. The tombs of some antipopes were deliberately destroyed because they had become national research group «Damnatio memoriae - Deformation und Gegenkonstruktion von Erinnerung in Geschichte, Kunst und Literatur» («Damnatio memoriae: Deformation and Counter-Construction of Memory in History, Art and Literature») <http://www.damnatio- memoriae.net> [last accessed 24 January 2012] aims to serve as a comprehensive, interdiscipli- nary forum for information and discussion on the topic. An initial survey of the phenomenon in the Middle Ages is provided in the following conference proceedings: Condannare all’oblio. Pratiche della damnatio memoriae nel Medioevo. Atti del convegno di studi svoltosi in occasione della XX Edizione del Premio Internazionale Ascoli Piceno (Ascoli Piceno, Palazzo dei Capitani, 27-29 novembre 2008), ed. A. Rigon and I. Lori Sanfilippo, Roma 2010. On uses of the concept of memoria damnata in Curial sources mentioning schismatic popes and other enemies of the Church since the mid-tweflth century and further methodological reflections on memoria damnata as a counterpart to the concept of bona or sancta memoria see Sprenger, Damnatio Memoriae. 3 Appendix of Ottonis et Rahewini Gesta Friderici I. Imperatoris, ed. G. Waitz and B. Simson, in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores rer. Germ in us. scholarum, vol. 46, Hannover 1912, esp. p. 350: «Gwido, qui et Paschalis, moritur et in basilica beati Petri Romae sepelitur». See also the list of the papal burial places in M. Borgolte, Petrusnachfolge und Kaiserimitation. Die Grablegen der Päpste, ihre Genese und Traditionsbildung, Göttingen 1989 (Veröffentlichung des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte, 95), p. 343-360; for individual antipopes of the so-called Investiture Contest see ibidem, p. 147 (note 143), 151 (note 5), 175. 4 Ottonis et Rahewini Gesta Friderici I. Imperatoris cit., p. 23: «Fertur de imperatore, quod, cum pacatis paulisper his seditionum motibus ad predictam aecclesiam Merseburch venisset ibique prefatum Rudolfum velut regem humatum vidisset, cuidam dicenti, cur eum, qui rex non fuerat, velut regali honore sepultum iacere permitteret, dixerit: ‘Utinam omnes inimici mei tam honorifice iacerent’». For a deeper analysis of this passage see the forthcoming article by G. Schwedler, Purifying Memory in the Middle Ages. Cleansing soul, deleting remembrances and the example of the attempted purge of Rudolf of Rheinfelden, in How Purity is made - Persistence and Dynamics of the Purity Mindframe, ed. P. Rösch and U. Simon, Wiesbaden 2012 [in press]. 154 Reti Medievali Rivista, 13, 1 (2012) <http://rivista.retimedievali.it> The Tiara in the Tiber [3] places of hagiographic veneration because of miracles that the occupants’ fol- 5 lowers believed had occurred there or in the vicinity . By working miracles, (anti)pope Clement III was still able, even after his death, to endanger the pontifical legitimacy of his opponent and rival, Pope Paschal II. In Paschal’s day, any honorable tomb of a pope named Clement III was destined to become a significant bone of contention, given that for Paschal and his sup- porters such a pope had never existed. Clement was a schismatic and a heretic in their view. Thus, the strict rules of canon law did not allow him to be buried 6 in the sacred ground of a churchyard and certainly not in any church . Needless to say, the idea of a sanctity attached to the heretical Pope Clement III was completely unacceptable. Any belief in miracles performed by him and celebrated by those who venerated him would have legitimized his pontificate posthumously while simultaneously dishonoring Pope Paschal II and casting Paschal in the role of the real schismatic, the real antipope. Clearly, radical measures were urgent. The complete and efficient destruction of Clement’s tomb and corpse was inevitable from Paschal’s perspective in order to ensure the intended and permanent effects of his opponent’s damnatio memoriae. Not a single material trace could be left that might serve in the future as a relic and thus as a vehicle of liturgical or hagiographic veneration. Since Clement III had died in a state of excommunication, Paschal II and his sup- porters considered Clement damned for all eternity. God himself had can- celed Clement’s name from the liber vitae, as we read in Paschal’s biography in the Liber pontificalis, which refers to the heretic Wibert, «cuius nomen 7 Deus in caelis de libro vitae delevit» . Clement’s corpse and the illusion of his legitimate pontificate were to be washed away once and for all with the waves of the Tiber. At least that was the plan pursued by Paschal II, whose legiti- macy in the apostolic succession and place in the ecclesia triumphans would thus shine even brighter, once he had crushed Clement’s usurpatory claims 8 and relegated them to oblivion . An interesting twelfth-century example, parallel to the case of Clement III, underlines this particular motivation for the destruction of an antipope’s tomb. Following the death in Lucca in April 1164 of Victor IV, Alexander III’s first rival in the Alexandrine Schism, several contemporary sources reported 5 This was obviously the case with Clement’s tomb, cf.
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