Acta Orientalia

ACTA ORIENTALIA

EDIDERUNT

SOCIETATES ORIENTALES DANICA FENNICA NORVEGIA SVECIA

CURANTIBUS LEIF LITTRUP, HAVNIÆ HEIKKI PALVA, HELSINGIÆ ASKO PARPOLA, HELSINGIÆ TORBJÖRN LODÉN, HOLMIÆ SIEGFRIED LIENHARD, HOLMIÆ SAPHINAZ AMAL NAGUIB, OSLO PER KVÆRNE, OSLO WOLFGANG-E. SCHARLIPP, HAVNIÆ

REDIGENDA CURAVIT CLAUS PETER ZOLLER

LXXIV

Contents

ARTICLES ANDREW QUINTMAN: Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates ...... 3 STEFAN BOJOWALD: Materialien für den ägyptischen Übergang zwischen „i“ und Dentalen ...... 27 R.K.K. RAJARAJAN: Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Diyadeśas. Sacred venues of Viṣṇuism ...... 37

PARTHIBAN RAJUKALIDOSS: The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’. Its Historicity and Architectural Remains ...... 91 HALVOR EIFRING: Speech without words? An Essay Endeavouring a Probability That the Language of China Has No Words ...... 123 STEFAN BOJOWALD: Zu den Wörtern cx und cxw in den asiatischen Feldzugsberichten von Amenophis II. (mit einem Beitrag zum Lautwandel zwischen w und r) ...... 149 ZÜLFÜ SELCAN: Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache ...... 157

BOOK REVIEWS HARTMANN, JENS-UWE UND THOMAS O. HÖLLMANN. Wörterbuch der tibetischen Schriftsprache, reviewed by Per Kvaerne ...... 219

Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates

Andrew Quintman New Haven, USA

Abstract

The dates of Tibet’s great eleventh-century yogin Mi la ras pa have long caused confusion. Early literary sources for the yogin’s life largely disagree about the year of his birth—frequently listing the animal but not the element of the sexagenary cycle—as well as his lifespan, which ranges from 73 to 88 years. This study identifies the principal traditions for calculating Mi la ras pa’s birth, death, and lifespan. In doing so, it illustrates the processes of chronological codification that took place within the yogin’s biographical tradition between the twelfth and nineteenth centuries. It begins with a survey of the European and North American scholarship on the yogin’s dates and then turns to the primary Tibetan sources to identify three main traditions: 1028-111, 1040-1123, 1052-1035. It concludes with an examination and English translation of a rare chronological analysis carried out by Kaḥ thog Tshe dbang nor bu (1698-1755), who favors the earliest proposed dates.

Keywords: Mi la ras pa, Milarepa, chronology, Tibetan calendar, birth year, death year. 4 Andrew Quintman

The Problems of Mi la ras pa’s Dates

The dates of Tibet’s great yogin Mi la ras pa have long caused confusion. Early literary sources for the yogin’s life largely disagree about the year of his birth—frequently listing the animal but not the element of the sexagenary cycle—as well as his lifespan, which ranges from 73 to 88 years. In some ways this parallels the problem of the historical Buddha’s dates that has sparked a sub-field of scholarship in its own right. While Tibetan biographers and historians may have differed in their calculations of the yogin’s dates, few indigenous authors carried out a detailed investigation of the problem. Early European and North American scholars were similarly confounded, a situation exacerbated by the relative paucity of Tibetan historical sources and early literary works in Mi la ras pa’s biographical tradition that were available to them. This study identifies the principal traditions for calculating Mi la ras pa’s birth, death, and lifespan. In doing so, it illustrates the processes of chronological codification that took place within the yogin’s biographical tradition. A precise determination of the yogin’s birth and death may as yet remain out of reach. However, with the recent discovery of manuscripts and the publication of texts in Tibet and elsewhere of new historiographic and biographical materials, it is now possible to discern broad patterns in the calculation of Mi la ras pa’s dates. Several of these are by now well established in Tibet and the west, but I also highlight here conventions that were promoted by eminent Bka’ brgyud historians in the past but remained in relative obscurity both in and out of Tibet. A comprehensive analysis of Mi la ras pa’s chronology would need to rectify the dates in these sources with those recorded in the biographies of the yogin’s students and contemporaries, a project beyond the scope of the present essay. Instead, I draw mainly on the works of Mi la ras pa’s own biographical tradition together with a number of important religious histories that explicitly discuss the yogin’s chronology. I have examined many of these sources in detail elsewhere, so I will identify them here only in brief.1 They consist of three general categories of texts: (1) what I refer to as the proto-rnam mgur, an early form of combined biography (rnam thar) and poetry

1 Quintman (2014). Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates 5 anthology (mgur ’bum) focused on Mi la ras pa’s life; (2) biographical compendia, comprehensive, extended, and often more literary accounts of the yogin’s life; (3) miscellaneous works including religious histories (chos ’byung) and prayers (gsol ’debs). The proto-rnam mgur works include compositions by Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje (ca. 13th century), Don mo ri pa (b. 1203), the second Zhwa dmar Mkha’ spyod dbang po (1350-1405), and an extensive early treatment by Zhi byed ri pa (born ca. 1320).2 The biographical compendia consist of an interrelated cycle of extended works, beginning with the so-called Twelve Great Disciples (Bu chen bcu gnyis), whose authorship is ascribed to twelve of the yogin’s close disciples, chiefly Ngan rdzong Byang chub rgyal po and Zhi ba ’Od. A series of increasingly complex biographies grew from this initial version during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, which came to be identified as The Black Treasury (Mdzod nag ma). These works were closely associated with the line of Karma pa hierarchs, particularly the third Karma pa Rang byung rdo rje (1284-1339), who is said to have played an editorial role in their production.3 Historical sources include the early rare Chos ’byung Mig ’byed ’od stong by Bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (1386-1434) written in 1418, the well-known Lho rong chos ’byung (1446-1451) and Deb gter sngon po (1478), as well as Si tu Paṇ chen’s study of the Bka’ brgyud tradition Nor bu zla ba chu shel. Another important source is the famous verse prayer to Mi la ras pa composed in 1448 by the hermit of La phyi Nam mkha’ bsam grub rgyal mtshan (fifteenth century), who was a contemporary of Gtsang smyon Heruka, author of Mi la ras pa’s best-known biography. A table of chronologies is presented in Table 1. The discussion concludes with an examination of a rare extended analysis of Mi la ras pa’s dates, carried out by Kaḥ thog Tshe dbang nor bu (1698-1755) who synthesizes many of the sources discussed here. A translation of the relevant section comprises the Appendix.

2 For an analysis of Zhi byed ri pa’s work, see Quintman (2012); Childs and Quintman (2012). Zhi byed ri pa’s work is also available in several modern publications, listed in the bibliography. 3 For an extended discussion of the Bu chen bcu gnyis and Mdzod nag ma literature, see Quintman (2014), especially chapter 3. 6 Andrew Quintman

Mi la ras pa’s Dates in Western Scholarship

Before turning to the Tibetan sources, it will be helpful to first consider how Mi la ras pa’s dates have been addressed in the scholarship of Europe and North America, which coalesced around two alternatives: 1040-1123 or 1052-1135. Perhaps the first European scholar to address Mi la ras pa’s chronology, albeit indirectly, was the Hungarian pioneer of Tibetan Studies Alexander Csoma de Kőrös, who published a chronological table from Sde Srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho’s Vaiḍūrya dkar po in 1834. Sde Srid’s work places Mi la ras pa’s birth in the iron-dragon year corresponding to 1040, although Kőrös miscalculates the year as 1038—an error that would linger in Mi la ras pa scholarship through the early twentieth century.4 More than three decades later, Moravian missionary H. A. Jäschke noted Milarepa is “without a doubt a historical person” active during the eleventh century, a statement based on Kőrös’s publication of the Vaiḍūrya dkar po chronology.5 He repeated this claim in his Tibetan-English Dictionary published in 1881. In his study of a chapter from the Mi la’i Mgur ’bum, published the same year, Sarat Chandra Das places the yogin in the fourteenth century, although this may well be a misprint, since earlier in the essay he describes the source of his translation as a block print “said to be 800 years old.”6 While that statement is certainly an exaggeration, it is in accord with the general eleventh-century date for the yogin.7 William Rockhill was among the first non-Tibetan scholars to recognize the difficulty in ascertaining Mi la ras pa’s dates. In his 1884 study of the Mi la’i mgur ’bum he notes, “The exact date of Milaraspa’s birth seems to be uncertain,” although he cites the (mistaken) year 1038 from Kőrös’s publication of the Vaiḍūrya dkar po.8 A decade later, W. A. Waddell would repeat this claim in his The Buddhism of Tibet or Lamaism, once again citing the Vaiḍūrya dkar

4 de Kőrös (1834), 184. Although the body of the Sde Srid’s work was written between 1683-5, the chronology indicates the number of years elapsed from various historical moments up to the year 1687. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho records that 647 years have passed since Mi la ras pa’s birth. See Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, VDK, 48. On de Kőrös’s error, see Vostrikov (1970), 126n372. 5 Jäschke (1869), 543. 6 Das (1881), 238. 7 This observation is likewise noted in Rockhill (1884), ccvii. 8 Rockhill (1884), ccvii. Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates 7 po chronology.9 Waddell also included a chart recording the yogin’s birth and death as 1038-1122. 10 These miscalculations were later echoed in the writings of Berthold Laufer, Graham Sandberg, and later Sir Charles Bell.11 In 1889, Das published another important chronological table, referred to as the Re’u mig, part of the Dpag bsam ljon bzang by Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal ’byor (1704-1788), written in 1748.12 In line with Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho’s calculations, the Re’u mig records Mi la ras pa’s birth in the iron-dragon year of the first sexagenary cycle (1040). Yet, errors in calculation appeared once again when Das mistakenly converted the year to 1039. 13 Their difficulty in establishing a Gregorian equivalent notwithstanding, these early scholars largely agreed upon an iron-dragon year (1040) for the yogin’s birth. As early as the mid-fifteenth century, at least some Tibetan historians had likewise adopted the tradition of Mi la ras pa’s birth in an iron-dragon year. That tradition, however, would be overshadowed in Tibet with the appearance of Gtsang smyon Heruka’s version and in the west with its systematic study and translation. Early translators of the Mi la’i rnam thar presented a different account of the yogin’s dates, one introduced by the yogin’s most famous biographer Gtsang smyon Heruka. In the introduction to his French translation of the rnam thar, published in 1925, Jacques Bacot merely comments that Mi la ras pa lived during the eleventh century, although in a note to the text he adds that the yogin’s birth in a water- dragon year—as written in Gtsang smyon’s text—corresponds to 1052.14 In his 1928 publication of The Life of Tibet’s Great Yogī Milarepa, W. E. Evans-Wentz likewise avoids discussing the yogin’s dates in his introduction, although his footnote to the water-dragon year states: “M. Bacot and the Translator [Dawa Samdup] agree in their calculation that Milarepa was born in the year AD 1052, but

9 Waddell (1895), 65n4. 10 Ibid., 66. 11 See Bell (1931), 80; Laufer (1901), 2; (1902), 2; (1922), 7; Sandberg (1906), 250. 12 Das (1889), 7. 13 S. K. Jah calls Das’s translation of the Re’u mig “negligent” in his forward to Bir- eshwar Prasad Singh’s more recent translation, which itself contains many errors. See Singh (1991), xv. 14 Bacot (1925), 45. 8 Andrew Quintman according to Dr. Waddell’s reckoning the year was AD 1038.” 15 Lobsang Lhalungpa concurs in his 1977 translation that the water- dragon year corresponds to 1052, 16 although he later incorrectly calculates that Mi la ras pa’s death in a wood-hare year (as written by Gtsang smyon Heruka) corresponds to 1136.17 In his 1969 study of Gtsang smyon Heruka’s Mi la narrative, Gene Smith noted that the madman likely introduced the 1052 birth year based upon the erroneous calculations of La phyi resident Nam mkha’ bsam grub rgyal mtshan, in the latter’s supplication to Mi la ras pa. This leads Smith to suggest, “we would do well to disregard the dates given by Gtsang smyon.”18 Perhaps most extensive treatment to date appears in Peter Roberts’s study of Ras chung pa’s biographical tradition, although at the time of writing he did not have access to many of the sources incorporated into the analysis here.19

The Biographical Sources

The early Tibetan sources present an even more complex picture of Mi la ras pa’s dates. Writing in the thirteenth century, Rgyal thang pa records Mi la’s birth in a sheep year, and death in a monkey year. He dies in his 73rd year and thus has a life span significantly shorter than any others in the tradition.20 These animal years suggest the dates 1031-1104, 1043-1116, or 1055-1128. In terms of both dates and lifespan, Rgyal thang pa’s record appears to be an outlier. Rgyal thang pa’s contemporary Don mo ri pa describes Mi la ras pa’s death as taking place on the 8th day of the 4th month of a bird year, with a life span of 82 years.21 This would place his birth in a rat year and suggests the possible dates 1024-1105, 1036-1117, or 1048- 1129. The early compendia generally agree with the rat-year birth although they diverge in terms of the death-year and lifespan. A bird-

15 Evans-Wentz (1928), 52n4. 16 Lhalungpa (1977), 208n9. 17 Ibid. 219n14. 18 Smith (2001), 288n175. 19 See Roberts (2007). 20 Rgyal thang pa, JGM, 198, 260. 21 Don mo ri pa, JMN, 215. Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates 9 year death also agrees with Zhi byed ri pa’s calculations, a tradition discussed below. Turning to the biographical compendia, the Bu chen bcu gnyis and Mdzod nag ma-Lhasa that largely copies it both record Mi la ras pa’s death as occurring on the 15th day of a tiger (1st) month in a hare year, with a life span of 88 years.22 Although neither text records a specific birth, it must occur in a rat year. These dates are echoed in the Mdzod nag ma-RD, which was produced somewhat later. 23 The Mdzod nag ma-BL explicitly states that the yogin was born in a rat year. 24 This suggests plausible dates of 1024-1111, 1036-1123, or 1048-1135. The Mdzod nag ma-I and -S change the animal and add the element for Mi la’s birth, specifying that it took place in a water- dragon year, but maintain the tradition of his death in a hare year.25 Although they further maintain a life span of 88 years, this does not agree with the text’s stated birth and death years, which should be calculated as consisting of either 72 or 84 years. Thus, the birth must take place in 1052, and the death in either 1123 or 1135. According to a brief history of the Mdzod nag ma text cycle, the yogin was 82 in a water-ox year (1133) a few years before death.26 This suggests the dates 1052-1135, constituting the latter lifespan of 84 years. These discrepancies may be a product of the text’s rather late and composite nature. Zhi byed ri pa’s calculations, carried out in the late fourteenth century, are some of the most perplexing. He notes that the yogin was born on the 14th day of the 10th month of a tiger year, and later states that he died on the 14th day of the tiger month of a bird year, at the age of 84. 27 This chronology (i.e., between a tiger and bird year) would normally account for only an 80-year life span. With the birth in a tiger year birth and death in a bird year, the dates must be 1026-1105 for the following reason. Zhi byed ri pa records that he completed his text in a water-ox year, which must correspond to 1373, and further notes this took place 269 years after

22 BCO, 186a; BCN, 235b; DNM-L, 297a. 23 DNM-RD, 750.5. 24 DNM-BL, 2a. 25 DNM-I, 8, 532; DNM-S, 2a, 310a. 26 DNM-D, 513. 27 Zhi byed ri pa, NDO, 1, 40. 10 Andrew Quintman

Mi la ras pa’s passing. This corresponds to a death in 1105, and thus a birth in 1026, a fire-tiger year. Kaḥ thog rigs ’dzin Tshe dbang nor bu later records Zhi byed ri pa’s position as affirming birth in a fire-tiger year (1026) by adding the element. Zhi byed ri pa’s death in a bird year is only one year after Rgyal thang pa’s record of a monkey year; this is notable since Zhi byed ri pa places the death only two weeks after the new year changed from a monkey to a bird. The fifteenth century witnessed a growing concern for precision, if not consistency, in the recording of Mi la ras pa’s dates as authors begin to cite both animal and element constituent. The rare religious history Chos ’byung mig ’byed ’od stong, completed in 1418 by Bsod rnams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po is illustrative of these concerns.28 This work records the yogin’s birth in a water-dragon year (1052) and his death in a water-hare year (1123), with a lifespan of 84 years.29 The influential Bka’ brgyud histories Lho rong chos ’byung (completed 1446-1451) and Deb gter sngon po (completed 1478), both appearing in the decades leading up to Gtsang smyon’s version, provide an alternate tradition of Mi la ras pas birth. These works record the birth taking place in an iron-dragon year (1040) and death in a water-hare year (1123), yet with the similar lifespan of 84 years.30 The Lho rong chos ’byung’s author Tshe dbang rgyal adds a note stating: “If it were the case that [Mi la] was born in a male water- dragon year (1052) and died in his 84th year in a male wood-hare year (1135), then it would not have been possible for Lord Dwags po to have met him at age fifty-five, as is also the case for Tshe ring ma and several others.” 31 This comment perhaps refers to the tradition previously established by the Mig ’byed ’od stong. The Lho rong chos ’byung’s author Tshe dbang rgyal also states that from the time of Mi la’s birth up to the time of writing in 1446 (a fire-tiger year), six sexagenary cycles and an additional forty-seven years (a total of 417 years) had passed, further pointing to a birth in 1040.32

28 For background on the text and its author, see Sørensen and Dolma (2007), 15-19. 29 Ibid., 64-5. 30 LRC, 72, 100; Roerich (1949), 427, 436. 31 LRC, 100. cho pho ’brug la ’khrungs nas gya bzhi shing mo yos la gshegs pa’i dbang du yin na/ rje dwags po nga lnga la mjal ba dang tshe ring ma sogs ’ga’ mi ’grigs par ’dug 32 Ibid., 107. Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates 11

At about the same time however, Nam mkha’ bsam grub rgyal mtshan, author of the famed Mi la encomium, seems to affirm the dates provided in the Mig ’byed ’od stong three decades earlier, noting that the yogin passed into the land of Akaniṣṭha at the age of eighty- four, in the horse month of a wood-hare year, corresponding to 1135.33 He further corroborates this date by noting in the colophon that he completed the text in 1448 (an earth-dragon year), 314 years after Mi la ras pa’s death, which indeed corresponds to 1135.34 With a life span of 84 years, this would place the yogin’s birth in the water-dragon year corresponding to 1052. Gtsang smyon Heruka later incorporated these dates in his standard version of Mi la ras pa’s life, either from the Mig ’byed ’od stong or perhaps from Nam mkha’ sam grub rgyal mtshan who he met at La phyi.35 Writing in the mid-sixteenth century, acclaimed Bka’ brgyud historian Dpa’ bo Gtsug lag phreng ba (1504- 1566) makes no mention of the yogin’s birth or death year, but rather notes simply that Mi la ras pa “departed for Abhirati in his eighty- fourth year” following a lifespan tradition that had been established a century earlier.36 In 1742, Kaḥ thog rigs ’dzin Tshe dbang nor bu composed a treatise analyzing the dates of several important early Tibetan figures including Atisha, Mar pa, Rngog Chos kyi rdo rje, and Mi la ras pa.37 The text was later revised and expanded in 1746 and provides a rare example of an extended analysis of Mi la ras pa’s dates by a Tibetan historian. Tshe dbang nor bu identifies four chronological traditions for the birth of Mi la ras pa, largely distilling the dates found in sources discussed above:

1. water-dragon year (1052) 2. iron-dragon year (1040) 3. fire-tiger year (1026) 4. earth-dragon year (1028)

33 Nam mkha’ bsam grub rgyal mtshan, 6a. 34 Ibid, 7a. 35 On Gtsang smyon’s meeting with Nam mkha’ bsam grub rgyal mtshan, see Rgod tshang ras pa, TNG, 105ff. 36 Gtsug lag phreng ba KGT, 783. 37 For an analysis of Tshe dbang nor bu’s chronology of the Bi ma snying thig transmission, see Prats (1984). 12 Andrew Quintman

The first tradition, birth in a water-dragon year (1052) is followed by the Mig ’byed ’od stong, Nam mkha’ bsam grub rgyal mtshan, and Gtsang smyon Heruka; the second, birth in an iron-dragon year (1040) by the Lho rong chos ’byung, and Deb gter sngon po. Tshe dbang nor bu discounts both of these traditions as untenable for reasons of inconsistency with the dates of Mi la’s disciple Sgam po pa. For the third tradition, based on Zhi byed ri pa’s calculation, he adds the element constituent, identifying the birth in a fire-tiger year (1026). Tshe dbang nor bu acknowledges this not far from his own position. Finally, he identifies a fourth tradition, birth in an earth-dragon year (1028), which he accepts as the most tenable possibility. He notes that in general, many earlier biographies likewise record a dragon year birth; this is no doubt a reference to nearly every major biographical and historical work from the mid-fourteenth century on. Moreover, Tshe dbang nor bu states, “the year of Lord Myi la’s birth [i.e., in 1028] should be accepted according to Glorious Mkha’ spyod dbang po’s view of Rang byung zhabs’ oral tradition.”38 Although the second Zhwa dmar Mkha’ spyod dbang po’s version does not record dates for Mi la ras pa’s birth or death, he is here described as following Rang byung rdo rje’s view. With a lifespan of eighty-four years, this tradition would locate the death in an iron-hare year (1111). And indeed, the Bu chen bcu gnyis, together with most of the early texts in the Mdzod nag ma cycle—which seem to have been influenced by the editorial hand of Rang byung rdo rje—maintain the yogin’s death in a hare year.39 As confirmation of this, Tshe dbang nor bu cites Mkha spyod dbang po from an unnamed source: “In an earth-ox year (1109), when Sgam po pa was thirty-one, he met Mi la. At the end of an iron- hare year (1111), when [Sgam po pa] was thirty-four, Mi la died peacefully.”40 The tradition of birth in an earth-dragon year (1028)— apparently supported by Rang byung rdo rje and Mkha’ spyod dbang po, as well as Tshe dbang nor bu—is repeated several decades later in a supplement to the Zla ba chu shel, an extended history of the Karma

38 See Tshe dbang nor bu, SDN1, 694. des na rje myi la’i ’khrungs lo rang byung zhabs kyi gsung rgyun dpal mkha’ spyod dbang po’i bzhed pa ltar khas blang par bya ste/ 39 The record of a rat-year-birth in those texts, as opposed to a dragon year favored by Tshe dbang nor bu, is accounted for by the longer lifespan of 88 years. 40 Tshe dbang nor bu, SDN1, 650. Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates 13

Bka’ brgyud tradition by Si tu Paṇ chen Chos kyi ’byung gnas (1700- 1774) and ’Be lo tshe dbang kun khyab (b. 1718).41 Chos kyi dbang phyug (1775-1837) likewise agrees with this date in his history of Brag dkar rta so monastery.42

Conclusions

The preceding chronological traditions can be summarized in the following way, broadly based on a scheme posited by Tshe dbang nor bu. In general, the dates of the earliest biographical writings, including works by Rgyal thang pa and Don mo ri pa, show little uniformity. Most early compendia, including the Bu chen bcu gnyis and Mdzod nag ma, lack an element making precise calculations difficult. But they tend to fall within a general range of dates and lifespan that would be adopted by later works. We find, for example, a preference for recording Mi la’s death in a hare year that would be adopted by later traditions. Tibetan biographers and historians eventually formulated three main traditions. Each of these place Mi la’s birth in a dra-gon year and his death in a hare year, but they change the elements to span three different twelve-year cycles. The three traditions can be summarized as follows. Early Tradition. Kaḥ thog rig ’dzin Tshe dbang nor bu proposes the early tradition of dating (1028-1111), purported to be the oral traditions of Rang byung rdo rje and Mkha’ spyod dbang po, and not far from Zhi byed ri pa’s dates. It is possible that the discrepancies between Zhi byed ri pa and Tshe dbang nor bu might be worked out in the following way. First, Mi la ras pa’s death at 84 would correspond to age 83 in Western reckoning, since Tibetans are generally considered to be one year old at birth. Moreover, (1) the Tibetan lunar new year and the western solar new year can diverge by as much as two months; (2) Tibetans generally consider their age to change at the time of the new year; (3) they reckon that a full year has passed from a given date once the new year is reached, regardless of how much calendrical time has actually passed; and (4) Zhi byed ri pa records Mi la ras pa’s birth as occurring late in the year and his death very early in the year. With these points in mind, it is possible to fit several

41 Si tu Paṇ chen Chos kyi ’byung gnas & ’Be lo tshe dbang kun khyab, CSK, 69. 42 Chos kyi dbang phyug, DTL, 13b. 14 Andrew Quintman

“additional” years into Zhi byed ri pa’s time frame.43 It is interesting to note that renowned Tibetan scholars including Si tu Paṇ chen Chos kyi ’byung gnas and his disciple Be Lotsāwa, as well as the Brag dkar rta so incarnation Chos kyi dbang phyug, followed Tshe dbang nor bu’s view, thus carrying the “early tradition” of dating well into the nineteenth century.44 Middle Tradition. The Bka’ brgyud historians Tshe dbang rgyal (in his Lho rong chos ’byung) and ’Gos Lotsāwa Gzhon nu dpal (in his Deb gter sngon po) advance those dates one twelve-year cycle, forming the middle tradition of dating (1040-1123), a position repeated by Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho and Sum pa mkhan po al-though largely rejected by later Bka’ brgyud historians. This is also the tradition followed in many contemporary publications both in Tibet and the West. Late Tradition. Finally, and perhaps following the examples of the Mig ’byed ’od stong, DNM-I, and DNM-S, Nam mkha’ bsam grub rgyal mtshan and Gtsang smyon Heruka advance these dates yet another twelve year cycle (1052-1135), forming the late tradition of dating. Even as there was little consensus about Mi la ras pa’s dates or lifespan, several authors acknowledged the variety of competing calendrical traditions stemming from both Tibetan and Chinese systems of astrology, and incorporating local and regional conventions as well. Zhi byed ri pa writes, Some people say that the Great Rje btsun’s birth sign is without doubt a tiger year, that without doubt he died in a bird year, and that between those dates only eighty-two years passed. But in the estimation of the Dharma Lord Zhang Lotsāwa Grub pa dpal bzang, who is unmistaken regarding the five branches of knowledge, there is a difference between Chinese astrology and Tibetan astrology as well as earlier and later traditions (snga shul, phyi shul?), and so in truth between his birth and death, there is no room for doubt that eighty- four years passed, with a day [being calculated according to] two astrological systems. This accords with the untainted sayings of the Great Rje btsun himself as well as the great disciples of Ras chung pa Rdo rje grags and so forth—in particular, Khyung tshang pa Prajñāguru, his great disciples Khams pa Dar ma dpal, Mnga’ ri pa Ye

43 See, for example, Yamaguchi (1984). 44 See Si tu Paṇ chen, CSK, 69, 79; Chos kyi dbang phyug, DKS, 22a, 25a. Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates 15

shes grags pa, Ma cig ’ong jo, Mar ston Tshul ’byung, and Stad sgom Zhib po lo gros.45 In his survey, Tshe dbang nor bu also mentions the possibility of alternative systems of calculation. Although he notes that Ngan rdzong ras pa records Mi la ras pa’s encounter with the five long life sisters occurring in a water-dragon year (1112), he argues that the element of that year must be mistaken, and was perhaps calculated (by Ngan rdzong) on the basis of a Chinese system.46 In calculating the number of years Mi la ras pa spent meditating at Brag dkar rta so, Chos kyi dbang phyug notes another, apparently regional chronological system: In one view, eighteen “valley years” [is equivalent to] to eighteen years in our own system, but this is mistaken. What is the use of counting valley years when it should be cited using Tibetan years. A valley year is calculated as half a [normal] year in which each month has only fifteen days, and this makes eighteen [valley years]. In actuality, he spent nine human years, and there is no alternative.47 Perhaps access to new sources and further investigation will allow us to determine Mi la ras pa’s dates with greater confidence. For now, as with so many elements of the great yogin’s life, a precise account of his birth and death remains out of reach.

45 Zhi byed ri pa, NDO, 46. 46 Tshe dbang nor bu, SDN, 694. Ngan rdzong’s statement is recorded in the early compendia as well as Gtsang smyon’s later standard version. However, Gtsang smyon also included specific dates for the next two Tshe ring ma cycles so that they follow in sequential years, first a water-snake (1113) and then a wood-horse (1114). See Gtsang smyon Heruka, NG, 468, 491; Chang (1962), 313, 334. For these two cycles, the early compendia include only the month and day, and not the year, so it seems that Gtsang smyon Heruka himself added those dates. See BCO, 130a, 137a; DNM-S, 169.8, 184.7. 47 Chos kyi dbang phyug, DTL, 20. 16 Andrew Quintman

Table 1

Parenthetical dates are not explicitly mentioned in the text, but were calculated based on the given lifespan.

Source Possible Dates Tibetan Date Life- span

Rgyal thang pa, 1031-1104 B: sheep year 73 JGM 1043-1116 D: 3rd month of a monkey year (13th century) 1055-1128

Don mo ri pa, (1024)-1105 B: (rat year) 82 JMN (1036)-1117 D: 8th day of the 4th month of a (ca. 1245) (1048)-1129 bird year

Bu chen bcu (1024)-1111 B: (rat year) 88 gnyis (1036)-1123 D: 15th day of tiger month of a ca. 1150-1250 (1048)-1135 hare year

Mdzod nag ma- (1024)-1111 B: (rat year) 88 Lhasa (1036)-1123 D: 15th day of tiger month of a < 1339 (1048)-1135 hare year

Mdzod nag ma- (1024)-1111 B: (rat year) 8848 RD (1036)-1123 D: 15th day of tiger month of a (1048)-1135 hare year.

Mdzod nag ma- B: rat year BL

Mdzod nag ma- 1052-1123/1135 B: water-dragon 88 I/S D: hare year (72/ ca. 1373-1450 84)49

Mkha’ spyod 1028-1111 B: earth-dragon 84 dbang po, CBB D: iron-hare50 (1350-1405)

48 DNM-RD, 750.5. Text mistakenly writes “8.” 49 The text states that Mi la ras pa died in his eighty-eighth year, but the dates given for his birth and death only allow for a life span of 72 or 84 years. 50 These dates are missing in Mkha’ spyod dbang po’s text but are given here based on the analysis of Kaḥ thog Tshe dbang nor bu. Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates 17

Zhi byed ri pa, 1026-1105 B: 14th day of the 10th month of a 8451 NDO 1373 tiger year D: 14th day of the tiger month of a bird year

Bsod nams rgyal 1052-1135 B: water-dragon year 84 mtshan dpal D: horse month of wood-hare year bzang po, MBO 1418

Lho rong chos 1040-1123 B: iron-dragon 84 ’byung D: 14th day of horse month of 1446-1451 water-hare

Nam mkha bsam (1052)-1135 B: (water-dragon) 84 grub rgyal mtshan, D: horse month of wood-hare MSD 1448

Deb gter sngon 1040-1123 B: iron-dragon 84 po 1478 D: water-hare

Gtsang smyon 1052-1135 B: water-dragon 84 Heruka 1488 D: wood-hare

Ba’i ḍūrya dkar b. 1040 B: iron-dragon po, Sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho 1683-1685

Kaḥ thog Tshe (1) 1052-(1135) B: water-dragon dbang nor bu D: (wood-hare) 1698-1755 (2) 1040-(1123) B: iron-dragon D: (water-hare)

(3) 1026-(1109) B fire-tiger 84 based on Zhi D: (earth-ox) byed ri pa

(4) 1028-1111 based on Mkha’ B: earth-dragon spyod dbang po D: iron-hare

51 See discussion of Zhi byed ri pa’s calculation of the lifespan above. 18 Andrew Quintman

Dpag bsam ljon b. 1040 B. iron-dragon bzang, Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal ’byor 1748

Si tu/Be lo Kha 1028-(1111) B: earth-dragon 84 skol ma 1775 D: (iron-hare)

Brag dkar Chos 1028-1111 B: earth-dragon 84 kyi dbang phyug D: iron-hare 1816

Appendix

A Pure and Brief Clarification: Seeds for a Definitive Discussion of the Chronologies in the Biographies of Several Excellent Masters Including Mar pa, Mi la, Dwags po, the Father Jo bo rje and his Spi- ritual Sons

Mar mi dwags po jo bo rje yab sras sog dam pa ’ga’ zhug gi rnam thar sa bon dus kyi nges pa brjod pa dag ldan nyung gsal by Kaḥ thog rig ’dzin Tshe dbang nor bu (1698-1755)

Excerpt on Mi la ras pa’s dates.

There are three traditions regarding the birth year of the powerful lord of adepts Mi la ras pa—principal holder of Rje btsun Mar pa’s teachings of the essential truth, source of the entire practice lineage, ear ornament of the snowy land of Tibet: that it was a water-dragon year (1052), an iron-dragon year (1040), or an earth-dragon year (1028). There is also the tradition of Zhi byed ri pa, famed for having seen 127 versions of Mi la’s life story, who states that it was a tiger year. This was a fire-tiger (1026), which was two years before the earth-dragon. Following the fire-tiger was the fire-hare (1027), which corresponds to the [beginning of the] first sexagenary calendrical cycle. Thus there are four different dates. Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates 19

The assessment of his birth in a water-dragon year (1052) is untenable due to numerous inconsistencies, such as the following. Ngam rdzong ston pa has said that the events of the first great dialogue and magical display of the demon horde at Chu dbar occurred during a water-dragon year (1112). This seems to correspond to the period when Mi la was in his sixty-first year. However, it is certain that Sgam po pa met Mi la in an earth-ox year (1109), when the former was thirty-one. Therefore, according to this system of dating, he would have had to have met Mi la when the latter was fifty- nine. Since twenty-six years would have passed between then and when Mi la died, it is implausible that he would not have met Mi la during that timespan. While everyone accepts Sgam po pa as the last disciple, the meetings by Ras chung pa and Sgam po pa would have occurred at exactly the same time, except for minor variations in their chronology. There is also [Mi la ras pa’s] statement [to Sgam po pa], “Come to the mountain of ’Brim Chu dbar next year in the horse month of the hare year (1111).” The assessment of his birth in an iron-dragon year (1040) is more tenable than the previous one. However, if we accept that Mi la died twelve years after meeting Sgam po pa, [the statement above would instead be] “Come to the mountain of Brim in twelve years,” changing “next year” to “in twelve years.” This would make it seem to temporarily agree. However, it is said that after Sgam po pa met Mi la, he served him for one year and one month, or nineteen months.52 In any case, he traveled to Dbus when he was thirty-two, and stayed there for one year. While there, he remembered that the Rje btsun said, “Come to the Chu dbar mountain in Brim next year in the horse month (rta sa zla?) of the hare year.” Then, while on the road, he heard that Mi la had died and he scattered gold in the direction of Brim and sang a song of grief. I have seen this in an uncorrupted old manuscript version of Sgam po pa’s biography written by a direct disciple who states, “I have written this without adding anything or leaving anything out.” Examining the content of Sgam po pa’s other biographies as well, this seems to correspond to the facts. For this reason, since the tradition [counting his birth in an iron-dragon year (1040)] does not agree with this [evidence], it is not tenable.

52 UNSURE: lo gcig dang zla bag cig drung du bsnyen khig nas zla ba bcu dgu brten yang zer 20 Andrew Quintman

Regarding the assertion that he was born in an earth-dragon year (1028), Dpal Mha’ zpyod dbang po has said, “Sgam po pa met Mi la in an earth-ox year (1109), when he was thirty-one. At the end of an iron-hare year (1111), when he was thirty-four, Mi la passed away. The year before that, an iron-tiger year (1110), Lord Dus gsum mkhyen pa was born.” The earlier and later dates agree and I believe they very much correspond to the facts. One may wonder whether the calculation that Tshe ring ma’s question and answer [session with Mi la ras pa] took place in a water-dragon year (1112) disagrees with [this this assessment]. In general, several authentic teachers have said, “the element (khams) of that date is wrong,” a statement that corresponds to the facts. Moreover, it is also possible that the claim [regarding the water-dragon year] was made by counting the month and year according to the system of “mother and son elements,” as in China.53 It is, therefore, a topic for further examination. There are not many years difference between the assertions that he was born in an earth-tiger year (1026) [a claim made by Zhi byed ri pa] and an earth-dragon year (1028), so generally speaking, they do not contradict one another. Nevertheless, even though the biographies as a whole typically disagree about the element (khams), only a dragon year appears. And when determined according to the tradition how Sgam po pa met [Mi la ras pa], a dragon year is also tenable. Consequently, Lord Mi la’s birth year should be accepted according to the assertion of Dpal Mkha’ spyod dbang po [i.e., an earth-dragon year, 1028], which is Rang byung zhabs’s oral transmission. Furthermore, Mi la’s birthplace was Shod rtsa in Stod Mnga’ ris gung thang. In the first part of his life, up until the age of thirty-seven, he served Rdo rje gnub chung, G.yung ston khro rgyal, and Rong ston lha dga; and then became proficient in the wrathful mantra practices and received the traditions of ’Jam dpal gshin rje gshed, Sgyu ’phrul, and in particular the Rdzogs chen sems phyogs as well as other secret instruction cycles. At that point, based upon a prophecy made by Rong ston lha dga’, at the age of thirty-eight he met Mar pa and pleased the guru through his three gates. On one occasion, at the insistence of the guru’s wife, he visited Rngog ston in Gzhung and stayed for a little more than half a year receiving oral instructions.

53 rgya nag ltar lo zla ’byung khams ma bur bsgrang ba. On the differentiation of the terms ’byung and khams in this context, see Henning (2007), 163. Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates 21

Apart from that, until he departed for retreat in the mountains, he relied on [his guru] like a body and its shadow for six years and eight months. From the time he turned thirty-eight until he turned forty-four, he suffered abuse for more than four full years; and for two years, from forty-five until he turned forty-seven, he was uplifted by oral instructions. Having been accepted as a disciple, he stayed five or six years developing his capacity in the paths of maturation and liberation. Thereafter, he departed alone for mountain retreat with the strict vow to practice in accordance with the guru’s command. After seven or eight years had passed, just when he turned fifty-four, Mar pa died. The following year, when he was fifty-five, nine years of his vow to practice has gone by. Then he upheld the victory banner of practice at La phyi, Chu dbar, Ti se and other unfixed locations, and then established an inconceivable number of humans and non-humans in the paths of maturation and liberation. Finally, in an iron-hare year (1111), at the age of eighty-four, he displayed the act of passing away together with an array of miracles.

Tibetan Language Sources

DNM-D Mi la’i gsung mgur mdzod nag ma. Khren tu’u: si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 2008. 2 vols. Also published in ’Bri gung bka' brgyud chos mdzod chen mo. Lhasa: S.N., 2004. vols. 7 –8. DNM-BL No title. [Unique edition of the Mdzod nag ma.] Manuscript in the archives of the British Library. Shelfmark OR 16756. DNM-I Rnal ’byor gyi dbang phyug mi la bzhad pa rdo rje’i gsung mgur ma mdzod nag ma zhes pa ka rma pa rang byung rdo rjes phyog bcig. Dalhousie: Damchoe Sangpo. 1978. 2 vols. DNM-L Rje btsun mi la rdo rjre rgyal mtshan gyi rnam par thar pa’i dbu phyogs lags. Dbu med manuscript in the archives of ’Bras spung Monastery. ’Bras spung dkar chag: phyi ra 42, 017082, 309 folios. DNM-RD“Mi la bzhad pa rdo rje’i gsung mgur mdzod nag ma zhes pa karma pa rang byung rdo rjes phyogs gcig tu bkod pa.” In Karma pa rang byung rdo rje’i gsung ’bum. Zi ling: Mtshur phu mkhan po lo yag bkra shis, 2006. Vol. ga, 5–778. 22 Andrew Quintman

DNM-S Cover title: Rje rnal sbyor gyi dbang phyug dpal bzhad pa’i rdo rje’i ’gur ’tshogs tshad phyogs gcig du bsgrig pa lo rgyus kyis sbas pa zhes bya ba bzhugs so. Unpublished dbu med manuscript in the collection of E. Gene Smith. Bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (1386-1434) MBO Chos ’byung Mig ’byed ’od stong. Published in Sørensen and Dolma 2007. Chos kyi dbang phyug, Brag dkar rta so sprul sku (1775-1837) DTL Grub pa’i gnas chen brag dkar rta so’i gnas dang gdan rabs bla ma brgyud pa’i lo rgyus mdo tsam brjod pa mos ldan dad pa’i gdung sel drang srong dga’ ba’i dal gtam zhes bya ba bzhugs so. Written in 1816. Microfilm. Kathmandu, Nepal. NGMPP reel no. 940/8, 52 folios. Don mo ri pa (b. 1203) JMN Rje btsun mi la’i rnam thar. In Rdo rje bdzes ’od, Bka’ brgyud kyi rnam thar chen mo rin po che’i gter mdzod dgos ’byung gnas. Bir, India: D. Tsondu Senghe, 1985, pp. 176– 218. Gtsang smyon Heruka (1452–1507) NG Rnal ’byor gyi dbang phyug chen po mi la ras pa’i rnam mgur. Zi ling: Mtsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1981. Gtsug lag phreng ba, Dpa’ bo II (1504-1566) KGT Dam pa’i chos kyi ’khor lo bsgyur ba rnams kyi bhung ba gsal bar byed pa mkhas pa’i dga’ ston. 2 vols. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1986. Nam mkha’ bsam grub rgyal mtshan (fifteenth century) MSD Mi la ras pa’i gsol ’debs. Gangs can grub pa’i gtso bo’i ngo mtshar gtam// thos na ya mtshan dad pa’i mig ’byed pa’i// mthong na ngo mtshar ’od ’phreng ’gyed pa ’dis// skal ldan dad gus can gyi dga’ ston mdzod/. Written in 1448 at Bkra shis lhun grub chos grwa. 7 folios. N.p., n.d. Block print in the collection of the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Tibet Bernard 68. Rgyal thang pa Bde chen rdo rje (ca. thirteenth century). JGM Rje btsun gyi rgyal po mid la ras pa’i rnam thar. In Dkar brgyud gser ’phreng: A Thirteenth Century Collection of Verse Hagiographies of the Succession of Eminent Masters of the ’Brug-pa Dkar-brgyud-pa Tradition. Tashijong, India: Sungrab Nyamso Gyunphel Parkhang. 1973. 189–265. Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates 23

Mkha’ spyod dbang po, Zhwa dmar II (1350-1405) CBB Chos rje dpal ldan mi la ras chen gyi rnam par thar pa byin rlabs kyi sprin phung. In The Collected Writings (Gsuṅ ’bum) of the Second Źwa-dmar Mkha’-spyod-dbaṅ-po. Gangtok, Sikkim, India: Gonpo Tseten. 1978. Vol. 1, pp. 188–317. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Sde srid (1653-1705) VDK The Vaiḍūrya dkar po of sde-srid sans-rgyas-rgya-mtsho: The Fundamental Treatise on Tibetan Astrology and Calendrical Calculations. New Delhi: T. Tsepa Taikhang. 1972. Si tu Paṇ chen Chos kyi ’byung gnas (1700-1774) & ’Be lo tshe dbang kun khyap CSK Karma kam tshang brgyud pa rin po che’i rnam par thar pa rab ’byams nor bu zla ba chu shel gyi phreng ba’i kha skong. In Si tu Chos kyi ’byung gnas kyi bka ’bum. Vol. Da. Kangra, India: Sherab Ling Institute. 1990. Tshe dbang nor bu, Kaḥ thog rigs ’dzin. (1698-1755) SDN1 Mar mi dwags po jo bo rje yab sras sog dam pa ’ga’ zhug gi rnam thar sa bon dus kyi nges pa brjod pa dag ldan nyung gsal. In Selected Writings of Kaḥ thog Rig ’dzin Tshe dbang Nor bu. 6 vols. Darjeeling: Kargyu Sungrab Nyamso Khang. 1973. Vol. 1, pp. 669–705. SDN2 Mar mi dwags po jo bo rje yab sras sog dam pa ’ga’ zhug gi rnam thar sa bon dus kyi nges pa brjod pa dag ldan nyung gsal. In Kah thog rig ’dzin tshe dbang nor bu’i bka’ ’bum. 3 vols. Beijing: Krung go’i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang. 2006. Vol 3, p.p., 640–656. Zhi byed ri pa (born ca. 1320) NDO Rje btsun mid la ras pa’i rnam par thar pa nyi zla’i ’od zer sgron ma. Manuscript. in the archives of ’Bras spung Monastery. ’Bras spungs dkar chag: phyi ra 72, 017188, 105ff, 45 x 8 cm. (pagination refers to computer print-out.)

24 Andrew Quintman

Editions

In ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud chos mdzod chen mo. Lhasa: s. n. 2004. Vol. 9: 251–498.

In Dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib ’jug khang, Rje Btsun Mi la ras pa’i gsung ’bum. Beijing: Krung go'i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang, 2011. Vol. 5: 154–331.

European Language Sources

Bell, Charles. 1931. The Religion of Tibet. Oxford: Cambridge University Press. Chang, Garma C. C. The Hundred Thousand Songs of Milarepa. New Hyde Park, N.Y.: University Books, 1962. Reprint (2 vols. in 1), Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1999. Childs, Geoff and Andrew Quintman. 2012. “Marriage, Kinship, and Inheritance in Zhi byed ri pa’s Account of Mi la ras pa’s Early Life.” Revue d’Etudes Tibétaines, no. 23: 43–49. Csoma de Körös, Alexander. 1834. A Grammar of the Tibetan Language. Reprint ed. Budapest : Akadémiai Kiadó, 1984. Das, Sarat Chandra. 1881. “Dispute Between a Buddhist and a Bonpo Priest for the Possession of Mount Kailāsa and the Laka Mānasa.” In “Contributions on the Religion, History, &c. of Tibet.” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 50, part 1: 206–11. Reprinted in The Religion and History of Tibet (Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1988). _____. 1889. “Life of Sum-pa Mkhan-po also styled Ye-ses dpal- ’byor, the author of Rehumig (Chronological Table),” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. 58, Part 1, No. II pp, 37– 84. Evans-Wentz, W. Y., ed. 1928. Tibet’s Great Yogī Milarepa: A Biography from the Tibetan. London: Oxford University Press. 1st paperback edition, 1969. Wrinkles in Time: On the Vagaries of Mi la ras pa’s Dates 25

Henning, Edward. Kālacakra and the Tibetan Calendar. New York: American Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2007. Jäschke, H. A. 1869. “Proben aus dem tibetischen Legendenbuche: die hunderttausend Gesänge des Milaraspa.” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft. Leipzig. xxiii, 543– 58. ———.1881. A Tibetan-English Dictionary. London: Routledge & Keegan Paul. Reprint ed. 1972. Laufer, Berthold. 1901. Zwei Legenden des Milaraspa. Archiv f r Religionswissenschaft 4. Band: 1–44. ———.1902. Aus den Geschichten und Liedern des Milaraspa. Wien. ———.1922. Milaraspa: Tibetische Texte in Auswahl bertragen. Hagen i. W. und Darmstadt: Folkwang Verlag. Lhalungpa, Lobsang P., trans. 1977. The Life of Milarepa. Boston: Shambhala Publications. Reprint ed., 1984. Quintman, Andrew. 2014. The Yogin and the Madman: Reading the Biographical Corpus of Tibet’s Great Saint Milarepa. New York: Columbia University Press. _____. 2012. “Between History and Biography: Notes on Zhi byed ri pa’s Illuminating Lamp of Sun and Moon Beams, a Fourteenth- Century Biographical State of the Field.” Revue d’Etudes Tibétaines, no. 23: 5–41. Rockhill, Woodville W. 1884. “The Tibetan ‘Hundred Thousand Songs’ of Milaraspa.” Journal of the American Oriental Society XI, Proceedings: 207–211. Sandberg, Graham. 1906. “The Poet Milaraspa.” In Tibet and Tibetans: 250–272. London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. Singh, Bireshwar Prasad. 1991. The Chronology of Tibet: According to the Re'u-mig of Sum-pa-mkhan-po. Patna: Bihar Research Society. Sørensen, Per K., and Sonam Dolma. 2007. Rare Texts from Tibet: Seven Sources for the Ecclesiastic History of Medieval Tibet. Bhairahawa: Lumbini International Research Institute. 26 Andrew Quintman

Smith, E. Gene. 1969. “Preface” to The Life of the Saint of Gtsang. New Delhi: Śata piṭaka Series Indo Asian Literatures Volume 79. Reprinted in Smith 2001, 59–79. ———. 2001. Among Tibetan Texts: History & Literature of the Himalayan Plateau. Boston: Wisdom Publications. Vostrikov, A. I. Tibetan Historical Literature. 1970. New Delhi: Indian Studies Past & Present. Waddell, Laurence A. 1979. Buddhism & Lamasim of Tibet. New Delhi: Heritage Publishers. Original edition, 1

Materialien für den ägyptischen Übergang zwischen „i“ und Dentalen

Stefan Bojowald Bonn

Abstract

In this contribution, the transition between “i” and dentals is considered, which in previous research has not found much attention. The current work is intended to present a representative cross section. Examples will show that, in contrast to common opinion, the transition exists not only since the New Kingdom, but occasionally can be found already in the Old and Middle Kingdom.

Keywords: ägyptische Philologie – Übergang zwischen „i“ und Dentalen.

Der ägyptische Übergang zwischen „i“ und Dentalen ist noch nie in größerem Stil untersucht worden.1 Der aufmerksame Beobachter stellt jedoch fest, dass die Fälle für diesen Übergang häufiger als zunächst gedacht sind. In der Forschung sind sie bis auf wenige Ausnahmen konsequent übersehen worden. Die Sicht auf den ganz eigenen

1 Die Auswirkungen dieses Überganges auf die Aphärese von „i“ vor Dentalen sollen an anderer Stelle abgeklärt werden. 28 Stefan Bojowald

Charakter der Beispiele war daher lange Zeit verstellt, die sich dadurch noch nicht als feste Entität etablieren konnten. Der Übergang könnte aber für all diese Fälle eine wesentlich einfachere Erklärung als die meisten anderen Konzepte bieten. Der vorliegende Beitrag wird sich intensiver mit diesem Phänomen beschäftigen. Die Belege sind mit größtmöglicher Sorgfalt zusammengetragen worden, ohne dass jedoch Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit erhoben werden soll. In Hinblick auf das Alter der Belege sei auf die Angaben in den Klammern verwiesen. Die Tatsache, dass der Übergang entgegen herkömmlichen Meinungen ganz vereinzelt schon im Alten und Mittleren Reich einsetzt, hat dabei für eine kleine Überraschung gesorgt. Die bisher vorherrschende Auffassung war davon ausgegangen, dass er frühestens im Neuen Reich begonnen hat. Die Beispiele sind in den einzelnen Abschnitten nach chronologischen Regeln geordnet.

1. Der Austausch zwischen „i“ und „t“

Im ersten Abschnitt wird der Übergang zwischen „i“ und „t“ breiteren Raum einnehmen. Die Schreibung „mAwi“2 (NR) f r „mAw.t“ „Stab“, die in der Textedition mit der Verlesung des „t“ – Brotes in die diagonalen „i“ „Striche“ erklärt worden ist, kann alternativ auf diesen Übergang zur ckgef hrt werden. Die Schreibung „fAi“3 (NR) f r „ftft“ „sich erheben“ ist ebenso zwangsläufig mit diesem Übergang verbunden. Das Wortspiel zwischen „ii“ „kommen“ und „itn“ „Scheibe“ in „ii m itn“ 4 (NR) „als Sonnenscheibe kommen“ setzt ebenfalls notwendiger Weise diesen Übergang voraus, der hier mit dem Austausch zwischen „i“ und „n“5 korrespondiert. Die Schreibung „pri“6 (Sptzt.) f r „ptr“7 „sehen“ ist ebenfalls durch diesen Übergang

2 Lange, Der Magische Papyrus Harris (1927), 25 11. 3 Assmann, Sonnenhymnen in thebanischen Gräbern, Theben 1 (1983), 9. 4 The Epigraphic Survey in Cooperation with the Department of Antiquities of Egypt, The Tomb of Kheruef Theban Tomb 192, OIP 102 (1980), 30; Zandee, Der Amunhymnus des Papyrus Leiden I 344, verso, Band I (1992), 247; Sandman, Texts from the time of Akhenaten, BibAeg VIII (1938), 4. 5 Westendorf, Grammatik der medizinischen Texte, Grundriss der Medizin der alten Ägypter VIII (1962), 29. 6 Jasnow/Zauzich, The ancient Egyptian Book of Thot, A Demotic Discourse on Knowledge and Pendant to the Classical Hermetica, Volume 1: Text (2005), 176. Der von Fecht, Wortakzent und Silbenstruktur, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Ägyptischer Übergang zwischen „i“ und Dentalen 29 hergestellt worden. Der Übergang zwischen „i“ und „t“ hilft auch die Schreibung „xmt“ 8 (Sptzt.) f r „xmi“ „umst rzen“ besser zu verstehen. Der Übergang hat auch die Verantwortung für das Wortspiel zwischen „irp“ „Wein“ und „trp“ „Vogel“ in „irp trp“9 (Sptzt.) „Wein und trp – Vogel“ getragen. Die Schreibung „tp“10 (Sptzt.) f r „ib“ „Herz“ muss hier ebenso notiert werden, die zusätzlich die bekannte Lautverschiebung zwischen „b“ zu „p“ 11 beinhaltet. Das bereits aus dem Neuen Reich bekannte Wortspiel zwischen „ii“ „erscheinen“ und „itn“ „Scheibe“ kehrt mit „ii itn“12 (Sptzt.) „Scheibe erscheint“ auch in der Spätzeit wieder.

ägyptischen Sprache, ÄgFo 21 (1960), 108, besprochene Hörfehler zwischen „ptr“ und „pri“ „herauskommen“ könnte vielleicht auch mit diesem Austausch begr ndet werden. 7 Das Spektrum der Schreibungen f r „ptr“ ist relativ breit gefächert, vgl. „p“ bei Cerny, Late Ramesside Letters, BibAeg IX (1939), 66; KRI VI, 211, 10; „prA“ bei Fecht, Wortakzent und Silbenstruktur, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der ägyptischen Sprache, ÄgFo 21 (1960), 108, „pi“ bei Cerny, Late Ramesside Letters, BibAeg IX (1939), 68; Gardiner, Late-Egyptian Stories, BibAeg I (1932), 44a; „pti“ bei Cerny, Late Ramesside Letters, BibAeg IX (1939), 43; Cerny/Gardiner, Hieratic Ostraca, Volume I (1957), Pl. XXXIV (oPetrie 85 recto, 1/verso 1); Edwards, Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum, Fourth Series: Oracular Amuletic Decrees of the Late New Kingdom, Vol. I, Text (1960), 52, KRI II, 106, 10; KRI II, 721, 10; „pt“ bei Jansen-Winkeln, Inschriften der Spätzeit, Teil I: Die 21. Dynastie (2007), 161; „ptii“ bei Koenig, Le Papyrus Boulaq 6, Transcription, Traduction et Commentaire, BdE 87 (1981), 65; „pwr“ bei Kákosy/Moussa, SAK 25 (1998), 154. 8 Burkard, Spätzeitliche Osiris-Liturgien im Corpus der Asasif-Papyri, Übersetzung, Kommentar, Formale und inhaltliche Analyse, ÄAT 31 (1995), 188 n. 75. 9 Kaplony-Heckel, Land und Leute am Nil, nach demotischen Inschriften, Papyri und Ostraka, Gesammelte Schriften, Teil 2, ÄgAb 71 (2009), 924/935. 10 de Wit, Les inscriptions du temple d´Opet, a Karnak III, Traduction intégrale des textes rituels – Essai d´interprétation, BibAeg 13 (1968), 135 (308). 11 Sethe, Das aegyptische Verbum im Altaegyptischen, Neuaegyptischen und Koptischen, Erster Band, Laut- und Stammeslehre (1899), 121; Westendorf, Grammatik der medizinischen Texte, Grundriss der Medizin der alten Ägypter VIII (1962), 23 zum „p-b“ – Ablaut gerade bei der Wurzel „tp“ vgl. Fecht, Wortakzent und Silbenstruktur, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der ägyptischen Sprache, ÄgFo 21 (1960), 104 (§ 194)/109 (§206). 12 Waitkus, Die Texte in den unteren Krypten des Hathortempels von Dendera, MÄS 47 (1997), 35. 30 Stefan Bojowald

2. Der Austausch zwischen „i“ und „T“

Im nächsten Abschnitt wird der Übergang zwischen „i“ und „T“ eingehender betrachtet. Der Übergang hat die Voraussetzung für das Wortspiel zwischen „TAi“ „ pfl cken“ und „iAA.t“ „Reiß, Spross, Rute“ in „aHa.n TAi.n=f n=f iAA.t n.t icr wAD r=f“13 (MR) „Dann nahm er sich die Rute der Tamariske, die noch ganz gr n war.“ geschaffen. Der Übergang lässt sich auch im Wortspiel zwischen „iri“ „machen“ und „Triin“ „Panzer“ in „iri Triin – Panzer machen“ 14 (NR) dingfest machen, bei dem außerdem der schon erwähnte Austausch zwischen „i“ und „n“ hinzukommt. In den Wortspielen zwischen „Imn“ und „mTn“ „Straße/Weg“ in „Imn Hr mTn“15 (NR) „Amun auf der Straße“ und „Imn pA nb nA mTn.w“16 (NR) „Amun, Herr der Wege“ lässt sich dieser Übergang in Verbindung mit einer Metathese nachweisen. Der Übergang hat auch bei der Schreibung „cbi“17 (NR) f r „cbT“ „lachen“ eine Schlüsselrolle gespielt, die als eines der wenigen Beispiele für diesen Übergang immer schon erkannt worden ist. Das Wortspiel zwischen „mri“ „lieben“ und „rmT“ „Mensch“ in: „cpd Hr wAH ib mri rmT.w“18 (NR) „Der (=Schreiber) umsichtig und aufmerksam ist, der die Menschen liebt“ bezieht ebenfalls den Übergang zwischen „i“ und „T“ mit ein. Der Übergang hat sich auch in den Schreibungen „mAi“19

13 Sethe, Aegyptische Lesestücke zum Gebrauch im akademischen Unterricht, Texte des Mittleren Reiches, Dritte unveränderte Auflage (1959), 20. 14 Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, Text, Volume I (1947), 68* zum „Triin” – Panzer vgl. auch Albright, The Vocalization of the Egyptian Syllabic Orthography, Neudruck der Ausgabe 1934, American Oriental Series Vol. 5 (1966), 36/65; Helck, Die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., 2., verbesserte Auflage, ÄgAb 5 (1971), 525. 15 Vleeming, Papyrus Reinhardt, An Egyptian Land List from the Tenth Century B.C., Hieratische Papyri aus den Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin – Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Lieferung II (1993), 18. 16 Habachi, Kusch 8 (1960), 47. 17 Erman, Akademieschriften (1880 – 1928), Teil 2: 1911 – 1928 (1986), 524; Caminos, Late-Egyptian Miscellanies, BES I (1954), 325. 18 Fischer-Elfert, Die Satirische Streitschrift des Papyrus Anastasi I., Übersetzung und Kommentar, ÄgAb 44 (1986), 29/30i. Die Existenz des Übergangs zwischen „i“ und „T“ widerlegt die These von Derchain-Urtel, in Lüscher, HAT 6 (2000), 44, wonach f r das Wortspiel zwischen „rmT“ „Mensch“ und „rmi“ „weinen“ der Abfall des „T“ im ersten Wort unabdingbar war. 19 WB II, 34; Botti/Peet, Le giornale della necropoli di Tebe, Papiri ieratici del Museo di Torino (1928), Tav. 24, recto VIII, 7. Ägyptischer Übergang zwischen „i“ und Dentalen 31

(NR) f r „mAT“ „Granit“ und „mAi“ (NR/Drit. Zwzt.) f r „mAT“20 „denken“ artikuliert. In gleicher Weise ist hier das Wortspiel zwischen „iri“ und „irT.t“ „Milch“ in „iri r irT.t“21 (NR) „gegen Milch tun“ zu erwähnen. Das Wortspiel zwischen „ini“ und „cnTr“ in „ini cnTr“22 (NR) „Weihrauch bringen“ ist ebenfalls mittels dieses Übergangs gebildet, wobei obendrein die Verschreibung zwischen „i“ zu „c“ wegen der Ähnlichkeit der Zeichen im Hieratischen sowie der Lautwandel zwischen „i“ und „r“ eingetreten sind. Die nächsten Beispiele für diesen Übergang können als Einheit verstanden werden, da sie alle drei aus späten Wortspielen zwischen „iri“ auf der einen Seite und „irT.t“ „Milch“ auf der anderen Seite bestehen. Die Reihe kann mit dem Wortspiel zwischen „iri“ und „irT.t“ in „iri m irT.t“23 (Sptzt.) „durch Milch erhalten“ begonnen werden. Der Übergang ist auch Ausgangspunkt f r das Wortspiel zwischen „iri“ und „irT.t“ „Milch“ in „iri irT.t“ 24 (Sptzt.) „Milch(produktion) garantieren“ gewesen. Das Wortspiel zwischen „iri“ und „irT.t“ in „iri irT.t“ 25 „K he bereiten Milch“ geht auf die gleiche Ursache zur ck. Das Wortspiel zwischen „iA.t“ „H gel“ und „TAm.t“ in der Ortsbezeichnung „iA.t – TAm.t”26 (Sptzt.) kommt auch nicht ohne diesen Übergang aus. Die nicht ganz sichere Schreibung „Tb“27 (Sptzt.) f r „ibA“ „tanzen“ ließe sich ebenfalls argumentativ mit diesem Übergang begründen. Das Wortspiel zwischen „iri“ „errichten“ und „Trrii“ „Wall“ in: „iri

20 Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, Text, Volume I (1947), *3; Théodorides, AIP 23 (1979), 97 n. 13; Caminos, A Tale of Woe, From a Hieratic Papyrus in the A.S.Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts in Moscow (1977), 58. Das bei Caminos und Théodorides f r eine Schreibung von „mAT“ „denken“ gehaltene Wort „mAi“ ist von Allam, JEA 61 (1975), 151, als Schreibung f r „mAT“ „Granit“ gedeutet worden. 21 Erman, Zaubersprüche für Mutter und Kind aus dem Papyrus 3027 des Berliner Museums (1901), 37. 22 Cerny, Papyrus Hiératiques de Deir el-Médineh, Tome I [Nos I – XVII], DFIFAO 8 (1978), 21 (6)/(7). 23 Sander-Hansen, Die religiösen Texte auf dem Sarg der Anchnesneferibre (1937), 78. 24 Breyer, Tanutamani, Die Traumstele und ihr Umfeld, ÄAT 57 (2003), 148. 25 Junker, Das Geburtshaus des Tempels der Isis in Philä (1965), 343. 26 Lepsius (Naville/Borchardt Hrsg.; Sethe Bearb.), Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, Text, Dritter Band Theben (1900), 125; Eaton-Krauss/Jansen-Winkeln, MDAIK 57 (2001), 6; Jansen-Winkeln, Inschriften der Spätzeit, Teil I: Die 21. Dynastie (2007), 18/19. 27 Burkard, Spätzeitliche Osiris-Liturgien im Corpus der Asasif–Papyri, Übersetzung, Kommentar, Formale und inhaltliche Analyse, ÄAT 31 (1995), 51. 32 Stefan Bojowald

Trri“ 28 (Sptzt.) „Wall errichten“ stellt einen weiteren Indikator f r diesen Übergang dar. Die Gemeinsamkeiten mit dem oben genannten Wortspiel zwischen „iri“ machen“ und „Triin“ „Panzer“ sind nicht zu übersehen. Das schon aus dem Neuen Reich bekannte Wortspiel zwischen „mri“ und „rmT“ (s. o.) ist auch im späten Pflanzennamen „mri-rmT“29 (Sptzt.) anzutreffen. Die Spätzeit wartet in „ini cnTr“30 (Sptzt.) „Weihrauch bringen“ ebenfalls mit einem Wortspiel aus „ini“ „bringen“ und „cnTr“ „Weihrauch“ auf, das schon im Neuen Reich begegnet war.

3. Der Übergang zwischen „i“ und „d“

Im dritten Abschnitt wird der Übergang zwischen „i“ und „d“ im Vordergrund stehen. Das Wortspiel zwischen „iri“ und „dqr“ in: „m iri dqr r=i“ 31 (MR) „ be keinen Druck gegen mich aus“ geht unmittelbar auf diesen Übergang zurück. Der hier ebenfalls zu fassende Austausch zwischen „i“ und Gutturalen soll an anderer Stelle in aller Ausführlichkeit beleuchtet werden. Der Übergang hat auch die Grundlage f r das Wortspiel zwischen „inH“ „umh llen“ und „dnH (sic!)“32 „Fl gel“ in: „bik nTri inH dnH (sic!).wi=f km.t“33 (NR) „der göttliche Falke, dessen beide Flügel Ägypten umhüllen“ gebildet. Die Wirkung des Wortspiels zwischen „iiH“ „Sumpfpflanze“ und „idH“ „Delta“ in: „mi iiH m idH“34 (NR) „wie eine Sumpfpflanze im Delta“ ist ebenfalls diesem Übergang zu verdanken. Der Übergang lässt sich auch als Grund für das Wortspiel zwischen „iri“ und „idr“ „Herde“

28 Grimal, La Stèle Triomphale de Pi(aAnkh)y au Musée du Caire JE 48862 et 47086 – 47089, Études sur la propaganda royale égyptienne, MIFAO 105 (1981), 53 Z. 32. 29 Griffith/Thompson, The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London und Leiden, I. Text (1904), 177. 30 Junker, Das Geburtshaus des Tempels der Isis in Philä (1965), 175. 31 Lorand, CdE 83 (2008), 27/31. 32 Das Wort „dnH“ „Fl gel“ hat bei Wreszinski, Der Londoner Medizinische Papyrus (Brit. Museum Nr. 10059) und der Papyrus Hearst in Transkription, Übersetzung und Kommentar (1912), 37, mit der Präposition „Hna“ „zusammen mit“ ein Wortspiel gebildet, welchem der bekannte Lautwandel zwischen „a“ und „d“ zugrunde liegt. 33 Epigraphic Survey, The temple of Khonsu, Volume 2, Scenes and inscriptions in the court and the first hypostyle hall, OIP 103 (1981), 28/44. 34 KRI IV, 297, 7. Ägyptischer Übergang zwischen „i“ und Dentalen 33 in: „iri m idr“35 (NR) „in Herden zusammenfassen“ benennen. Das Wortspiel zwischen „pAi“ „fliegen“ und „Apd“ „Vogel“ in: „bA.w xpr.w m Apd.w pAi r p.t“36 (NR) „Bas werden zu Vögeln, die zum Himmel fliegen“ ist ebenfalls durch diesen Übergang geprägt, wobei sich auch hier eine Metathese manifestiert. Die verderbte Schreibung „irnc“37 (NR) f r „dnc“ lasten“ hängt dagegen weniger mit diesem Übergang zusammen. Die Ursache dürfte vielmehr in der vagen Ähnlichkeit von und im Hieratischen liegen.

4. Der Übergang zwischen „i“ und „D“

Im vierten Abschnitt soll der Lautwandel zwischen „i“ und „D“ thematisiert werden. Das Wortspiel zwischen „wiA“ „Barke“ und „wAD“ „gr n“ in: „Xn=k m wiA wAD Hna=cn im=c“38 (AR) „Mögest du mit ihnen in der Gr nen Barke rudern darin.“ soll dabei zuerst eingeführt werden. Die Begründung, dass hier wirklich ein Wortspiel unter Beteiligung dieses Übergangs vorliegt, wird weiter unten nachgeliefert. Die dortigen Indizien werden dafür eine umso deutlichere Sprache sprechen. Das Beispiel ist jedoch für die Geschichte dieses Übergangs von allergrößter Bedeutung, weil es zeigt, dass seine Anfänge bis ins Alte Reich zurückreichen. Das Wortspiel zwischen „wiA“ „Barke“ und „wAD“ „gr n“ ist in: „hAi=k r=k Hr npr.t n.t wiA [wAD], Xnn.w Ra.w im=f ir Ax.wt=f“ 39 (MR) „Mögest du aber einsteigen auf dem Rand der [Gr nen] Barke, mit der Re zu seinen Horizonten fährt.“ auch f r das Mittlere Reich nachgewiesen. Die in einer Handschrift f r „mAwD“ 40 „Joch“

35 Leitz, Tagewählerei, Das Buch HA.t nHH pH.wi D.t und verwandte Texte, Textband, ÄgAb 55 (1994), 120. 36 Leitz, Tagewählerei, Das Buch HA.t nHH pH.wi D.t und verwandte Texte, Textband ÄgAb 55 (1994), 39. 37 Fischer-Elfert, Lesefunde im literarischen Steinbruch von Deir el-Medineh, KÄT 12 (1997), 56. 38 Faulkner, The ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts, Translated into English (1969), 279. 39 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien, Band 1, Totenliturgien in den Sargtexten des Mittleren Reiches (2002), 361/457. 40 Burkard, Textkritische Untersuchungen zu ägyptischen Weisheitslehren des Alten und Mittleren Reiches, ÄgAb 34 (1977), 54 zum „mAwD“ – Stab vgl. auch Helck, Die Beziehungen Ägyptens zu Vorderasien im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr., 2., verbesserte Auflage. ÄgAb 5 (1971), 513. 34 Stefan Bojowald gebrauchte Schreibung „mAiw“ (NR) „Löwe“ könnte ebenfalls durch diesen Übergang bedingt sein. In der Interpretation des Befundes hatte sich Burkard noch mit der Verlesung von in behelfen müssen. Das Wortspiel zwischen „wiA“ „Barke“ und „wAD“ „gr n“ ist mit „hAi=k rk Hr rd n.t wiA nTr wADii Xnn.w Ra.w im=f r Ax.ti=f“41 (Sptzt.) „Steige doch ein ber den Rand der Gr nen Gottesbarke, mit der Re zu seinen beiden Horizonten rudert.“ auch in Papyri der Spätzeit zu finden, die freilich in der Tradition älterer religiöser Texte stehen. Wie angekündigt, soll nun der Beweis erbracht werden, dass dieses Wortspiel nicht zu unrecht angenommen worden ist. In diesem Zusammenhang kann positiver Weise darauf hingewiesen werden, dass die „wiA“ – Barke in der Spätzeit „wDA“42 (Sptzt.) geschrieben werden konnte. Das Argument dürfte ausreichen, um auch die letzten Zweifel zu zerstreuen. Die Worte „wAD“ und „wDA“ w rden sich schließlich nur durch eine Metathese voneinander unterschieden. Die aus demotischen Urkunden bekannte Formel „iri Dr.t“43 (Sptzt.) „in Hand leisten“ hat ebenfalls aus diesem Übergang ihre Kraft bezogen. Wenn die Ergänzung richtig ist, gehört auch das Wortspiel zwischen „ini“ und „DnH.wi“ in: „nD-Hr=k xpr m xpri itn nfr m ini=f D[nH.wi]“44 (Sptzt.) „Gegr ßt seiest du, der als Chepri entstanden 45 ist, vollkommene46 Sonnenscheibe, wenn sie die [beiden] [Fl] gel trägt“

41 Assmann, Altägyptische Totenliturgien, 3. Band, Osirisliturgien in Papyri der Spätzeit (2008), 402. 42 Kockelmann, Untersuchungen zu den späten Totenbuch-Handschriften auf Mumienbinden, Band I. 1, Die Mumienbinden und Leinenamulette des memphitischen Priesters Hor, SAT 12 (2008), 84. 43 Kaplony-Heckel, Land und Leute am Nil nach demotischen Inschriften, Papyri und Ostraka, Gesammelte Schriften Teil 1, ÄgAb 71 (2009), 151. 44 Pries, Das nächtliche Stundenritual zum Schutz des Königs und verwandte Kompositionen, Der Papyrus Kairo 58027 und die Textvarianten in den Geburtshäusern von Dendera und Edfu, SAGA 27 (2009), 110. 45 Das gleiche Wortspiel kommt auch bei KRI II, 276, 5; Müller-Roth, Das Buch vom Tage, OBO 236 (2008), 106, vor. 46 Das Attribut „nfr“ ist der „itn“ – Scheibe auch sonst verliehen worden, vgl. Urk. IV, 2095, 7; Urk. VIII, 44, 9; Urk. VIII, 45, 9; Urk. VIII, 63, 16; Chassinat, Le Temple de Dendara, Tome Deuxième, Publications de lÍnstitut Francais dÁrchéologie Orientale du Caire (1934), 35/167; Chassinat, Le Temple de Dendara, Tome Quatrième, Publications de lÍnstitut Francais dÁrchéologie Orientale du Caire (1935), 139; Kurth, Edfou VIII, Die Inschriften des Tempels von Edfu, Abteilung I, Übersetzungen Band 1 (1998), 173; Kurth, Edfou VII, Die Inschriften des Tempels von Edfu, Abteilung I, Übersetzungen Band 2 (2004), 108. Ägyptischer Übergang zwischen „i“ und Dentalen 35 hierher. Das Wortspiel wird außerdem durch die bekannte Verschreibung zwischen „i“ und „H“ in seinem Innersten zusammen gehalten. Die Basis f r die Schreibung „cbi.w“ „Rebellen“ anstelle von „cDb.w“ „Böses“47 (Sptzt.) ist ebenfalls durch diesen Übergang gelegt worden.

47 Burkard, Spätzeitliche Osiris-Liturgien im Corpus der Asasif-Papyri, Übersetzung, Kommentar, Formale und inhaltliche Analyse, ÄAT 31 (1995), 182 n. 12.

Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas. Sacred venues of Viṣṇuism

R.K.K. Rajarajan Tamil Nadu, India

Abstract

Forty years ago Prof. George W. Spender wrote an article on the Śaiva tiruttalams (called divyadeśa in Vaiṣṇava tradition) and suggested a complimenting work could be undertaken on the sacred venues of Viṣṇuism. The present article fulfills the longfelt need of scholars in Indian religious and more relevantly art historical studies. Based on the first-hand materials derived from the Vaiṣṇava canon, Nālāyirativviyapirapantam, it presents the historical sequence of the evolution of the 108 divyadeśas. The earliest of these had their origin by about the 4th-5th century CE and reached maturation by about the early half of the 9th century CE. The stages of evolution are earmarked. However, what the Vaiṣṇava mystics, the Āḻvārs, saw during the centuries down to the 9th are not the kṣetras (sacred space of the temple) or sthalas (sacred venues) that we find today. The temples had undergone spectacular changes through the centuries as could be proved with case studies of either Vēṅkaṭam or Allikkēṇi. A handful of the sthalas were purely imaginary on part of the mystics. The text is duly illustrated with modern photographic evidences and a map. The parochial views of some American scholars are discussed to point 38 R.K.K. Rajarajan out their inability to deal with the original sources in Tamil and consequently their views on Viṣṇuism or Śrīviṣṇuism happens to be biased.

Keywords: Vaiṣṇava-divyadeśas, Viṣṇuism, Āḻvārs, Śrīvaiṣṇavism, Bhakti, Nālāyira- divya-prabandham.

Tradition would record the Vaiṣṇava divyadeśas or divyasthalas are 108. The divyadeśa is a base of the cult of Viṣṇu in Viṣṇuism tradition.1 The list of 108 seems to have reached maturation by about the early 9th century CE as all the deśas are extolled in the hymns of the twelve Āḻvārs. Among these the earliest venues are Māliruñcōlai (modern Aḻakarkōyil), Araṅkam (Sanskrit Śrīraṅgam), Vēṅkaṭam (modern Tirupati/Tirumala) and Āṭakamāṭam (modern Aṉantapuram, Anglicized Trivandrum). 2 The 108 are brought under six or seven topographical segments of the Indian subcontinent under Malaināṭu or Cēranāṭu (Hill Country, Kerala, cf. Keralaput[r]a in Aśoka’s Edicts; 3rd century BCE), Pāṇḍināṭu (Tamil Lexicon method: Pāṇṭināṭu, south of the River Kāviri), Cōḻanāṭu (the Kāviri delta), Naṭunāṭu (intermediary region that falls in between Cōḻanāṭu and Toṇṭaināṭu), Toṇṭaināṭu (northern Tamilnāṭu), Vaṭanāṭu (northern country, meaning North India) and those in the heaven (Map 1). Very little work has been done on the divyadeśas based on the primary sources of the Āḻvārs (cf. Ramanujam 1973, Hardy 1983; Kalidos 1993-95, 1996: I 303-308, II 289-94; Meeneshwari 1993-93; Jeyapriya 2003: 612–15; Rajarajan 2012a; Dutta 2007: 22–43) and so the choice of the theme has a justification. George W. Spencer 1970 and Burton Stein

1 I follow Jan Gonda 1970 in deploying the religious denomination, Viṣṇuism. Kṣetra means “soil”, “region”, “repository”, “a sacred spot”, “an enclosed spot of ground” and so on. Its equal sthala means “soil”, “ground”, “a heap of artificially raised earth” (cf. teṟṟiyampalam, the core temple that stands on an elevated basement, e.g. Kūṭal Aḻakar in Maturai), “mound”, “tableland” and so on. Deśa means “region” and “country”. Raju Kalidos (2006: 293n) says sthala is the venue, city or village, where the sacred abode of the resident God is situated. Kṣetra is the space occupied by the sacred temple. The kṣetra falls within the space of the sthala. 2 The Sanskritic equivalent is given within parentheses. Of the temples in Tirupati/Tirumala one on the hill-top is likely to have been the earliest. Down the hill at Tirupati a number of temples for Viṣṇu and Devī-Maṅgammā are there. These are likely to have been later emergences. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 39

1977 has done a similar work in respect of the Śaiva venues of worship as gleaned from the Nāyaṉmār works, especially the Tēvāram. The present article compliments the work of G.W. Spencer and B. Stein from the Vaiṣṇava point of view. However, I may note the learned professor Spencer has not presented a list of the 280 Śaiva tiruttalams in a chronological order, which is very difficult to compile since all these are dated during the 5th-8th centuries CE (Kāraikkālammaiyār to Cuntarar).3 Early in 1940, S. Krishnasvamy Aiyangar, followed by B.V. Ramanujam, both deeprooted Vaiṣṇava scholars, wrote much about the divyadeśas, which is now outdated but Aiyangar’s work is chewed and digested by devoted Vaiṣṇava scholars. Friedhelm Hardy’s 1983 work is a dedicated piece on Tamil Viṣṇuism but has very little to say on the subject under study. A fresh look is felt essential in the light of recent research on Vaiṣṇavism in general; and Śrīvaiṣṇavism in particular with A.K. Ramanujam 1981 leading a team of scholars in the United States who attach more importance to the works of the Ācāryapuruṣās, which is a parochial approach in my view. We must cautiously differentiate between Viṣṇuism/Vaiṣṇavism (Viṣṇu as the foremost of the gods) and Śrīvaiṣṇavism (Viṣṇu looked through his grace, Śrī). Note the following two important works:

B.V. Ramanujam 1973: History of Vaiṣṇavism in South India upto Rāmānuja

N. Jagsdeesan 1977: History of Śrī Vaiṣṇavism in the Tamil Country (post-Rāmānuja)

Viṣṇuism takes its root in Vedic lore and reaches a saturation level in the hymns of the Āḻvars. Here Viṣṇu is the focal point of attention. Śrīvaiṣṇavism/Śrīviṣṇuism developed as a codified system of philosophy after the time of Rāmānuja in the 12th century. Here the focal point is Viṣṇu through the mediator Śrī. Viṣṇuism is a religion and Śrīvaiṣṇavism a philosophical way of approach to Viṣṇuism as one may on a comparative line find the differences between Roman Catholicism, Lutheranism and Eastern Orthodox, all coming under the

3 But Professor Stein (1977: fn. 27) pin-points that Spencer’s map is not the final as much work remains undone. While Spencer 1970 hints 280 tiruttalams, Stein 1977 notes 537 tiruttalams of that 274 of them have versified by the Nāyaṉmārs. 40 R.K.K. Rajarajan common banner Christianity. In all these three systems, Jesus the Christ is the foremost to a follower and not the colour of the bread or wine whether you consider it the blood and flesh of Jesus based on transubstantiation or treat it merely a bread from a bakery or wine from an ale house. We are not debating the Christian philosophy to say the bread consists only of the flour of wheat or barley and the wine not the blood of a divine person or godman. For all three Christ/Christianity is important though the Catholic will not tread the path of a Lutheran or Anglican in matters ritual and iconographic setting in churches. The tussle between them is so acute in India that a Catholic institution may prefer to appoint a Hindu for a job requirement and definitely not a Protestant. However, this is not the prime theme of our discussion. Let us come to Viṣṇuism and Śrīviṣṇuism. G.W. Spencer called the venues of Śaiva worship, tiruttalam “sacred geography” and Eric Isaac 1960 “the landscape of myth” (cited from Spencer 1970: 233); B. Stein as “historical geography” and David E. Sopher 1968 “circulatory flows to define pilgrimage regions in India”. The learned professor has spent his time on Śaiva centers of worship and suggests “a study of Vaiṣṇavite sacred geography…is obviously feasible” (Spencer 1970: 233). Nobody thought of it during the past forty years. It may note the Śaivite centers of worship around the 9th century were 281 (Kalidos 2006: II, 292) and at the same time those of the Vaiṣṇavas 108. Whether these are the “landscape of myth” (Isaac 1960, cf. Hopkins 2004: 29-55) or “landscape of history” (Gaddis 2002) is a good question (cf. Spencer 1970: Map – Sacred Places in Tañcāvūr; and Stein 1977: Map – Tēvāram Sites of the Kāvēri Basin), which the present article answers. I have not seen the article of Issac and may take liberty of presuming by “landscape of myth” the scholar mean the “geography” of classical authors (such as Megasthenes, Ptolemy [the Āḻvārs and Nāyaṉmār]). This need not be so because many of the unidentifiable places in Pliny, Strabo and Ptolemy have been identified (e.g. Muziris, Comari and Kolchi with Muciṟi, Kaṉyākumari and Kocci on the Pāṇḍyan and Malabār sea coast [Kalidos 1976: 67] and later Kaḍāram with the Malāya peninsula) and there is no such problem in case of the “sacred geography” of the Āḻvārs and the divyadeśas listed by them. Before taking up the problem for an examination it may state at the outset that the twelve Āḻvārs are brought under three groups. The Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 41

Āḻvār is a divinity, one immersed or lost in his love for the Lord Viṣṇu (āḻ “immerse”, āḻvār “one immersed [in Viṣṇu-bhakti]”, cf. Spencer 1970: 234 āḻvārs “divers”). The Āḻvārs are believed to have visited the venues where the temple of the Lord was, composed hymns in praise of those sacred centers, the Mūrti, the tīrtha, the flora and fauna, the pūjās and festivals, and spread the cult. Though scho-lars find the rudiments of bhakti in the Paripāṭal, it is in the hymns of the Āḻvārs that we really find the blossoming of the bhāgavata/bhakti tradition that germinated in the north during the early centuries of the Christian era. Few Tamil scholars find the rudiments of bhakti in Caṅkam lore (infra Zvelebil’s view of Paripāṭal) and not the pre- Christian Sanskrit literature (cf. cf. Bhandarkar 1995: 4-11). I do not agree with this view. The Bhāgavata-based bhakti is an import from the north and R.G. Bhandarkar may find the roots of bhakti in the Upaniṣadic concept of upāsana (means “serving” or “worship” Monier-Williams 2005: 215).

The traditional sequence of the Āḻvārs and the hymns composed by them fall as under:

Early Āḻvārs:4 Poykai Tiruvantāti I Pūtam Tiruvantāti II Pēy Tiruvantāti III Middle Āḻvārs: Tiruvāciriyam, Tiruviruttam, Periya Tiruvantāti and Nam Tiruvāymoḻi Maturakavi Kaṇṇinuṇciṟuttāmpu Kulacēkarar Perumāḷ Tirumoḻi Tiruppāṇ Amalanātipirāṉ Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi Tirumālai and Tiruppaḷḷieḻucci Tirumaḻicai Tiruccantaviruttam and Nāṉmukaṉ Tiruvantāti

4 The Āḻvārs are considered to be the aṁśas (manifestation) of Vaiṣṇava marks of identification; e.g. Poykai – pañcajanya (a demon turned śaṅkha), Pūtam – gadā “mace”, Pēy – nandaka (khaḍga of Viṣṇu), Maḻicai – cakra, Maturakavi – Vainateya (Garuḍa, son of Vinatā), Nam - Śeṣa, Kulacēkarar – kaustubha (celebrated necklace of Viṣṇu), Periyāḻvār - Garuḍa, Āṇṭāḷ - Bhūdevī, Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi – vanamālā (garland of holy basil), Pāṇ - śrīvatsa and Maṅkai - śāṛṅga (bow of Viṣṇu). According to another concept Nam and Pūtam were the tiara of the Lord, Poykai and Pēy the eyes, Periyāḻvār the face, Maḻicai the neck, Kulacēkarar and Pāṇ the hands, Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi the chest, Maṅkai (literally means “maid”) the umbilicus and Maturakavi the sacred feet of the Lord (Devanathan 1971: Annexure p. 85). 42 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Later Āḻvārs: Periyāḻvār Tiruppallāṇṭu and Tirumoḻi Āṇṭāḷ Tiruppāvai and Nācciyār Tirumoḻi Periya Tirumoḻi, Tirukuṟuntāṇṭakam, Tiruneṭun-tāṇṭakam, Tirumaṅkai Tiruveḻukūṟṟirukkai, Ciṟiyatirumaṭal and Periyatirumaṭal (Kalidos 1999: 223-24).

The chronology of the Āḻvārs is a vexed question. The Mutal Āḻvārs (early trio) are dated in the 6th-7th century CE. The Middle Group (totally six) is dated in the 7th-8th century CE. The Later Group (totally three) is dated in the 8th-9th century (cf. Kalidos 1999: 223–24). Tirumaḻicai in his Nāṉmukaṉ Tiruvantāti (v. 93) notes a king called Kuṇaparaṉ: Ākkai koṭuttaruḷiya kōṉē kuṇaparaṇē “Guṇabhara, (the King?), who gave me this mortal coil and blessed (me)”. This Kuṇaparaṉ (Guṇabhara) is identified with Mahēndravarmaṉ I (c. 610- 30 CE)5 and so he is assigned to the early 7th century (Pillai 1985: 186). With due reference to an astronomical clue in the Tiruppāvai of Āṇṭāḷ (cf. Hudson 1980: 539-66), she is dated in the early half of the 8th century CE.6 Periyāḻvār and Tirumaṅkai refer to a Pāṇḍya king (Tamil Lexicon method: Pāṇṭiyaṉ) and Pallava in their hymns7. These two have been aptly identified with Śrīmāra Śrīvallabha (815-62 CE) and Nandivarmaṉ II Pallavamalla (690-729 CE). Kulacēkarar (Cēramāṉ Perumāḷ) is considered to be a contemporary of the Śaiva

5 The title, Guṇabhara, appears in the inscription of the upper Pallava cave at Tiruccirāppaḷḷi (Srinivasan 1964: 54). 6 The reference is: Veḷḷiyeḻuntu viyāḻamuṟaṅkiṟṟu (the rise of Veḷḷi/-Venus and the fall of Viyāḻaṉ/Jupiter that astronomically gives the date CE 731 (Kalidos 1976: 104). 7 Periyāḻvār notes kayal poṟitta pāṇṭiyar kulapati (Tirumoḻi 5.4.7) “The Lord of the family of Pāṇḍyas (who bears the banner) of the Fish”. Āṇṭāḷ calls Periyāḻvār the king of Putuvai (Villiputtūr): Putuvaiyarkōṉ Viṭṭucittaṉ “Viṣṇusiddha, the King of Putuvai” (Nacciyār Tirumoḻi 12.10). Periyāḻvār is supposed to have been a minister to Śrīmāra Śrīvallabha and so called a king. Tirumaṅkai acknowledges the gifts of the Pallava king to the Ciṭṭirakūṭam (temple of Viṣṇu) at Citamparam: Pallavar kōṉ paṇinta/cempoṉ maṇimāṭaṅkaḷ cūlnta tillait/tiruccitirakūṭam (Periya Tirumoḻi 3.2.3) “The Cittirakūṭam of Tallai that is fitted with towered gem-like edifices, which the Pallava king worshipped”. Another decad (Periya Tirumoḻi 2.9.1-10) in all its ten verses notes the Paramēccuraviṇṇakaram (Vaikuṇṭha Perumāḷ temple) at Kāñci that was worshipped by the Pallava king. The Pallava is called Villavaṉ (an expert in archery) and Mallaiyarkōṉ (King of wrestlers) whose feet was worshipped by several kings”. The Pallava noted in these hymns is Nandivarmaṉ Pallavamalla. To quotes: Pallavaṉ villavaṉeṉṟulakil palarāyppapalavēntar vaṇaṅkukaḻal / Pallavaṉ mallaiyarkoṉ paṇintara para/mēccuraviṇṇakaramatuvē (Periya Tirumoḻi 2.9.1). Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 43 saint Cuntarar and may be dated in the early 8th century (Zvelebil 1974: 106). The Later Group could be conveniently dated during the 8th-9th century CE. The sequence on the basis of historical evidences will have to be Tirumaḻicai, Kulacēkarar, Tirumaṅkai, Periyāḻvār and Āṇṭāḷ. There is no clue either epigraphical or literary to date the other Āḻvārs. It is traditionally believed that the saga of Vaiṣṇava lyrical composition began with the Early Group and Lord Viṣṇu himself is said to have given them the first phrase of the Tiruvantātis composed by them for the first hymn.8 Therefore, they are assigned to the 6th-7th century CE or even the 5th century. The other six are supposed to fall in between the two dates 6th century and early 9th century. In any case all the twelve Āḻvārs have crossed the historical meridian by about the middle of the 9th century CE (Rajarajan 2012a). Saint Nāthamuṉi is said to have compiled the Nālāyiram into the divya-prabandham (divya “divine” or “heavenly”, pra- “excessively” or “great”, bandham “tie” or “chain”), Tamil tivya(should be tivviya)-pira- pantam. He is assigned to the 10th century CE (Zvelebil 1974: 91). Nāthamuṉi’s birth-place is considered to be Kāṭṭumaṉārguḍi, near Citamparam. A spurious inscription in that temple assigns his date of birth to Kaliyuga 3,624 (522 CE),9 which could not have been the case because at that time the Middle and Later Āḻvārs did not exist and maybe the First Group was busy composing the Tiruvantātis (cf. Aiyangar 1940: 260, Jagadeesan 1977: 10–11). Zvelebil’s (1974: 91-107) date for the Early Āḻvārs is 650-700 CE, which is unfair (cf. Rajarajan 2012a). The other Āḻvārs are dated as follows: Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi (first quarter of the 9th century), Kulacēkarar (c. 800 CE), Periyāḻvār and Āṇṭāḷ (9th century CE), Tirumaṅkai (c. 800-870 CE) and Nammāḻvār (c. 880-930 CE – the time of Parāntaka I). That means Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi, Kulacēkarar, Periyāḻvār, Āṇṭāḷ, Tirumaṅkai and Nammāḻvār are supposed to have lived in the 9th-10th century CE, which was a troublesome period in the history of Tamilnadu since the Pallavas and Pāṇḍyas were engaged in a deadly conflict for survival. The Imperial Cōḻas and Rāṣṭrakūṭas as renascent powers were peeping into the historical arena around 850

8 The first phrase in Tiruvantātis is Vaiyamtakaḷiyā (the world is the wick), Aṉpētakaḻiyā (love is the wick) and Tirukkaṇṭēṉ (I have seen to Auspicious-Śrī). 9 South Indian Temple Inscriptions, Vol. III, Pt. II, no. 1291. 44 R.K.K. Rajarajan

CE. This was also a period of political tribulation, turbulence and transition because the Pallavas and Early Pāṇḍyas exit from the historical scene and the Cōḻas, Rāṣṭrakūṭas and Calukyas of Kalyāṇi come to the forefront with the former commanding an upper hand. Under such chaotic conditions, so many of the Āḻvārs could not have worked peacefully composing their hymns and visiting centers of Viṣṇuism. The Āḻvārs refer to the Pāṇḍya and Pallava in their hymns and not the Cōḻa of the Imperial House that begins with Vijayālaya around 850 CE.10 That means by about the time of the emergence of the Cōḻas under Vijayālaya (c. 850-70 CE) the Aḻvārs have gone behind the historical curtain. Therefore, the dates suggested by Raju Kalidos 1999 seem to be workable to further proceed with the history of the divyadeśas (cf. Rajarajan 2012a). Coming to the main theme of our investigation, the distribution pattern of the divyadeśas in the subcontinent may be listed as follows:11

10 In fact Tirumaṅkai refers to a Cōḻa. He was a king of the post-Caṅkam period that does not belong to the lineage of Vijayālaya (850-70 CE), the founder of the Imperial Cōḻa house. There was a family of the Cōḻas during the Caṅkam Age (down to 250 CE) that ceased to rule the Kāviri delta around 250 CE with the advent of the Kaḷabhras. It seems their successors continued to survive as minor chiefs (Sastri 1984: 104-107). One of these kings was Kōcceṅkaṇāṉ whose date is uncertain (may be the 6th century CE). He was also known as Kōccōḻaṉ (Periya Tirumoḻi 6.6.9). He is said to have built 70 temples (maṇimāṭakkōyil “towered gem-like temple”) for Iśvara (tirumoḻivāy Īcaṟku eḻilmāṭam eḻupatu ceytu ulakam āṇṭa [ibid. 6.6.8] “He built seventy beautifully towered temples for Īśvara, He whose mouth utters the sacred words” - tirumoḻi or tiruvāymoḻi is the title of several of the poems composed by the Āḻvārs). Some scholars suggest these were temples for Śiva (Nālāyiram, Mullai Nilayam ed., Vol. II, p. 236). I am of the opinion all the 70 need not have been for Śiva because Īśvara is an epithet of the common genre that Śiva and Viṣṇu share. The Viṣṇusahasranāma (epithet nos. 36, 74) calls Viṣṇu Īśvara and what is more important he is called Śivaḥ (ibid. epithets 27, 600). Therefore, the 70 temples assigned to Kōccōḻaṉ by tradition must have been for both Śiva and Viṣṇu. One among them was Naraiyūr (Nācciyārkōyil) in Cōḻanāḍu, which divyadeśa Tirumaṅkai extols. These temples are likely to have built of brick and mortar as it was the tradition then and the age of kaṟṟaḷi (stone temple) had not yet begun, which was invigorated during and after the time of Vijayālaya. In fact the early Cōḻas seem to have dedicated themselves to convert all brick temples into stone during 850-986 CE (cf. Dehejia 1990). 11 The list is as it appears in the Nālāyirativviyappirapantam (shortly Nālāyiram), the Little Flower Company, Chennai 2008. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 45

Malaināṭu (Hill Country) – totally 13: Nāvāy, Vittuvakkōṭu (Viccikō- ṭu or Viñcikkōṭu), Kāṭkarai (or Trikkākkarā), Mūḻikkaḷam, Vallavāḻ (or Vallā, Śrīvallabha-kṣetra - see Clooney 1991: 260-76), Kaṭittāṉam, Ceṅkuṉṟūr (Ciṟṟāṟu), Puliyūr (Kuṭṭanāṭu), Vāṟaṉviḷai (Ārammuḷā), Vaṇvaṇṭūr (Vamuṇṭūr), Aṉantapuram, Vaṭṭāṟu and Vaṇparicāram (Tiruppaticāram).

Pāṇḍināṭu (the Pāṇḍya country) - 18: Kuṟuṅkuṭi (Vāmana-kṣetra), Cīvaramaṅkai (Vāṉamāmalai, Nāṅkuṉēri or Tōtādri-kṣetra), (Nava- tiruppatis 1-9, see Rajarajan 2012) 1. Vaikuntam, 2. Varakuṇamaṅkai, 3. Puḷiṅkuṭi, 4-5. Tolaivillimaṅkalam (Iṟaṭṭaitiruppati – Twin Temples), 6. Kuḷantai (Peruṅkuḷam), 7. Kōḷūr, 8. Teṉtiruppērai (or Pōṟai), 9. Kurukūr (Āḻvār Tirunakari), Villiputtūr (Śrīvilliputtūr), Taṇkāl (Taṇkālūr), Kūṭal/Maturai, Māliruñcōlai, Mōkūr, Kōṭṭiyūr (Kōṣṭiyūr or Koṣṭi-kṣetra), Pullāṇi (Darbhasayana) and Meyyam.

Cōḻanāṭu (the Cōḻa country) - 40: Araṅkam (Śrīraṅgam), Kōḻi (Uṟaiyūr, Nikaḷāpuri or Uṟantai), Karampaṉūr (Uttamarkōyil, Kadamba-kṣetra), Veḷḷaṟai (Vedagiri or Svetagiri), Aṉpil, Pērnakar (Kōyilaṭi or Appakkuṭattāṉ), Kaṇṭiyūr (Trimūrti-kṣetra), Kūṭalūr (Āṭutuṟai, Śaṅgama-kṣetra), Kavittalam (Kapi-sthala, K ṣṇāraṇya- kṣetra), Puḷḷampūttaṅkuṭi, Ātaṉūr, Kuṭantai (Śā ṅgapāṇi temple, Bhāskara-kṣetra), Viṇṇakar (Oppiliyappaṉkōyil, Mārkaṇḍeya-kṣetra), Naṟaiyūr, Cēṟai (Pañcasāra-kṣetra), Kaṇṇamaṅkai (K ṣṇamaṅgala- kṣetra), Kaṇṇapuram (K ṣṇāraṇya-kṣetra, Pañcak ṣṇa-kṣetra and Saptapunya-kṣetra), Kaṇṇaṅkuṭi (K ṣṇāraṇya-kṣetra), Nākai (Nakapaṭṭiṉam), Tañcaimāmaṇikkōyil/Tañcāvūr (Dhanavadi 2005), Nantipuraviṇṇakaram (Nātaṉkōyil, Dakṣiṇajagannātham and Śrīvāsa- sthalam), Veḷḷiyaṅkuṭi, Aḻuntūr (Tēraḻuntūr), Ciṟupuliyūr, Talaiccaṅkanāṇmatiyam (Talaiccaṅkāṭu), Intalūr (Mayilāṭutuṟai, Viḻantūr), Kāvaḷampāṭi (Nāṅkūr), Kāḻiccīrāmaviṇṇakaram (Cīrkāḻi), Arimēyaviṇṇakaram (Nāṅkūr), Vaṇpuruṭōttamam (Nāṅkūr), Cempoṉceykōyil (Nāṅkūr), Maṇimāṭakkōyil (Nāṅkūr), Vaikuntaviṇṇakaram (Nāṅkūr), Āḻi/Nakari, Tēvaṉārtokai (Kīlaiccālai), Teṟṟiyampalam (Nāṅkūr), Veḷḷakkuḷam (Aṇṇaṉkōyil), Pārttaṉpaḷḷi (Nāṅkūr) and Cittirakūṭam (Tillai-Citamparam).

Naṭunāṭu (Intermediary country) - 2: Ayintai (Vayintipuram/ Vahīn- drapuram) and Kōvalūr. 46 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Toṇṭaināṭu (northern Tamilnadu) - 22: Kacci-Attikiri (Attiyūr, Kāñcīpuram, Satyavrada-kṣetra), Aṭṭapuyakkaram (Aṣṭbhujahasta - Kāñci), Taṇkā (Tūppul - Kāñci), Vēḷukkai (Kāñci), Nīrakam (Kāñci), Pāṭakam (Kāñci), Nilāttiṅkaḷtuṇṭam (Kāñci), Ūrakam (Kāñci), Veḥkā (Kāñci), Kārakam (Kāñci), Kārvaṉam (Kāñci), Kaḷvaṉūr (Kāñci), Pavaḷavaṇṇam (Kāñci), Paramēccuraviṇṇakaram (Vaikuṇṭha Perumāḷ temple, Kāñci), Puṭkuḻi, Niṉṟavūr (Tiṇṇaṉūr), Evvuḷ (Tiruvaḷḷūr, Punyāvarttavīkṣāraṇya-kṣetra), Allikkēṇi (B dāraṇya-kṣetra), Nīrmalai (Toyādri-kṣetra), Iṭaventai (Vaṭantai), Kaṭalmallai (Māmallapuram, Mahābalipura-kṣetra, Ardhasetu) and Kaṭikai (Cōḷiṅkar, Cōḷiṅkapuram or Cōḷaciṅkapuram).12

Vaṭanāṭu (northern country) - 11: Ayoṭṭi (Ayodhyā), Naimicāraṇyam, Piruti (Jyoṣimaṭha, Nandaprayāgā), Kaṇṭameṉuṅkaṭinakar (Devaprayāgā), Vatariyācciramam (Bhadrinātha), Cāḷakkirāmam (Śālagrāma, Muktinātha in Nepal), Vaṭamaturai (Mathurā, B ndāvanam, Govardhana), Āyppāṭi (Gokula), Tuvarai or Tuvārakai (Dvārakā), Ciṅkavēḷkuṉṟam (Ahobilam) and Vēṅkaṭam (Tiruppati- Tirumala, Ādivarāha-kṣetra).

Though the traditional list brings Vēṅkaṭam under Vaṭanāṭu, it was part of the Tamil country of those times and should be listed under Toṇṭaināṭu; cf. the literary expression (Tolkāppiyam, Pāyiram; Subrahmanian 1990: 787): Vaṭavēṅkatam teṉkumari āyiṭait Tamiḻkūṟum nallulakam (“the good world where Tamil is spoken extends from Vēṅkaṭam in the north to Kumari [the Cape, Comari of classical authors supra] in the south”).

Heavens - 2: Pāṟkaṭal “Ocean of Milk” and Paramapadam or Vaikuntam (Vaikuṇṭha). The total of sthalas is 108 of which most are concentrated in the Kāviri delta (totally 40). Next in the order of numerical priority are Toṇṭaināṭu 22, Pāṇḍināṭu 18, Malaināṭu 13, Vaṭanāṭu 11, and Naṭūnāṭu and the Heavens each 2. Those that are said to be unearthly

12 Vēṅkaṭam and Ciṅkavēḷkuṉṟam during the time of the composition of the Nālāyiram fell within bounds of ancient Tamilnadu. These two were ceded to Andhra Pradesh at the time of the formation of linguistic states after independence. This applies as well to Guḍimallam. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 47 are purely mythical and fictitious. Twenty-two of these are concentrated in two particular sthalas, i.e. Kāñci fourteen and Nāṅkūr eight. Totally 22 temples are in two sthalas though each is counted as a divyadeśa. Actually speaking, the sthalas are 88 (cf. the meaning of sthala in n. 1).13 Among these the earliest is Māliruñcōlai (Grove where Māl/ Viṣṇu resides) that appears in the Paripāṭal (5th century AD – Zvelebil 1974: 31). This collection of poems in its 15th long poem talks of the cult of Viṣṇu and notes the sthala, Neṭuṅkuṉṟam (Tall Hill), also called Iruṅkuṉṟam (Resident Hill) or Māliruṅkuṉṟam (Resident Hill of Māl/Viṣṇu Paripāṭal v. 15, ll. 4, 14, 17, 23). The same work refers to two other sthalas that are Iruntaiyūr and Kuḷavāy14 (Paripāṭal-tiruaṭṭu v. 1). These two places are likely to have been close to Maturai but defy identification (infra). It may note the Paripāṭal is a poetic compilation in praise of Kūṭal/Maturai, its River Vaikai and the Gods Cevvēḷ/Murukaṉ and Māl/Viṣṇu. Zvelebil 1974: 49 adds: “on the banks of the Vaikai, that bhakti was born”. Māliruñcōlai is noted in the Cilappatikāram (5th century AD) in its Kāṭukāṇkātai (ll. 77-116) and presents a lengthy description of its ecology, tīrthas and cult details. Besides the Cilappatikāram do present a graphic description of Vēṅkaṭam in the Kāṭukāṇkātai (ll. 41-51). The same work notes Araṅkam. It is interesting Aṉantapuram is called Āṭakamāṭam (“Terrace/Theater for Dancing”?) in the commentary to the Cilappatikāram (XXVI. 62: Āṭakamāṭattarituyil amarntōṉ “One reclining in the elevated temple at Āṭakamāṭam”, XXX. 51: Āṭakamāṭattaravaṇaikkiṭantōṉ “He who reclines on the snake in the elevated temple at Āṭakamāṭam”) 15 . Some raise the question why Āṭakamāṭam could not be Araṅkam (Subrahmanian 1990: 76). We

13 Āṭṭapuyakkaram and Veḥkā fall in close proximity at a place called Āṭicaṉpeṭṭai in Kāñcīpuram. Veḥkā is considered to be the birth-place of Poykai Āḻvār and considered a divyadeśa. Kaḷvaṉūr falls within the Kāmākṣī Ammaṉ temple complex to the right of the garbhag ha of Devī. These are very small temples when compared with Varadarāja Perumāḷ in Kāñci, the vaṭakalai base. 14 It is not clear whether this is Kuḻantai extolled by Nammāḻvār. 15 R. Parthasarathy’s (1993: 229, 269–70) translation of the two passages goes as follows: “Viṣṇu who sleeps in a trance at Āṭakamāṭam (and blessed him/Ceṅkuṭṭuvaṉ)”. “Araṭṭaṉ Ceṭṭi…Employed in the service of the Lord resting/On the divine serpent in the golden temple”. Kiṭattal could not be strictly brought under “resting”. Viṣṇu just reclines that is a deceitful slumber or yoganidrā. For resting one need not recline and may even sit and rest (Kalidos 2006: I, 17-18). 48 R.K.K. Rajarajan presume it is a reference to Aṉantapuram (cf. Dhanavathy 2003: 37) because the place is noted in the third Canto of the work, called Vañcikkāṇṭam, in connection with the Cēraṉ king Ceṅkuṭṭuvaṉ on the eve of his expedition to the north to bring a stone for sculpting an image of Kaṇṇaki (for details of the Kaṇṇaki cult see Rajarajan 2000). Therefore, in the pre-bhakti and post-Caṅkam literature the Vaiṣṇava sthalas noted are Māliruñcōlai, Iruntaiyūr, Kuḻavāy, Araṅkam, Vēṅkaṭam and Āṭakamāṭam/Aṉantapuram. Iruntaiyūr and Kuḻavāy could not be identified. The other 104 places are notified in the hymns of the Āḻvārs. These may be chronologically charted in the order of the Āḻvārs, noted above. Of the six Māliruñcōlai, Araṅkam, Vēṅkaṭam and Aṉantapuram (not Āṭakamāṭam) find a place in the lists of the Āḻvārs. Iruntaiyūr and Kuḻavāy are missing. In any case during the pre-Āḻvār Vaiṣṇava tradition at least four sthalas were known. These four cover the regions of Malaināṭu (Aṉantapuram), Pāṇḍināṭu (Māliruñcōlai), Cōḻanāṭu (Araṅkam) and Toṇṭaināṭu (Vēṅkaṭam). Down to the 5th-6th century CE no place from the north is listed though the Paripāṭal and the Cilappatikāram have enough to say on the cult of the V ṣṇi heroes Vāsudeva, K ṣṇa and Baladeva, including the femine Subhadrā, sister of K ṣṇa and not the spouse (ideintified with Śrī in Śrīvaiṣṇavism; Śrī here is not Śrīdevī but the lord’s “grace”). Viṣṇu (Māl/Tirumāl), K ṣṇa and Baladeva are subject of exaltation in the hymns of the Āḻvars. The Āḻvārs in their hymns extol the praise of the deśas where the Lord willingly resides. These may be listed and discussed regarding their historical sequence. The deśas by each of the Āḻvārs are the following.

Early Group (6th-7th century CE)

Poykai: Araṅkam,16 Kovalūr, Veḥkā, Vēṅkaṭam, Pāṟkaṭal and Para- mapatam (Total 5).

Pūtam: Araṅkam, Kuṭantai (for a case study see Meeneshwari 1993- 95), Tañcaimāmaṇikkōyil, Kōvalūr, 17 Kacci-Attikiri, Pāṭakam,

16 Araṅkam appears in the hymns of ten Āḻvārs, excepting Maturakavi and Āṇṭāḷ. It is indeed very odd that the she-mystic who is said to have taken the hand of Lord Raṅganātha at Araṅkam according to the guruparampara (cf. Āṟāyirappaṭi) tradition has not even a word to tell about this kṣetra. For a case study on this deśa see Kalidos 1993-95. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 49

Nīrmalai, Kaṭalmallai, Vēṅkaṭam, Taṇkāl, Māliruñcōlai, Kōṭṭiyūr and Pāṟkaṭal (Toal 13). Pēy: Araṅkam, Kuṭantai, Viṇṇakar, Kacci-Attikiri, Aṭṭapuyakkaram, Vēḷukkai, Pāṭakam, Veḥkā, Allikkēṇi, Kaṭikai, Vēṅkaṭam, Māliruñ- cōlai, Kōṭṭiyūr, Pāṟkaṭal and Paramapatam (Total 15). Grand total 33.

Middle Group (7th-8th century CE)

Nam: Araṅkam, Pērnakar, Kuṭantai, Viṇṇakar, Kaṇṇapuram, Tañcaimāmaṇikkōyil, Veḥkā, Ayōtti, Vaṭamaturai, Vēṅkaṭam, Nāvāy, Kāṭkarai, Mūḻikkaḷam, Vallavāḻ, Kaṭittāṉam, Ceṅkuṉṟūr, Puliyūr/Kuṭṭanāṭu, Vāraṉviḷai, Vaṇvaṇṭūr, Aṉantapuram, Vaṭṭāṟu, Vaṇparicāram, Kuruṅkuṭi, Cīvaramaṅkai, Varakuṇamaṅkai, Puḷiṅkuṭi, Tolaivillimaṅkalam/Iṟaṭṭaitiruppati, Kuḷantai, Kōḷūr, Teṉtiruppērai, Kurukūr, Māliruñcōlai, Mōkūr and Paramapatam (Total 35).

Maturakavi: Vaikuntam/Vaikuṇṭha (Paramapatam). He was an ardent follower of Nammāḻvār (also called Caṭakōpaṉ or Kurukūr Nampi) and extols his praise in his Kaṇṇinuṇciṟuttāmpu. He refers to no sthala and says those who trust in Kurukūr Nampi shall reach Vaikuntam/Vaikuṇṭha. Normally this reference to Vaikuṇṭha is not considered to be Vaikuntam, the listed deśa in Pāṇḍināṭu.

Kulacēkarar (alias Cēramāṉ Perumāḷ): Araṅkam, Kōḻiyūr, Kaṇṇapuram, Āli/Nakari, Cittirakūṭam, Ayōtti, Vēṅkaṭam, Vittuvakkōṭu and Pāṟkaṭal (Total 9).18

Tiruppāṇ: Araṅkam, Vēṅkaṭam, Pāṟkaṭal and Paramapatam (Total 4).

Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi: Araṅkam, Ayōtti, Vaṭamaturai and Pāṟkaṭal(Total 4).

17 Araṅkam appears in the hymns of ten Āḻvārs, excepting Maturakavi and Āṇṭāḷ. It is indeed very odd that the she-mystic who is said to have taken the hand of Lord Raṅganātha at Araṅkam according to the guruparampara (cf. Āṟāyirappaṭi) tradition has not even a word to tell about this kṣetra. For a case study on this deśa see Kalidos 1993-95. 18 Hailing from the Hill Country, he refers to few divyadeśas in Malaināṭu (i.e. Tiruvaṭṭāṟu and Vittuvakkōṭu)) while Nammāḻvār has listed twelve. 50 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Tirumaḻicai: Araṅkam, Aṉpil, Pērnakar, Kavittalam, Kuṭantai, Pāṭakam, Ūrakam, Veḥkā, Evvuḷ, Allikkēṇi, Vēṅkaṭam, Kuruṅkuṭi, Kūṭal, Kōṭṭiyūr, Pāṟkaṭal and Paramapatam (16). Grand total 68.

Later Group (8th, early 9th century CE)

Periyāḻvār: Araṅkam, Veḷḷaṟai, Pērnakar, Kuṭantai, Kaṇṇapuram, Ayōtti, Kaṇṭameṉṉuṅkaṭinakar, Vatariyācciramam, Cālakkirāmam, Vaṭamaturai, Āyppāṭi, Vēṅkaṭam, Kuruṅkuṭi, Villiputtūr, Māliruñ- cōlai, Kōṭṭiyūr, Pāṟkaṭal and Paramapatam (18).

Āṇṭāḷ: Kuṭantai, Kaṇṇapuram, Vaṭamaturai, Āyppāṭi, Tuvārakai (Dvārakā), Vēṅkaṭam, Villiputtūr, Māliruñcōlai, Pāṟkaṭal and Paramapatam (10).

Tirumaṅkai: Araṅkam, Arimēyaviṇṇakaram, Kōḻiyūr, Karampaṉūr, Veḷḷaṟai, Pērnakar, Kaṇṭiyūr, Kūṭalūr, Puḷḷamppūttaṅkuṭi, Ātaṉūr, Kuṭantai, Viṇṇakar, Naṟaiyūr, Cērai, Kaḷvaṇūr, Kaṇṇamaṅkai, Kaṇṇapuram, Kaṇṇaṅkuṭi, Nākai, Tañcaimāmaṇikkōyil, Nantipuraviṇṇakaram, Veḷḷiyaṅkuṭi, Aḻuntūr, Ciṟupuliyūr, Talaiccaṅkanāṇmatiyam, Intalūr, Kāvaḷampāṭi, Kāḻiccīrāmaviṇṇakaram, Vaṇpuru-ṭōttamam, Cempoṉceykōyil, Maṇimāṭakkōyil, Vaikuntaviṇṇakaram, Āli/Nakari, Tēvaṉārtokai, Teṟṟiyampalam, Maṇikkūṭam, Cittirakūṭam, Ayintai, Kōvalūr, Kacci- Attikiri, Aṭṭapuyakkaram, Taṇkāl, Vēḻukkai, Nīrakam, Pāṭakam, Nilāttiṅkaḷtuṇṭam, Ūrakam, Veḥkā, Kārakam, Kārvāṉam, Pavaḷavaṇṇam, Paramēccuraviṇṇakaram, Puṭkuḻi, Niṉṟavūr, Evvuḷ, Allikkēṇi, Nīrmalai, Kaṭalmallai, Kaṭikai, Ayōtti, Naimicāraṇyam, Piruti, Vatariyācciramam, Cālakkirāmam, Vaṭamaturai, Āyppāṭi, Ciṅkavēḷkuṉṟam, Vēṅkaṭam, Mūḻikkaḷam, Vallavāḻ, Puliyūr/Kuṭṭanāṭu, Kuruṅkuṭi, Vaikuntam, Taṇkāl, Kūṭal, Māliruñ- cōlai, Mōkūr, Kōṭṭiyūr, Pullāṇi, Meyyam, Pāṟkaṭal and Paramapatam (82). Grand total 109. All the twelve Āḻvārs refer to 210 that means many of the sthalas are redundant 102 times. Tirumaṅkai tops the list having extolled 81 sthalas. Nammāḻvar comes next with 35. Others in the order of numerical priority are Periyāḻvar 18, Tirumaḻicai 16, Pēy 15, Pūtam 13, Āṇṭāḷ 10, Kulacēkarar 9, Poykai 6 and Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi and Tiru-ppāṇ each 4. If one wants to fix the divyadeśas in an evolutionary Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 51 process, it could be done as follows, giving due credit to the number of sthala/kṣetra extolled by them: Tiruppāṇ (4), Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi (4), Poykai (6), Kulacēkarar (9), Āṇṭāḷ (10), Pūṭam (13), Pēy (15), Tirumaḻicai (16), Periyāḻvār (18), Nammāḻvār (35) and Tirumaṅkai (81). Maturakavi finds no place in this sequence. These will totally upset the sequence of historical development because according to the original scheme Poykai, Pūtam and Pēy were the earliest among the Āḻvārs and not Tiruppāṇ and Toṇṭaraṭippoti. Āṇṭāḷ was a junior who predeceased her foster father, Periyāḻvār, the veteran, goes earlier in point of time. Therefore, this could not be the yardstick to fix the dates of the Āḻvārs. It is a point for consideration why the Āḻvār prefers to talk of a sthala and not all that existed in his time. For example, Kōvalūr, Tañcaimāmaṇikkōyil, Kacci-Attikiri, Pāṭakam, Nīrmalai, Kaṭalmallai, Taṇkāl, Kōṭṭiyūr, Viṇṇakar, Aṭṭapuyakkaram and Vēḷukkai existed during the time of Nammāḻvār and he has no hymn on these sthalas. Even though his concentration is on those in Pāṇḍināṭu and Malaināṭu, he has nothing to say on Taṇkāl and Kōṭṭiyūr that were important in the Pāṇḍan zone. Similarly, all the 108 must have existed by about the time of Tirumaṅkai, last among the Āḻvārs. He has chosen to consider 82 and concentrates more on the sthalas in Cōḻanāṭu and Toṇṭainātu. The reason for omitting 26 is an enigma and it is not clear that a particular Āḻvār chose to talk of a venue that he personally visited and not talk of others that he did not visit. Tirumaḻicai is supposed to have been born at a place of the same name, near Cheṉṉai (tāluka Śrīperumputūr [this was the place where Rājiv Gāndhi was assassinated]), but his nativity is not one among the 108. Now, there is a temple for Viṣṇu in that place called Jagannātha. Āṇṭāḷ’s primary concern is not Araṅkam, which place she is said to have visited with Periyāḻvār, her foster father, took the hand of the Lord and merged with eternity according to guruparampara (Āṟāyirappaṭi pp. 45-50) mythologies. 19 We must keep in mind that the guruparampara mythologies are of a later date and were not known at the time of Āṇṭāḷ and so these are likely to have been fabrications of those Ācāryas that composed them. Therefore, one will have to be very

19 Raju Kalidos (1989: 261-73) has listed 64 Viṣṇu temples for his study of the temple cars of which 18 appear in the Āḻvār list and one in the Śrītattvanidhi. That means 45 were not canonized. 52 R.K.K. Rajarajan careful while dealing with the data of the Ācāryas as sources of Vaiṣṇava/Śrīvaiṣṇava history, especially the hagiological details and dates assigned to the Āḻvārs are spurious on part of compilers of the guruparampara annals. It is precisely at this point that Indian, expecially those from Tamilnadu, Vaiṣṇava scholars differ from the Indian-American Vaiṣṇava scholars (the school led by A.K. Ramanujam) who seem to be deep-rooted in their sectarian affiliation to the vaḍakala-Śrīvaiṣṇavism (brāhmaṇa-dominated and propagators of the Sanskritic lore), a vicious group that is practically castrated in the scholarly circle in Tamilnadu today (infra).

Consolidated List of the sthalas (alphabetically arranged):

Abbreviations: Poykai (Po), Pūtam (Pu), Pēy (P), Nam (N), Maturakavi (Ma), Kulacēkarar (Ku), Tiruppāṇ (PA), Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi (TTP), Tirumaḻicai (TM), Periyāḻvār (Per), Āṇṭāḷ (Ā) and Tirumaṅkai (Maṅ).

Allikkēṇi (P, TM & Maṅ), Āli/Nakari (Ku & Maṅ), Aḻuntūr (Maṅ), Aṉantapuram (N), Aṉpil (TM), Araṅkam (10, excepting Ma & Ā), Arimēyaviṇṇakaram (Maṅ)20, Ātaṉūr (Maṅ), Aṭṭapuyakkaram (P & Maṅ),21 Ayōtti (N, Ku, TTP, Per & Maṅ), Āyppāṭi (Per, Ā & Maṅ), Cālakkirāmam (Per & Maṅ), Ceṅkuṉṟūr (N), Cēṟai (Maṅ), Cempoṉceykōyil (Maṅ), Ciṅkavēḷkuṉṟam (Maṅ), Ciṟupuliyūr (Maṅ), Cittirakūṭam (Ku & Maṅ), Cīvaramaṅkai (N), Evvuḷ (TM & Maṅ), Kacci-Attikiri (Pu, P & Maṅ), Kāḻiccīrāmaviṇṇakaram (Maṅ), Kaḷvaṉūr (Maṅ), Kaṇṇamaṅkai (Maṅ), Kaṇṇaṅkuti (Maṅ), Kaṇṇapuram (Ku, N, Per, Ā & Maṅ), Kaṇṭameṉṉumkaṭinakar (Per), Kaṇṭiyūr (Maṅ), Kapittalam (TM), Kārakam (Maṅ), Karampaṉūr (Maṅ), Kārvāṉam (Maṅ), Kavittāḷam (N), Kāṭkarai (N), Kaṭalmallai (Pu & Maṅ), Kaṭikai (P & Maṅ), Kāvalampāṭi (Maṅ), Kōḻiyūr (Ku & Maṅ), Kōḷūr (N), Kōṭṭiyūr (Pu, P, TM, Per & Maṅ), Kōvalūr (Poy, P & Maṅ), Kuṭantai (N), Kurukūr (N), Kuruṅkuṭi (TM, N, Per & Maṅ),

20 This and the following nine kṣetras are within the city of Nāṅkūr: Cempoṉceykōyil, Kāvaḷampāṭi, Maṇikkūṭam, Maṇimāṭakkōyil, Pārttaṉpaḷḷi, Teṟṟiyampalam, Tēvaṉār- tokai, Vaikuntaviṇṇakaram and Vaṇpuruṭottamam. 21 This and the following thirteen kṣetras are within the city of Kāñcīpuram: Kacci- Attikiri, Taṇkā, Vēḷukkai, Nīrakam, Pāṭakam, Nilāttiṅkaḷtuṇṭam, Ūrakam, Veḥkā, Kārakam, Kārvāṉam, Kaḷvaṇūr, Pavaḷavaṇṇam and Paramēccuraviṇṇakaram. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 53

Kūṭal (TM & Maṅ), Kūṭalūr (Maṅ), Kuḻantai (Pu, P, N, TM, Per, Ā & Maṅ), Māliruñcōlai (Pu, N, Per, Ā & Maṅ), Maṇikkūṭam (Maṅ), Maṇimāṭakkōyil (Maṅ), Meyyam (Maṅ), Mōkūr (N & Maṅ), Mūḻikkaḷam (N & Maṅ), Naimicāraṇyam (Maṅ), Nākai (Maṅ), Nantipuraviṇṇakaram (Maṅ), Naraiyūr (Maṅ), Nāvāy (N & Maṅ), Nilāttiṅkaḷtuṇṭam (Maṅ), Niṉṟavūr (Maṅ), Nīrakam (Maṅ), Nīrmalai (Pu & Maṅ), Paramapatam (Po, P, N, Ma?, TM, PA, Per, Ā & Maṅ), Paramēccuraviṇṇakaram (Maṅ), Pāṟkaṭal (all excepting Ma & N), Pārttaṉpaḷḷī (Maṅ), Pāṭakam (Pu, P, TM, N & Maṅ), Pavaḷavaṇṇam/Kāñci (Maṅ), Pērunakar (N, TM, Per, Maṅ), (Teṉtiru)Pēreyil or Pērai (N), Piruti (Maṅ), Puḷiṅkuṭi (N), Puliyūr/Kuṭṭanāṭu (N & Maṅ), Puḷḷampūttaṅkuṭi (Maṅ), Pullāṇi (Maṅ), Puṭkuḻi (Maṅ), Talaiccaṅkanāṇmatiyam (Maṅ), Tañcaimāmaṇikkōyil (Pu & Maṅ), Taṇkā (Pu & Maṅ), Taṇkāl (Pu & Maṅ), Teṟṟiyampalam (Maṅ), Tēvaṉārtokai (Maṅ), Tolaivillimaṅkalam (N), Tuvārakai (TM, N, Per, Ā & Maṅ), Ūrakam (TM & Maṅ), Vaikuntam (N), Vaikuntaviṇṇakaram (Maṅ), Vallavāḷ (N & Maṅ), Vaṇparicāram (N), Vaṇpuruṭōttamam (Maṅ), Vaṇvaṇṭūr (N), Varakuṇamaṅkai (N), Vāraṉviḻai (N), Vaṭamaturai (TTP, N, Per, Ā & Maṅ), Vatariyācciramam (Per & Maṅ), Vaṭṭāṟu (N), Vayintipuram (Maṅ), Veḥkā (Po, P, N, TM & Maṅ), Veḷḷakkuḷam (Maṅ), Veḷḷaṟai (Per & Maṅ), Veḷḷiyaṅkuṭi (Maṅ), Vēḻukkai (P & Maṅ), Vēṅkaṭam (10 excepting Ma & TTP), Villiputtūr (Per & Ā), Viṇṇakar (Maṅ), Vintaḷūr (Maṅ), Viṭavēntai (Maṅ) and Vittuvakkōṭū (Ku).22 Kṣetras of the pre-Āḻvār time are Māliruñcōlai, Araṅkam, Vēṅkaṭam and Aṉantapuram. The total is four. The list of deśas notified by the Early Āḻvārs (6th-7th century) is: Allikkēṇi, Aṭṭapuyakkaram, Kacci-Attikiri, Kaṭalmallai, Kaṭikai, Kōṭṭiyūr, Kovalūr, Kuḻantai, Nīrmalai, Veḥkā, Pāṟkaṭal, Paramapatam, Pāṭakam, Tañcaimāmaṇikkōyil, Taṇkāl, Vēlukkai and Viṇṇakar.23 The total is seventeen (4 + 17 = 21). Most deśas are concentrated in Toṇṭaināṭu. The deśas that come to prominence during the period of the Middle Āḻvārs (7th-8th century) are: Aṉantapuram, Aṉpil, Ayōtti,

22 Cf. the list prepared by Raju Kalidos 2006: 304-305. 23 Māliruñcōlai, Araṅkam and Vēṅkaṭam appearing in earlier literature (e.g. Paripāṭal and Cilappatikāram) are not included. 54 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Ceṅkuṉṟūr, Cittirakūṭam, Cīvaramaṅkai, Evvuḷ, Tolaivillimaṅkalam, Kaṇṇapuram, Kaṭittāṉam, Kāṭkarai, Kavittalam, Kōḻiyūr, Kōḷūr, Kuṭantai, Kurukūr, Kuruṅkuṭi, Kūṭal, Maṇimāṭakkōyil, Meyyam, Mōkūr, Mūḻikkaḷam, Naimicāraṇyam, Nāvāy, Niṉṟavūr, Pērnakar, Puḷiṅkuṭi, Puliyūr/Kuṭṭanāṭu, Pullāṇi, Puṭkuḻi, Teṉtiruppērai, Āli/Nakari, Vallavāl, Vaṇparicāram, Vaṇvaṇṭūr, Varakuṇamaṅkai, Vāraṉviḻai, Vaṭamaturai, Vaṭṭāṟu, Vittuvakkōṭu and Ūrakam. The total is forty-one (4 + 17 + 40 = 61). The deśas that entered the scene in the last round of the Later Āḻvārs (8th-9th century) are the following: Aḻuntūr, Arimēyaviṇṇakaram, Ātaṉūr, Āyppāṭi, Cālakkirāmam, Cempoṉceykōyil, Cērai, Ciṅkavēḷkuṉṟam, Ciṟupuliyūr, Intalūr, Kāḻiccīrāmaviṇṇakaram, Kaḷvaṉūr, Kaṇṇamaṅkai, Kaṇṇaṅkuṭi, Kaṇṭamenuṅkaṭinakar, Kaṇṭiyūr, Kārakam, Kaṟampaṉūr, Kārvaṉam, Kāvaḷampāṭi, Kūṭalūr, Maṇikkūṭam, Nākai, Nantipuraviṇṇakaram, Naṟaiyūr, Nilāttiṅkaḷ-tuṇṭam, Nīrakam, Pavaḷavaṇṇam, Paramēccuraviṇṇakaram, Pārttaṉpaḷḷi, Piruti, Puḷḷampūttaṅkuṭi, Talaiccaṅkanāṇmatiyam, Taṇkā, Teṟṟiyampalam, Tēvaṉārtokai, Vaikuntam, Vaikuntaviṇṇakaram, Vaṇpuruṭōttamam, Vatariyācciramam, Vayintipuram, Veḥkā, Veḷḷakuḷam, Veḷḷaṟai, Veḷḷiyaṅkuṭi, Villiputtūr and Viṭaventai (4 + 17 + 40 + 47 = 108). This is the traditional list of 108 divyadeśas that ardent Vaiṣṇavas would like to visit. However, the Śrītattvanidhi, a compilation of dhyānaślokas from various sources, compiled by K ṣṇarāja Uṭaiyār (19th century), gives a list of 117 (Kalidos 2006: I, 307), citing the Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa (c. 350-950 CE, O’Flaherty 1994: 17) as the source of its authority. For classification it follows the traditional order in the ensuing pattern: Heavens (total number of deśas 2), North India (11), Toṇṭaināṭu (22), Naṭunāṭu (4), Cōḻanāṭu (43), Pāṇḍināṭu (19), Malaināṭu (13) and Karnāṭaka (3). In the original list of 108 none from Karnāṭaka is counted. The Śrītattvanidhi adds Janārdana, Mahiṣāsūrasthān (modern Mysore) and Mēlukōṭevādināmrāyaṇapuram (Mēlkoṭe). The other newly added places are Yadottakāri, Śrīperumputūr,24 Śrīmuṣṇam, Tañcaiyāḷimaṇi, Reṇuṇātai and Maṉṉārkuṭi/Campakāraṇyam. The Sanskritic intonation of the names appears odd: e.g. Aṭṭapuyakkaram/Aṣṭa-

24 This is the birth place of Ācārya Rāmānuja. The temple on the site goes after the name Ādi Keśava Perumāḷ. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 55 bhujūr, Paramēccuraviṇṇakaram/Pamameśvaravaṇṇahanūr, Tiruvāli- Tirunakari/Tirnāḷatirnagari, Puḷḷāṇi/Pullāraṇyam, Puḷiṅkuṭi/Kuṇiguḍi and so on. To a modern tourist with all the sophisticated travel facilities by air, road or rail it might appear the Āḻvārs could not have visited all the sthalas listed by them, especially those in the distant north (e.g. Śālagrāma in Nepal), but why not by walk is the question? It was their avowed ambition to visit all the kṣetras because they considered the kṣetra the Lord Viṣṇu himself, cf. the Viṣṇusahasranāma epithet: Kṣetrajñaḥ (no. 16) that considers the Lord himself the sacred temple. 25 Paramapatam (the Vaiṣṇava heaven, Vaikuṇṭha) and Pāṟkaṭal (Ocean of Milk) are purely mythical (vide, Attachment). No mortal could hope to visit these places.26 Those who have faith in Viṣṇu may hope to visit these places only after demise. Again it is a moot point that only a few sthalas alone existed during a particular point of time that was canonized by the Āḻvārs. More could have been there that were not canonized. When attain popularity, they could have been canonized. For example, one may ask whether Śrīmuṣṇam or Maṉṉārkuṭi existed only at the time of the Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa (say 10th century CE). There could have been a small temple there during the pre-10th century that came to be canonized later when popularity increases. Epigraphical sources in the temple date since the Middle and later Cōḻa period (10th-11th century - Rajarajan 2006: I, 64). More pronounced evidences come during the period of the Nāyakas of Tañcāvūr in the 16th-17th century (cf. Rajarajan 2006: I, 64-65). In any case it could not be definitely stated that this sthala existed during the Āḻvār period. Several temples (kṣetras) existed in one sthala, e.g. Kāñci (14) and Nāṅkūr (8). In both the cases the sthala is Kāñci or Nāṅkūr and what the Āḻvārs considered was the temple, the kṣetra. In such a case total number of sthalas could not have been more than 88. The Hindu

25 Cf. the beautiful Tamil expression, tiruttaḷiyāṉ “Lord Sacred Temple” (Tēvāram 6.290.3), Ōṅkuyarkōyiluṟaivār (ibid. 1.26.3) “He is frozen in the form of the Temple” or “he who resides in the tall-rising temple”. These references pertain to a sacred Śaiva venue in Pāṇḍināṭu at Puttūr (Place of the Anthill) on the way from Maturai to Kāraikkuṭi via Mēlūr. 26 The Tiruviḷaiyāṭaṟ Purāṇam records a myth of Varaguṇa Pāṇḍya (CE 862-80) visiting the Śīvaloka (Jeyapriya 2013: Chap. II) and presents a description of how it was. 56 R.K.K. Rajarajan faith is that each temple is situated on the Meru, the Axis mundi, and that the temple was the Lord himself transformed in the form of an architectural edifice (supra. cf. n. 26). If such a lofty imaginary vision of a sthala is considered, then we may have faith in 108 in which case the temple may fall within a radius of 5-7 kms in case of Kāñci or Nāṅkūr. Another important point is that what the Āḻvārs saw during the 6th-9th century were not the temples that we find today. A good case of phenomenal growth is the Tirumala/Tirupati (Vēṅkaṭam) temple. There are several temples for Viṣṇu at the base of the seven hills, Saptagiri, 27 named after Śrīnivāsa, Govindarāja (supposed to have been built by Rāmānujācārya; Aiyangar 1940: 262), Godaṇḍa-Rama, Alamēlu-Maṅgammā (Tiruccāṉūr) and so on and it is not clear which temple the Āḻvārs note. It is a point for serious consideration whether it is the temple on the hill top (Aiyangar 1940: 4) because Rāmānujācārya is said to have rolled his body on the hill to reach the temple. He did so because the hill was an abstraction of Ādiśeṣa himself (cf. n. 22) and that he should not set his foot on him, the hill, Śeṣasaila. The Āḻvārs consider Māliruñcōlai the Tiruppāṟkaṭal and Vēṅkaṭam the Vaikuṇṭha (Tiruvāymoḻi 10.7.8). Nammāḻvār beautifully says Tirumāliruñcōlai is the Pāṟkaṭal that is his head. The Vaikuṇṭha of Tirumāl is Tiruvēṅ-kaṭam that is his body:

Tirumāliruñcōlaimalaiyē Tiruppāṟkaṭalē yeṉṟalaiyē Tirumāl Vaikuntamē taṇtiruvēṅkaṭamē yeṉatuṭalē (Tiruvāymoḻi 10.7.8).

The temple that the Āḻvārs did see during the 6th-9th centuries has undergone spectacular changes today (Figs. 16-18). The inner part of the temple, i.e. what lay inside the tirumatil as it was 100 years ago, has not undergone any drastic change. What all done is to cover the pillars and vimāna with golden plates. The original structures such as the garbhag ha, Garuḍa shrine, chapels for Yoga-N siṁha, Varadarāja, Rāmānuja, Ainamahal, kalyāṇa-maṇḍapa, tirumañjana-

27 The seven hills are extolled in a hymn of the Veṅkaṭeśvarasuprabhātam v. 15: Śrīśeṣaśaila garuḍācala veṅkaṭādri nārāyaṇādri v ṣabhādri v ṣādrimukhyām / Ākhyāṁ dvadīyavasateraniśaṁ vadanti Śrīveṅkaṭācalapate dava suprabhātam. This hymn gives the names of the hills Śrīsaila, Śeṣasaila, Garuḍācala, Veṅkatādri, Nārāyanādri, V ṣabhādri and V ṣādri. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 57 maṇḍapa, Tirumalanāyaka-maṇḍapa, Raṅganāyaka-maṇḍapa and so on remain intact (Sitapati 1972: Plan). Forty years back, a devotee had to wait outside the prime gopura till 4-5 PM (having been closed after midday services) for reopening of the Gateway to get into the temple.28 A crowd of some 200-300 pilgrims was waiting for darśana. Today several thousands wait for hours if one pays money and days for a free darśana (cf. the mega-queue that waits at the Gate of the St. Peters Church in Rome, the bustle of tourists in the Pompeii Pago Martittimo or Herculaneum in Naples and the crowd in Sistine chapel or Vatican Museum). The difference is that the bustle comes down within a few hours in Rome and Naples whereas it lasts for days together in Tirumala/Tirupati. The additions to the Tirumala temple outside the wall are beyond imagination. How many free-feeding boarding houses both at the foothills and atop the hill; how many paid lodging cottages; what a scenic addition to the temple structures; jewels worth how many billions of dollars to the Lord and the vāhanas that one saw in 1940 may not be the ones that he sees today (Figs. 1-7). 29 What was once a simple brass-plated Śeṣavāhana is today in molten gold (cf. Figs. 6-7). I am sure no temple on earth would have seen such a tremendous growth within a period of 50

28 Interview with Raju Kalidos, who visited the temple in 1966 when a student of bachelor’s study. See photos (Figs. 1-2, 6-7) that were shot in the later 1930s (source Aiyangar 1940). See in photo 6 the priest seated to the left of the vāhana may have been 20 and the same person in photo 7 is more than 80 years old. We will have to verify whether both are the same. 29 While working on this part of the article, I happened to note a fantastic, rather “shocking”, newspaper report (contributor’s name not given) in a popular Tamil daily, called Tiṉamalar (dated 2nd October 2010), on the splendors of the Lord of the Tirumalai temple (Figs. 4-5) that may be summarized as follows (facts subject to verification): 1) The golden pītāmbara of the Lord is six kg in weight. Any one could offer such a vastra to the Lord by paying Rs. 12,500 (US $ 250) and will have to wait in reservation for three years on paying the money. This is called mēlcāttuvastram (upper garment). 2) The uḷcāttuvastram (inner garment) is worth Rs. 20,000 ($ 400) and after paying the due one will have to wait for 10 years. 3) The cosmetics for the Lord are brought from Amsterdam (roses), Spain (kumkum), Nepal (kasturi), China (punuku) and Paris (aromatic scents). 4) The jewels are worth several billions of dollars. The sālagrama golden shoulder hang is twelve kg in weight and three priests are required to lift it and place on the Lord’s image. They say there is no time to put on all these ornaments on the sacred image of the Lord in a recurring process during yearly days. The latest news (February 2011) is that they a Museum of Jewels is to be set in the temple. Cf. the Exhibits in the Vatican, Rome. 5) A blue gem alone is worth 20 million dollars (?). 58 R.K.K. Rajarajan years (cf. Parker 1992: 121n). If Tirumaṅkai Āḻvār were alive today and visit the temple, he would not believe his own eyes and say it was the same Vēṅkaṭam that he saw in the 9th century. Tirupati/Tirumala is the only venue of a temple on earth that shows stages of development at a bullet-train-speed within a time bracket of 50 years. Māliruñcōlai and Mōkūr fall within a distance of 15 kms in the north-south direction. In both the cases the present temples are of Vijayanagara-Nāyaka period as the style of architecture and iconography would prove (Rajarajan 2006: I, 44-47; II, Plan II). In between these two another center of early medieval art, Āṉaimalai, is found that houses an image of Ugra-N siṁha in the cella of a rock-cut cave (Kalidos 2006: I, 224-25). Again the north-facing group of caves in Tirupparaṅkuṉṟam consists of a rock-cut cella for Viṣṇu- Vaikuṇṭha-mūrti (Rajarajan 1991: figs. 1-2), which is not a divyadeśa.30 We may recall here that the Paripāṭal has references to Iruntaiyūr and Kuḷavāy. It is not clear these two refer to the Paraṅkuṉṟam and Āṉaimalai. In any case the Meyyam or Māliruñcōlai of the Āḻvār time are not those that we find today. Through the historic periods, these temples have undergone drastic changes and added with several maṇḍapas, shrines for Āvaraṇamūrtis, gopuras, tirukkuḷams, vāhanas and so on (Plan 1). These could not be those of the time that the Āḻvārs composed their hymns. 31 Shrines for Āvaraṇamūrtis peep into the temple arena only after the time of Kulōttuṅga I (AD 1070-1120). Early medieval temples, cave or structural, do not accommodate separate chapels for Lakṣmī or

30 It was a seat of the Murukaṉ cult as told in the Tirumurukāṟṟuppaṭai (250 CE, Zvelebil 1974: 50). It has been proved with authentic evidence that the present group of northern caves at Paraṅkuṉram accommodates no house for Murukaṉ (Rajarajan 2001). In two instances temples for Viṣṇu and Murukaṉ are said to have coexisted. They are Paraṅkuṉṟam, Māliruñcōlai, called Paḻamutircōlai in Kaumāra tradition. Vēṅkaṭam was also considered a temple for Śiva (Aiyangar 1940: 266). The tug-of- war between the Vaiṣṇavas and Kaumāras was so intense that they went to the court of law claiming the present Saunrarāja Perumāḷ temple at Aḻakarkōyil was their original Murukaṉ temple. The same fight existed in case of Tirupati-Tirumala also (Aiyangar 1940, Vol. I). 31 Tirumaṅkai talks of tanks, pools, forts, towered edifices and pavilions: poḻilum vāviyum matilum māṭamāḷikaiyum maṇṭapamum (Periya Tirumoḻi 2.3.10). These might have been some early edifices built of brick and not the pillared halls that we find during the Cōḻa or Vijayanagara-Nāyaka time. All structures of the present temple, the holy of holies, maṇḍapas, gopura, tirumatil, tirukkuḷam and vāhanas (including tēr) are of Vijayanagara-Nāyaka time. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 59

Bhūdevī.32 These come to the scene only during the Vijayanagara- Nāyaka period (Rajarajan 2006: II, Plans I & II). The Āṉaimalai early medieval rock-cut cave temple for N siṁha (Fig. 8) is added with a mahāmaṇḍapa, shrine for Garuḍa and Lakṣmī that are structural and Vijayanagara-Nāyaka additions (Figs. 9-11). Similarly the present day temple complex of either Māliruñcōlai or Meyyam (Rajarajan 2006: II, Plan VIII of Meyyam) did not exist during the Āḻvār times.33 The temple tank in the plan of Rajarajan was built du-ring the Vijayanagara time whereas the Āḻvārs sing the natural water reservoirs (Fig. 12). The rock-cut mūlabera in Meyyam is of the Āḻvār time and not the balibera (Fig. 13). In any case all that is told by the Āḻvār is not imaginary or idealized vision of a temple that he saw in his mental eye. His aim was to extol the Mūrti as he found him in sayana, sthānaka, āsana or dancing mode (cf. Kalidos 1999: 223-50)34, the sthala, the kṣetra, the v kṣa (flora and fauna), the tīrtha, the utsavas (cf. Younger 1982) and so on. There may be an iota of poetic imagination of what the Āḻvār say (e.g. references to towered edifices and golden forts in small villages) but the divyadeśa is a reality because we find all the 108 today. One may locate the nine and fourteen temples of the Āḻvārs’ time in the cities of Nāṅkūr and Kāñci of the 9th century in separate

32 Vasudha Narayanan (1998: 88) says separate chapels for Śrīdevī appear in Viṣṇu temples since the 7th century CE. It is not so. In none of the Pallava structural temple (e.g. Vaikuṇṭha Perumāḷ) or rock-cut caves (e.g. Varāhamaṇḍapa and Ādivarāha- Viṣṇu-g ha) do we find a chapel for Devī. The same is the case with that of the Western Calukyas of Badāmī (e.g. Caves III & II), early Pāṇḍyas, Rāṣṭrakūṭas and Eastern Calukyas. If in case one finds a chapel for Devī (e.g. Āṉaimalai Fig. 10) it is a later addition. The Malaiyaṭippaṭṭi early medieval cave finds some ruined structural additions for Devī, Garuḍa and the Ācāryas. These are of the Nāyaka period (Kalidos 1988: 57-69). The Kont-guḍi complex in Aihole is a cluster of temples for gods and none for Devī (see a recent book, Soundararajan 2009). 33 For example the present day Allikkēṇi temple is a macro-complex with the following falling within a tirumatil (sacred wall): Five garbhag has for pañcavīras (infra Attachment), chapels for Varadarāja, Raṅganātha, N siṁha and Śrī Rāma, shrines for Devīs, an enclave for Āḻvārs, ardhamaṇḍapa, mukhamaṇḍpa, mahāmaṇḍapa, 32-pillared maṇḍapa, ūñjalmaṇḍapa (swing pavilion), vasantamaṇḍapa (pavilion for the spring festival), kalyāṇamaṇḍapa (marriage pavilion), a pavilion that falls outside the wall in the east, two gopuras, balipītha, dvajastambha, Garuḍapīṭha, teppakkuḷam and so on (Radhakrishnan 2006: Chap II). 34 Especially the Lord in the divyadeśas of Pāṇḍināṭu region is viewed mostly in dancing form (Rajarajan 2010). 60 R.K.K. Rajarajan zones but today these are found within the congested city and streets of contemporary time within a range of walkable distance. Overall, we are thankful to the mystics of the 6th-9th centuries for presenting us an overview of the Vaiṣṇava temples and venues that existed in their times. To get back to the question posed at the commencement of the essay, “landscape of myth” or “landscape of history”, it may be affimed the Āḻvārs deal with the landscape of history and not myth. To say simply why it is “history”, I may add all the 108 exist today and these have evolved over a long period of time during the 6th - early 9th century CE down to the contemporary time. What I mean is Allikkēṇi of today (Figs. 14-15) is totally different (Figs. 14-15) from what Pēyāḻvār saw in the 6th century CE but the deśa is a reality, its topographical setting and ecology (vide, Attachment). A sthala could not be imagined and described. The aim of the Āḻvār was to visit the sthala and describe the Mūrti, the kṣetra, tīrtha, v kṣa and above all its sacred geography with its flourishing flora and fauna as they found it (for a graphic description of these details see Rajarajan 2012a). Pāṟkaṭal and Vaikuṇṭha are exceptions (vide, for case studies see Attachment). More sthalas seem to have been added during the subsequent periods (e.g. the Śrītattvanidhi version) down to the 19th century CE and several of these are not brought under divyadeśas (e.g. Ādi Keśava at Śrīperumputūr, Varadarāja at Kāñcīpuram, a stronghold of vaṭakalai Śrīvaiṣṇavism),35 Kodaṇḍa Rāma at Madhuāntakam and so on see Kalidos 1989: 261-73).

Argument

This part of the article is added to reply certain questions that rose during discussion when presented in an elite audience. I am to emphasize that most Indian-American and American (I mean the US) scho-lars working in American Universities writing on Śrīvaiṣṇavism are prejudiced of the fundamentals of its basic philosophy and that of Viṣṇuism (supra). I want to emphasize Śrīvaiṣṇavism is a philophical approach to Viṣṇuism and Viṣṇuism/Vaiṣṇavism is a major religion in India, counted one among the ṣaṇmatas (Tamil aṟuvakaiccamayam).

35 For a case study on Teṉkalai Śrīvaiṣṇavism in South India, see Lester (1994: 39-53) and Mumme (1987: 257-266). Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 61

I should emphasise Śrīvaiṣṇavism in which Śrī (the Lord’s “grace” supra) is given greater importance than Viṣṇu is not the main focus of attention here. Some American scholars employ unhistorical phrases such as “Śrīvaiṣṇava poems”, “Śrīvaiṣṇava divyadeśas” and so on. The Āḻvārs’ works are not poems.

They composed hymns that generate sanctity, which when recited arises from the depth of the bosom of a devotee, melts his tissues: kātalākik kacintu kaṇṇīr malki “I am in love [My Lord Śiva], I melt and shed tears” Tēvāram 3.307.1; ūṉiṉai urukki uḷḷoḷi perukki “melt the tissues and arouse the inner light” Tiruvācakam: Piṭittapattu v. 9; aṉpākik kacinturukum “[I] liquefy due to love of you” Tiruvācakam: Civapurāṇam l. 57; he/she being in a state of frenzy. It is not something like a movie song or pop music.

The sublime in the Tamil hymnists is so unfathomable that John Bunyan (vide, Pilgrim’s Progress 17th century CE) is a baccā before Ñāṉacampantar, the child prodigy, and Māṇikkavacakar (7th-8th century CE), a veteran. 36 The divyadeśas were not Śrīvaiṣṇava at about the early 9th century CE and no true Vaiṣṇava brings them under this category.

Śrīvaiṣṇavism as a codified system of thought/philosophy developed after the time of Śrī Rāmānujācārya (e.g. his Śrībhāṣya)37 in the 12th

36 This is merely a point in comparison of poetic excellence and need be viewed in terms of Christianity vs. Hinduism. As an ardent student of British English literature, I consider Bunyan a great poet. See his words: “The gentleman’s name was Mr Wordly Wise-Man”. “My great grandfather was but a waterman, looking one way, and rowing another”. We may also look into the hymns of Cardinal Newman (1801-1890): “Lead, Kindly Light, amid the encircling gloom/Lead Thou me on”. These citations have been given for comparison with those of the Āḻvārs (cf. Ramanujam 1981, Ganeshram 2011); if the poems of Bunyan and Newman are hymns why not those of the Āḻvārs’? S. Ganeshram is a novice in the field. Guided by Raju Kalidos he has presented the summary of all the hymns bearing on the divyadeśas of Malaināṭu in his article, presented in an international conference, organized by the Universita di Roma and IsIAO in Rome 2011. 37 Basically the Śrībhāṣya is a commentary to the Brahmasūtra in which the ideas of the Vedas, Upaniṣads and above all the Tiruvāymoḻi of Nammāḻvār were employed in the process of explication. Therefore, the rudiments of Śrīvaiṣṇavism may be found in it. It is not explicitly a work on Śrīvaiṣṇava doctrines that developed after the time of 62 R.K.K. Rajarajan century CE whereas all the twelve Āḻvārs are dated during the 6th – early 9th century CE. A ray of Śrīvaiṣṇava ideology may be found the hymns of Āṇṭāḷ et al who emphasize the importance of the Feminine Principle (śrī “grace” transformed) as one may find in Tiruppāvai. The subject-matter in the hymns of the Āḻvārs is Viṣṇu, the foremost of the millions of gods: muppattumūvar amarar: Tiruppavai v. 20. The Āḻvārs consider Śrī, Bhū and Nappiṉṉai, Viṣṇu’s three consorts as secondary or tertiary principles: uṭaṉamar kātal makaḷir tirumakaḷ maṇmakalāyar/maṭamakaḷ eṉṟivar mūvar “the three consorts are Srīdevī, Bhūdevī and the āyar[gopi]-girl, Nappiṉṉai” Tiruvāymoḻi 1.9.4; vide, Kalidos 2011. Āṇṭāḷ in another place categorically declares it is her aim to sing the praise of the Lord Viṣṇu: “As on today and the seven more births to come I am for you and for you only I shall offer my obeisance”: eṟṟaikkum ēḻēl piṟavikkum uṉṟaṉṉōṭu uṟṟōmē āvōmuṉakkē nāmāṭceyvom (Tiruppavai v. 29). She also advices her fellow maidens to sing the praise of the Lord Nārāyaṇa, also called Keśava: Nāyakap peṇpiḷḷāy Nārāyaṇamūrtti Kecavaṉai pāṭavum ni (Tiruppāvai v. 7). “He is the god of gods”, Āṇṭāḷ says, “let us go and worship him, He will shower his blessings scrutinising our demands”: Tēvāti tēvaṉic ceṉṟunām cēvittāl/āvāveṉṟārāytaruḷēlōr-empāvay (Tiruppāvai v. 8). In the Nācciyār Tirumoḻi 1.1 she declares: Uṉṉaiyu mumpiyaiyum toḻutēṉ “I worship you and your brother (Bala-deva)”, a hint at the V ṣṇi hero- worship. The Śrīvaiṣṇava concept > Viṣṇu without śrī is a naught38 < developed due to some religious upheavels in the 12th century CE.39

Rāmānuja. Śrīvaiṣṇavism is an interpretative philosophy on part of the Ācāryas. These interpretators are not the end-point in Vaiṣṇavism. 38 In the Śrīraṅgam temple one visits Tāyār (Mother Śrī) first and then goes to the main sanctum of Lord Raṅganātha. It is due to the popular belief the Lord may not shower his mercy unless the devotee has obtained the blessings of the Goddess. This idea should have come to the ritual picture only after the Vijayanagara time when the shrine for Tāyār was erected. 39 Tele-interview with a Śrīvaiṣṇava scholar, Prof. J. Rangaswami of the Tamil University of Thanjavur (this scholar has translated the Śrīvacanabhuṣaṇam and Ācāryah daya of Piḷḷai Lokācārya in English) who on 17-2-2011 told me: > It is sheer idiosyncrasy to talk of Śrīvaiṣṇavism before the time of Nāthamuni (10th century CE) who codified the Nālāyiram into a canon. For the Tamil Vaiṣṇavas the Nālāyiram is the Veda and not the commentaries of the Ācāryas who came after Rāmānuja. Śrīvaiṣṇavism as a cultivated system developed during and after the time of Rāmānuja, popularized by his disciples < Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 63

Śrīraṅgam (Raṅganātha temple – divyadeśa) and Kāñcīpuram (Varadarāja temple) at that point of time were the bases of Śrīvaiṣṇava mode of approach after the time of Rāmānuja, the former emphasizing the Pāñcarātra- and latter Vaikhānasa- āgamas respectively for the teṉkalai (Tamil/Nālāyiram dominated) and vaṭakalai (Sanskrit/Vedas dominated) schisms (Rangasvami 1993-95: 107-22). Therefore, the usage of phrases such as “Śrīvaiṣṇava poems (meaning the Nālāyiram)” and “Śrīvaiṣṇava divyadeśas (of the Āḻvārs)” is mere fallacy. I may also add here in the early medieval temples (c. 550-850 CE, contemporaneous with the Āḻvārs), rock-cut or structural, Viṣṇu rarely appears with Devīs, Śrī and Bhū,40 and never with Nappiṉṉai (cf. Kalidos 2011 cites K.R. Srinivasan 1972: 51 who finds Nappiṉṉai in the Govardhanadhāri relief of Māmallapuram). Good examples are Trimūrti-maṇḍapa in Māmallapuram, Kīḻmāvilaṅkai cave temple, Tiruccirāppaḷḷi Pāṇḍya (lower) cave (west-facing cella) and so on (Kalidos 2006: pls. LXI. 1, LXXXII. 1). Though not approved divyadeśas by the Āḻvārs, these are archaeological evidences to show the not-so-well-known concept of Śrīvaiṣṇavism during a time contemporaneous with the Āḻvārs as reflected in the temple arts.41 I have cited a newspaper report only to show how tremendously the assets of the Tirumala have increased during the past 50 years. It may be “anonymous” (see n. 28) to very serious to an American or American-Indian and they may look “spuriously” in understanding the ideas behind the interpretation of photo nos. 6 & 7. Coming to the

40 Śrī and Bhū may or may not be present with the Lord Śeṣaśāyī; e.g. Uṇḍavalli in Āndhradeśa (without Devīs), ruined image in the middle cella of the Shore temple at Māmallapuram (without Devīs), Ciṅkāvaram, Nāmakkal, Malaiyaṭippaṭṭi, Tirumeyyam and Taṇkāl (divyadeśa]). In the maṇḍapa of the Malaiyaṭippaṭṭi rock-cut cave for Raṅganātha Śrī and Bhū appear with seated and standing Viṣṇu but these two are not cult images (Kalidos 1988: Pl. Ia). The garbhag ha in the Tirupparaṅkuṉṟam (west facing cella) north group of caves accommodates seated Viṣṇu with Devīs (Rajarajan 1991: figs. 1-2). It is an example of a Śrīvaiṣṇava image in the early art of Tamilnadu that is placed in the garbhag ha. The image of Bhūvarāhamūrti in the Ādivarāha-Viṣṇu-g ha is with Bhūdevī (Champakalakshmi 2001: fig. p. 80), placed in a cella-like apartment on the backwall of the cave. Sthānaka-Viṣṇu appears alone in the Trimūrti-maṇḍapa of Māmallapuram, Kīḻmāvilaṅkai cave and Tiruccirāppḷḷi lower cave (west facing cella). In my view the presence of Devī/s is not the only criteria for Ṣrīvaiṣṇava status. 41 If any one wants to dispute these arguments, he/she is most welcome to India to any one of the research centers, particularly the Tamil University of Thanjavur or the Adyar Research Centre, where we shall meet and debate. 64 R.K.K. Rajarajan anonymous newspaper report, I may add now there is a school that gives importance to “contemporary history” (cf. a Department of Contemporary History in the School of Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi) and “oral history” in Europe. Scholars on contemporary history depend mainly on Newspaper reports (Diehl 1978: 123-27, Rajaraman 1988: 314-15) and personally biased interviews.42 Anita Diehl’s work is a doctoral thesis of the University of Lund. 43 Are we to treat these “anonymous” theses? Several American scholars produce calendar posters for illustration in their scholarly publications on religion and Hinduism (Hawley 1988: fig. 1, Narayanan 1988: figs. 10-11,44 McDermott 1988: figs. 28, 30-31). Are

42 If you write a thesis on a contemporary politician in Tamilnadu who had been in the field for the past 60 years, the investigator invariably depends on newspapers and personal interviews that belong to his party cadre. Do you think such a person will open his mind regarding number of wives/concubines of their leader, their children (how many and to whom born?), and personal assets in 1950 and 2010? Under such circumstances, methodology could not be uniform in all historical investigations. We find historians of religion, historians of art and those deals with both. Could any one bring them into a compartment or fence their thoughts by talking of methodology? There is an Indian saying: for Vālmīki (and Shakespeare) there is no grammar; what they write is grammar. I am neither Vālmīki nor Shakespeare but their student. I very well remember Shakespeare’s advice to a scholar of my standing, a Humboldtian if not a Harvardian: “Give every man thine ear, but few thy voice; Take each man’s censure, but reserve thy judgement” (Hamlet Act I, Scene 3). I also keep in mind Shakespeare’s words: “I have immortal longings in me” (Antony and Cleopatra, Act V, Scene 2). These citations are irrelevant to the problem under study but may serve to answer the precarious questions that arise in course of dicussion. I want to point out here that in a Harvard publication (Parker 1992: 110-123) the data presented could be found in any contemporary newspaper in Tamil or English. Scho-lars interested may refer to newspapers during 1979-1987. 43 These scholars cite third-rate newspapers such as Tiṉattanti (popular among the unlettered mass) and Viṭutalai (that fanatics of DK political lineage read) that no decent man, not to speak of the educated, reads in Tamilnadu. The news agency that I have cited is on a better level read by the elite. I do not say it does not talk nonsense. It does. This standard as well applies to news media all over the world, whether the Times of India or New York. I am giving this an example and it has not relevance to the main discussion on divyadeśas. When I cite a newspaper report on the subject, it was questioned by an American. It is my counter-question how they permit scholars in contemporary history quoting newspapers. Do not scholars from Harvard work on contemporary Indian or American history? If these scholars take a double-stand in historical research Harvard will be hollow-vard. 44 If you want historical images Śrī/Lakṣmī go to Ellora Cave XVI, the Nandi- maṇḍapa part of its monolithic section or the dark hole-like pathway that leads to the Laṅkeśvara in the same group of cave temples (Kalidos 2006: III, pl. XVI. 1). You do Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 65 they historical or what authority do they command in the sphere of Indian art? Are not these “anonymous”? The pinnacle of these cheap illustrations is by Jacobson (2004: 237-64, figs. 1-8) who offers a justification for this type of unhistorical idioms in art. The most fantastic visuvalization is that child-Śiva is found sleeping in fig. 8 of Jacobson 2004.45 To my knowledge there is no iconographic form of Śiva in the canons or myth that view Śiva in reclining mode whether as a child, lad or grown up man (see the virutta-kumāra-pālaṉ [Sanskrit v ddha-kumāra-bāla] in Tiruviḷaiāṭaṟ Purāṇam). It is typical of the Buddha (chronologically earlier) and Viṣṇu-Śeṣaśāyī. The calendar posters are wild imaginations and fantasies on the part uneducated street painters/printers. Going to the other extreme, an art historian may justify he is investigating the sociological setting of these new entrants in the realm of Hindu iconography, which traditional scholars view with apathy (cf. Dallapiccola ed. 1989) and in my view such illustrations are unscrupulously art historical.46 These find her in the Varāhamaṇḍapa of Māmallapuram (ibid. III, pl. XLVIII. 1). Why do some illustrate calendar posters? 45 His justification is fascinating on the negative side. He says Rāja Ravivarma did it and so all calendar posters are of that standard. Ravivarma imitated the classical traditions and chalked out a path for himself. He did it for money because he was in dire need of it. It is foolish to equate a calendar poster with Ravivarma. What do most contemporary, the so-called modern art[ists] do? Do they work for name or money? The painting-artists of Ajaṇṭa and the Kaṅgra are anonymous and do not even have their names written below each painting. What do the modern artists down to M.F. Hussain do? Most of them are after millions of dollars and Husssain went to such a low level that he found Sarasvatī nude, leading to his (scholarly ?) excommunication from India (cf. Kalidos 2010: 43-48). I do not find any difference between Hussain’s Sarasvatī and the calendar posters. This article was published by Brill. What will Brill do if the article is recommended by an American referee? Some talk of Harvard and all that. A genuine Harvard should come forward to recognize the erudition of a scholar. For an egalitarian professor Cambridge and Heidelberg, Lund, Harvard and Tribhuvan are universities, no more any less. 46 At this juncture, I would like to point out a blunder caused on Indian Art by some foreign scholars. See Indrof 2004: fig. 17, the figure caption says it is Chola, 1010 CE. But in reality it is a pure Vijayanagara-Nayaka (16th-17th Century) master piece work Subramanya temple, with in B hadeśvara temple complex of Tañcāvūr. Using the modern clander art to study the Hindu iconographic forms, knowingly or unknowlingly dating a monument, having sectarian notions and dating Indian literatures. White (pp. 127-129) “a classical Tamil poem, the circa 100-300 C.E. Neṭunalvāṭai, depicts the relationship between warrior king and warrior goddess by describing the royal bedroom situated at the symbolic heart of the Pāṇḍya kingdom. In this bedroom is a round bed, symbolizing the round Vedic fire altar and the earth, and 66 R.K.K. Rajarajan scholars construe their own methodology of art history vis-à-vis religion that is against the injunctions of the śāstras as told in Dallapiccola ed. 1989. Coming to my illustrations Figs. 6-7, carefully examine the legends for these figures in which it is clearly stated photo 6 was shot in the 1930s and photo 7 in Septembeer 2010. Therefore, my proposition that the priest in photo 6 (maybe aged 20) is the same in photo 7 (aged above 80). I have prudently added the motifs are subject to verification. In endnote 27 I have only said Prof. Raju Kalidos visited the Tirumala temple in 1966. Our entire family was on the hills in 2000 on the occasion of my marriage. The hill-temple at Tirumala was entirely different in 2010 when compared with 2000 and 1966. It may be shocking to some who read endnote 28. Let me give a small statistics of the budget of the Tirumala temple as reported in scholarly journals. In 1978-79 the Budget estimate of the temple was Rs. 1,755.26 lakhs (Venugopal 1978: 571-72). Within a period of three years during 1982-83 it rose to several millions, the fixed depo- sit alone being 45.97 crores (more than a million American dollars) of Indian rupees (Reddy 1983: 953-56). This is what statistics says. Who knows what the actual figure was if you do not depend on newspaper reports? And who knows how many lakhs of rupees were swindled?47 If you ask for today’s budget estimate of the Devasthānam nobody will give you the genuine figures and even if told they may be fake. If one wants to know the truth behind the citations given in endnote 28 no one may come forward to divulge the secret. There may or may not this bed is the queen, who lies naked, awaiting the oblation of soma-semen from her husband. Known as “The Clan-founding Goddess” (kula-mutaltēvi), she embodies the Mother goddess to whom her maidservant prays for victory, as well as the aṇaṅku (a Tamil term whose semantic field corresponds to that śakti in Sanskrit) that pervades the royal capital-fortress. That aṇaṅku, transmitted by her to the king each time they have sexual intercourse (kūṭal), is carried inside of him as the energy that wins him victory in battle. Nearly all of the elements of the later kuladevī cults appear to be present in this early Tamil poem. 47 Sir, this is India, home of black-money and politico-religious public robbery (keep in mind 2G-Spectrum hot-news and a Central Indian minister and his paramour jail days. Some time back there was a hubbub regarding the missing jewels in the Tirumala temple. Where there is wealth, there is ample opportunity for banditry. I hope the Vatican is free from these malices. But when we visited the Church one of my friends found 2,000 euro pickpocketed. From time immemorial the region around Tirupati was the home of kaḷḷaṉs (literally “robbers”). Today these original kaḷḷaṉs have disappeared, giving place for the modern politician/kaḷḷaṉ. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 67 be any reality if one says a blue gem is worth 20 million US dollars (cf. endnote 28). See Fig. 17 and find out the jewels that could not be valued in terms of millions of euros and dollars.

Acknowledgement

I am obliged to Prof. Raju Kalidos for having given a final touch to the article as it stands in its present format, especially note 43.

68 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Attachment

Allikēṇi and Pāṟkaṭal in the Āḻvār hymns Allikēṇi and Pāṟkaṭal are the two earthly and unearthly celestial abodes of Viṣṇu. It may be of some value to see how the Āḻvārs view these two deśas in their hymns (for case studies of Araṅkam and Kuṁbhakōṇam see Kalidos 1993-95: 136–52, Meeneshwari 1993-95: 95–106). A. Karkuzhali 2005 has presented the summary of the hymns on temple studied by her, e.g. Nācciyārkōyil and Naṟaiyūr. M. Kannan 2006 has presented a summary of the Āḻvār hymns in his doctoral thesis on Viṣṇu temples of the Kāviri delta around Tiruvārūr, e.g. Kaṇṇapuram. Similarly, several other scholars working on Śaiva tiruttalams (e.g. Aṣṭavīrattānams and Sapataviṭaṅga-sthalas) have presented the summaries of the Tēvāram hymns on the temples related to their studies.

Allikkēṇi (Tiru)Alikkēṇi appears in the hymns of Pēy (Tiruvantāti III, v. 16), Maḻicai (Nāṉmukaṉ Tiruvantāti v. 35) and Maṅkai (Periya Tirumoḻi 2.3. 1-10). The total number of hymns is 12. Tirumaṅkai in his Ciṟiya Tirumṭal ll. 137–152 (Little Epistle) and Periya Tirumaṭal ll. 225–266 (Long Epistle) presents a collective list of select divyadeśas but Allikkēṇi does not figure in these accounts. Pēyāḻvār finds the waves of the ocean dashing against the wall of the temple at Allikkēṇi (modern Triplicane), vantutaitta veṇṭiraikaḷ (Tirvantāti III, v. 16). Today it is not the case. The Bay lay at a considerable distance say about a km from the temple. It is likely it was the case at the time of Pēy in the 6th century CE. Maḻicai views Mayilai (modern Mylapore) and Allikkēṇi in close quarters: Māmayilai māvallikkēṇiyāṉ “He of the great Mayilai and the great Allikkēṇi” (Nāṉmukaṉ Tiruvantāti v. 35). It seems in that time both the venues were viewed as one and the same. Today there is a temple for Kāpālīśvara at Mayilai or Mayilāpūr. Nobody views it a Vaiṣṇava divyadeśa. On the other the Nāyaṉmār view Mayilai a talam of the Śaivas (Tēvāram Tirumuṟai 2, Patikam 183). Maṅkai talks of the festivals that take place in the temple, viṟperuviḻa (big festival Periya Tirumoḻi 2.3.1). He also views Mayilai Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 69 and Allikkēṇi as one and the same (ibid. v. 2). Today the name of the temple is Pārthasārathi, the Lord K ṣṇa who drove the chariot for Arjuna at the time of the Great Bhārata War. The Periya Tirumoḻi (2.3.1) notes the Lord as driver of a chariot. He is said to have visited the Gaurava court on the eve of the war as dūta on behalf of the Pāṇḍavas (ibid. 2.3. 5). The clear notation of a charioteer appears in another hymn (ibid. 2.3.6): Intiraṉ ciṟuvaṉ tērmuṉ niṉṟāṉait tiruvallikkēṇi kaṇṭēṉē “I found him (K ṣṇa) by the side of a chariot with the little one (son) of Indra (Arjuna) at Tiruvallikkēṇi”. The Tiruvāymoḻi (7.8.3) designates K ṣṇa the driver of a carved chariot, cittirattērvalavā. The venue was in an enchanting grove where the cuckoo and peacocks do fly. The Mayilaittiruvallikkēṇi was full of towering edifices and pools with fishes and groves (with plants) dripping honey (ibid. 2.3.7). Besides the ponds and pools, there was a fort (tirumatil?), towered palaces and pavilions (cf. n. 22). The Lord is sthānaka (standing mode) in the temple at Mayilaittirivallikkēṇi that was built by the southern King Toṇṭaiyaṉ (ibid. 2.3.10). The Toṇṭaiyaṉ (cf. Aiyangar 1940: Chap. I) noted here is the Pallava king, Nandivarmaṉ II whom Tirumaṅkai converted to Vaiṣṇavism. It was he who built the Vaikuṇṭha Perumāḷ (deśa Paramēccuraviṇṇakaram) temple at Kāñci (Periya Tirumoḻi 2.9.1-10). To say crisply Mayilai and Allikkēṇi went together as one deśa. The waves of the Bay of Bengal dashed against the walls of the temple (cf. Rabe 2001: pl. 2 of the Shore temple at Māmallapuram, photo taken in 1797). The venue was full of towered edifices and a wall (called fort) surrounded the temple. The temple was fitted with pillared halls. It was a grove with water reservoirs where peacocks and cuckoo generated a rhythm of sweet voice. Above all the Lord, the mūlabera was in sthānaka mode. K.V. Soundararajan (1993-95: 26) has the following to say on the organization of the present temple: It is an example of the Pañcavīra concept. “It was in the suburb of Mayilai. What we see in the sanctum is a group of images, all standing (supra, Periya Tirumoḻi 2.3.10) except for one, and which represent the Pañcavīra cult group of hero gods of the V ṣṇi clan to which K ṣṇa belonged and shows the 70 R.K.K. Rajarajan images of Vāsudeva or K ṣṇa (called Pārthasārathi in local tradition), Aniruddha, Pradyumna, Subhadra (called Rukmiṇī in local tradition), Sātyaki and Balarāma (or Saṁkarṣaṇa) seated at the southern end facing north. Such temple of the Bhāgavata Vaiṣṇavism reached Tamilnadu in the 7th century AD”. R. Radhakrishnan 2006 finds the following shrines today: Pārthasārathi (east facing), Gopālak ṣṇa (east facing), Varadarāja (east facing), N siṁha (west facing) and Āṇṭāḷ (east facing) as named by the temple administration. Though the vyūha and pañcavīra concepts were familiar to the Āḻvārs, they do not link these with the Allikkēṇi temple, which means the organization of five mūlaberas in separate garbhag has in the temple is of later imposition. This is to confirm not only the original format of the sthala but also its organization had undergone radical changes since the 6th to the 16th century CE. The Agramaṇḍa of the temple and the rāyagopura (Figs. 14-15) did not exist during the Āḻvār period and Āḻvārs had no known idea of these.

Pāṟkaṭal Of all the deśas those that the Āḻvārs view close to the sea are Kaṭalmallai (Mallai of the Sea) and Allikkēṇi. Pāṟkaṭal (Kṣīrābdhi “Ocean of Milk”) is in the heavens. What all the Āḻvārs have to say on this fictitious deśa is purely imaginary. Ten of the twelve Āḻvārs, excepting Maturakavi and Pāṇ, have found the Lord in this mythical deśa. The sea or ocean is called Pāṟkaṭal (Perumāḷ Tirumoḻi 4.4, Tiru- ppāvai 2, Nācciyār Tirumoḻi 5.7, Periyāḻvār Tirumoḻi 4.10.5, Periya Tirumoli 1.6.6, Tiruvāymoḻi 2.5.7 and so on). It is also called Kaṭal “ocean” (Periumāḷ Tirumoḻi 2.8, Nācciyār Tirumoḻi 2.3, Periya Tirumoḻi 5.6.1, Periya Tiruvantāti v. 77). It is also called Paṉikkaṭal “misty (icy) ocean” (Periyāḻvār Tirumoḻi 5.4.9) and Neṭuṅkaṭal “long (extensive or deep) ocean” (Periya Tirumoḻi 1.6.9). The Lord is supposed to be in the reclining mode in the Ocean of Milk: Kaṭalkiṭantavaṉ “one lying on the ocean” (Perumāḷ Tirumoḻi 2.8) Pāṟkaṭaluḷ paiyattuyiṉṟa “reclining on the Ocean of Milk” (Tiruppāvai 2) Poṅkiya pāṟkaṭal paḷḷikoḷvāṉ “reclining on the erupting Ocean of Milk” (Nācciyār Tirumoḻi 5.7) Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 71

Kaṭaṟkiṭanta karumaṇi “the black gem that lies on the ocean” (Periya Tirumoḻi 5.6.1) Kārkaṭaluḷ kiṭantu “reclining on the gloomy ocean” (ibid. 9.9.1) Pāṟkaṭal cērnta paramaṉ “the Eternal that reached the Ocean of Milk” (Tiruvāymoḻi 3.7.1). By reclining it is meant he closes the eyes and sleeps or pretends to sleep, pāṟkaṭaluḷ kaṇtuyilum (Perumāḷ Tirumoḻi 4.4). The Lord pretends to recline on the gushing Ocean of Milk upon a bed provided by the white snake: Veḷḷai veḷḷattiṉ mēloru pāmpai mettaiyāka virittu ataṉ mēlē kaḷḷa nittirai (Periyāḻvār Tirumoli 5.1.7). The snake is called Aṉantaṉ (Ananta “the Eternal” Periya Tirumoḻi 7.8.1) or aravam (ibid. 8.10.7), pāmpu (Tiruvāymoḻi 2.5.7) and nākam (ibid. 8.1.8). Periyāḻvār says it is a deceitful slumber, kaḷḷa nittirai. Nammāḻvār says it is a yogic slumber, yōka nittirai (Tiruvāymoḻi 2.6.5). It is said in another context the Pāṟkaṭal is Araṅkam as the venue is surrounded by the waters of the Rivers Kāviri and Koḷḷiṭam (Kalidos 1993-95: 136–52), paḷḷiyāvatu pāṟkaṭalaraṅkam (Periya Tirumoḻi 1.8.2, cf. Tiruvāymoḻi 10.7.8 supra). Talking of Veḷḷiyaṅkuṭi, a divyadeśa, it is said the Pāṟkaṭal is the venue where the Lord is pleased to sleep and that it is a temple: Pārkaṭal tuyiṉṟa paramaṉār paḷḷikoḷ kōyil (Periya Tirumoḻi 4.10.4). The she-mystic, Āṇṭāḷ, views the reclining Lord with an erotic eye and wants to cohabit with him (Kalidos 1997: 117-38): Pāṟkaṭal paḷḷikoḷvāṉip puṇarvatōrācaiyiṉāl “It is my desire I shall cohabit the reclining Lord” (Nācciyār Tirumoḻi 5.7). Āṇṭāḷ may be okay in imagining the venue of sleep is the bedroom for her sexual freeplay, which symbolically means milk is the sustaining element as is Lord Viṣṇu where as Śrī offers wealth and progeny to her devotees. This fundamentally speaking is the symbolism of Viṣṇuism (sustenance) and Śrīviṣṇuism (that assures plenty).

72 R.K.K. Rajarajan

References

Ācāryah dayam of Piḷḷai Lokācārya with Maṇavāḷamāmuṉi’s commentary, J. Rangasvami English transl., Sharada Publishing House: Delhi 2011 (forthcoming). Aiyangar, S. Krishnasvami (1940) A History of Tirupati, 2 vols. Tirumalai-Tirupati Devasthanam: Madras. Champakalakshmi, R. (2001) The Hindu Temple. Roli & Janseen: New Delhi. Bhandarkar, R.G. (1913/1995) Vaiṣṇavism, Śaivism and Minor Religious Systems. Asian Educational Services: New Delhi/- Madras. Cilappatikāram, Kaḻakam ed. Chennai 1977. Ibid., see Parthasarathy 1993. Clooney, Francis X. (1991) Nammāḻvār’s Glorious Tiruvallavāḻ: An Exploration in the Methods and Gods of Śrīvaiṣṇava Commentary. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 111: 2, pp. 260–76. Dallapiccola, Anna L. (1989) Shastric Traditions in Indian Arts, 2 vols. Franz Steiner Verlag: Wiesbaden. Dehejia, Vidya (1990) Art of the Imperial Cōḻas. New York. Devanathan 1971 infra Nālāyiram. Dhanavadi, Velusamy Sthanthiran (2005) Viṣṇu Temples of Tañcāvūr (Ph.D. thesis, The Tamil University). Thanjavur. Diehl, Anita (1978) Periyar E.V. Ramasvami: A Study of the Influence of a Personality in Contemporary South India. B.I. Publications: Bombay, Madras & so on. Dutta, Ranjeeta (2007) Texts, Tradition and Community Identity: The Śrīvaiṣṇavas of South India. Social Scientist, Vols. 9/10, pp. 22–43. Gaddis, John Lewis (2002) The Landscape of History. How the Historians Map the Past. Oxford. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 73

Ganeshram, S. (2011) Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas of Malaināṭu in the Historical Setting. International Conference Paper, University of Rome: Rome. Gonda, Jan (1970) Śivaism and Viṣṇusim: A Comparison. London. Guruparanparāprabhāvam Āṟāyirappaṭi in maṇipravāḷam, ed. S. Krishnaswamy Ayyangar, Srinivacan Accakam: Puttur/Tiruchi. Hardy, Friedhelm (1983) Viraha Bhakti: the Early History of Kṛṣṇa Devotion in South India. Delhi. Hawley, John Stratton (1996/1998) Prologue. The Goddess in India. In J.S. Hawley & Donna M. Wulff eds. Devī Goddesses of India. Motilal Banarsidass: Delhi. Hopkins, Steven P. (2004) Lovers, Messengers and Beloved Landscapes: “Sandeśakāvya” in Comparative Perspective. International Journal of Hindu Studies, Vol. 8: 1-3, pp. 29–55. Hudson, Dennis (1980) Bathing in Krishṇa: A Study in Vaiṣṇava Hindu Theology. The Harvard Theological Review, Vol. 73: 3- 4, pp. 539–66. Indrof, Pinna (2004) Interpreting the Hindu Temple Form: A Model Based on Its Conceptualization as Formal Expression of Measured Movement. Artibus Asiae, Vol. 64, No. 2, pp. 177– 211. Isaac, Eric (1960) Religion, Landscape, and Space. Landscape, Vol. IX, pp. 14–18. Jacobsen, Knut A. (2004) The Child Manifestation of Śiva in Contemporary Hindu Popular Prints. Numen, Vol. 51: 3, 237– 64. Jagadeesan, N. (1977) History of Sri Vaishnavism in the Tamil Country (post-Ramanuja). Koodal Publishers: Madurai. Jeyapriya Rajarajan (2003) The Śrīraṅgam Temple: Its Early Phase. Proceedings of the South Indian History Congress, pp. 612–15, Tiruccirappalli. 74 R.K.K. Rajarajan

——— et al. (2013) The Lord Śiva: the Tiruviḷaiyāṭaṟ Purāṇam in Letters, Design and Art. Sharada Publishing House: Delhi (in press). Kalidos, Raju (1976) History and Culture of the Tamils. Vijay Publications: Dindigul. ——— (1988) The Malaiyaḍippaṭṭi Cave Temples. South Asian Studies, Vol. 4, pp. 57–69. ——— (1993-95) Tiruvaraṅkam, the Temple City. Glimpses from Nālāyiram. Tamil Civilization, Vol. 11-13, pp. 136–52. ——— (1997) The Hymns of Kōtai: An Essay in Eroticism. In R. Kalidos ed. Sectarian Rivalry in Art and Literature, pp. 117–38, Sharada Publishing House: Delhi. ——— (1999) Dance of Viṣṇu: the Spectacle of Tamil Āḻvārs. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Cambridge University Press: Vol. 3:9:2, pp. 223–50. ——— (2006) Encyclopaedia of Hindu Iconography: Early Medieval, Vol. I Viṣṇu. Sharada Publishing House: Delhi. ——— (2006) Ibid. II Śiva. ——— (2006) Ibid. III Śakti Goddesses. ——— (2010) Art: Traditional vs. Modern. In Rajarajan & S. Ganeshram eds. Studies in Art History of India. Sharada Publishing House: Delhi. ——— (2011) Tamil Literary Traditions. Their Relevance in the Study of Indian Art. International Conference Paper, Rome. Kannan, M. (2006) Viṣṇu Temples of the Tiruvārūr Region (Ph.D. thesis, the Tamil University). Thanjavur. Karkuzhali, A. (2005) Nāyaka Temples of Tamilnadu: Kāviri Delta. Sharada Publishing House: Delhi (forthcoming). Lester, Robert C. (1994) The Sāttāda Śrīvaiṣṇavas. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 114.1: pp. 39–53. Meeneshwari, A. (1993-95) Kumbhakōṇam: Its Early Phase. Tamil Civilization, Vol. 11-13, pp. 95–106. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 75

Mumme, Patricia Y. (1987) Grace and Karma in Nammāḻvār’s Salvation. Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 107. 2, pp. 257–266. Monier-Williams, Monier (1899/2005) A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Sharada Publishing House: Delhi. Nācciyār Tirumoḻi of Āṇṭāḷ, part of Nālāyiram (infra). Nālāyiram: Nālāyirativviyappirapantam, ed. V.N. Devanathan, Chennai 1971. Ibid., 2 vols. The Little Flower Company: Chennai 1984/2008. Ibid. 4 vols., with Tamil prose, Mullai Nilayam: Chennai 2000/2008. Ibid., Mayan Patippakam: Tiruvallikkeni/Chennai n.d. Ibid. 4 vols., with Tamil prose, Vardamanan Patippakam: Chennai 2011. Narayanan, Vasudha (1998) Śrī Giver of Fortune, Bestower of Grace. In John S. Hawley & Donna M. Wulff eds. Devī Goddess of India. Delhi. O’Flaherty, Wendy Doniger (1975/1994) Hindu Myths. Penguin Books: New Delhi. Paripāṭal, Kaḻakam ed. Chennai 1975; See also recent edition Caṅka Ilakkiyam, pp. 515–50, ed. Ca. Vē. Cuppiramaṇiyaṉ, Maṇivācakam Patippakam: Chennai 2008. McDermott, Rachel Fell (1988) Epilogue. The Western Kālī. In J.S. Hawley & D. M. Wulff eds. Devī Goddess of India. Motilal Banarsidass: Delhi. Parker, Samuel K. (Spring, 1992) Contemporary Temple Construction in South India: The Śrīraṅgam Rājagopuram. Anthropology and Aesthetics, No. 21, pp. 110–23. Parthasarathy, R. (1993) The Cilappatikāram of Iḷaṅkō Aṭikaḷ: An Epic of South India. Columbia University Press: New York. Periya Tirumoḻi of Tirumaṅkai Āḻvār, part of Nālāyiram (supra). Pillai, Purnalingam (1929/1985) Tamil Literature. The Tamil University, Thanjavur. 76 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Rabe, Michael D. (2001) The Great Penance at Māmallapuram. Institute of Asian Studies: Chemmanjeri/Chennai. Radhakrishnan, R. (2006) Nāyaka Temples of the Cheṉṉai Region (Ph.D. thesis, The Tamil University). Thanjavur. Rajarajan, R.K.K. (1991) Further Light on Tirupparaṅkuṉṟam Caves. Annali dell’ Istituto Universitario Orientale, Naples, Vol. 51: 4, pp. 395–408. ——— (2000) Dance of Pattiṉi-Kaṇṇaki as Ardhanārī with special reference to the Cilappatikāram. Berliner Indologische Studien: Berlin, Vols. 13/14, pp. 401–14. ——— (2006) Art of the Vijayanagara-Nāyakas: Architecture and Iconography, 2 vols. Sharada Publishing House: Delhi. ——— (2012) Śiva-Dakṣiṇamūrti on vimānas of Viṣṇu Temples in the Far South. South Asian Studies, Routledge, Vol. 27, Issue 2: 131–144. ——— (2012a) Antiquity of Vaiṣṇava Divyakṣetras in Pāṇḍināḍu. Acta Orientalia, New Delhi: Aakar Books. Rajaraman, P. (1988) The Justice Part A Historical Perspective 1916- 37. Poompozhil Publishers: Madras. Ramanujam, A.K. (1981) Hymns for the Drowning. Princeton University Press: Princeton. Ramanujam, B.V. (1973) History of Vaiṣṇavism in South India upto Rāmānuja. Annamalai University: Annamalai Nagar. Rangasvami, J. (1993-1995) Śrī Varadarājasvāmi Temple at Kāñcīpuram Vaṭakalai vs. Teṉkalai. Tamil Civilization, Vols. 11-13, pp. 107–22. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta (135-37/1984) The Cōḷas. University of Madras: Madras. Sitapati, Pidatala (1972) Sri Venkateswara, The Lord of the Seven Hills Tirupati. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan: Bombay. Sopher, David E. (1968) Pilgrimage Circulation in Gujarat. Geographical Review, Vol. 58.3, pp. 392–425. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 77

Soundararajan, J. (2009) Early Chālukyan Temples Art, Architecture & Iconography (with special reference to Aihole). Sharada Publishing House: Delhi. Soundararajan, K.V. (1993-95) Facets of Temple Cities (Keynote Address of a Conference held in the Śrīrangam Temple in September 1986 by the Department of Sculpture & Art History of the Tamil University under the stewardship of Raju Kalidos), Tamil Civilization, Vols. 11-13, pp. 1–27. South Indian Temple Inscriptions, Vol. III, Pt. II. Spencer, George W. (1970) The Sacred Geography of the Tamil Shaivite Hymns. Numen, Vol. 17: 3, pp. 232–44. Srinivasan, K.R. (1964) Cave Temples of the Pallavas. Archaeological Survey of India: New Delhi. ——— (1972) Temples of South India. National Book Trust: New Delhi. Śrīvacanabhuṣaṇam of Piḷḷai Lokācārya with Maṇavāḷ māmuṉi’s commentary, English transl. J. Rangaswamy, Sharada Publishing House: Delhi 2006. Stein, Burton (1977) Circulation and the Historical Geography of Tamil Country. The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 37, No. 1: 7– 26. Subrahmanian, N. (1966/1990) Pre-Pallavan Tamil Index. University of Madras: Madras. Tēvāram of Ñāṉacampantar, Kaḻakam ed.: Chennai 1973. Tirumoḻi of Periyāḻvār, part of Nālāyiram (supra). Tiruppāvai of Āṇṭāḷ, part of Nālāyiram (supra). Tiruvācakam, Kaḻakam ed.: Chennai 1948. Tiruvantātis I, II & III, part of Nālāyiram (supra). Venugopal, Bhaskara (1978) Finances of the Tirumalai-Tirupati Temples. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 13: 13, pp. 571– 72. Viṣṇusahasranāma, Swami Tapasyananda ed. Sri Ramakrishna Maṭha: Mylapore/Chennai 1986. 78 R.K.K. Rajarajan

White, David Gordon (2003) Kiss of the Yoginī “Tantric Sex” in its South Asian Contexts. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press. Younger, Paul (1982) Singing the Tamil Hymnbook in the Tradition of Rāmānuja: the “Adhyanotsava” Festival in Śrīraṅgam. History of Religions, Vol. 21: 3, pp. 272–93. Zvelebil, Kamil V. (1974) Tamil Literature. Otto Harrassowitz: Wiesbaden.

Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 79

Illustrations

Map: Broad view of the location of Divyadeśas

Plan 1 Satyamūrti temple, Meyyam (after Rajarajan 2006: Plan VIII) RC Rock-cut Shrine KLM Kalyāṇamaṇḍapa RG Rāyagopura TPK Teppakkuḷam

Figures: 1. Gopura of the Tirumala temple (photo 1930s) 2. Aerial view of the Tirumala temple (photo 1930s) 3. Aerial view of the Tirumala temple (photo 2000 © AUTHOR) 4. Lord Vēṅkateśvaraji-Tirumalai (written in devanāgari at the base of the image) in garbhag ha of the Tirumala temple (photo 1930s) 5. Balibera of Vēṅkatēśvara (1930s) 6. The balibera on Śeṣavāhana with attending priests (1930s) 7. The balibera on Śeṣavāhana (2010 Brahmotsavam) 8. Rock-cut shrine, Āṉaimalai © AUTHOR 9. Structural additions to the Āṉaimalai cave temple for N siṁha © AUTHOR. 10. Chapel for Lakṣmī, Āṉaimalai © AUTHOR 11. Chapel for Garuḍa, Āṉaimalai © AUTHOR 12. Temple tank (Vijayanagara period), Tirumeyyam © AUTHOR 13. Rock-cut mulabera (early Pāṇḍya), Tirumeyyam rock-cut temple for Viṣṇu © AUTHOR 14. Agramaṇḍapa, Allikkēṇi 15. Gopura, Allikkēṇi 16. The present golden vimāna, called Ānandanilayam, and gopura of the temple, Tirumala © Tirumala Temple 17. The gem-decorated balibera of Veṅkaṭeśvara, Tirumala (how may billions worth?) © Tirumala Temple 18. Rathotsava (Car Festival) and the temple is the background (2010), Tirumala © Tirumala Temple

80 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Plan 1 Satyamūrti temple, Meyyam (after Rajarajan 2006: Plan VIII). Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 81

Map: Broad view of the location of Divyadeśas. 82 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Figure 1. Gopura of the Tirumala temple.

Figure 2. Aerial view of the Tirumala temple (photo 1930s). Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 83

Figure 3. Aerial view of the Tirumala temple (photo 2000 © Rajarajan).

Figure 4. Lord Vēṅkateśvaraji-Tirumalai (written in devanāgari at the base of the image) in of the Tirumala temple (photo 1930s). 84 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Figure 5. Balibera of Vēṅkatēśvara (1930s).

Figure 6. The balibera on Śeṣavāhana with attending priests (1930s). Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 85

Figure 7. The balibera on Siṃhavāhana (2010 Brahmotsavam).

Figure 8. Rock-cut shrine, Āṉaimalai. 86 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Figure 9. Structural additions to the Āṉaimalai cave temple for N siṁha.

Figure 10. Chapel for Lakṣmī, Āṉaimalai. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 87

Figure 11. Chapel for Garuḍa, Āṉaimalai.

Figure 12. Temple tank (Vijayanagara period), Tirumeyyam. 88 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Figure 13. Rock-cut mulabera (early Pāṇḍya), Tirumeyyam rock-cut temple for Viṣṇu.

Figure 14. Agramaṇḍapa, Allikkēṇi. Historical sequence of the Vaiṣṇava Divyadeśas 89

Figure 15. Gopura, Allikkēṇi.

Figure 16. The present golden vimāna, called Ānandanilayam, and gopura of the temple, Tirumala. 90 R.K.K. Rajarajan

Figure 17. The gem-decorated balibera of Veṅkaṭeśvara, Tirumala (how may billions worth?).

Figure 18. Rathotsava (Car Festival) and the temple is the background (2010), Tirumala.

The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ Its Historicity and Architectural Remains1

Parthiban Rajukalidoss Cheran School of Architecture, Karur, Tamil Nadu

Abstract

The western part of the Maturai region adjoining the chain of hills is a neglected area in architectural research. It was the “Spice Road” during British Rāj for transporting spices from the cardamom hills. No thorough architectural survey has been undertaken yet. The present article presents a chip from a huge block, reflecting on the architectural remains and historical vestiges of Periyakuḷam. The dusty township is divided into two parts called Vaṭakarai and Teṉkarai, and is graced by the seasonal flow of a rivulet called Varākanati/Varāhanadī. A center of Śivaism and Viṣṇuism, it was the base of a zamindār family beginning with Rāmabhadra Nāyaka (c. 1534 CE) that claims descent from the Nāyakas of Maturai. The entire landscape is dominated by temples for the Hindu divinities, particularly grāmadevatās, and the recently emerging churches and dargaḥas. The article presents a brief sketch of architectural history; mainly concentrating on the archaeological remains and their

1 I am obliged to Dr R.K.K. Rajarajan of the Gandhigram Rural University for giving a finishing touch to the iconographical aspects of the paper. 92 Parthiban Rajukalidoss potentiality for future research (University Grants Commission approved 2014). The article is illustrated with photographic evidences and plans of the city and temples.

Keywords: Spice Road, Periyakuḷam, Nāyakas, Vaṭakarai, zamīndāri, Ramabhadra Nayaka and successors, Rājēndracōlīśvaram, Bālasubrahmaṇya, Kailāsanātha, Mailaimēl-Vaidhyanātha, Varada- rājasvāmi, architecture, drāviḍa-vimāna, iconography, Vīrabhadra.

Vaṭakarai means “northern bank” of a river and in case of the present study, it stands for the city that lay to the north of the river, Varākanati/Varāhanadī that flows from the Western Ghats; a tributary of Vaikai. Topographically the area is significant; the trade route that we may call “Spice Road” allowing passage to Kerala through the Kampam (slang Kumbam) passes. A vast stretch of land from Tiṇṭukkal (Anglicized Dindigul) or Koṭai/Kōṭai/Koḍai Road to Kampam passing through Gāndhigrāmam, Cempaṭṭi, Veṟṟilaikkuṇṭu /Vatta-lakkuṇṭu, Kaṅkavārpaṭṭi/Gaṅgavārpaṭṭi, Kāṭṭurōṭu2/Ghat-Road, Deva-dānappaṭṭi, Periyakuḷam, Lakṣmīpuram,3 Tēṉi, Ciṉṉamaṉūr (of the famous Pāṇḍya Copper Plates of Neṭuñcaṭaiyaṉ Parāntaka 765- 815 CE), Uttamapāḷaiyam, Tēvāram and Kūṭalūr lay forming a semi- circle on the way, covering about 90-120 kms. All places, excepting Tiṇṭukkal (pillow-stone) and Koḍai Road fall on the foothills of the Western Ghats. 4 Kūṭalūr (meeting-place, cf. the historical Kūḍal-

2 This word presents a strange phonetic variation of Ghat Road; ghat kāṭṭu (kāṭu “forest”) and road rōṭu. The Webster’s New Dictionary & Thesaurus, 171 (USA: Promotional Sales Books, 1995) says ghat is derived from Hindustani. However, in the Oxford English-Hindi Dictionary-Aṅreji-Hindi Śabdakośa p. 435 (eds. S.K. Verma & R.N. Sahai, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003) no word equal to “ghat” is found; parvata or pahāḍ “mountain” appears. 3 We have nostalgia for writing this article, being the land of our mother’s birth; keeping in mind Thomas Pain’s captive words: “My country is the world, and my religion is to do good”. Mrs. Bhuvanesvari Kalidos, our mother is a scholar in oral history. She feeds us with data not found in books. Her reminiscences methodized in a thesis got for Jeyapriya Rajarajan her doctoral degree (vide, note 48). 4 In geo-physical terms the Eastern and Western Ghats meet at Utakamaṇḍalam (Ang- licized Ooty). It then moves a single chain via the Paḻaṉi hills up to Kaṉyākumarī. Kerala lay on the hills, linking the Western Ghats with its extension beyond Utakamaṇḍalam. Access from Tamilnadu to Kerala is by way of Pālakkāṭṭu-kaṇavāy (Palghat pass), Mūṇāṟu (via Bōḍināyakkaṉūr), Kumuḻi (via Kambam), Ceṅkōṭṭai (Tirunelvēli zone) and Nākarkōyil in Kaṉyākumarī. The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 93

Śaṅgama) is on the gateway to Kerala from where the mountainous path begins, leading to Kumuḻi. On the peaks, the hill-cities of Koḍaikkāṉal, Tēkkaḍi, Kumuḻi and Mūṇāṟu/Muṇṇār (three rivers) are situated. Today Kumuḻi is the deadline between Tamilnadu and Kerala; formerly part of the Madras Presidency. Tēkkaḍi, away from Kumuḻi on the hills is in Kerala, a wild animals’ reserve. Koḍaikkāṉal a hill-resort is in Tamilnadu; the discovery and mostly work of the British collectors of Maturai where one may find remnants of colonial architecture; e.g. the Kohinūr Palace. One views an enchanting sight during the monsoon while moving this way either from Tiṇṭukkal and Koḍai Road (a rail station close to Maturai from Cheṉṉai) or even Maturai to Kumuḻi amidst a vast stretch of paddy fields, millets, and sugarcane and coconut groves. Otherwise, the way from Tiṇṭukkal to Vattalakkūṇṭu is parched during the summer. The land is watered by the tributaries of Vaikai; e.g. Mañjalāṟu (“Yellow River” with Silver Cascades, near Koḍaikkāṉal), Varāhanadī (flowing from Varāhamalai “Varāha Hill”), Pāmpāṟu (“Snake River” with a cascade, Kumpakkarai “brim of pitcher”), Mullai (close to Vīrapāṇḍi 5 ), Periyāṟu (up above the hills in Ke-rala), Curuḷi (close to Kampam with waterfalls), Kirutamāl (close to Maturai) and Kuṭavanāṟu (close to Tiṇṭukkal bound northward to meet the Kāviri). Varāhanadī and Pāmpāṟu find a confluence at the eastern edge of Periyakuḷam. All the way one may find dry rivulets cutting the highway. The venue of the study is Periyakuḷam (Map) that consists of two integral sections, called Vaṭakarai and Teṉkarai (southern bank).6

5 It meets Vaikai on the hills and the Mullai-Periyāṟu Dam across the river was the dream-work of Colonel Pennycuic. It was designed to divert the excess water emptied in the Arabian Sea to help agriculture in the dry western Maturai district. The projects helped reform the criminal Kaḷḷaṉ (literally ‘robber”) and bring them under the rule of law, called “Kallaṉ Reclamation”. Col. Pennycuick is a god to the people in the region. In recent times the Government of Kerala moves to demolish the Periyār Dam, creating a political turmoil. The British Governors-General and Governors left us 65 years ago. The good work done by them is nostalgically remembered today by many a patriot. These memoirs are erased from the pages of history. For example the portrait of the Prince of Wales and Divan Bhadūr Veṅkaṭa Rāmabhadra Nāyaka were kept in the Victoria Memorial School of Periyakuḷam. Today the portraits have mysteriously disappeared. It may not be a wonder if the name of the school is altered in the name of a contemporary dādā-politician in future. 6 The city proper seems to have originated in Vaṭakarai and Teṉkarai grew with coming of the pāḷaiyakkārar (English polygar, pāḷaiyam called pollam) family of Vaṭakarai. The pāḷaiyam created by the Nāyakas, existed under English East India 94 Parthiban Rajukalidoss

The colloquial city-name means “big-tank”, periya-kuḷam. Surrounded by mountain ranges, Varāhanadī flows in the heart of the flimsy city;7 one may have a glamorous view of the Kōṭai Hills from here and during nights we find twinkling little stars, studded on the hills.8 During monsoon a high waterfall plunging into an abyss from the summit of the hill is viewed, which is unreachable and empties its water in a small dam raised on Mañjalāṟu. One travelling in a motor- car at a high altitude finds this dam a tub amidst hills at the foot of the Kōṭai Hills. We are particularly interested in the present work because no historian thought of this vast strategic region while writing the histories of Pāṇḍyas and Nāyakas.9 In view of this lacuna, the authors propose to undertaken a project in the long run on “Art and Archaeology of the Upper Vaikai Bed”,10 mainly to cover the temples on the upper reaches of the Vaikai River, west of Maturai. A number of Nāyaka and post-Nāyaka temples exist in the region that is totally “forgotten” (to aptly employ Robert Sewell’s word), excepting the Early Pāṇḍya structural temple at Ciṉṉamaṉūr of which T.S.

Company down to the end of the eighteenth century. When liquidated, they were called zamīndār, holders of a zamīn “estate”. The pāḷaiyakkārar had an army. The zamīndārs were deprived of it. The Vaṭakarai pāḷaiyakkārar seem to have stood on the side of the British during the later eighteenth century “polygar wars” and were left unmolested. 7 People are nostalgic of a proverb: iṅkiṭṭum aṅkiṭṭum ūru, naṭuvila āṟu, añcu tēru vantu pāru “city to this side and that side, river in the middle, five temple cars, come and see”. Vide, Jeyapriya Rajarajan, Rare Images in the Iconographic Profile of Nāyaka Art, Annali dell’ Istituto Universitario Orientale Napoli, 69/1-4, (2009 in press). 8 Koḍaikkāṉal is today the venue of an observatory, the Mother Teresa Women’s University and the oldest Archive and Library of the Jesuit Fathers. It accommodates several English schools of the yester aristocratic tradition. R.K.K. Rajarajan and his brother R.K. Vijaya Raghavan were schooled here for some time. Alas! Raghavan is no more today: We dedicate this small piece of literature to Vijaya Raghavan Naiḍugāru. 9 K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Pāṇḍyan Kingdom (Madras: Swathi Publications, 1972 [first ed. 1929]); R. Sathyanathaier, History of the Nayaks of Madura (Madras: 1914). Raju Kalidos 1989 listed and studied the temple cars in this region (vide, note 31). 10 We hope to organize an international conference in this connection, inviting few experts from England, Italy and Germany. R.K.K. Rajarajan is on the research faculty of the Gandhigram Rural University. R.K. Parthiban completed his Masters in the Brandenburg Technological University, Cottbus and is Director of the Cheran School of Architecture, K. Paramathy (Karūr). The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 95

Thangamuthu 1982 came out with a thesis 25 years ago. 11 It is disheartening to note this temple finds no place in K.R. Srinivasan’s Temples of South India (New Delhi 1971) and K.V. Soundararajan in M.W. Meister & M.A. Dhaky eds. Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture. South India. Lower Drāviḍadeśa 200 BC – AD 1324 (New Delhi 1999), Chaps. 3 & 6. T.V. Mahalingam has reported thirty-one inscriptions from the temples therein (vide, the author’s A Topographical List…, V, 208-15 – see note 37). Practically, no scientific work has been reported excepting Tāṭikkompu, close to Tiṇṭukkal.12 Therefore, the present article is of concern to scholars working on Nāyaka history and art because it remains obliterated from the pages of history. The history of Nāyaka art itself is a fertile field for further research (cf. Michell 1995, Rajarajan 2006, Jeyapriya 2009 & Rajarajan 2011 – see notes 7, 12 & 21). The article consists of two sections; dealing with the quasi- history of the zamīndārs and the temples of Periyakuḷam; mostly based on oral memoirs and records of the living zamīndār family. The “Big Temple” is for Śiva, called Rājēndracōḻīśvaram. The Viṣṇu temple in Teṉkarai is for Varadarāja. The zamīndārs built a temple on a hillock that is called Malaimēl-Vaidhyanāthasvāmi (Lord Physician on the Hill). Several other temples for the village goddesses and gods such as Bhagavatī, Kālī (Fig. 12), Māri, Ellammā, Vīreśvara /Vīrabhadra, Pōttirāja, Kaṟuppu and so on are spread over an area that falls within a radius of 5-8 kms.13 In fact the temples for these “little gods and goddesses” outnumber those of the “higher tradition” of which a detailed report is warranted keeping in mind Henry Whitehead’s The Village Gods of South India 1921.

11 T.S. Thangamuthu, Art and Architecture of the Ciṉṉamaṉūr Early Pāṇḍya Temple (M. Phil thesis, Madurai: Madurai Kamaraj University 1982). A contributor to the East and West, IsIAO Rome, he was a professor in the Madurai Kamaraj University and passed away in an accident recently. May his Soul Rest in Peace! 12 S. Gopalakrishnan, The Raṅga-maṇḍapa of the Tāṭikkompu Temple. A Study of an Iconographic Programme of the Vijayanagara Tradition. East and West, 46/3-4 (1996), 415–31. This temple registers a donation of Rājādhirāja Rāja Parameśvara Rāmadeva Mahārāya 1618-30 CE (South Indian Inscriptions, VI, no. 291). Earlier founded by the Pāṇḍyas, it was rebuilt by the Āravīḍu rulers through the Nāyakas of Maturai. See also R.K.K. Rajarajan, Dakṣiṇāmūrti on vimānas of Viṣṇu Temples in the Far South, South Asian Studies, 27/2 (2011), 131–44. 13 The architectural drawings and photos were by the author from the field. 96 Parthiban Rajukalidoss

“That Hindu India has had a severely underdeveloped sense of history is a common-place assumption. Unfavourably contrasts are made not only with the West, but with those most historical Asian civilizations, China, and with the Islamic world. Traditional Indian “historio- graphy,” when it is referred to at all, is most often characterized as fabulous legend and religious myth, bearing no relation to the past succession of real events”.14 This may not be a harsh judgment of India’s historical tradition; the truth is that the historian is bound to delve deep into the Indian mythological narratives and when he emerges to the surface he comes with a pearl and not stone; e.g. F.E. Pargiter: Ancient Indian Historical Tradition 1922, cited in Vincent A. Smith’s The Early History of India, Oxford 1924, p. 6. One does not depend on these “fables” alone for writing history but other corroborative sources that are plenty in the form of artifacts (Mauryas 15 ), epigraphy (Cōḻas16 ), numismatics (Kuṣāṇas 17 ), native Indian chronicles such as Madhurāvijayam (fourteenth century CE) and Tiruviḷaiyāṭaṟ Purāṇam (two versions by Perumpaṟṟappuliyūr Nampi twelfth century CE and Parañcōti sixteenth century CE) and above all oral history favoured in the west today. These camouflaged histories deal with the Pāṇḍyas and Vijayanagara-Nāyakas.18 This is true of the history of Vaṭakarai zamīn. We shall see how cogently the history of this zamīndāri could be retold with the sources available at our disposal. It is an adventure akin to searching for a pin in a hay- stock. We do get a fair picture of this neglected zone when we think of the optimistic saying something is better than nothing.

14 Nicholas B. Dirks, The Past of a Pāḷaiyakkārar: The Ethnohistory of a South Indian Little King, The Journal of Asian Studies, 41/4 (1982), 655 (655–83). 15 F. Raymond Allchin, Mauryan Architecture and Art, In F.R. Allchin ed. The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 222–73. 16 K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Cōḷas, (Madras: University of Madras 1935-37 first ed./1984). Cōḷa according to the Tamil Lexicon (III, 1676) should be Cōḻa. 17 Giovanni Verardi, The Kuṣāṇa Emperors as Cakravartins. Dynastic Art and Cult in India and Central Asia: History of a Theory, Classifications and Refutations, East and West, 33/1-4 (1983), 225–94. 18 For an examination of native chronicles see R.K.K. Rajarajan, Art of the Vijayanagaraa-Nāyakas: Architecture and Iconography (Delhi: Sharada Publishing House, 2006), 23–38. The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 97

The founders of the Vaṭakarai zamindāri were related to Koṭṭiyam Nāgama Nāyaka of the Kaśyapa-gotra, 19 father of Viśvanātha (c. 1529-64 CE), the first Nāyaka of Maturai. They spoke Telugu.20 Emperor K ṣṇadeva Rāya (1509-29) is said to have sent Nāgama to quell a rebellion of the Pāṇḍyas in Maturai and restore Vijayanagara over-lordship that Kumāra Kaṃpana established in 1371 CE and administered through mahāmaṇḍaleśvaras. He took into service his relative and a military leader, Rāmabhadra Nāyaka, 21 founder of the Vaṭakarai zamīndāri. After overcoming the rebellion in Maturai, Nāgama is said to have undertaken a pilgrimage to Kāśī, a vratayātra seeking progeny. 22 During his absence, Rāmabhadra Nāyaka and another associate were left to administer Maturai. On return he rewarded Rāmabhadra Nāyaka amply with the pāḷaiyam of Vaṭakarai. It took place around 1534 CE.23 By tentative calculation, some 15-20 generations of pāḷaiyakkārar/zamīndārs must have ruled the fiefdom. A. Vadivelu gives a list of names, basing on oral traditions and zamīndāri records24 that may be equated with that of the

19 Most Nāyaḍu families have forgotten their gotras. Nowadays, identification is clarified with reference to their kuladevatā; i.e. bride and groom worshipping the same kuladevatā are not married. 20 The persisting question among Kannaḍa and Telugu scholars is which language the Vijayanagara emperors spoke. K ṣṇadeva Rāya wrote his Āmuktamālyada in Telugu. The Maturai and Tañcāvūr Nāyakas spoke Telugu. The present Vaṭakarai zamindāri family speaks Telugu. It is not clear whether the Vijayanagara emperors spoke both Telugu and Kannaḍa. 21 Pioneers writing on Nāyaka history (R. Sathyanathaier 1914 [Madura], V. Vriddhagirisan 1942 [Tanjore]) employed the truncated dynastic designation, Nayak, which is replaced with Nāyaka; e.g. George Michell, Architecture and Art of Southern India. Vijayanagara and Successor States under ‘New Cambridge History of India’ I: 6 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995). The pioneers spelt the place names Madura/Maturai, Tanjore/Tañcāvūr and Gingee or Senji/Ceñci (Srinivasachari 1943). 22 A. Vadivelu, The Ruling Chiefs, Nobles and Zamindars of India (Madras: Government Press, 1915), 680. This work like Mackenzie’s MSS is a collection of data from family records, oral history and rare inscriptions. 23 In view of this the name, Viśvanātha, Lord of Kāśī was given to his son. Vide, R. Sathayanathaier, Nāyaks of Madura, pp. 48–49; R.K.K. Rajarajan, Vijayanagara- Nāyakas, I, 29–30. 24 These records were available in the Palace in the early twentieth century when A. Vadivelu wrote his book. Later the Government procured them for the Madras Archives (Interview with the present Zamīndārini). 98 Parthiban Rajukalidoss dates of the Nāyakas of Maturai (following Sathyanathaier 1924 – see note 9) as follows:

Vadivelu’s List Tentative equitation

Rāmabhadra Nāyaka I (beginning 1534 CE) Viśvanātha c. 1529-64 Kumāra Nāyaka (Regent) Machi (sic? Mañchi25) Nāyaka I Raṅgappa Nāyaka Mañchi Nāyaka II (contemporary of Tirumalai Nāyaka) Tirumalai 1623-59 Revolt of Caṭaiyakka Tēvar Setupati (1635-45 CE) Nāraṇappa Nāyaka Cokkanātha 1659-82 Kumāra Rāmabhadra Nāyaka (Regent: Baṅgārammā - mother) Koṇḍama Nāyaka I > Mīnākṣī should come somewhere here < Nāgama Nāyaka > Era of Pāḷaiyakkārar Revolt – Kaṭṭabommaṉ < Veṅkatasvāmi/Rāmabhadra Nāyaka Governor of Madras: Lord Clive (1798-1803)26 (Charles Cornwallis 1786-93 - Permanent Settlement in 1783 CE) Koṇḍama Nāyaka II (1806-10) Mīnāyasvāmi Rāmabhadra Nāyaka (1810-24) Rāmabhadra Nāyaka III (1824-64) Veṅkaṭasvāmi Nāyaka27 Divān Bhadūr Veṅkaṭa Rāmabhadra Nāyaka Nāgama Rāmabhadra Nāyaka (married 1920) Koṇḍama Rāmabhadra Nāyaka ! A daughter & a son – family disputes and the end

The above list of A. Vadivelu would suggest each zamīndār must have held office for not less than 28 years. Sixteen generations have gone down to 1920. Afterwards, the family got entangled in disputes and has virtually ceased to exist as caretakers of the zamīndāri. Nowadays nobody thinks of the benevolent works of the zamīndār.

25 Mañchi in Telugu means “good”. Telugu-speaking people taking the name Mañchi (Tamil Nalla; nalla in Telugu means “black”, cf. Nallama Nāyaka) is in current usage. The Sanskrit original of Nāyaḍu (Telugu) and Nāyakkar (Tamil) is Nāyaka; Anglicized Naiḍu. Vide, R.K.K. Rajarajan, Vijayanagara-Nāyakas I, pp. 3–4. 26 The Governors of Madras came in quick succession so that from 1803 to 1948 we find 57 of them (Lord William Bentinck to Sir A. Edward Nye). 27 This was the time of Sir Charles Trevelyan. He is said to have visited Koḍaikkāṉal and honoured Veṅkatasvāmi Nāyaka. The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 99

The kaḷḷaṉ caste plays a leading role in the wretched contemporary politics.28 The part played by the zamīndārs down to the time of Divān Bahadūr Veṅkaṭa Rāmabhadra Nāyaka is shrouded in legends. A. Vadivelu (1915: 679-688a see note 22) presents a summary that finds no inscriptional support. He did not even consult the inscriptions that were tapped in the temples around 1907, which perhaps were not available for his research. These were later reported in the Madras Annual Epigraphical Reports (ARE infra). The events chronicled by the author may brief as follows:  Rāmabhadra Nāyaka followed Nāgama Nāyaka from Vijayanagara to suppress a rebellion in Maturai.  It was reported to the Vijayanagara Emperor Nāgama Nāyaka had plans to form his independent domain in Maturai.  Nāgama was advised by Rāmabhadra Nāyaka to surrender to his son, Viśvanātha sent by the Emperor to imprison the rebel.  Rāmabhadra Nāyaka was to begin with appointed Military Commander and Revenue collector of Maturai.  It seems some problem arose in the Kampam area which Rāmabhadra restrained; maybe revolt of Tiruvitāṅkōṭu rulers in Kerala. It was primarily due to this reason that the Vaṭakarai pāḷaiyam was organized; added to it was the fertility of the region.  In view of its strategic importance as gateway to Kerala, Rāmabhadra was appointed pāḷaiyakkārar of Vaṭakarai.  During the British heyday a railroad from Bōḍi to Maturai was laid mainly to transport spices from the hills to the plains and thereby activate export. The spice country road now became spice railroad. This encouraged the laying of metal roads and transport through locomotives by giving up bullock-carts and horses.  The temple for Śiva existed at that time at the western fringe of the village; further west within close proximity the Ghats stand.  Mañchi Nāyaka II cleared the forests and promoted agriculture, a pioneer in agrarian operations and today we find the outskirts of

28 The kaḷḷaṉs by ethos were opportunist. They pretend to be obedient as long as they serve a master. When power comes, it corrupts them absolutely. They are “good servants but bad masters”. Vide, Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India (Madras: Government Press, 1908), 8 vols, see under Kaḷḷaṉ and Maṟavaṉ. 100 Parthiban Rajukalidoss

the city full of paddy fields, coconut plantations and mango groves.  Mañchi Nāyaka demonstrated his martial skill by shooting an arrow to cross over the teppakkuḷam in Maturai, a 300 yards square.29  When Caṭaiyakka Tēvar, the Setupati of Rāmanāthapuram rose against the Nāyaka, an army marched against him under Dalavāy Rāmappaiyaṉ (told in a ballad called Ramappaiyaṉ-ammāṉai) and Mañchi Nāyaka. His valorous deeds terrified the kallaṉs to such an effect that they were alarmed on hearing Mañchi’s name.  Kumāra Rāmabhadra Nāyaka is said to have erected a maṇḍapa in the Śiva temple at Periyakuḷam.  Mīnāyasvāmi Rāmabhadra Nāyaka gave liberal gifts to the Varadarājasvāmi temple.30  Veṅkaṭa Rāmabhadra Nāyaka in the late nineteenth century was a noted Sanskrit scholar and associated with the following benevolent works: Foundation of the Victoria Memorial High School and a Model Primary School Patronage of the Madura College, Maturai Introduction of scientific water works under the inspiration of Col. Pennycuick Member of the Legislative Council, Madras Member of the Council of State, Delhi Leader of the zamīndārs of the Maturai district The Kumāra Zamīndārs of Vaṭakarai and Kurupam were pages to Lord T.D. Gibson-Carmichael 1911-12 (Fig. 11) Chairman, Periyakuḷam Municipal Council Patronage of the Malaimēl Vaidhyanāthasvāmi temple Member of the Rāmeśvaram Devasthānam Committee Instituted a Gold Medal for the first-come MB & BS student, University of Madras Foundation of the Public Library in Periyakuḷam

29 According to the Tiruppaṇimālai this tank was the work of Tirumalai Nāyaka. Vide, R.K.K. Rajarajan, Vijayanagara-Nāyakas, I, 26. 30 Mīṉāyasvāmi means “Lord who is the Fish”, i.e. Matsyāvatāra of Viṣṇu; a rare personal name of a ruler after Matsya (Tamil Mīṉ in Periyāḻvār’s Tirumoḻi 1.6.11, 3.3.7). Mīṉ is the root of Minākṣi (one with fish-like eyes). The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 101

Built a Public Hospital, named after the Prince of Wales that was acknowledged by His Majesty a letter dated 21st February 1922 Founder of the Balija Sabhā31 The British Government conferred on him the honorary titles of Rao Bahadūr 1908 and later Divān Bahadūr Stood with the Empire during the First World War and donated funds collected from the zamin for War Fund at the request of Hardinge II (1910-16), He was one among the chief dignitaries to receive when the Prince of Wales visited Madras in 1922 (Vadivelu 1915: 679–88a). The rājas of Anegoṇḍi used to send them gifts on occasions of marriage in the Vaṭakarai zamīn family that continued down to the time of Nāgama Rāmabhadra Nāyaka (Vadivelu 1915: 688a). This is to establish their affinity with the Vijayanagara royal family through the ages. Koṇḍama Rāmabhadra Nāyaka was educated in the Madras Presidency College that was meant for the princes of those times, a dignity that the zamīndārs wanted to keep abreast of the aristocratic tradition of the British.32

Besides, the zamīndārs as custodians of their fiefdom must have stood behind the Ghat Road laid to reach Koḍaikkāṉal and development of its township under British inspiration. The making of Kumpakkarai as artificial waterfalls seems to be their handwork.

The data bearing on Veṅkaṭa Rāmabhadra Nāyaka is ample because when A. Vadivelu started compiling his book (see note 22), the officiating Nāyaka must have been his contemporary. The zamīndār’s son Nāgama Rāmabhadra Nāyaka was Lieutenant in the Eleventh Battalion, Third Madras Regiment of the Indian Territorial Force and

31 It stands in support of the view that the Nāyaka families of Maturai and Periyakuḷam belonged to the Balija group Nāyakas. The Nāyakas consisted of septs such as Gavara or Balija (Maturai Nāyakas), Kamma (Ilaiyātaṅkal and Kuruvikuḷam zamins), Toṭṭiya or Kambalam (Kaṭṭabommaṉ), Velama and so on. The Balijas were of the kṣatriya cadre. 32 A. Vadivelu, Ruling Chiefs, 688. For a case study of how the zamīndārs loved western education see Pamela G. Price, Warrior Caste ‘Raja’ and Gentleman ‘Zamindar’: One Person’s Experience in the Late Nineteenth Century, Modern Asian Studies, 17/4 (1983), 566-70 (563–90). 102 Parthiban Rajukalidoss served to satisfy the zamīndāri tradition. He had a son by name Koṇḍama Rāmabhadra Nāyaka. Koṇḍama had a son and daughter who were wrought in inheritance disputes and the family went into oblivion after 1950.

Four temples are historically viable in the city (Map). The first known as Periya Kōyil “Big Temple”, the historical Rājēndracōḻīśvaram is today called Bālasubrahmaṇya/Murukaṉ. 33 The original temple is likely to have been built during the Cōḻa occupation of the Pāṇḍya country and does not appear in the list of S.R. Balasubrahmanian.34 Very few inscriptions have been reported and few are unreported fragments. The name of Māṟavarmaṉ (alias Tribhuvanacakravarti) Sundara Pāṇḍyadeva appears in two inscriptions dated in 1231 CE (ARE 1907, nos. 411-412). Another record is of Māṟavarmaṉ Sundara Pāṇḍya I (1235 CE). These inscriptions do not carry any historically sensible message. Sundara Pāṇḍya is said to have performed the vīrābhiṣeka (ibid., nos. 413, 414). Another record gives the name, Rājēndracō[ḻīśva]ram-uṭaiyā-nāyaṉār (ibid., no. 409). This is a clear pointer of the Cōḻa origin of the temple. The name of the place is Ālaṅkuḷam in Mēṉeḍuṅgalanāḍu; cf. āḻaṅkuḷam means “deep tank” and periyakuḷam “big or vast tank”. A local epigraphist, T. Rajagopal now 70 years old had estampages of the fragmentary records 25 years ago and now he has lost them. 35 He says nothing historically significant was found in these fragments. From the available epigraphical sources it might be understood a temple built during the pre-Pāṇḍyan Empire II continued to evolve down to the Nāyaka time

33 Raju Kalidos, Temple Cars of Medieval Tamiḻaham, (Madurai: Vijay Publications, 1989), 269. The old car having gone out of order, a new tēr has been substituted in 2006. 34 Vide, the author’s Middle Chola Temples (Faridabad 1978) under the three Rājēndras. See also Sita Narasimhan, Śaivism under the Imperial Cōḻas as revealed through their Monuments (Delhi: Sharada Publishing House, 2006), 24–25, 29–30. The three Rājēndras built temples; the total being 30+ (23 under I, 3 under II and 4 under III). 35 When persistently contacted he sent the following booklet: T. Rajagopal, Periyakuḷam Ūrppērāyvu in Tamil (Periyakuḷam: Place Name Research), (Periyakuḷam: Tamiḻ Ilakkiya Maṉṟam, 1994). It has nothing to say on the unreported inscriptions. The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 103 and the zamīndārs of Vaṭakarai. The zamīndārs are likely to have added the maṇḍapa opposite the shrine of Rājēndracōḻīśvara. The sculptural pillars therein are likely to be later Pāṇḍya that were reinstalled by the zamīndārs. There is a Śiva temple on the top of a hillock to the northwest of the village. It is today called Vaidhyanātha; under hereditary trusteeship of the zamīndārs. The temple lay on the top of a barren hill called Tailārammaṉ-karaṭu (Map 3); Tailārammaṉ maybe Devī Taiyalnāyaki. The vāhanas and tēr of the temple are under control of the zamīn.36 A small architecturally significant wooden temple car is kept closed near the palace, datable in the eighteenth century CE. To the south is found another hillock that accommodated a temple for Kailāsanātha. No trace of any temple is found today. Two inscriptions are reported from the debris of a temple that existed in 1907 when ARE survey was undertaken.37 The temple seems to have existed at the time of Māṟavarmaṉ Sundara Pāṇḍyadeva I “who took the Cōḻa country and was pleased to perform the vīrābhiṣeka at Muṭikoṇṭacōḻapuram (i.e. Paḻaiyāṟai)”. The inscription recording this event is dated in 1235 CE. The record registers the donation of land to the temple that is called after Tirumalaiyil-nāyaṉār (the Lord on the Sacred Hill). It was situated in the Vēḻakularāmanallūr in Mēṉe- ḍuṅgalanāḍu (ARE 1907, no. 416).38 The two temples, Rājēndracōḻīśvaram and Kailāsanātha are said to have existed in different villages (i.e. Ālaṅkuḷam and Vēḻakularāmanallūr) but fell within a close range of about 5 kms in the same territorial division, called Mēṉeḍuṅgalanāḍu. In between the two lay the periyakuḷam “big tank”. Spoken with reference to the modern tāluka and district formation, Periyakuḷam falls within the

36 This chariot is listed in Raju Kalidos 1989: Temple Cars (see note 31). For an analytical report see the same author’s ‘Wood Carvings of Tamilnadu: An Iconographical Survey’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, No. 1 (1988), 98–125. 37 T.V. Mahalingam, A Topographical List of Inscriptions in the Tamil Nadu and Kerala States, Vol. V (New Delhi: ICHR Project, Chand & Company, 1989), 207– 208. 38 Cf. Mēṉeḍuṅgalanāḍu (ARE, nos. 1907, 416) was a territorial division; Neḍuṅgalanāḍu stands for a vast stretch of agricultural fields; mē[l] “upper”, neḍu means “vast” and “long”. 104 Parthiban Rajukalidoss

Tēṉi district (formerly Maturai). 39 The hillock on which the Kailāsanātha temple rests is called Kailāsanāthar-karaṭu.40 Today no historical monument is to be found on the hill but the people in and around used to visit it and worship stray images installed on the hillock. The authors’ uncle Jayarām Naiḍu used to regularly visit the venue and made some donations for temporary installation of images and the patronage of a sanyāsin. This is to prove the descendants of the Nāyakas look after its patronage. Today within a short span of two years the temple has been rebuilt due mainly to the influence of the AIADMK politicians under direction of the Chief Minister, J. Jeyalalitha, the Finance Minister Pannirselvam and his brother, Raja. The fourth temple is for Viṣṇu in the heart of congested city of Periyakuḷam. The agrahāra exists to the west of the Varadarāja temple, which means it was for the Vaiṣṇavas. No inscription has been reported. The temple is likely to have been added during the Nāyaka time when the zamīndārs arrived on the site, they being Vaiṣṇavas. Excepting the central maṇḍapa of the temple with lion-capital in typical Nāyaka style, the vimānas for Varadarāja and Tāyār seem to be post-Nāyaka (casually noted in Rajarajan 2011, see note 12). The main vimānas and other structures seem to have undergone renovation and rebuilding from time to time. Few portrait images are found on the Nāyaka period maṇḍapa, like to be those of the zamīndārs.

Rājēndracōḻīśvaram It stands on the southern bank of Varāhanadī (Fig. 1). To say precisely, the waters of the river flow touching the northern wall of the temple. The temple appears on a high tableland; therefore there is no threat by inundation. Within the inner core, the brahmasthāna, three vimānas stand adjusting in the south-north, meant for Devī, Śiva and Murukaṉ/Bālasubrahmaṇya. The temple is in two prākārās that are not so strictly demarcated. The space is vast and architectural work

39 When the old Maturai district was trifurcated in 1996, there was a problem in fixing the headquarters of the new district, Tēṉi. Otherwise Periyakuḷam should have been the district headquarters (Informant: R. Vijayakumar taking a leading role, representing Periyakuḷam). Local politicians hailing from the Tēṉi region played tricks and moved the headquarters to Tēṉi. 40 Karaṭu means a barren hill. It is left with the least possible vegetation and a natural spring amidst rocks.

The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 105 less (Plan 1). Three vimānas stand in close proximity in the inner prākāra that are dedicated to Rājēndracōḻīśvara – middle, Aṟamvaḷartta-nāyaki “Mistress who nurtured Dharma” – south and Bālasubrahmaṇya – north (Fig. 2). Though inscriptions support a Cōḻa origin, no vestiges of the Cōḻas or Later Pāṇḍyas (Empire II) are found in architectural setting. The prastara of Śiva’s sanctuary seems to be of later Cōḻa origin which means a fallen temple was given new life by the zamīndārs. All three temples are uniformly of the same pattern of drāviḍa- ṣaṭaṅga-vimāna. In the longitudinal (west-east) they are fitted with the garbhag ha, ardhamaṇḍapa and agramaṇḍapa. The Śiva temple alone is provided with devakoṣṭhas; housing the images of Dakṣiṇāmūrti (south), Liṅgodbhava (west) and Brahmā (north). The images in the aedicule are post-Nāyaka and might have been added by the zamīndārs. The sanctuaries of Śiva and Devī are alpavimānas. The shrine for Bālasubrahmaṇya need not have existed at the time of Cōḻas and is likely to have been added by the zamīndārs; maybe in the seventeenth-eighteenth century.41 It is dvitala. Architectural members such as karṇakūḍus and śālapañjaras decorate the vimāna elevations. The chapels for Śiva and Devī stand on raised platforms, called māṭakkoyil. Both are likely to have originated during the time of any one of the three Rājēndras. K.R. Srinivasan confirms chapels for Devī were added in temples for Śiva during and after the time of Rājēndra I (1012-44 CE).42 The antique part of the temple is the maṇḍapa that lay opposite the garbhag ha of Rājēndracōḻīśvara. Two rows of five pillars are found here. Nandi, the balipīṭha and the dvajastambha are interlocked within close range of the first three pillars. The same type of pavilion in the Sundareśvara enclave, Maturai is called kampattaṭi-maṇḍapa; kampattaṭi = dvajastambha.43 The other four pillars accommodate the

41 Cf. the temple for Murukan that is in the B hadīśvara complex of Tañcāvūr. In this case the chapels for Devī (south facing), Murukaṉ and Nandi-maṇḍapa were added by the Nāyakas. They are not the handwork of Rājarāja I (986-1014 CE). Portrait images of Tañcāvūr Nāyakas (Vijaya Rāghava 1634-73 CE) appear on the pillars of the Nandi-maṇḍapa. 42 K.R. Srinivasan, Temples of South India, (New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1971), 148. 43 The same type of pavilion in the Sundareśvara enclave, Maturai is called kampattaṭi-maṇḍapa; kampattaṭi = dvajastambha. 106 Parthiban Rajukalidoss following images: a two-armed hero (Dakṣa?), Kālī, Śiva performing ūrdhvatāṇḍavam and Vīrabhadra. Kālī and Urdhvatāṇḍavamūrti juxtaposed (e.g. Maturai) or opposing (e.g. Tāṭikkompu, Pērūr) is not a new programme in Nāyaka temples.44 The images in the temple under study are found on opposite pillars. The images are set in following pattern: west

+ Nandi + + balipīṭha + + dvajastambha + Kālī + + Śiva-ūrdhvatāṇḍavam Hero + + Vīrabhadra

+ Pillar

The hero, maybe Dakṣa is dvibhuja and carries the dhanus and bāṇa.45 Kālī is fierce with jvālas that halo her head (Fig. 3). She is caturbhuja; carrying triśūla, pāśa, kapāla and kheṭaka. Śiva performing ūrdhvatāṇḍavam includes new iconic traits. He is caturbhuja; carrying ṭaṅka, m ga, ḍamaru and the front right hand holding in grip the ūrdhvapāda (Fig. 4). Raju Kalidos has reported several images of Ūrdhvatāṇḍava-Śiva and in none such a posture is discerned.46 This is a rare mode. Kālī and Ūrdhvatāṇḍavamūrti are found trampling a demon; cf. Apasmāra in Naṭarāja. Vīrabhadra is Aṣṭabhujamūrti,47 fitted with a mustache. He holds the ṭaṅka, m ga, kheṭaka and other wea-pons. He strikes with sword a demon fallen at his feet. Vīrabhadra is a common idiom in Nāyaka art.48 His presence in a Nāyaka art gallery would suggest he was the War God of the Vaṭa-

44 Raju Kalidos, Ūrdhvatāṇḍavam in the Art of South India, East and West, 46/3-4 (1996), 371–413, figs.5-6; S. Gopalakrishnan, Raṅga-maṇḍapa of Tāṭikkompu (see note 12), figs. 12-13. 45 The goat-headed Dakṣa appears on the threshold of the Vīrabhadra temple in Keḻadi. Vide, R.K.K. Rajaraja, Vijayanagara-Nāyakas, II, pl. 311. 46 Raju Kalidos, Urdhvatāṇḍavam, figs. 1-5, 7, 8-11; S. Gopalakrishnan, Raṅga- maṇḍapa of Tāṭikkompu, fig. 12; R.K.K. Rajarajan, Vijayanagara-Nāyakas, pls. 249, 252. 47 The Śrītattvanidhi (1.3.4-5) citing the Śivatattvaratnākara talks of Dvātrimṣaṭbhuja Aghora and Daśabhuja-Aghora. 48 Jeyapriya Rajarajan, Terrific manifestations of Śiva: Vīrabhadra, (Delhi: Sharada Publishing House, 2009), Chap. VII. The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 107 karai pāḷaiyam (Fig. 5). We may note here there is a separate temple for Vīreśvara (cf. Aghoreśvara in Ikkēri) in Periyakuḷam. The temples of Vīrabhadra in Vijayanagara (e.g. Muduvīraṇṇa and the one on top of Mātaṅga-parvata; see Settar n.d.: 24 – infra, note 51), stray images in the site museum and the Shimoga museum (Rajarajan 2006: II, pls. 87, 89–92, 245–247, 250 – vide, note 18) may be noted here for the importance attached to the Vīrabhadra cult by descendants of the Vijayanagara ruling families. The other structures in the temple are insignificant and seem to have been added from time to time. An incomplete gopura, called moṭṭaigopuram (cf. one close to the Putumaṇḍapa in Maturai) of small dimension stands at the entrance (Fig. 1). On the northeast corner a four-pillared maṇḍapa close to the water course is present; maybe for performance of śrāddha ceremonies. Outside the wall on the northeast are two small chambers; one for Nāgadevatā. The second prākāra on its northeast reserves a chamber for Bhairava. Behind the three main chapels, falling within the first prākāra on the west are chambers for Gaṇapati, Ēkāmreśvara/L. (L. Liṅga), Jambhukeśvara/L., Arṇācaleśvara/L., Kāśī-Viśvanātha/L. and Murukaṉ along the wall, facing east. Close to the image of Vīrabhadra the Navagrahas are installed. The second prākāra is almost an empty space. On the southwest corner a chamber for Gaṇapati and on the northwest corner a chamber for Sarasvatī and Gajalakṣmī are found. These are post-Nayaka images and installations. An isolated piece of zamīndāri architecture is a four-pillared maṇḍapa on the northeast corner outside the temple that was perhaps meant for śrāddha rituals. This venue is famous for offerings to pit s (manes) during the meant days and months of the year. Hundreds of people throng to the venue even today and offer obsequies to their ancestors. Unfortunately, this mini-maṇḍapa of historical value remains deserted now. Rites take place below a 200-year old tree, very close to the maṇḍapa.

Varadarājasvāmi The temple for Varadarājasvāmi is in the market of Teṉkarai. It is a square that accommodates houses for Varadarāja and B han- 108 Parthiban Rajukalidoss nāyaki/Lakṣmī.49 This is a rare example of Lakṣmī given such a name in Vijayanagara religious tradition. Both the shrines consist of garbhag has and ardhamaṇḍapas. The two separate vimānas for Viṣṇu and Devī are drāviḍa-ṣaṭaṅga (Plan 2, Fig. 6). Though the adhiṣṭhāna, bhiṭṭi and śikhara are well marked no detailed programme is discernible excepting the vimāna that is fitted with karṇakūḍus and śālapañjaras. The devakoṣṭhas in low relief do not accommodate images. The vimāna sections provide for some interesting stucco images of sthānaka-Viṣṇu, Gopīvastrapaharaṇa, Trivikrama, N siṃha, Devī in various postures and so on. The northeast corner provides a venue for the Navagrahas. The pillars in the mahāmaṇḍapa bearing lion-capitals, common to both shrines illustrate interesting miniature relief such as a five-headed divinity, Pañcavaktradevatā (Fig. 7) carrying a balance in hand.50 This part of the temple alone seems to be old as early as the seventeenth century, likely to be handwork of the zamīndārs.

Malaimēl Vaidhyanātha The location of the temple recalls minding the Śivālayas on the cliffs of Badāmī and Mātaṅga-parvata in Vijayanagara.51 Three temples of the drāviḍa-ṣaṭaṅga-vimāna for Vaidhyanātha and Taiyalnāyaki (east facing) and Murukaṉ (west facing) exist with no medieval sculptural remnants whatsoever (Plan 3, Fig. 10). The architectural pilasters on the bhiṭṭi of Taiyalnāyaki shrine are nicely executed in Nāyaka style (Figs. 9-10). Small chambers for Gaṇapati, Jvarahadeva, Gajalakṣmī-s (two) appear behind the main temples. The images of Gaṇapati, Jvarahadeva, Gajalakṣmī-s and seated Durga (on a devakoṣṭha) seem to be recently added by the zamīndārs. Renovated recently, it is almost a deserted temple in a deserted village. We get a panoramic picture of the surrounding landscape standing on summit of the hill (Fig. 8). Other temples in the area need to be surveyed (cf. note 10).

49 Means “Mistress of the Cosmos”; cf. B hadāmbāḷ in Tirukōkaraṇam (Putukkōṭṭai) and B hadīśvara in Tañcāvūr and Kaṅkaikoṇṭacōḻapuram. These names take their origin in Vijayanagara-Nāyaka tradition. 50 Jeyapriya Rajarajan has reported two such images in the new tēr of the Big Temple. Vide, her article cited in note 7. 51 S. Settar, Hampi. A Medieval Metropolis, (Bangalore: Kala-Yatra, n.d.), 24; For a view of the temples on hills in Badāmī see Raju Kalidos, Encytclopaedia of Hindu Iconography: Early Medieval, Vol. I Viṣṇu, pl. XVI; Vol. IV, Pt. I, pl. V.1. The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 109

The zamīndārs of Vaṭakarai arrived on the site somewhere in the mid-16th century CE. They found a petty village amidst a vast and fertile forest zone and added to its development. The temples that already existed must have been at the waning phase. They took charge of not only the withering temples, but also the township during days of the British Rāj. The governors of Madras and collectors of Maturai stood with them in good stead in the progressive activities in view of its proximity to Koḍaikkāṉal, Tēkkaḍi and other summer resorts and wild animals’ reserves that allowed them leisure for hunting and holiday; and mainly because it was the “Spice Road” by way of Kerala. With the zamīndars they spent not only memorable holidays but also holydays, taking active part in public benefaction. Vāṭakarai saw its golden days under the British. Fall was imminent with the eclipse of the British Empire and intra-feuds within the zamīndār family. The extra-caste groups, subservient to the Nāyakas who came here for a living as field labourers added to the rhythm of disintegration. More than 50% of what the dwellers of the city own today were the gift of the zamīndārs. For example, the agrahāra today is occupied by mostly influential local politicians of non-brāhmaṇa castes. Due to their family wrangle the surviving members of the zamīndāri are no more interested in any public work. They live and let live others. This is the sad tale of two cities (Vaṭakarai and Teṉkarai), the history of which and the region around remains in historical oblivion. The advent of Muslims and Christians in the area has added a new scenario to the landscape. What was once studded with temples for village gods and goddesses (Fig. 12) is reset with a number of churches/basilicas (Fig. 13) and mosques/dargaḥs (Fig. 14). An underlining feature of the inter-religious activity in the region is that there is no terrorism and religious dispute of any kind. The Hindus receiving briyāṇi from the Muslims on Ramzan day or sweets from the Christian on New Year day is very common. The Hindus reciprocate the same on days of their religious festivals such as Dīpāvali. The Muslim population in the city is considerably high when compared with the neighbouring places. A number of Arabic/Persian loan-words are employed by the Hindus. For example the word Bāvā is common to both the religions; that means a dignified person (Fig. 14). The Hindu/Nayakkar-Naiḍu use the word to address their sister’s husband. Muslims and Naiḍus addressing each other 110 Parthiban Rajukalidoss māmā (uncle) and bāvā is very common. Impact of Arabic/Persian terminologies in official and legal dictionaries is considerable. 52 Another important feature of religious harmony is that the Hindus visit their temples to celebrate the Christian New Year Day even if they have their own New Year Day falling in the middle of March- April, Tamil Cittirai. The educational institutions in this area are under control of all three religious groups and the services rendered by the Christian Missions needs to be earmarked. 53 In view of their service to education the Tamilnadu Government set up the Mother Teresa Women’s University on the Koḍaikkāṉal Hills that is 50 kms away from Periyakuḷam. What was once the Spice Road is today the meeting place for Hindu/Christian/Muslim cultural interaction. Scholars proficient in Christian and Islamic theology should come forward to study their institutions and social life in this region. It is a virgin area for research in cultural history. Post-script: The author is not familiar with archival material.54 Interested scholars may take up a study of the Vaṭakarai zamīndāri by examining the archival sources. Several Indian Scholars working on British India are not that scientific. They are not up to the mark when compared with Prof. Peter Schawk or Nicholas Dirks 1982.

52 K.M.A. Ahmmad Zubair, Arabu-Tamil: An Islamic and Cultural Language of the Muslim Tamils of Asia, Journal of the Institute of Asian Studies, Vol. XXIV: 2 (2007), pp. 35–59. See also R. Jaibunnisa, Status of Muslim Women in Tamilnadu with special reference to Madurai (Ph.D. thesis, Mother Teresa Women’s University), Kodaikanal. Chap. I of the thesis have an annexure on Ārvi, Tamil-Arabic words. I am thankful to the author for permitting me to have a glance of the thesis when it reached Prof. Raju Kalidos for consultation. 53 Emphasize is added to this idea because I and my brothers, including my father had our education in Missionary Schools. My uncle took his first degree in an Islamic College at Uttamapālaiyam. My father was professor and Chairman in a Catholic College. He and my elder brother have published a number of research articles from Rome and Naples and the Sapienza University of Rome invited them for a conference in Rome, which they attended and the papers are in press, Rome 2012. 54 See for example the following works: Nicholas B. Dirks, The Pasts of a Pāḷaiy- kkārar (see note 14); Pamela G. Price, Warrior Caste ‘Raja’ and Gentleman ‘Zamindar’ (see note 32); F. Fawcett, The Kondayamkottai Maravas, a Dravidian Tribe of Tinnevelly, Southern India, The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 33 (1903), 57–65. For family records of the zamīndārs of Tirunelvēli Maṟavas see S. Kadhirvel, Sources for the History of Tamil Nadu, Studies on Agrarian Societies in South Asia, 5 (1980), 1–81. The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 111

Illustrations

Map The Periyakuḷam city on the River bed of Varākanati (developed on Google map)

Plans 1. Ground Plan, Rājēndracōḻīśvaram, Periyakuḷam © author 2. Ground Plan, Varadarāja temple, Periyakuḷam © author 3. Ground Plan, Mailmēl Vaidhyanātha temple, Periyakuḷam © author

Photos (All by R.K. Parthiban, excepting no. 11) 1. Frontal view of the temple, Rājēndracōḻīśvaram 2. Vimānas, Rājēndracōḻīśvaram 3. Kālī, Rājēndracōḻīśvaram 4. Śiva-ūrdhvatāṇḍavam, Rājēndracōḻīśvaram 5. Vīrabhadra, Rājēndracōḻīśvaram 6. Vimānas, Varadarāja temple, Periyakuḷam 7. Pañcavaktradevatā, Varadarāja temple, Periyakuḷam 8. Temples on Tailārammaṉ-karaṭu, Malaimēl Vaidhyanāthasvāmi, Periyakuḷam 9. Detail of Fig. 8 10. Detail of Fig. 8 11. Kumāra Zamīndārs, pages to Lord Carmichael (Photo from A. Vadivelu 1915) 12. A Roadside Temple for Kālī, Cempaṭṭi-Veṟṟilaikkuṇṭu Highway 13. A Roadside Basilica, Aṭaikkalamātāpuram (close to Cempaṭṭi) 14. A Roadside dargaḥ, Periyakuḷam

112 Parthiban Rajukalidoss

Map. The Periyakuḷam city on the River bed of Varākanati (developed on Google map). The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 113

Plan 1. Ground Plan, Rājēndracōḻīśvaram, Periyakuḷam © author. 114 Parthiban Rajukalidoss

Plan 2. Ground Plan, Varadarāja temple, Periyakuḷam © author.

The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 115

Plan 3. Ground Plan, Mailmēl Vaidhyanātha temple, Periyakuḷam © author.

116 Parthiban Rajukalidoss

Figure 1. Frontal view of the temple, Figure 2. Vimānas, Rājēndracōḻīśvaram. Rājēndracōḻīśvaram.

Figure 3. Kālī, Rājēndracōḻīśvaram. The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 117

Figure 4. Śiva-ūrdhvatāṇḍavam, Figure 5. Vīrabhadra, Rājēndracōḻīśvaram. Rājēndracōḻīśvaram

Figure 6. Vimānas, Varadarāja temple, Periyakuḷam.

118 Parthiban Rajukalidoss

Figure 7. Pañcavaktradevatā, Varadarāja temple, Periyakuḷam.

Figure 8. Temples on Tailārammaṉ-karaṭu, Malaimēl Vaidhyanāthasvāmi, Periyakuḷam. The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 119

Figure 9. Detail of Fig. 8.

Figure 10. Detail of Fig. 8. 120 Parthiban Rajukalidoss

Figure 11. Kumāra Zamīndārs, pages to Lord Carmichael (Photo from A. Vadivelu 1915).

Figure 19. A Roadside Temple for Kālī, Cempaṭṭi-Veṟṟilaikkuṇṭu Highway. The Spice Road ‘Vaṭakarai Zamīndāri’ 121

Figure 13. A Roadside Basilica, Aṭaikkalamātāpuram (close to Cempaṭṭi).

Figure 14. A Roadside dargaḥ, Periyakuḷam.

Speech without words? An Essay Endeavouring a Probability That the Language of China Has No Words

Halvor Eifring University of Oslo

Abstract

This essay argues that traditional criteria for wordhood do not work well for Chinese. Stress plays a minor role and cannot be used to determine phonological wordhood. There is little or no inflection to help us define the morphological word. Morphological compounds and syntactic word combinations are based on the same structures. Morpheme combinations are seldom absolutely inseparable. Word- like usage of so-called bound forms is extremely common. It seems natural to conclude that Chinese has no words, only morpheme combinations with varying degrees of cohesion.

Keywords: word, morpheme, lexical item, Chinese, compound, syntax vs. morphology.

124 Halvor Eifring

1. The word “word”1

“In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.” We know now that this translation of the opening verse of the Gospel of St. John does not accurately render the Greek text, since the meaning of the Greek word logos is much more complex than that of its English near-equivalent word. Still, its use as a metaphor for something so holy that it is identical with God has placed the word at the very centre of the Western universe. Outside the religious sphere, words are, in the West, often conceived as the most important building blocks of language. Language may well exist without sounds, as in writing or in the sign languages of the deaf, and a rudimentary language may perhaps exist without sentences. But a language without words seems like a contradiction. As a metaphor, the word is sometimes even used to refer to language as a whole, so that those who feel it as their responsibility to protect their language against what they conceive as corruption often talk about themselves as defenders of the word. In strong contrast to this, the Chinese did not have a word meaning ‘word’ until it was introduced from the West. The nearest equivalent, cí, whether written 詞 or 辭, could mean a collocation of characters, or speech in general, but never word in the Western sense. It is true that one of the newest Chinese dictionaries, the Hànyǔ dà zìdiǎn (p. 3957), defines 詞 as “the smallest independent phonetic and semantic unit that may be freely used”, which sounds like a word definition taken from modern linguistics. But that is exactly what it is. It is a technical definition that describes what modern Chinese linguists and lexicographers think the term ought to mean. When the same dictionary gives a quotation from the Han dynasty work Shuōwén jiězì (說文解字) as an example of this usage, they attribute

1 This essay is a slightly amended version of a lecture held for a general audience at the University of Oslo on September 17, 1993. The subtitle alludes to the title of John Webb’s famous book An Historical Essay Endeavouring a Probability That the Language of the Empire of China is the Primitive Language from 1668. To many modern linguists, I am afraid, the hypothesis that Chinese has no words seems just as remote as the assumption that Chinese is the primitive language that all of mankind spoke before Babel. I do not expect that this little essay is going to convince the skeptic, but I hope it may form the basis for later and more thorough inquiries into the matter. Speech without words? 125 to the ancient Chinese an understanding of the term that did not become current in China before this century. Even today 詞 meaning ‘word’ is very much a technical term, used by linguists and students of foreign languages, its relevance for Chinese still being disputed both by linguists and language teachers (cf. Zhōu 2013). When a European refers to “the word love”, a Chinese would rather say “the two characters love”, since the Chinese word for love is written with two characters (愛情), corresponding to two syllables in the spoken language (ài-qíng). Even modern Chinese, therefore, does not have an everyday word meaning ‘word’. The fact that the Chinese have not written or spoken about words does not necessarily mean that their language does or did not have words. But it is legitimate to ask the question: Is the word a universal linguistic entity, or are there languages that do not have words in the traditional sense? In the following, I shall argue that Chinese, as contrasted with what I consider typical word languages like Norwegian and English, does not have the linguistic unit called a word.

2. Word boundaries in traditional writing

In languages written with the Roman alphabet, word boundaries are marked by spaces. There are many inconsistencies, as witnessed by the contrast between fingerprint written as one word and finger mark written as two. Even linguists seem to be unable to agree on the spelling of some compounds, and one and the same word (if it is one word) has been written in at least three different ways by prominent scholars: word formation in two words, word-formation with a hyphen, and wordformation written as one word. The same varieties are found in expressions as common as flower pot/flowerpot/flowerpot. In spite of such inconsistencies, however, the marking of word boundaries is felt by us to be a necessary tool without which almost any written text would be virtually unintelligible. In Chinese, things are different. Each written symbol represents not a single vowel or consonant, as in English, but a syllable with a given set of meanings. These characters are written continuously, without any indications of word boundaries. In many texts, all lines contain the same number of characters. When the line is filled, a new 126 Halvor Eifring line starts, even if this means breaking a fixed expression into two. No hyphen is needed to let 愛 ài at the end of one line combine with 情 qíng at the beginning of the next to form the word (if that is what it is) 愛情 ài-qíng meaning ‘love’. Of course, the fact that word boundaries are not marked in Chinese does not necessarily imply that Chinese does not have any words. There is hardly any doubt that Latin can be usefully described as having words. However, from the fourth to the tenth century virtually all Latin texts were written in an even more extreme form of scriptura continua than Chinese. Not only were word boundaries unmarked. Even syllable boundaries had no impact on line division. Each line was filled with letters to its margins, breaking in the middle of a syllable if necessary (cf. Levinson 1985:18ff.). The fact that Chinese writing does not mark word boundaries, therefore, does not prove that Chinese has no words.

3. Word boundaries in romanized texts

One might wonder whether the word, like many other grammatical constructs, is not some kind of Indo-European invention with little relevance for other language families. But if Edward Sapir (1921) is right, this does not seem to be the case. The word seems to be an easily identifiable unit also in languages that are, as far as we know, unrelated to the languages of Europe. According to Sapir, “the naïve [American] Indian, quite unaccustomed to the concept of the written word, has nevertheless no serious difficulty in dictating a text to a linguistic student word by word” (p. 33f.). His experience with Indians taught to write their own language confirms this: Twice I have taught intelligent young Indians to write their own languages according to the phonetic system which I employ. They were taught merely how to render accurately the sounds as such. Both had some difficulty in learning to break up a word into its constituent sounds, but none whatever in determining the words. This they both did with spontaneous and complete accuracy. In the hundreds of pages of manuscript Nootka text that I have obtained from one of these young Indians the words … are, practically without exception, isolated precisely as I or any other student would have isolated them.” (p. 34n) Speech without words? 127

If such anecdotes prove the psychological reality of the word, however, they not only show that some American aboriginal languages have words, but also, it seems, that Chinese does not. When Chinese is romanized (written with the Roman alphabet), it is usually written syllable by syllable rather than word by word. In the 1920’s, the linguist Lí Jǐnxī tried to oppose this habit by introducing the slogan “write words connectedly” (詞類連書, cf. Chao 1968:186n). In 1950 another linguist, Lù Zhìwěi, had to admit that there still existed no agreed-upon way of isolating Chinese words, but he still spoke optimistically about a time “thirty or fifty years from now”, when “the habit of using words has become common, and … primary school text materials and newspapers in the vernacular all leave a blank space between words” (Lù 1950:13). Today, 63 years after Mr. Lù’s optimistic statement, the romanized passages of most Chinese textbooks still leave a blank space, not between words, but between syllables. This is also often the case in romanized text occurring on signs and prescriptions for use. In other cases, no blank spaces are included at all, resulting in the same type of scriptura continua that was used in Latin before the tenth century. One may even see long and intricate romanized prescriptions for use on tubes of Chinese medicine without a single blank space to indicate word boundaries. Sometimes even two letters that in combination represent a single sound, such as sh representing a retroflex sibilant, occur on different lines, without a hyphen. The principles of scriptura continua are sometimes also applied to English, as on the plastic bags found in some Chinese hotels, on which are written “forsanitarynapkins” and “pleaseleaveitinthewastebasket”. One might argue that Chinese are unable to parse a romanized sentence into words not because they do not have words, but because they do not care. Romanized texts are usually written by people who are utterly uninterested in what they write, since they just do it in order to comply with government regulations. Except when applied to English, their failure to parse the texts into words has no practical consequence, since those Chinese who can read the transcription system used are certainly much more likely to read the same text written with Chinese characters. The fact is, however, that even people who do care, such as linguists, cannot seem to agree on how to parse one and the same text into words either. The following sentence 128 Halvor Eifring may be parsed as everything from five to eleven words according to the principles employed by different linguists:

(1) 這兩天村子裡找不到半個人。 Zhèliǎngtiān cūnzilǐ zhǎobudào bànge rén. Zhè liǎng tiān cūnzi lǐ zhǎo bu dào bàn ge rén. this two day village in search not achieve half piece person ‘You can’t find anyone in the village these days.’

While this does not prove that Chinese lacks words, it indicates clearly that words, if they are found at all, are much less readily separable in Chinese than in Norwegian and English.

4. Word, morpheme and lexical item

The word is not the smallest meaningful unit of a language. To take the word outstanding, it consists of at least three smaller meaningful units, called morphemes: out, stand and ing.2 The primary difference between this sequence of morphemes and the sequence of morphemes found in e.g. drink juice lies in the high degree of cohesion between its elements: out, stand, and ing are tightly knit together, while drink and juice are much more loosely knit together. Therefore, outstanding is one word, while drink juice is two. The cohesion between meaningful elements is a matter of degree. Sometimes what were originally sequences of individual words gradually evolve into tightly knit units, into single words. For instance, Latin res publica ‘public matters’ has become English republic, and early Old Norse sýna sik ‘to show oneself’ has become modern Norwegian synes ‘to think; to feel; to find’. In word languages like Norwegian and English, there is one point on this scale from low

2 In the analysis of European languages like English, this way of dividing words into segmental morphemes is now more or less obsolete (cf. Endresen 1988:138ff.), but is retained here both for reasons of clarity and because it seems less problematic when applied to Chinese. Some linguists retain the term morpheme, but redefine it to be able to account for so-called non-segmental morphemes. For instance, Katamba (1993:24) defines the morpheme as “the smallest difference in the shape of a word that correlates with the smallest difference in word or sentence meaning or in grammatical structure”. If it is true that some languages do not have words, however, this definition is highly problematic. Speech without words? 129 to high cohesion at which the combined elements start to behave like words. Once they pass this point, this has phonological, morphological as well as syntactic consequences. It is not given, however, that all languages distinguish words from non-words as strictly as Norwegian and English do. In Chinese, I am arguing, there is no such single point. There are many phonological and grammatical effects of different degrees of cohesion. But these effects appear at different points along the scale and do not cluster around any one specific grammatical unit like the word. We know, of course, that the correlation between phonologically and grammatically determined words is not absolute in Norwegian and English either. As we shall see, however, in Chinese such lack of correspondence is the rule and not the exception, not only between phonological and grammatical words, but also within each of these groups. Note that we are not discussing whether all languages have lexical items consisting of more than one morpheme, which is beyond doubt. But lexical items need not be single words, neither in Norwegian, English nor Chinese. The Norwegian expression vandre heden (lit. ‘wander away’) and the less solemn English expression kick the bucket are both lexical items, since their meaning is not deducible from their constituent elements. Both expressions, however, consist of more than one word. When we ask if a given lexical item is a word, we ask whether it behaves phonologically, morphologically and syntactically like the idiom kick the bucket or like the single word die. In the following, I shall examine Norwegian, English and especially Chinese according to some of the criteria often used to determine wordhood.

5. Phonological criteria

In the languages of the world, wordhood may affect phonology in at least two ways. The word may be the scope of rules for vowel harmony, as in Turkish and Finnish, and it may be the most central unit in stress assignment. Since neither Norwegian, English nor Chinese has vowel harmony, only stress and related phenomena will be considered here. 130 Halvor Eifring

In Norwegian, wordhood has phonological consequences, since it may affect the stress pattern of a given lexical item. The rule is that one word cannot contain more than one main stress. Thus, god gutt ‘a good boy’ is two words and has two main stresses, while godgutt ‘a good boy’ is one word and has only one main stress (on the first syllable). There are a few adverbs, like øyeblikkelig ‘immediately’, sannelig ‘truly’, akkurat ‘just’, and allerede ‘already’ that may, in emphatic positions, have two main stresses: on the first and third syllables. There are even a few adjectives, like ufordragelig and uutholdelig ‘intolerable, unbearable’ that may, under extreme emphasis, have three main stresses: on the first, second and third syllables. Such expressive use of stress, however, does not disprove the general pattern, according to which Norwegian words have either one main stress or no main stress at all. To what extent wordhood affects stress in English is a more complex question. Most compound words have primary stress on the first constituent, so that a darkroom is one word, while a dark room is two. The exceptions are usually compounds consisting of an adjective/noun plus an adjective, in which the second constituent is semantically dominant: psycho-somatic, age-old (cf. Quirk et al. 1985:1568ff.). If stress is used to define wordhood, however, the fixed and indivisible expression science fiction is two words and not one. One might argue, instead, that science fiction is one word, and that stress is no reliable marker of wordhood in English. In Chinese, stress distinctions are much less obvious than in both Norwegian and English. The main distinction is between toned and toneless syllables, and all the syllables in a word may be toned. There are also distinctions in stress among the toned syllables of otherwise homonymous lexical items. For instance, the noun bùxíng 步行 ‘walk by foot’ is pronounced with the main stress on the first syllable, while the negated verb bù xíng 不行 ‘it is not OK’ has its main stress on the second syllable (stressed syllables underlined). In many cases, however, stress distinctions are extremely subtle, so subtle that many excellent linguists and phoneticians have declared them non-existant. It is symptomatic when one of the minimal pairs rendered by Harbs-meier (1992) as fājué 發覺 ‘become aware, discover’ vs. fājué 發掘 ‘unearth’, is given exactly the opposite stress distribution in one of the few dictionaries that have attempted to Speech without words? 131 assign stress to lexical items, Oshanin (1983 vol. 3 p. 1047 and 1050). 3 While it is clear that some stress distinctions do exist in Chinese, they play a very minor role, and it is probably impossible to apply word criteria based on stress to Chinese. The Russian scholar M. K. Rumjancev (1960) argues that his experimental work indicates an intonational difference between what he regards as word combinations and compound words (cf. Lyovin 1978). Read in their literal meaning as word combinations, the phrases 嘴硬 zuǐ yìng ‘mouth [is] hard’, 黑版 hēi bǎn ‘a black board’ and 拖船 tuō chuán ‘to pull a boat’ all have distinct intonational features that mark the different syntactic structures on which they are built. Read in their idiomatic meaning as single lexical items meaning ‘impudent’, ‘blackboard’ and ‘barge’, respectively, this intonational distinction disappears. He also finds that word combinations have longer total duration than compound words. And while the second element is longer than the first in a compound word, the reverse is true in a word combination. It is not clear, however, if these features are markers of wordhood. Some of the results reported by Rumjancev indicate that intonational distinctions are gradient, with no absolute values. In that case, they may mark degrees of cohesion without indicating a specific point on the scale from low to high cohesion at which a combination of morphemes becomes a word. More experimental research is needed to determine the nature of what he considers to be word intonation. According to the famous linguist Yuen-Ren Chao (1968:147), Wu dialects have different tone sandhi (combining forms of tones) within words and across word boundaries. Thus, in the Suzhou dialect both 放參 ‘puts in ginseng’ and 放生 ‘sets free a living being (for religious or similar reasons)’ both consist of words that are pronounced fang with the tone contour [513] and sen with the tone contour [45] when read by themselves. When the two words are combined, however, the resulting tone contours are different in the two cases: [51 + 45] in the first case and [45 + 42] in the second. Presumably this is because the latter example is a word, while the former is a phrase. From this single example, however, it is difficult to tell whether the tone sandhi differences are due to wordhood or simply idiomaticity. There is no doubt that 放生 is an idiomatic expression, but is it one word? Structurally, it is a verb meaning ‘to set free’

3 For an overview of such dictionaries and word lists, see Visted (2012). 132 Halvor Eifring followed by an object meaning ‘life’, and without more information about its behaviour in the Suzhou dialect it is impossible to tell whether it is one word or two. If it is, as one may suspect, a two-word idiom rather than a single word, this goes to show that the important distinction is not between word and non-word, but between different degrees of idiomaticity. Both in Norwegian, English, and Chinese, pausing is often mentioned as a criterion for a word boundary. Pausing is possible between words, but not, except for hesitation, within words. This criterion is not always easy to employ, however, since the words of the same sentence are usually uttered more or less in succession, and the insertion of pausing often feels awkward even between words. It is also sometimes possible to insert a pause in a compound word. In Chinese, it sometimes seems that rhythmic principles influence judgements concerning word boundaries. In romanized texts, there is a tendency to write di- and trisyllabic lexical items as one word, while items of four syllables are written as two. Thus, the official way of writing The People’s Republic of China in romanized Chinese is Zhōnghuá rénmín gònghéguó. Similarly, in the dictionary Shídài Hànyǔ cídiǎn, 玻璃紙 ‘window paper’ is romanized as bōlizhǐ in one word, while 玻璃纖維 ‘glass fibre’ is romanized as bōli xiānwéi in two words. The reasons for this parsing principle, which does have some intuitive appeal, seem to be purely rhythmic. It has nothing to do with the traditional criteria for wordhood. It creates some problems in cases like 象形文字論 xiàngxíng wénzì lùn ‘(philosophical) symbolism’ (lit. ‘pictographic character theory’), in which rhythmic principles indicate that 文字 wénzì and 論 lùn belong to the same word, while 象形 xiàngxíng is a separate word. Since 論 lùn is clearly modified by the whole expression 象形文字 xiàngxíng wénzì, Xiàndài Hànyǔ cídiǎn (p. 1249) chooses instead to treat 象形文字論 xiàngxíng wénzì lùn as three words. In the case of its synonym 符號論 fúhàolùn, however, the same problem does not arise.

6. Morphological criteria

In word languages, wordhood may affect morphology in at least two ways. First, it has inflectional consequences, since a compound word Speech without words? 133 may only be inflected as a whole. Second, it has structural consequences, since the internal structure of compounds often differs from the structure of word combinations.

6.1. Inflection In both Norwegian and English, no part of a word may be inflected, only the word as a whole. In the Norwegian word nyttår ‘New Year’, the first element is only apparently inflected for gender (containing the suffix -tt marking both neuter and singular), as is clear from the fact that the plural form is unchanged: there exists no *nyeår (with the plural marker -e rather than the singular neuter marker -tt). One possible exception is the occasional use of the word marxismen- leninismen ‘Marxism-Leninism’, in which both elements contain the definite singular suffix -(e)n. In English the exceptions are somewhat more numerous, as exemplified by words like menservants, women priests, and gentlemen farmers. In general, however, English observes the same rule as Norwegian. In Chinese, inflection is extremely scarce. The aspect markers le 了 (perfective), guò 過 (experiential), and zhe 著 (progressive) are often considered inflectional suffixes. However, to judge from the fact that one single suffix may modify two coordinated verbs in phrases like tíchū hé zhíxíng le 提出和執行了 ‘took up and carried through’, it resembles a clitic word rather than an inflectional suffix. In some non-standard variants of Chinese the experiential marker guò 過 may even occur after the object: Wǒmen méi lái zhèli guò 我們沒來這裡過 ‘We have never been here’ (lit. ‘we not-have come here guò’). Even if aspect markers are considered inflectional suffixes, however, they most often occur only once even in a collocation of several separate verbs, making it impossible to use them to distinguish between composite verb phrases and compound verbs. The collective plural marker men 們, which is only used with human nouns and pronouns, is also often considered an inflectional suffix. Like the aspect markers, however, it may also modify two separate nouns simultaneously, as in xiānsheng hé tàitai men 先生和太太們 ‘Sirs and Madames’. It resembles, therefore, a clitic word rather than an inflectional suffix.

134 Halvor Eifring

6.2. Internal structure In both Norwegian and English, the internal structure of compounds is different from the structure of syntactic phrases consisting of more than one word. While some compounds are simply contracted forms of syntactic phrases, such as nyttår (‘New Year’, from nytt ‘new’ and år ‘year’) and godtfolk (‘good people’, from godt ‘good’ and folk ‘people’) in Norwegian and cleaning woman and best man in English, others are structurally different. The combinations that are possible in compounds are often impossible in phrases, such as noun plus noun in Norwegian (kjellertrapp ‘basement stairs’) and uninflected verb plus subject noun in English (playboy). In addition comes the fact that the first constituents in compounds often have special forms, such as barnepass (child-care, cf. barn ‘child’), arbeidsliv (‘working life’, cf. arbeid ‘work’), fotball (‘football’, with a short o rather than the long o of fot ‘foot’) in Norwegian and electromagnet or Anglo-Saxon in English. In Chinese, the internal structure of what might be conceived as compound words is in most cases exactly the same as the structure of syntactic phrases. This is one of the main reasons why it is often so difficult to distinguish between compounds and phrases in Chinese. One particularly clear example is the pattern consisting of a verb with an object. In chī tǔdòur 吃土豆兒 ‘to eat potatoes’, we have a clear case of verb-object as a free syntactic construction. Both the verb and the object may be used freely on their own, there is no idiomatization, and the object may be moved in front of the verb or separated from it by other elements. In chī fàn 吃飯 ‘to eat rice; to eat; to make a living’, the verb and the object may also be used on their own and move about in the sentence independently of each other. In this case, however, there are two idiomatic meanings in addition to the literal meaning. In chī xiánfàn 吃閒飯 ‘to be a loafer’ (lit. ‘eat idle rice’) the verb is free and the object at least semi-free, but in this case there is only an idiomatic meaning and no literal one. Again, however, the object may be moved before the verb or separated from it by other elements. In chī jīng 吃驚 ‘to be startled’ (lit. ‘eat shock’) the verb is free, but the object bound, there is again only an idiomatic meaning, and while it is fully possible to separate the verb and the object by means of aspect particles or modifications to the object, it is not possible to move the object before the verb. Finally, in chī xiāng 吃香 Speech without words? 135

‘to be popular’ (lit. ‘eat fragrance’) the verb and the object are strictly inseparable. Where does the syntactic phrase end and the compound word start? Because of their semantic transparency, what has already become inseparable verb-object compounds may also be reinterpreted as verb-object phrases, often for jocular purposes. For instance, in gémìng 革命 ‘revolution; to participate in the revolution’ (lit. ‘cut-off mandate’) the verb and the object is sometimes separated from each other in expressions like gé tā de mìng 革他的命 (lit. ‘cut-off his mandate’), which has a double meaning, since mìng 命 also means ‘life’. While the tendency is for idiomatic verb-object phrases to gradually develop into compound verbs, it also happens that compound verbs that are originally not verb-object compounds are interpreted as verb-object phrases. The standard example is tiào wǔ 跳舞 ‘to dance’, originally composed out of two verbs meaning ‘to jump’ and ‘to dance’, respectively, but now interpreted as a verb- object phrase, wǔ 舞 having become a free noun meaning ‘a dance’. The linguist Lù Zhìwěi (1950:26) mentions more recent non-standard formations like the following: 後了悔了 hòu-le huǐ le for 後悔了 hòuhuǐ le ‘regretted’ (hòuhuǐ 後悔 [lit. ‘after-regret’] ‘to regret’; le 了 [perfective aspect marker]) 演一次講 yǎn yí cì jiǎng for 演講一次 yǎnjiǎng yí cì ‘to give one lecture’ (yǎnjiǎng 演講 [lit. ‘perform-speak’] ‘to give a lecture’ yí cì 一次 ‘one time, once’) 貪了一點污 tān-le yì diǎn wū ‘embezzled a little [money]’, from 貪污 tānwū [lit. ‘greedy-corrupt’] ‘to embezzle’ I have myself heard people say jìng wán zuò 靜完坐 before correcting themselves to jìng-zuò wán 靜坐完 ‘finished meditating’ (jìng-zuò 靜坐 [lit. ‘still-sit’] ‘to meditate’ wán 完 [a resultative complement marking completion]). In verbs followed by resultative complements there are three types. In the most elaborate type, the verb and the complement are separated by the grammatical marker de 得, and the complement may be a full clause, as in the following sentence: 136 Halvor Eifring

(2) 他打得我直叫。

Tā [dǎ]V de [ wǒ zhí jiào]S he hit comp I just yell ‘He hit me so that I yelled.’

In such cases, the resultative complement clearly does not belong to the same word as the verb. In jocular contexts what is originally inseparable compound verbs is sometimes treated as if they belonged to this type, as when the adjectival verb luòhòu 落後 ‘backward’ is expanded into luò de hěn hòu 落得很後 ‘be very backward’ (Harbsmeier 1992:268). At the other extreme are cases where the verb and the resultative complement are absolutely inseparable. This is the case in expressions like tuīguǎng 推廣 ‘to spread’ (lit. ‘push wide’) and jiǎnshǎo 減少 ‘to decrease’ (lit. ‘reduce little’). If there are words in Chinese, such expressions are certainly single words, not word combinations. In the medium type, a verb is directly followed by a verbal complement, as in dǎ yíng 打贏 ‘to win’ (lit. ‘hit win’), chī bǎo 吃飽 ‘to have one’s fill’ (lit. ‘eat full’), in which case nothing can usually intervene between the two verbs except the potential markers de 得 and bù 不, as in chī de bǎo 吃得飽‘to be able to have one’s fill’ and chī bu bǎo 吃不飽‘to be unable to have one’s fill’. It is commonly said that de 得 and bù 不 are infixes, and that this type is a one word construction. But it is equally possible to say that de 得 and bù 不 are clitic words that separate the main verb and the complement, especially since both de 得 and bù 不 are used as clitics in other similar functions. In jocular style, also other elements may occur between the two verbs, as in chī le ge dà bǎo 吃了個大飽 ‘really had his fill’ (lit. ‘ate a big full’). It also happens that compound verbs that do not belong to this group are treated as if they did, as when the famous author Lǔ Xùn writes jué bu dìng 決不定 ‘unable to decide’ (from juédìng 決定 ‘to decide’, Nàhǎn p. 111). A similar type is the directional complement construction. In this construction, a motion verb is followed by a complement consisting of a verb of type 1 or a verb of type 2 or both: Speech without words? 137

Type 1: shàng 上 ‘[come/go] up’, xià 下 ‘[come/go] down’, jìn 進 ‘[come/go] in’, chū 出 ‘[come/go] out’, huí 回 ‘[come/go] back’, guò 過 ‘[come/go] across’, kāi 開 ‘[come] apart’, and qǐ 起 ‘[come] up (from the ground)’. Type 2: lái 來 (‘come’, indicating movement towards the speaker) and qù 去 (‘go’, indicating movement away from the speaker). All complements of type 1 may combine with both complements of type 2, except kāi 開 and qǐ 起, which may only combine with lái 來, not with qù 去 . The resulting structures are not indivisible. For instance, ná chū lái 拿出來 ‘take out’ may combine with the object yì běn shū 一本書 ‘one book’ in three different ways:

ná le yì běn shū chū lái 拿了一本書出來 (with the perf. marker le 了) ná chū yì běn shū lái 拿出一本書來 ná chū lái yì běn shū 拿出來一本書

Directional complements are not always as flexible as this, but they may always be split up by an object. Like the medium type of resultative complements described above, they may also be split up by the potential markers de 得 and bù 不: ná de chū lái 拿得出來 ‘able to take out’, ná bu chū lái 拿不出來 ‘unable to take out’. To judge from this, they are not one-word constructions. On the other hand, the fact that the object may follow the whole construction seems to indicate that the whole construction acts as a single verb. In the case of attributive constructions, it is customary to say that wherever de 的 may be inserted without a change in meaning, as in xīn (de) fángzi 新(的)房子 ‘new house’, we have two words, while in cases where the insertion of de alters the meaning, as in xiǎo mǐ 小米 ‘millet’ as opposed to xiǎo de mǐ 小的米 ‘short-grained rice’, we have one word. However, this does not seem to be a test of wordhood, but of idiomaticity. And something does not have to be a word to be idiomatic, nor does it have to be idiomatic to be a word. There is also a gradient distinction between what might be conceived as subject-predicate compounds and syntactic subject- predicate constructions. For instance, when the expression tiān liàng 天亮 ‘to dawn’ (lit. ‘heaven bright’) occurs in an adverbial clause 138 Halvor Eifring with yī 一 ‘once, as soon as’, this conjunction may occur before the whole expression, treating it as what seems to be a verb, or it may intervene between tiān 天 and liàng 亮, treating it as a syntactic subject-predicate construction. The gradience of this distinction is especially clear in the case of constructions with a so-called secondary subject. A typical example of the compound type is niánqīng 年輕 ‘young’ (lit. ‘year light’), which is absolutely indivisible except in alternative questions (nián bu niánqīng 年不年輕 ). The near- synonymous expression niánjì qīngqīng de 年紀輕輕的 (lit. ‘age light sub’) also seems to be indivisible, and adverbs like dōu 都‘all’ have to precede the whole expression instead of splitting the subject and the predicate apart: tāmen dōu niánjì qīngqīng de 他們都年紀輕輕的 is fully acceptable, while ?? tāmen niánjì dōu qīngqīng de ??他們年紀都輕輕的 is, at best, dubious. The secondary subject niánjì 年紀 may, however, be made into the head of a subordinative construction with de 的: tāmen de niánjì qīngqīng de 他們的年紀輕輕的. In this case, niánjì 年紀 and qīngqīng de 輕輕的 belong to different main constituents and cannot count as one word. In another near- synonymous expression, niánjì hěn qīng 年紀很輕 (lit. ‘age very light’), adverbs like dōu 都 may intervene freely between the subject and the predicate: tāmen niánjì dōu hěn qīng 他們年紀都很輕. Again, the secondary subject may be made into the head of a subordinative construction with de 的: tāmen de niánjì (dōu) hěn qīng 他們的年紀( 都)很輕. The whole expression niánjì hěn qīng 年紀很輕 may also, however, be treated as the predicate of tāmen 他們, as is clear from the fact that it may just as well be preceded by dōu 都: tāmen dōu niánjì hěn qīng 他們都年紀很輕. In the case of so-called synonym compounds (like péngyǒu 朋友 ‘friend’ from péng 朋 ‘friend’ and yǒu 友 ‘friend’) and antonym compounds (like dàxiǎo 大小 ‘size’ from dà 大 ‘big’ and xiǎo 小 ‘small’), there seems to exist no corresponding syntactic structure. This might be taken as a sign that the word level is, after all, of some significance, since at least one type of morpheme combinations only occurs word-internally. However, all synonym and antonym compounds are strongly idiomaticized disyllabic expressions. The relevant restriction does not seem to take account of word boundaries, Speech without words? 139 but rather of the number of syllables allowed. Furthermore, neither type is productive in Modern Chinese and can hardly be used to argue for the existence of a word level in the modern language. Reduplication might also be seen as a process restricted to occur within words. Again, however, the number of syllables seems to be a more important factor than the alleged existence of word boundaries. Nominal expressions have to be monosyllabic to allow reduplication: yéye 爺爺 ‘paternal grandfather’ and dòudou 豆豆 ‘beans’ (in children’s language) as opposed to the unreduplicable lǎoye 老爺 ‘maternal grandfather’ and tǔdòu 土豆 ‘potato’. Verbal expressions have to be either monosyllabic or disyllabic to allow reduplication: gāogāo (de) 高高(的) ‘high, tall’, gāogāoxìngxìng (de) 高高興興(的) ‘happy’, láiláiqùqù 來來去去 ‘come and go’. In the case of disyllabic expressions, which are usually also dimorphemic, the collocation of morphemes has to be strongly idiomatic. In the iterative type exemplified by láiláiqùqù 來來去去, however, it is not obvious that we have to do with one word and not two (cf. Lì 1984:378ff.).

7. Syntactic criteria

The syntactic criteria for wordhood are often considered to be most important. The most commonly cited criterion regards the fact that a word is an indivisible unit whose constituent parts may not be separated or moved on their own. Another criterion often discussed is the requirement that the word is a free form (a form which may constitute an utterance of its own).

7.1. Inseparability The arguably most important syntactic criterion for a word regards the inseparability of its constituents. Constituents of a single word may not be moved away from each other, and it is impossible to insert anything in between them. If this is taken to be the main criterion for wordhood, science fiction is one word and not two. Its two main constituents may not be moved away from each other or separated by other linguistic elements. On the basis of this criterion, Otto Jespersen (1924:95) argues that German stattfinden ‘take place’ is two words rather than one, since we also have stattzufinden ‘to take place’ and es 140 Halvor Eifring findet nur selten statt ‘it only rarely takes place’. In Norwegian and English, the only exceptions to this rule occur in syntactically coordinated compounds with shared second constituent, as in Norwegian post- og bankvesenet ‘postal services and banking’ or English record- and cassette-player. In Chinese, the inseparability of what otherwise may count as words is violated by a number of syntactic and morphological processes. First, all polysyllabic verbs (including adjectival verbs) may be represented by their first syllable in disjunctive questions. This applies whether the first syllable is a morpheme by itself, as in xǐ bu xǐhuān 喜不喜歡 ‘like’ or is just a meaningless syllable, as in luō bu luōsuo 囉不囉嗦 ‘wordy, troublesome’, pián bu piányi 便不便宜 ‘cheap’. This way of forming questions has spread into Northern Chinese only during the past hundred years or so, but is now extremely common. Second, reduplication with an intensifying effect affects words syllable by syllable rather than word by word, as in qīngqīngchǔchǔ 清清楚楚 ‘clear’. This also applies whether each syllable is a morpheme by itself or is just a meaningless syllable, as hū 忽 is in piāopiāohūhū 飄飄忽忽 ‘drifting, uncertain’. The tentative use of reduplication is an apparent exception, since the whole word is repeated: jièshao-jièshao 介紹介紹 ‘to present, to introduce’. But that is because this is not reduplication at all, since the second occurrence of the verb has been nominalized into a kind of measure word constituting a cognate object: ‘to introduce a little’. In adjectival verbs with a negative meaning, the first syllable followed by the syllable li 里 precedes the whole word: súlisúqì 俗里俗氣 ‘vulgar’. Again this also applies whether each syllable is a morpheme by itself or is just a meaningless syllable, as in húlihútu 糊里糊涂 ‘confused’. The adjectival verb luōsuo 囉嗦 ‘wordy, troublesome’ even has an intensifying form where the first and the last syllables, each of which is meaningless on its own, are separated by two other syllables: luōlibāsuo 囉里巴嗦. Third, what otherwise appear to be single words are sometimes separated by the negator bù: bù míng bù bái 不明不白 ‘unclear; without any reason’ (from míngbái 明白 ‘understand’), bù qīng bù chǔ 不清不楚 ‘unclear’ (from qīngchǔ 清楚 ‘clear’), bù gān bú jìng Speech without words? 141

不乾不淨 ‘filthy’ (from gānjìng 乾淨 ‘clean’), bù zhé bú kòu 不折不扣 ‘fully, one hundred percent’ (from zhékòu 折扣 ‘rebate’). Fourth, the extreme frequency of abbreviated forms both in spoken and written Chinese also points to the relative ease with which so-called words are torn apart. In Western languages, abbreviations by means of initial letters (such as GMT for Greenwich Mean Time) are primarily written language phenomena and only secondarily spoken language phenomena, while abbreviations by means of initial syllables (such as pink for Pinkerton detective) is primarily a slang phenomenon. In Chinese, abbreviations by means of initial syllables are extremely common, both in spoken and written language: tǔgǎi 土改 from tǔdì gǎigé 土地改革 ‘land reform’, Shīdà 師大 from Shīfàn dàxué 師範大學 ‘Normal (i.e. Teachers’) University’, kējì 科技 from kēxué jìshù 科學技術 ‘science and technology’. Perhaps related to this is the fact that even originally non- morphemic syllables may be taken to represent the meaning of a whole polysyllabic morpheme. This resembles the process of abbreviation when it happens to the first syllable, as in pīngtán 乒壇 ‘table tennis court’ from pīngpāngqiú 乒乓球 ‘table tennis’ and yīnggē 鸚哥 ‘parrot’ (lit. ‘parrot brother’, from the originally indivisible morpheme yīngwǔ 鸚鵡 ‘parrot’), while it seems to be a separate phenomenon when it happens to the last syllable, as it has thoroughly done in the so-called indivisible morpheme húdié 蝴蝶 ‘butterfly’, whose last syllable dié 蝶 occurs on its own in many expressions, e.g. diéshè 蝶式 and diéyǒng 蝶泳 for ‘butterfly style swimming’, diéyī 蝶衣 ‘butterfly clothes’, and mèngdié 夢蝶 ‘to dream that one is a butterfly’ (a recurrent topic in Chinese culture). The case of the so-called indivisible morpheme bōlí 玻璃 ‘glass’ is also telling. Its first part occurs on its own in bōzhuān 玻磚 ‘glass brick’, while its last part occurs on its own in liúlí 琉璃 ‘coloured glaze’. It is commonly said that sequences of demonstrative plus numeral plus classifier are one-word constructions: zhèliǎngge 這兩個 [lit. ‘this class two’] ‘these two’, nàsānge 那三個 [lit. ‘that class three’] ‘those three’. (The demonstrative may, of course, be left out or included according to the meaning.) The singular numeral yī 一 may 142 Halvor Eifring be left out, so that zhège 這個, nàge 那個 and just ge 個 actually imply zhèyíge 這一個, nàyíge 那一個, and yíge 一個, respectively. Otherwise these are almost inseparable. But not quite. Insertion of adjectival verbs like dà 大 and xiǎo 小 is in fact quite common: yí dà piàn 一大片 ‘a big slice’, yí dà ge xīguā 一大個西瓜 ‘a big melon’. Even if one insists that Chinese has words, therefore, it is hard to assert that the word is inseparable. At most, one might say that the separability of the word is restricted.

7.2. Minimum free form The inseparability of the word implies that any utterance must consist of at least one word. Leonard Bloomfield (1933:177ff.) turned this around and said that for something to be a word it must be capable of forming an utterance on its own (it must be a “minimum free form”). In Norwegian and English, this is probably true of most words, though the situations in which the given utterances are spoken must be extremely special for word forms like is and since to act as full utterances. In the cases of the and a, it is doubtful whether it is possible at all, but Bloomfield argues that they are words because they are parallel to other words that may occur as full utterances on their own, such as this and that. Applied to Chinese, Bloomfield’s “minimum free form” criterion is problematic. First, the vast majority of function words cannot form utterances on their own. This applies to adverbs like jiù 就 ‘then’, conjunctions like jìrán 既然 ‘since’, coverbs (preposition- like verbs) like cóng 從 ‘from’, demonstrative pronouns like nǎ 哪 ‘which’, final particles like ma 嗎 marking yes-no-questions, and arguably also to adnominals like nán 男 ‘male’. Second, very many words that are minimum free forms have alternative forms that are bound. For instance, chuānghu 窗戶 ‘window’ is free, while chuāng 窗 is bound. The bound form is often the only form that may appear in compounds, such as chuānglián 窗簾 ‘curtain’ rather than *chuanghu- liánzi 窗戶簾子 (lit. ‘window-screen’). The bound form also often appears in fixed syntactic expressions like kāi chuāng 開窗 ‘open the window’, which alternates with dǎkāi chuānghu 打開窗戶. Some bound forms may act as major constituents in the sentence even outside fixed expressions, as chūn 春 for chūntiān 春天 ‘spring’ in the Speech without words? 143 sentence chūn shì zuì měi de jìjié 春是最美的季節 ‘spring is the most beautiful season’. In all these contexts, bound forms act like ordinary words. To the extent that one operates with words in Chinese, it does not seem natural to deny bound forms word status just because they cannot constitute complete utterances on their own.

8. Parts of speech

After a lively debate in the 1950’s, it has been generally agreed that Chinese does have parts of speech, so-called word classes (Chinese cílèi 詞類). The question is: If Chinese has no words, what are the “words” that are divided into classes? It seems clear that prototypical nouns are free and indivisible forms like diànhuà 電話 ‘telephone’ and bēizi 杯子 ‘cup’, and that prototypical verbs are free and (except in alternative questions) indivisible forms like xǐhuān 喜歡 ‘to like’ and gàosu 告訴 ‘to tell’. There are other parts of speech, however, that are prototypically bound, such as classifiers (běn 本 [of books etc.], ge 個 [general]), coverbs (“prepositions”: cóng 從 ‘from’, wǎng 往 ‘towards’), and adverbs (dōu 都 ‘all’, hái 還 ‘still’). Even nouns and verbs may be bound, as in the cases of the noun chuāng 窗 ‘window’ and the verb liáo 療 ‘to treat, to cure’. It is less obvious that expressions with freely separable morphemes may be assigned parts of speech. For instance, shēng qì 生氣 (lit. ‘give-birth-to energy’) may be classified as a transitive verb in its stative sense ‘to be angry’ (cf. wǒ hěn shēng-qì zhè jiàn shìqíng 我很生氣這件事情 ‘I feel very angry about this matter’), but can hardly be considered a single verb at all in its inchoative sense ‘to become angry’, since qì 氣 is then clearly an object to the verb shēng 生 (cf. shēng tā de qì 生他的氣 ‘to become angry with him’, lit. ‘give-birth-to he sub anger’). To the extent that the existence of parts of speech is an argument for a separate word level in Chinese, therefore, either bound forms have to be considered as words (even the ones that only occur in typical “compounds”), or the word is not the only unit that may be assigned a part of speech, only the largest such unit. One argument for the wordhood of some Chinese constructions is that they are exocentric. For instance, the two verbs kāi 開 ‘to open, 144 Halvor Eifring to turn on’ and guān 關 ‘to close, to turn off’ form the noun kāiguān 開關 ‘switch’. The latter cannot simply be regarded as a syntactic combination of the former two, it is argued, since verb plus verb can only give a noun on the word level, not on the syntactic level. However, exocentric constructions are also found in more or less fixed expressions that are hardly analyzable as words. One example is the saying nú shì nú, zhǔ shì zhǔ 奴是奴，主是主 ‘a slave is a slave, and a master is a master’, which consists of two clauses constituting an independent composite sentence with no indication of being strung together as a word. Still, it may act as a predicate, following post- subject adverbs like yě 也 ‘also, even’, as in the following sentence:

(3) ⋯就說是奶媽，也奴是奴，主是主⋯ …jiù shuō shì nǎimā, yě nú shì nú, zhǔ shì zhǔ … even say be wet-nurse also slave be slave master be master ‘… even for a wet nurse, a slave is a slave, and a master is a master …’ Cáo Yú xuǎnjí p. 280.

To judge from this, the exocentricity argument for wordhood is not a water-tight argument, although it is only natural that the high degree of idiomaticity required is primarily found in words.

9. Conclusion

In Norwegian and English, the phonological, morphological and syntactic criteria described above tend to point towards the same group of linguistic elements, with a few exceptions, in particular regarding the phonologically determined word. In such languages, the notion of the word has an obvious place. Both Norwegian and English are word languages, though word boundaries seem to be somewhat less clear in English than in Norwegian, especially in collocations of noun plus noun, such as science fiction. Norwegian has noun plus noun collocations only in clear compounds that behave like words phonologically, morphologically and syntactically. In English, science fiction behaves morphologically and syntactically like a word, but phonologically like a word combination. Speech without words? 145

In Chinese, there seems to be no fixed unit like the word that several different phonological, morphological, and syntactic criteria point towards. It is true that many Chinese lexical items are words by most of the criteria mentioned above, both monosyllabics like rén 人 ‘person’ and gǒu 狗 ‘dog’ and polysyllabics like húdié 蝴蝶 ‘butterfly’ and chìbǎng 翅膀 ‘wing’. For a linguist steeped in the Western tradition, therefore, it is not difficult to find lots of words even in Chinese. However, none of the usual word criteria work very well when applied to Chinese. The phonological criteria for wordhood are scarce because of the minor role of stress in Chinese. The inflectional criteria are of little help since Chinese has almost no inflection. The criteria regarding internal structure of compounds vs. word combinations are of little help since both are based on the same structures. The syntactic criterion of inseparability is too often violated to be a good guideline. And the criterion according to which a word must be a minimum free form seems absurd when applied to Chinese, where word-like usage of bound forms is extremely common. It is possible that a word level would be useful in singling out the units (or some of the units) that may be assigned a part of speech, but even this criterion is of little help in most cases in which one might want to distinguish a word from a non-word. On the basis of this evidence, the hypothesis that Chinese does not have words, only morpheme combinations with varying degrees of cohesion, deserves close attention.

References

Bloomfield, Leonard 1933: Language. New York: Henry Holt. Cáo Yú xuǎnjí 曹禺選集. Beijing: Rénmín wénxué 1961. Chao, Yuen Ren 1968: A grammar of spoken Chinese. Berkeley: University of California Press. Endresen, Rolf Theil 1988: “Morfologi”. In Hanne Gram Simonsen, Rolf Theil Endresen and Even Hovdhaugen (eds.): Språkvitenskap: En elementær innføring pp. 76–140. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget. 146 Halvor Eifring

Hànyǔ dà zìdiǎn 漢語大字典. Chengdu: Sìchuān císhū/Húběi císhū 1986-90. Harbsmeier, Christoph 1992: Modern Chinese analytic syntax. Oslo: Department of East European and Oriental Studies, University of Oslo. Jespersen, Otto 1924 [1955]: The philosophy of grammar. London: George Allen & Unwin. Katamba, Francis 1993: Morphology. Houndmills: MacMillan. Levinson, Joan Persily 1985: Punctuation and the orthographic sentence: A linguistic analysis. Ph. D. dissertation, The City University of New York. Lì, Wéimín 厲為民 1984: 動詞性 AABB 式初探. In 語海新探 vol. 1 pp. 365–80. Jinan: Shāndōng jiàoyù. Lù, Zhìwěi 陸志韋 1950 [1990]: 北京話單音詞詞彙. In 陸志韋語言學著作集 vol. 3 pp. 1–262. Lyovin, Anatole V. 1978: Review of Rumjancev (1972). Journal of Chinese Linguistics vol. 6 p. 120–68. Nàhǎn 吶喊. Hongkong: Yayuan 1986. Oshanin, I. M. 1983: Bol'šoj kitajsko-russkij slovar'. Moscow: Nauka. Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech & Jan Svartvik 1985: A comprehensive grammar of the English language. London: Longman. Rumjancev, M.K. 1972: Ton i intonacija v sovremennom kitajskom jazyke. Moskva: Izdatel’stvo Moskovskogo Universiteta. Sapir, Edward 1921 [1949]: Language: An introduction to the study of speech. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Shídài Hànyǔ cídiǎn 時代漢語詞典. Hongkong: Liánbāng/Shāngwù 1982. Visted, Øystein Krogh 2012: Nuances of Pronunciation in Chinese: Lexical Stress in Beijing Mandarin. Saarbrücken: LAP Lambert Academic Publishing. Speech without words? 147

Xiàndài Hànyǔ cídiǎn 現代漢語詞典. Hongkong: Shāngwù 1980. Zhōu, Shàngzhī 周上之 (ed.) 2013: 世紀對話－漢語字本位與詞本位的多角度研究. Beijing: Peking University Press.

Zu den Wörtern cx und cxw in den asiatischen Feldzugsberichten von Amenophis II. (mit einem Beitrag zum Lautwandel zwischen w und r)

Stefan Bojowald Bonn, Germany

Abstract

In this article, the words cx and cxw from the Memphis – resp. Karnak – Stela of Amenhotep II. are considered again. According to the context, the words have denoted a detail on chariots. In both cases, they are brought in relation with cxr “tin”. The first writing goes back to the loss of r at the end of the word which is well known in other cases, too. The necessary condition for the second writing has been played by the phonetic change between w and r for which new examples are given in an appendix.

Keywords: Egyptian Philology, Memphis-/Karnak – Stela of Ame hotep II., new explanation for the words and .

Der folgende Beitrag wird sich näher mit den Wörtern und aus der Memphis – bzw. Karnak – Stele von Amenophis II. befassen. Die beiden Wörter werden im Zusammenhang mit dem königlichen Streitwagen erwähnt. Der weitere Verlauf wird zeigen, dass sie auf die 150 Stefan Bojowald gleiche Wurzel zurückgeführt werden können. Die Entwicklung ist nur in zwei unterschiedliche Richtungen verlaufen.

I. Das Wort aus der Memphis – Stele von Amenophis II.

Die erste Betrachtung soll dem Wort aus der Memphis – Stele des Königs gewidmet werden. Das betreffende Wort tritt an der Stelle iw Hm=f Hr wrr.t=f, Imn qn, Mw.t hr.ti1, pA nfr cx rn=f2 in Erscheinung, die sich mit „Seine Majestät befand sich auf seinem Gespann namens „Amun ist tapfer, Mut ist gnädig“, das (Gespann) mit dem schönen cx“ übersetzen lässt. In der Forschung hat es unterschiedlich großes Interesse hervorgerufen. Der folgende Überblick soll zunächst über den derzeitigen Stand der Dinge informieren. Die früheste Interpretation des Wortes ist von Badawi 3 vorgelegt worden, der das Ohrdeterminativ wörtlich genommen und wohl an die Wurzel cXi „taub“ gedacht hat. Die Bedeutung glaubt er durch den Vergleich mit dem Hebräischen auf „leise“ einengen zu können. Die Meinung von Grdseloff4 muss als nächstes zitiert werden, der sich zugunsten einer Schreibung für cxr „Plan“ entschieden hat. Das „Ohrdeterminativ“ hat er expressis verbis mit der Kontamination durch die Wurzel cXi „taub“ erklärt. Die Deutung von Drioton 5 ist zu einem anderen Ergebnis gekommen, der für eine Verbindung mit dem Wort sS „Scheibe“ votiert. Die betreffende Scheibe soll an der Spitze der Wagendeichsel montiert gewesen sein. Der Wechsel zwischen x und S würde zwar erst einmal kein Problem bereiten. Der hiesige Aufsatz neigt dennoch einer anderen Lösung zu. Der Überblick soll jedoch zunächst fortgesetzt werden.

1 Die Stelle ist durch Restaurierungsarbeiten stark beschädigt. Das ursprüngliche Mw.t hr.ti ist durch cSm nfr.t überschrieben. 2 Urk. IV, 1302, 3. 3 A. M. Badawi, Die neue historische Stele Amenophis´ II., in: ASAE 42, 1943, 6. 4 B. Grdseloff, Sur deux passages de le nouvelle stéle d´Aménophis II trouvée a Memphis, in: ASAE 45, 1947, 108 ff. 5 E. Drioton, Post scriptum a mes „Notes diverses (1 – 15), in: ASAE 45, 1947, 103. Zu den Wörtern cx und cxw von Amenophis II 151

In seiner Bearbeitung der Stelle hat sich Helck6 nicht selbst zur Bedeutung des Wortes geäußert, sondern nur die älteren Standpunkte referiert. Die Frage nach der Bedeutung des Wortes ist auch von Edel erörtert worden, der den Ansatz von Drioton für theoretisch denkbar hält7. Die Bemühungen um die Klärung des Wortes scheinen danach ins Stocken geraten zu sein. In diesem Beitrag soll daher ein neuer Vorschlag unterbreitet werden. Die grobe Linie ist bereits von Grdseloff vorgegeben worden, dessen Methode aber in einem zentralen Punkt geändert wird. Die hier favorisierte Lösung geht ebenfalls davon aus, dass cx eine Defek- tivschreibung für cxr gebildet hat. Der Ausfall von r am Ende des Wortes kann als völlig reguläre Erscheinung gelten8. Der Vorgang lässt sich gerade auch bei Wörtern mit der Wurzelstruktur cxr beobachten. Die Schreibungen cx9 für cxr(w) „granary“ und cx10 für cxr „Plan“ w rden daf r als Beweis in Frage kommen. In semantischer Hinsicht stellt sich die von Grdseloff herangezogene Wurzel cxr „Plan“ f r die hiesigen Zwecke allerdings als unbrauchbar heraus. Die Zuflucht wird stattdessen beim Wort cxr11 „Blech“ genommen, dessen Bedeutung zwar nicht ganz sicher, aber kontextuell durchaus sinnvoll ist. Das Wort begegnet im Grab des Ibi aus Deir el Gebrâwi in den Handwerksszenen der Metallverarbeitung, wo zwei am Boden hockende Männer abgebildet werden, die mit erhobenen Händen auf einen ovalen Gegenstand einhämmern. Die Handlung ist von der einen Person durch die Worte cqr iri m cxr „Schlage und mache es zum Blech“ begleitet worden, während die andere Person die Worte wnn

6 W. Helck, Urkunden der 18. Dynastie, Übersetzung zu den Heften 17 – 22, Berlin 1961, 34. 7 E. Edel, Die Stelen Amenophis´ II. aus Karnak und Memphis mit dem Bericht über die asiatischen Feldzüge des Königs, in: ZDPV 69/2, 1953, 139. 8 G. Fecht, Wortakzent und Silbenstruktur, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der ägyptischen Sprache, ÄgFo 21, Glückstadt – Hamburg – New York 1960, § 62 n. 114, § 267, § 279, § 293 – 303. 9 H. G. Fischer, Old Kingdom inscriptions in the Yale Gallery, MIO 7 (1959/1960), 304 – 310. 10 J. C. Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld, Books of the solar – osirian Unity, Cryptographic Compositions in the Tombs of Tutankamun, Ramesses VI and Ramesses IX, OBO 198, Fribourg/Göttingen 2004, 177. 11 N. de G. Davies, The rock tombs of Deir el Gebrâwi, Part I, Tomb of Aba and tombs of the southern group, Archaeological Survey of Egypt, Eleventh Memoir, London 1902, Pl. XIV. 152 Stefan Bojowald nfr „Es wird schön“ erwidert. In der letzten Antwort ist nfr „schön“ attributiv auf das cxr – Blech bezogen worden. In Hinblick auf diese Tatsache könnte eine Parallele zur Stele bestehen, die allerdings angesichts der Häufigkeit von nfr12 nicht überschätzt werden sollte. Das gerade als cxr transkribierte Wort hat Erman13 offenbar cpr „Blech (?)“ lesen wollen. Der Gedanke ist wohl durch eine Szene im Grab des Ti mit der Beischrift rdi cpr pw r fci iw=f…14 „Mache dieses Blech (?) kochen, es ist …“ angeregt worden. Das Wörterbuch führt ebenfalls den Eintrag cpr15 „Blech (?, der Amboss ?) des Gold- schlägers“ auf, wo am Rande auch die Schreibung cxr – mit Frage- zeichen ! – vermerkt wird. Das Digitale Zettelarchiv16 hat hierbei den gleichen Weg beschritten, das cxr als „angebliche“ Schreibung f r cpr nennt. In jüngerer Zeit hat Hannig17 dagegen eine Trennung in cxr „Metallrolle“ und cpr „Blech“ getätigt. Die Rezension der Arbeit durch Meeks18 ist zwar wieder weitgehend zur Meinung des Wörter- buches zurückgekehrt. In diesem Beitrag soll aber Hannig im Prinzip Recht gegeben werden. Die Annahme eines eigenen Wortes wird durch die Zeichen in Deir el Gebrâwi durchaus nahe gelegt. Die Be- deutung „Metallrolle“ lässt sich allerdings nur bedingt mit der Ab- bildung im Grab des Ibi in Übereinstimmung bringen. Der Tatbestand wird durch die Bedeutung „Blech“ sehr viel besser erf llt. Die beiden Wörter cpr und cxr haben sich demnach wohl eher zufällig in der Bedeutung entsprochen. Die Schreibung cx für cxr „Blech“ ist zwar

12 Zu diesem Punkt vgl. auch S. D. Schweitzer, Dating Egyptian Literary Texts: Lexical Approaches, in: G. Moers/K. Widmaier/A. Giewekemeyer/A. Lümers/R. Ernst (Eds.), Dating Egyptian Literary Texts, Lingua Aegyptia Studia Monographica 11, Hamburg 2013, 178. 13 A. Erman, Reden, Rufe und Lieder auf Gräberbildern des Alten Reiches, Aus den Abhandlungen der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Jahrgang 1918, Phil. – Hist. Klasse Nr. 15, Berlin 1919, 44; wieder abgedruckt in A. Erman, Akademieschriften (1880 – 1928), Leipzig 1986, 270. 14 G. Steindorff, Das Grab des Ti, in 143 Lichtdrucktafeln und 20 Blättern, Veröffentlichungen der Ernst von Sieglin Expedition in Ägypten, Zweiter Band, Leipzig 1913, Taf. 134. 15 WB IV, 105, 2. 16 DZA 29.149.410. 17 R. Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I, Altes Reich und Erste Zwischenzeit, Mainz 2003, 1108/1210. 18 D. Meeks, Rainer Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch I. Altes Reich und Erste Zwischenzeit, Hannig – Lexica 4, Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern 2003 (ISBN 3-8053-3088-X, cv + 1681 Seiten, € 75, 80), in LingAeg 13, 2005, 255. Zu den Wörtern cx und cxw von Amenophis II 153 bisher so nicht aufgetreten, kann aber leicht als Analogiebildung zu den Schreibungen cx für cxr(w) „granary“ oder cx für cxr „Plan“ verstan-den werden. Das Blech, von dem in der Stele die Rede ist, hat viel-leicht zur Verkleidung des Wagenkastens gehört.

II. Das Wort aus der Karnak – Stele von Amenophis II.

Die zweite Betrachtung wird dem Wort aus der Karnak – Stele des Königs gelten. Die dortige Stelle ist bis auf die Reste …cxw rn=f 19 „…namens cxw“ zerstört. Die fehlenden Teile sind in der deutschen Übersetzung von Edel20 nach der Memphis – Stele ergänzt worden. In der Vergangenheit hat sich offenbar nur Grdseloff 21 mit diesem Wort beschäftigt, der wieder eine Schreibung für cxr „Plan“ annimmt. In seinen Erläuterungen gibt er an, dass r erst geschwächt und dann in w umgewandelt worden ist. Die Grundlage der Schreibung hatte er noch nicht bestimmen können. In den nächsten Zeilen soll auch für dieses Wort eine eigene Lösung angeboten werden. Der dabei verfochtene Ansatz baut erneut auf den Vorgaben von Grdseloff auf. Die Form cxw wird demnach auch hier als Schreibung für cxr aufgefasst. Die Wurzel cxr „Plan“ scheidet aber wieder aus semantischen Gründen aus. Die bessere Wahl stellt auch in diesem Fall die Wurzel cxr „Blech“ dar. Das Metalldeterminativ des Wortes würde durchaus zu dieser Deutung passen. Das Wort würde demnach auch hier den Wagenschmuck bezeichnen. Die Identifikation von cxw als Schreibung für cxr wirft die Frage nach möglichen lautlichen Hintergründen auf. Die besondere Aufmerksamkeit richtet sich dabei auf den Lautwandel zwischen w und r, der dafür die besten Aussichten zu besitzen scheint. Die bisher ausführlichste Besprechung des Lautwandels ist offenbar in der Grammatik der medizinischen Texte von Westendorf22 zu finden. Die Schreibung kSw „Mineral“ in Eb 504 gegen ber Skr „Mineral“ in L 52 hatte dort als

19 M. G. Legrain, La Grande Stèle d´ Amenôthes II à Karnak, in: ASAE 4, 1903, 129. 20 Edel, a. a. O., 126 – 127. 21 Grdseloff, in: ASAE 45, 1947, 114. 22 W. Westendorf, Grammatik der medizinischen Texte, Grundriss der Medizin der alten Ägypter VIII, Berlin 1962, 22. 154 Stefan Bojowald

Hauptanknüpfungspunkt gedient 23 . Das Verhältnis zwischen den Verben wdi und rDi war ebenfalls als eventuelles Indiz genannt worden. Die Reihe soll im Folgenden um drei neue Beispiele erweitert werden. Die Auswahl ist dabei auf den Lautwandel am Ende des Wortes beschränkt worden. Die Arbeitsgrundlage ist ohne jeden Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit erhoben worden. Die Angaben in den Klammern stecken den zeitlichen Rahmen der Belege ab.

Der Lautwandel zwischen w und r Die Schreibung bw24 (Neues Reich) für b(w)nr (?) „außen“ stellt das erste Beispiel dar, das rational mit diesem Lautwandel in Verbindung gebracht werden kann. Der Lautwandel zwischen w und n kommt dabei als zusätzlicher Faktor ins Spiel, der zu den bekannteren Phäno- menen dieser Art gerechnet werden kann25. Die Schreibung bnw26 (Spätzeit) für bnr „Dattel“ deutet ebenfalls auf den Lautwandel zwischen w und r hin. Die Schreibung hat Leitz27 aus der Amphibolie (?) zu bnw „Phönix“ im Text davor her- geleitet. Der Lautwandel zwischen w und r bietet sich als Alternative an. Die Schreibung bnw für bnr kann als Vorstufe zur Schreibung bw für bnr interpretiert werden. Die Schreibung dHw 28 (Neues Reich) „Mineral“ kann ebenfalls als Beispiel für diesen Lautwandel in Erwägung gezogen werden. Im Fall dieser Schreibung hatte Caminos keine Erklärung zur Hand gehabt. Die Möglichkeit ist jedoch nicht ausgeschlossen, dass das Wort als Schreibung für dHr29 „Zinn/Blei“ zu bestimmen ist. Die

23 Zum Wort kSw „Mineral“ vgl. J. R. Harris, Lexicographical Studies in Ancient Egyptian Minerals, Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Institut für Orientforschung, Veröffentlichung Nr. 54, Berlin 1961, 183; H. von Deines/H. Grapow, Wörterbuch der ägyptischen Drogennamen, Grundriss der Medizin der alten Ägypter VI, Berlin 1959, 531; zum Wort Skr „Mineral“ vgl. Harris, a. a. O., 183; von Deines/Grapow, a. a. O., 507. 24 J. F. Borghouts, The magical texts of Papyrus Leiden I 348, OMRO 51, Leiden 1971, 143. 25 Westendorf, a. a. O., 22. 26 É. Chassinat, Le Mystère dÓsiris au Mois de Khoiak (Fascicule II), Publications de lÍnstitut Français dÁrchéologie Orientale du Caire, Le Caire 1968, 772 (119). 27 Chr. Leitz, Tagewählerei, Das Buch HA.t nHH pH.wi D.t und verwandte Texte, Textband, ÄgAb 55,Wiesbaden 1994, 163 n. 29. 28 R. Caminos, Late – Egyptian Miscellanies, BES I, London 1954, 218. 29 zu diesem Wort vgl. P. Kaplony, Das Papyrusarchiv von Abusir (Fortsetzung), in: Or 41, 1972, 211. Zu den Wörtern cx und cxw von Amenophis II 155

Abhängigkeit der beiden Wörter könnte durchaus mit dem Einfluss dieses Lautwandels begründet werden. Das erste und letzte Beispiel gehört wie das Wort aus der Karnak – Stele dem Neuen Reich an. Der Umstand könnte für die Richtigkeit des eingeschlagenen Weges sprechen.

Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache

Zülfü Selcan University of Tunceli

Abstract

Linguistic research on the Zaza language of East Anatolia was until 1998 solely restricted to the southern dialect. On the important northern dialect there was no considerable work, however. Only the detailed grammatical description of the north dialect in Grammatik der Zaza-Sprache, Nord Dialekt (1998) by Z. Selcan completed the overview of the Zaza language. Great iranistic compilations like Grundriß der iranischen Philologie (1901) neglected the Zaza language while Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (1989) touched the subject superficially and only represented it from a kurdocentric view. As part of their research Russian scholars of Iranian Studies occasionally included the Zaza language in the series Osnovy Iranskogo Jazykoznanija. Here Lija A. Pirejko’s first extensive historical language study of the Zazaish (1997) is a noteworthy example. But the language data only encompassed the south dialect, (recorded in 1906, published in 1932), the north dialect was not taken into account. This article offers a concise description of the research history on the Zaza language and examines its position within the Iranian language family. It also examines the historical phonology and the historical morphology of this language. Taking into account the 158 Zülfü Selcan two main dialects at the historical phonological level, special consideration is given to the development of the initial sounds of words. Additionally, at the historical morphological level the following issues will be addressed: Preservation of the final syllable; preservation of the feminine ending; verbal nouns: verbal noun on - ene, verbal noun on -is, -ış; Infinitive: Infinitive on -ene, infinitive on -is, -ış; Preservation of the morphological passive; similarity and contrast of several West Iranian languages in comparison.

1. Einleitung

Die zazaischen Grammatiken von Mann/Hadank 1932 und Todd 1985 beschrieben den Süddialekt. Mit der ausführlichen grammatischen Beschreibung des Norddialekts in Selcan 1998b konnte der Gesamtüberblick der Zaza-Sprache vervollständigt werden. Obwohl die sprachhistorische Position des Zazaischen in ihren Grundzügen bestimmt war, mangelte es jedoch an umfassenden geschichtlichen Untersuchungen. In großen iranistischen Sammelwerken wie Grundriß der iranischen Philologie (1901) wurde das Zaza vernachlässigt und in Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (1989) leider nur dürftig und kurdozentrisch dargestellt. In der Reihe Osnovy Iranskogo Jazykoznanija leisteten russische Iranisten wichtige und umfangreiche Beiträge zur iranistischen Sprachwissenschaft. Dabei bezogen die Forscher auch die zazaische Sprache in die Untersuchungen ein. Zu nennen seien Oranskij 1963, Cabolov 1985, Rastorgueva 1990, Pirejko 1997, 1999 u. a. Mit der sprachgeschichtlichen Untersuchung des Zazaischen befassten sich ferner Paul 1997, Gippert 1996, 2007, Schmitt 2000. Eine systematische und umfangreiche Untersuchung der historischen Fonologie und Morfologie der Zaza-Sprache ist der russischen Iranistin Lija A. Pirejko (1997) zu verdanken. Allerdings sind ihre Sprachdaten auf die von Mann/Hadank 1932 und damit nur auf den Süddialekt beschränkt und der wichtige Norddialekt dagegen blieb unberücksichtigt. Somit ist es eine Herausforderung an Linguisten, die Kenntnisse über die Sprachgeschichte des Zazaischen zu vertiefen und zu erweitern. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 159

Der vorliegende Aufsatz ist ein Teil meiner sprachhistorischen Studie, welche auf die im Jahre 1995 eingereichte Fassung meiner Dissertation zurückgeht, die ich jedoch in der überarbeiteten und publizierten Fassung gemäß dem methodischen Grundsatz, historische Grammatik besonders zu behandeln, trennte (s. Selcan 1998b, 49, Fn. 19) und später erweiterte.

2. Die Erfoschung des Zazaischen und dessen Stellung innerhalb der iranischen Sprachfamilie

Die wissenschaftliche Erforschung der zazaischen Sprache beginnt 1856, so dass man heute auf eine Forschungsgeschichte von 158 Jahren zurückblicken kann. Zu jener Zeit fanden in Europa intensive Unternehmungen statt, die Sprachen zu erforschen und somit die Grundlagen der Sprachwissenschaft zu schaffen. Im Jahre 1856 beauftragte die russische Petersburger Akademie der Wissenschaften Peter Lerch, unter den Kriegsgefangenen in Roslawl’ (Provinz Smolensk) Sprachaufnahmen durchzuf hren, um Kenntnis über die orientalischen Sprachen zu gewinnen. P. Lerch hielt sich elf Wochen (7. März bis 26. Mai, s. Lerch 1856b) unter ihnen auf. Aus Lerchs Angabe ist zu entnehmen, dass es mindestens drei Zaza-Sprecher darunter waren: Hasan aus dem Dorfe Kasan/Kaşan bei Palu, Ali aus Hêni und ein namentlich nicht genannter aus Dersim (Bericht, 624). Seine Hauptquelle war der mehrsprachige Zaza Hasan. Die vom Paluer Hasan aufgenommenen und veröffentlichten Zaza- Texte bestehen aus Satzlisten, drei Märchen und drei Berichten über die Fehde der Zaza-Stämme. Außerdem schrieb er zehn Lieder auf (acht von Hasan, zwei von Ali) 1 , die jedoch bislang nicht veröffentlicht sind. Lerch fertigte zugleich auch ein Glossar aus den Texten (II, 191-214), ohne jedoch die angekündigte grammatische Untersuchung des Zaza durchzuführen. Seine Zaza-Texte mit russischer und deutscher Übersetzung wurden in Petersburg publiziert (1856, 1857- 58). Nach Hadanks Andeutung wurde der Druck von Lerchs III. Abteilung von dem damals bei der Akademie zuständigen Carl Salemann verhindert.2

1 Lerch 1856, Bericht, 642. 2 Mann/Hadank 1926, XXVI-XXVII. 160 Zülfü Selcan

Lerchs Sprachdaten erfassten zwar den Süddialekt (SD) des Zaza aber vom Norddialekt (ND) dagegen lag überhaupt kein Text vor. Die einzige Kenntnis darüber stammte von dem preußischen Militär Wilhelm Strecker, der zu jener Zeit in Erzincan tätig war und einige Wörter in Zaza von Quzelcan (heute Pılemuriye/Pülümür) aufzeichnete, welche 1862 von O. Blau in ZDMG veröffentlicht wurden. 3 Allerdings sind von den nach deutscher Aussprache geschriebenen 58 Wörtern nur 16 mit akzeptabler Lautung und von 19 Zahlwörtern nur noch 7, so dass diese Notizen für eine linguistische Auswertung unzuverlässig waren. 4 In Streckers Notizen wird der Sprachinformant nicht genannt. Obwohl Erzincan zum Zaza- Sprachraum gehört, befragte er keinen Muttersprachler, sondern einen offenbar bilingualen Sprecher 5 , weil dieser die im Zaza stark ausgeprägte Genusunterscheidung durch e-Auslaut nicht beherrschte: kerk statt kerge f ‘Huhn’, djini statt ciniye f ‘Frau’ usw. Erst 114 Jahre nach Strecker erfolgte die erste Publikation in ND im März 1976 durch den Autor.6 In der Anfangsphase lagen zwar Sprachmaterialien in geringem Umfang über Zaza, Persisch und Kurmandji vor, aber aufgrund mangelnder grammatischer Kenntnisse konnten diese noch nicht klar voneinander abgegrenzt werden. So konnte Lerch das Genus der ins Glossar aufgenommenen elf Feminina auf -e, -i und -a nicht erkennen: z.B. aşme ‘Monat’, kerge ‘Huhn’, kardi ‘Messer’, keina ‘Tochter’, manga ‘Kuh’. Ein verhängnisvoller Fehler Lerchs war es, die Zazas irrtümlich zu Anhängseln der sogenannten ‘Kurden’ zu machen, und die Zaza- Sprache zu einem ‘kurdischen’ Dialekt zu degradieren, obwohl in der Chronik Schrefname die Zazas verschwiegen und nicht ausdrücklich

3 O. Blau, ZDMG, 16 (1862), 621–627. 4 Vgl. a. Hadanks Bedenken in: M-H Z, 10. 5 In Erzincan lebten neben den alevitischen Zazas sunnitische Türken und Kurmandj sowie Armenier. Streckers Informant äußerte sich durch seine besonders feindliche Einstellung gegenüber den Zaza-Aleviten in jener Region und erzählte die bekanntermaßen erfundene und landesweit betriebene hämische Propaganda mit skurriler sexueller Fantasie zu deren Diffamierung, das seinen Niederschlag sogar in den Publikationen Europas fand. 6 Der Autor dieses Artikels publizierte die ersten Texte in ND des Zaza in der Periodika Ronahi (Zürich), Nr. 18. März 1976; Nr. 19, 21-24 (1978). Sie mussten anonym veröffentlicht werden, weil zu jener Zeit Sprachverbot und Strafvervolgung herrschte; vgl. a. Selcan 1998b, 107. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 161 zu denen gerechnet werden. Bekanntlich werden darin die Guraner und Luren fälschlich zu Kurden, deren Sprachen zu ‘Kurdisch’ und deren Heimat zu ‘Kurdistan’ erklärt. Dies f hrte zur Vereinnahmung der Zazas durch kurdische Politiker und zur massiven politischen Dialekttümelei, worunter u.a. auch die Zaza-Forschung lange gelitten hat und erfahrenermaßen immer noch leidet. Nach Lerch befasste sich der österreichische Linguist Friedrich Müller (1864) mit dem Zaza und gelangte in seiner Untersuchung zu zwei wichtigen Feststellungen: erstens die höhere Altertümlichkeit des Zaza gegenüber Kurmandji und Neupersisch, und zweitens der erste Hinweis auf eine unterschiedliche sprachgeschichtliche Entwicklung, nämlich die Erhaltung des altiranischen Anlaut-v im Zaza im Gegensatz zu Persisch und Kurmandji. Dies wurde später auch von den Gelehrten F. Spiegel (1871) und W. Tomaschek (1887) bekräftigt (Selcan 1998b, 12 f). Allerdings erkannte auch Müller die Genusuterscheidung des Zaza nicht und sah es mit Kurmandji als Dialekte des Persischen, was sich später als Irrtum erwies. Weitere Texte der Zaza-Sprache wurden von dem deutschen Archäologen und Linguisten Albert von Le Coq veröffentlicht. Le Coq nahm die Zaza-Texte von dem in Damaskus lebenden Omar ibn Ali aus Çermük auf (1901) und publizierte diese 1903 in Berlin. Seine Zaza-Texte umfassen eine Wort- und Satzliste sowie kurze Texte mit deutscher Übersetzung, die jedoch grammatisch nicht untersucht werden. Nach den Arbeiten von P. Lerch und A. von Le Coq besuchte Oskar Mann als dritter Linguist im Jahre 1906 das Zazaland und f hrte in Siverek und Elazığ Sprachaufnahmen von Zaza durch. Gleichzeitig untersuchte er zum ersten Mal den grammatischen Bau des Zaza. Während seines insgesamt dreijährigen Aufenthalts in Ostanatolien, Irak und Iran nahm O. Mann mehrere neuiranische Sprachen auf und analysierte sie. Vor allem die Begegnung des grammatischen Baus von Zaza, Gurani und Luri wurden ihm die sprachgeschichtlichen Merkmale westiranischer Sprachen deutlich, die er in seinem Werk Die Tâjîk-Mundarten der Provinz Fârs (1909) in eine Nord- und eine Südgruppe einteilte. 7 Die von O. Mann

7 Mann 1909, XIII-XVI. 162 Zülfü Selcan grundlegend vorgenommene sprachhistorische Klassifizierung neuiranischer Sprachen des Westens hat ihre Gültigkeit in der Iranistik bis in die Gegenwart beibehalten. Mann hat als erster wissenschaftlich nachgewiesen, daß das Zaza überhaupt kein Kurdisch ist, wie man bis dahin fälschlich annahm, sondern zur Gruppe der nordwestlichen Sprachen gehört.8 Seine Untersuchung ergab ferner, dass auch die bis dahin ebenfalls für ‘kurdisch’ gehaltenen Sprachen Gurani und Luri selbständig sind. Er gelangte zu dem Ergebnis, dass Gurani zur nordwestlichen und das Luri zur südwestlichen Sprachgruppe gehört. Mann stufte Kurmandji/Kırmandji, Sorani und Mukri als selbständige Sprachen mit einer besonderen Gruppe neben der nordwestiranischen Gruppe (Zaza u.a.) (vgl. Hadank 1938, 5). Manns Einteilung wurde 1921 von Paul Tedesco übernommen, jedoch so modifiziert, dass er auch Kurmandji und Sorani fälschlich in die nordwestliche Gruppe übernahm, ohne eine Vorstellung von diesen zu haben und ohne dies näher zu begründen, wie der deutsche Iranist Karl Hadank betont.9 Vgl. a.u., unter 5. Die sprachgeschichtliche Stellung der Zaza-Sprache ist nach O. Mann (1906) von K. Hadank (1926-32), P. Tedesco (1921), G. Morgenstierne (1958) und anderen Forschern (s.o.) bereits untersucht und übereinstimmend festgelegt worden. 10 Nach einer langen Pause leisteten die Dissertationen von Todd 1985, Paul 1998 und Selcan 1998b wichtige Beiträge zur Herausbildung der zazaischen Linguistik. Eine ausführliche Darstellung der Forschungsgeschichte von Zaza findet sich bei Selcan 1998b, 12–45.

3. Historische Fonologie

Die unterschiedliche historische Entwicklung iranischer Sprachen ist am deutlichsten beim Verb ‘sagen, sprechen’ zu beobachten: air. *vač- (av. vac-, prt. wāž-, …) im Gegensatz zu air. *gaub- (ap. gaub-, mp. gōw-).11 Hier ist das Zaza durch Beibehaltung der alten Wurzeln

8 Mann, ebenda, XXIII, Fn. 1. 9 Hadank 1992, 37. 10 Mann/Hadank 1932, 19–31; Tedesco 1921; Morgenstierne 1958, 160, 162, 165– 166, 175–176; Oranskij 1977; Cabolov 1981, 65–70; Rastorgueva 1990; Windfuhr 1989, 246–250, 251–262; Gippert 1996; Pirejko 1999; Schmitt 2000, 78. 11 Schmitt 1989c, 84; Boyce 1977, 89, 42. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 163 näher zum Avestischen und dem Parthischen als zu Alt- und Mittel- persischem: zz. vatene ‘sagen, sprechen’, va(t)- PrätSt., vaz-/vaẓ- KonjSt. Im Zaza wird das Präteritum sowohl mit dem Stamm va(t)- als auch mit vake ausgedrückt: ey va/vat oder ey vake ‘er sagte’. Konjunktiv und Imperativ wird mittels Konjunktivstamm vaz- gebildet: u ke vaz-o ‘wenn er sagen w rde’, vaz-e ‘sag (es)’, ez ke vaẓ- ine ‘wenn ich sagen w rde’. Die besondere Nähe des Zaza zum nördlichen Avestischen wird auch durch zz. vake ‘sagte’, av. vak- ‘sagen’ belegt (AiW 1330). Im s dwestlichen Neupersischen dagegen ist ‘sagen, sprechen’ goftan, guy- PräsSt. Hier steht Kurmandji mit gotın, bêž- einerseits auf der Seite der südwestlichen Sprachengruppe, andererseits weicht es davon ab. Die wichtigsten Fälle des lautlichen Wandels im An- und Inlaut von Wörtern, sowohl in der iranischen Sprachfamilie als auch im Zazaischen werden hier dargestellt.

Der Anlaut: Die wesentlichen sprachhistorischen Unterscheidungsmerkmale zwischen dem nördlichen Avestischen und dem südlichen Altpersischen sind die Gegensätze z : d, h : s, b : d.

1. air. *dz air. *dz (av. z : ap. d) > mp. d : prt. z : zz. z. air. *dzānā-, av. zan-, ap. dan- ‘wissen’, mp. dān-, prt. zān-, zz. zan-, zanaene, np. dān-, dānestan. Bei dem altiranischen Wort *dzānā- Verbwurzel ‘wissen’, Avestisch zan-, Altpersisch dan-, steht dem av. z das ap. d gegenüber. Dieser nord-südliche z-d-Gegensatz setzt sich auch in der mitteliranischen Periode fort: das nördliche Parthisch zān- und das südliche Mittelpersisch dān-. In der neuiranischen Periode ist diese sprachhistorische Opposition bei Zaza zan-, zanaene und Neupersisch dān-, dānestan zu beobachten. air. *zṛdai a- (av. zərəδaya-) ‘Herz’, mp. dil, prt. zirδ, zz. zeṙi, np. dil. Hier ist der Wortanlaut im Avestischen, Parthischen und Zaza z-, dagegen im Mittel- und Neupersischen d-. air. *dzasta, av. zasta ‘Hand’, ap. dasta-, mp. dast, prt. (dast), zz. (dest). 164 Zülfü Selcan

Hierbei steht dem Anlaut z- im Avestischen das Altpersische d- zur Opposition. In der mitteliranischen Periode wurde das mittelpersische dast in Parthisch u.a. Sprachen als Lehnwort übernommen und das nördliche *zast aufgegeben. Bei dem altiranischen Wort *adzam- ‘ich’, Avestisch azem-, Altpersisch adam-, steht dem av. z das ap. d gegenüber. In der mitteliranischen Periode lautet es im Parthischen az und im Mittelpersischen (man); zz. ez, np. (man). Wie aus diesen Beispielen hervorgeht, bilden Avestisch, Parthisch und Zaza die z-Gruppe, dagegen Alt-, Mittel- und Neupersich die d-Gruppe.

2. air. *ϑr- air. *ϑr : av. ϑr : ap. ç12 : mp. s : prt. h : zz. h : np. s air. *ϑrayas ‘drei’, av. ϑraiiō-, ap. çitīa ‘dritter’, mp. se, prt. hrē, zz. hirê, np. si Beim altiranischen Wort *ϑrayas ‘drei’, steht dem Avestischen ϑ (ϑ klingt wie engl. th) das Altpersische ç (ç klingt wie s) zur Opposition. In der mitteliranischen Stufe steht dem parthischen hr das mittel-persische s gegenüber. Gegensatz h : s setzte sich bis in die neuiranische Phase durch: Zaza hirê, Neupersisch si. air. *datsa, av. dasa- ‘zehn’, ap. *daϑa13, mp. dah, prt. das, zz. des, np. dah. Beim altiranischen Wort *datsa ‘zehn’, steht dem Avestischen s das Altpersische ϑ gegenüber. In der mitteliranischen Periode steht dem parthischen s das mittelpersische h gegenüber. Die Opposi-tion s : h geht auch in der neuiranischen Periode weiter: Zaza des, Neupersisch dah. air. *puϑra, av. puϑra- ‘Sohn’, ap. puça-, mp. pus, prt. puhr, (zz. laz), np. pus, pusar Beim altiranischen Wort *puϑra ‘Sohn’, steht dem Avestischen ϑ das Altpersische ç zur Opposition. In der mitteliranischen Stufe steht dem parthischen h das mittelpersische s gegenüber. Der Gegensatz h : s setzte sich bis in die neuiranische Phase durch: Neupersisch pus,

12 Das hier für das Altpersische benutzte /ç/ klingt nach Schmitt 1989c, 66, ähnlich wie [s]; sein genauer Lautwert läßt sich jedoch nicht bestimmen. 13 ap. *daϑa tritt nur in der elamischen Nebenüberlieferung auf: *daϑa-pati- (Bran- denstein/Mayrhofer 1964, 116; Schmitt 1989e, 99). Das altpersische Fonem /ϑ/ wurde früher mit /Þ/ geschrieben: ap. Þard- ‘Jahr’. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 165 pusar. Das Zaza laz ‘Sohn’, Vafsi lāza14, hat eine andere Herkunft als die parthische Äquivalenz.

3. air. - Das alte Anlautpaar tu - im Pronomen 2. P.sg. blieb in Zaza, Neupersisch u. a. neuiranischen Sprachen erhalten: air. *tu - ‘du’ (av. tv m, tūm, ap. tuvam) : zz. tu, to, tı : sem. tu, to : gur. tu : np. to : paš. t ; ai. tvám.

4. air. - Beim alten du - am Wortanfang sind zwei Fälle zu unterscheiden: a. Die Beibehaltung des alten einsilbigen du - in Zaza, Neupersisch, u. a. neuwestiranischen Sprachen mit variierter Form: air. *du - ‘zwei’ (av. dva-), mp. dō, np. du, zz. dı; ai. dvā . Im Ostiranischen hingegen bildet die anlautende Lautfolge in sog. δwā und paš. dwa eine besondere Fortsetzung der alten Form.15 Ein weiterer Beleg für die alte Anlautgruppe *du - findet sich bei ‘zwölf’ av. dva.dasa, prt. dwāδes, mp. dwāzdah, np. davāzdah, zz. duwes SD (desudı ND); ai. dvādaš a. b. Eine interessante Entwicklung ist die Spaltung der anlautenden Lautfolge *du - in d- und v-, b-. air. *du - (: av. duu- : ap. duu -) : mp. d- : prt. b- : zz. v-, b- Bemerkenswert ist das Wort ‘Tor, T r’ air. *du ar(a)- (av. duuar- : ap. duvara-) : mp. dar : prt. bar : zz. ND çê-ver/kê-ber, SD ber; tat. har. ker. sem. ar-bid. bar, gur. bärä, oss. dvar-, paš. war, np. dar, krm. der. Die mitteliranische Opposition d : *v, b hat sich in der neuiranischen Stufe fortgesetzt. Hier bilden Parthisch und Zaza die b- Gruppe während Mittel- und Neupersich zur d-Gruppe zählen. Dabei erscheinen im Zaza die Varianten v- und b- nebeneinander: zz. ND çê- ver/kê-ber, SD ber. Im ost-mitteliranischen ist das alte Anlautpaar über Sogdisch bis Yaghnobi fortgesetzt worden: sog. δßar ‘T r’, yagh. dĕvár.16 Im nördlichen und dem südlichen Çermik-Zaza wird ‘T r’ in Verbindung mit kê/çê ‘Haus’ und ber/ver ausgedrückt: çêver (Selcan

14 Lecoq 1989, 315. 15 Vgl. Gharib 1995, 3673 und Lorenz 1982, 104. 16 Vgl. Gharib 1995, 3500 und Andreev / Peščereva 1957. 166 Zülfü Selcan

1998b, 244); kê-ber, kê-ver (Çermik: Le Coq, 80, Nr. 118 und 88, Nr. 249; Pamukçu, 135); in einem Teil des Süddialekts (Palu, Siverek) wird nur ber benutzt (Tur Söz, 20; M-H Z, 150, 280). Die drei wichtigen sprachhistorischen Nord-Süd-Gegensätze z– d, h–s, b–d sind in der folgenden Tabelle zusammengefasst.

air. av. ap. mp. prt. zz. np. *dz z d d z z d wissen dzānā- zan- dan- dān- zān- zan-, zanaene dān-, dānestan ich *adzam- azem- adam- (man) az ez (man) Herz *zṛdai a- zərəδaya- - dil zirδ zeri dil Hand *dzasta zasta dasta- dast (dast) (dest) dest

*ϑr ϑr ç s h h s drei *ϑrayas ϑraiiō- çitīa ‘dritter’ se hrē hirê si zehn *datsa dasa- *daϑa17 dah das des dah Sohn *puϑra puϑra- puça- pus puhr (laz) pus, pusar

*du - duu- duu - d b v, b d Tor, Tür *du ar(a)- duuar- duvara- dar bar çêver/kêber, dar ber Tabelle 1. Wichtigste Unterschiede der nord- und südwestlichenSprachgruppen.

5. air. * - - Die anlautende uriranische Lautfolge *hu - (< ar. *su -) entwickelte sich zu *xu -, wobei das *hu - erhalten blieb. 18 So erscheint im Altiranischen das ältere *hu - neben dem jüngeren *xu -, welche sich in der mitteliranischen Periode in drei Gruppen mit prt. wx-, mp. sog. xw-, kh-sak. hv-19 fortsetzten und in neuiranischen Sprachen durch acht verschiedene Foneme repräsentiert werden: ar. *su - > urir. *hu - > air. *hu -, xu - (av. hv-, xv-, ap. hv-) : nir. w-, h-, f-, x-, xw-, xv-, ß-, gw- air. *hu - ergibt zz. w-, wie folgende Belege zeigen: ‘essen’: air. *hu ar- (av. *hu ar-) : kh-sak. hvar- : Zaza we(r-e)n-, werd (PräsSt., PrätSt.) : Gūrāni wär-, wärd : Sivendi20 wär-, fārd : Balūči21

17 ap. *daϑa tritt nur in der elamischen Nebenüberlieferung auf: *daϑa-pati- (Brandenstein / Mayrhofer 1964, 116; Schmitt 1989e, 99). Das altpersische Fonem /ϑ/ wurde früher mit /Þ/ geschrieben: ap. Þard- ‘Jahr’. 18 Vgl. Bartholomae 1974a, 37, § 89 und Hoffmann / Forssman 2004, 105, §72. 19 Für Khotan-Sakisch vgl. Bailey 1979, 501 ff: hva ‘of oneself, itself’, hvan- ‘to speak’, hvar- ‘to eat’. 20 Mann/Hadank 1926, 224, 226: Sivendi fārdan ‘essen’, fārdim ‘ich aß’, farm ‘Schlaf’, fird ‘kurz, klein’. 21 Budruss 1989, 82. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 167 war-, wārt : Tāleši har-, hard : Harzani han-, horcā : Luri-Giō har-, hard neben air. *xu ar- (av. xvar-) : prt. wxar-22 : mp. xwar- : sog. xwar- : Neupersisch23 xor-, xord : Parači xār- : Pašto xor-, xwaṛəl : Šughni xā-, furd : Yaghnobi xwar-, xōrt : Ossetisch xvär-, xvard : Sangesari xuor-, xorta : Kurmandji xw-, xwar : Sorani xw-, xward. ‘Schwester’: air. *hu aŋhar- (av. *hvaŋhar-) : kh-sak. hvar-, zz. wae, gur. wāli, har. höv neben air. *xu aŋhar- (av. xvaŋhar-) : prt. wxār, mp. xwahar, sog. xwār, bal. gwāhar, tāl. xoar, np. xāhar, par. xi, paš. xor, yagh. xuor, oss. xvärä, sang. xawr, krm. xwişk, sor. xoşk; ai. svásā, got. swistar. Die vielseitige Entwicklung zeigt auch der Präsens- und Präteritalstamm von ‘essen’: air. *hṷar- (av. *hvar-), zz. we(r)-n-, werd, gur. wär-, wärd, siv. wär-, fārd, bal. war-, wārt, tal. har-, hard, har. han-, horcā, lurG. har-, hard neben air. *xṷar- (av. xvar-), np. xor-, xord, par. xār-, paš. xor-, xwaṛ l, šug. xā-, furd, yagh. xwar-, xōrt, oss. xvär-, xvard, san. xuor-, xorta, krm. xw-, xwar, sor. xw-, xward. air. *hu an- (av. *hvan-) : zz. wen-, wendene ‘lesen, singen (Vogel)’ und era ho wendene ‘zu sich rufen’, gur. wān-,24 har. tat. hun-,25 kh- sak. hvan- neben air. *xu an- (av. *xvanant- Adj., in xvanaṯ.čaxra- ‘des Räder sausen’, ai. svanád-ratha-, AiW 1864), mp. np. xwān-, xwān- dan ‘rufen, lesen’; ai. svan-. Der Ursprung von zz. weş/wes SD/ND ‘schmackhaft, schön (Rede, Gesang), angenehm, gesund, lebendig’,26 gur. bal. weš beruht auf air. *hṷarəzišta- (av. xvarəzištaca ‘die schmackhaftesten’, P . xvarzist, AiW 1874; TITUS),27 was durch oss. xwarz ‘gut’ und bal. awarzā ‘pleasant’ bestätigt wird (s. Miller 1974, 110 und

22 Für Parthisch und Mittelpersisch vgl. Boyce 1977, 94, 101: prt. wxard ‘eaten’, mp. xwar-, xward. 23 In der heutigen Schreibung des Persischen wird das anlautende air. *xu - (av. xv-) .fortgesetzt, aber seine Lautung hat sich zu np. [x-] entwickelt < خو-> durch 24 M-H G, 384. 25 Karang 1954, 53 und Mortazavi 1962, 461. 26 Vgl. a. die mit weş/wes gebildeten Wörter nêweş/nêwes ‘krank’ und weşiye ‘Gesundheit’. 27 Vgl. Avesta-Korpus TITUS, Vd, 2, 28, d-f: haϑra vīspanąm xvarəϑanąm taoxma upa.bara | yōi həṇti aiŋ hā zəmō | xvarəzištaca hubaoiδitəmaca ‘ebenda bring herzu den Samen aller (der) Pflanzen, die die schmackhaftesten und wohlriechendsten dieser Erde sind’ (F. Wolff). 168 Zülfü Selcan

Morgenstierne 1927, 99). Die Äquivalente der x-Gruppe lauten prt. wxaš, sog. xwač, mp. xwaš, har. np. xwoš. Damit erweist sich der Versuch von Cabolov und Pirejko, krm. xweš und zz. weš aus av. huuarəš ‘wohlwirkend’ herzuleiten, als unsicher.28 Das Wort ‘wollen, w nschen’, zzND. wastene, PräsSt. waz- (SD waştış, waz-, Todd 267) hat eine von av. vas- (ai. vaś-; AiW 1381, Pü. kāmak, xvarsand) verschiedene Herkunft und müsste aus air. *hu az- entstanden sein. Nach Henning 1934, 187, sind die Entsprechungen prt. wxāz-, mp. xwāδ- (> xwāh-) ein Ausdruck der Nord-Süd-Opposi-tion z : d. Die im ND des Zazaischen nebeneinander gebrauchten Reflexiv- und Possessivpronomen ho, xo (, SD nur xo) sind Fortsetzer von air. *hṷa-, xṷa-, welche im Avestischen ebenso parallel benutzt wurden: av. hava-, 3hva-, 2xva-, ap. huva- ‘eigen, selbst’ (AiW 1783), kh-sak. hvai, zz. ho, xo ‘sich, mein/dein/sein (eigen-), selbst’; ai. svá. av. huuō uruua / xvə uruuā ‘seine Seele / eigene Seele’,29 zz. roê ho /roê xo; v 30 av. huuąm tanūm ‘seinen Leib’ / x ax iiāi tanuiiē ‘f r sich selber’, zz. lesa ho /lesa xo rê. Einige Beispiele zu avestischen huu- und xv-Formen und deren Zaza-Äquivalente sind folgende:

av. zz. hē zasta; seine Hände; destê ho, lesa Vd, 8, 40, c-e; huuąm tanūm seinen Leib ho W. hauuaēibiia Yt, 13, 107, j-l; mit eigenen Armen eve boẓiunê ho bāzubiia L. Yt, 13, 66, a-f; hauuāi kācit für seine Familie kê/çê ho rê L. huua pasu seine Tiere pesê ho31 Yt, 10, 112, m-

28 Vgl. a. Pirejko 1997, 107 und Cabolov 1976, 11. hukərəfš huuarəš vərəϑrajā Y. 9.16 f (TITUS) ‘(Haoma) …, der wohlgestaltete, wohlwirkende, siegreiche’ (Wolff 1910); s. a. TITUS: Y. 9. 16 f; N, 84, a, usw. Das Kompositum huuarəš und dessen oft vorkommende Varianten huuarəšta-, huuaršta- = hu- + varəz- (hu- ‘gut, wohl’ + varəz- ‘wirken’, AiW 1849, 1374 f) werden in der Pazand bersetzung als hvaršt (AiW 1850 f) und im Buch-Pahlavi als huwaršt (hwwlšt, McK) neben xwaš gebraucht. 29 Vd, 13, 8, e, Übersetzung Wolff / Y, 46, 11, c, Übers. Lommel. 30 Vd, 8, 36, h, Wolff / Y, 30, 2, b, Lommel. 31 Für zz. pes ‘Kleinvieh’ vgl. Canpolat 2006, 565 und Turgut 2001, 189. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 169

o; W. Vd, 13, 8, e; huuō uruua seine Seele roê ho W. xvə uruuā eigene Seele roê xo Y, 46, 11, c; L. xvāiš nāmə nīš mit ihren Namen eve namunê xo Y, 51, 22, c; L. xvahe gaiiehe eignen Lebens ganê/canê xo Y, 9, 1, a, i; W.

Eines verschiedenen Ursprungs sind jedoch die Entsprechungen prt. wxad, mp. xwad, np. xwod, (kh-sak. hvatä), sog. xwatē, xutē ‘selbst’, welche auf air. *xṷatō (av. xvatō ‘von selbst, von sich aus’, AiW 1861) basieren; ai. svátas. Bemerkenswert ist hier das Wort av. āhūirya- m ‘Herr’,32 das sich im Zaza mit wair m [wa'ir] ND ‘Herr, Besch tzer, Eigentümer’ und den südlichen Varianten wie wayer (Lerch 1858, II, 213), wehar m (M-H Z 303), wıhêr (Todd 268), wahar m SD (Tur Sö, 296) fortgesetzt hat. air. *hu āhūirya- (av. āhūirya-) ‘Herr’ : zz. wair ND, wayer, wıhêr SD : gur. wäî, waî (M-H G, 290), dagegen Pü. x atāδ, prt. mp. np. xwadāy : krm. xwede; ai. āsurīya- , vgl. a. ahura-; ai. svāmin m ‘Herr, Gebieter, Eigent mer’. In einem Fall entspricht dem air. *hu - (av. *hv-) zz. h- : ‘Schlaf, Traum’: air. *hu afna- (av. *hvafna-), kh-sak. hvana, hūna, zz. hewn m, har. tat. hun (, gur. wärm, siv. färm) neben air. *xu afna- (av. xvafna-), prt. xwamr, mp. xwāb, sog. xwaßn, np. xāb; ai. svápna-.

Tabelle 11 zeigt die Zusammenfassung dieser u.a. Belegwörter von mehreren neuiranischen Sprachen, aus denen eine Opposition erkennbar wird. Hinsichtlich des sprachhistorisch entstandenen gemeinsamen phonologischen Merkmals bilden sich acht Sprachgruppen, wobei das Zaza zur w- und h-Gruppe gehört.

w- zaz. gur. siv. bal. h- zaz. tāl. har. lurG. f- šugh. siv. oss. x- sang. paš. par. šugh. yagh. tāl. np. sor. xw- paš. yagh. krm. sor.

32 Bei Lommel 1927 heißt es: āhūirīm ‘des Herrn’ (Yt, 13, 148, h; Yt, 8, 59, e); im AiW 346 f, lautet es: ‘von Göttern, F rstensohn’. 170 Zülfü Selcan

xv- oss. ß- paš. gw- bal.

6. air. š Das altiranische *xš im An- und Inlaut entspricht dem Zaza s/ş- ND/SD. air. xšvīd- (av. xšvīd- m) ‘Milch’, prt. šift (, np. šir), zz. şıt, sıt ND m; av. āxšta- ‘gefriedet’, mp. āšt, zz. hast ‘versöhnt’ ND; av. āxštay- f ‘Frieden’, zz. haştiye f ND, np. āštī. Weitere Belege hierzu zeigt folgende Tabelle.

air. av. prt. mp. zz.

Milch *xšu īd- xšvīd- m šift šir şıt, sıt ND m Pron. 2 Pl. *xšma- xšma- ašmā ašmā şıma, sıma sechs *xšu aš- xšvaš- šaš šaš şeş, ses kennen *xšnā- ap. xšnā- – ašnas- şnasnaene SD Präs. 14 , xšnāsa- Herrscher *xšaya- ap. xšaya- šah šāh, şa/sa, padişa /padisa m pātixšāh m ‘König’, saê moru ‘Schlangenkönig’ gefriedet āxšta- āxšta- – āšt hast Frieden āxštay- f āxštay- f – āštīh haştiye f Tabelle 2. Entwicklung von air. *xš-.

7. air. - - Der altiranische Anlaut-v (av. v-) hat sich in Zaza und einem Teil der neuiranischen Sprachen unverändert fortgesetzt und in manchen Sprachen dagegen zum /b-/ teils zum /g-/ entwickelt.33 Insbesondere in der Gruppe der nordwestlichen Sprachen wie Zaza, Semnanī, Gūrānī sowie in kaspischen Sprachen34 Tātī, Tālešī, Sālī, Gilakī (Lāhiǰānī), Harzanī35 und von den ostiranischen Sprachen ist für das Pašto 36 und die acht Pāmir-Sprachen 37 typisch, den

33 Hübschmann 1895, 154–166; Salemann 1974, 269; Morgenstierne 1958, 159; Für die ausführliche Darstellung vgl. Oranskij 1979, 162, 163. 34 Vgl. Selcan 1998b, 85. 35 Zokā 1957. 36 Lorenz 1982, Geiger 1974a; das /w/ des Pašto hat den Lautwert IPA [w]. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 171 altiranischen Anlaut-u zu bewahren. Dagegen wird es im Neupersischen, im Kurmandji und manchen anderen neuiranischen Sprachen zu /b-/ oder /g-/ verwandelt. Teilweise kommt es im Parači als γ- und im Baluči als gw- vor.

Dazu zwei Beispiele: Altiranisch *vāta- (Avestisch vāta- m) ‘Wind’, Zaza va m, Māzan- darāni vo(t), Gilaki-Lh/Mč/Fr vā, Tāleši vā, Harzani vör, Gurani vā, Sangesari ve, Semnāni va, Neupersisch bād, Kurmandji ba, Sorani ba, Yaghnobi vāt, Pašto wō, Šughni (šū j), Parači γā, Balūči gwāt. Altiranisch *vṛka- (Avestisch vəhrka- m) ‘Wolf’, Zaza verg m, Māzandarāni verk, Gilaki-Lh/Mč/Fr verg, Tāleši varg, Harzani vorg, Gurani wärg, Sangesari varg, Semnāni verg, Neupersisch gorg, Kurmandji gur, Sorani gurg, Yaghnobi urk, Pašto (lêva), Šughni wūrǰ, Parači γurγ, Balūči gwark. Weitere ausgewählte Beispiele dazu sind in Tabelle 12 und 13 aufgeführt. Aus den Wortvergleichen ergibt sich, dass das air. *u - in neuiranischen Sprachen durch sechs Foneme vertreten wird: air. *v- > nir. [v-], [w-], b-, g-, ß-, gw-. Das Zaza gehört zur v-Gruppe.

[v-] zaz. tāl. sang. sem. har. gil. māz. yagh. [w-] gur. šugh. paš. yagh. b- np. krm. sor. g- np. krm. sor. par. ß- par. gw- bal.

Das alte intervokalische *-v- blieb im ND unverändert, im SD jedoch ging es zu b- über: ve, eve ND Präpos. ‘mit, zu’; be, bı, -b SD (M-H Z, 150 f, 281), air. *au ā (aav. jav. ap. avā; vgl. Y. 44, 13, c; V. 5, 41; V. 9, 12; Bī 4.15), mpPāz. awā, mp. abāg, np. bā, ebā. Das alte Inlaut-u blieb im Zaza erhalten: air. *naṷa- ‘neun’ (av. nava-), zz. new, prt. nawāg, mp. nō, np. nuh; air. *naṷatai - ‘neunzig’ (av. navatay- f), zz. neway, mp. np. nawad,

37 PräsSt. ‘sehen’: (Zaza vin-/vên-), Šighnī win-, Sariqoli wein-, Rošanī wun- Yazghu- lamī win-, Iškašmī wen-, Wakhī win-; Yidgha wurg ‘Wolf’, Sangličī warf ‘Schnee’, vgl. Geiger 1974b, 298 und Payne 1989, 436. 172 Zülfü Selcan

(ai. navatáy- f); air. *naṷa- ‘neu, frisch’ (av. nava-), zz. newe, mp. nōg, np. naw; air. *aṷah- ‘Wasser’ (av. avah- n), zz. uwe, awe f, mp. np. āb; air. *aṷar- ‘Hilfe’ (av. avar- n), (mp. awar ‘komm!’), zz. hewar, hawar m.

8. air. i -, *g- Das anlautende, palatale air. *gi - spaltet sich in g-, y-, ǰ- und entspricht zz. c- [ʤ/ʣ-]: air. *gi - (< idg. giv-, gyu-, ksl. živati ‘kauen’, H bschmann 1895, 49; idg. g(i )eu-, g (i )eu- ‘kauen’, Pfeifer / Braun 1993) : mp. ǰūdan : zz. cütene [ʤyˈtɛnə] ND, cawıtış (Pamukçu 2001, 417) : np. ǰawidan : har. yövusca ‘gekaut’ (Zokā 1957, 69). air. *gi ṷāg- ‘Ort, Platz’ : prt. wyāg : mp. gyāg : zz. ca [ʤa/ʣa] : np. ǰā/ǰāy, sem. ǰa, gur. yā/yāgä38, aby. yāgā, šug. bar. ruš. ǰo(y), yagh. ǰōga, ǰōgah, ǰōgax. air. *gi ān- ‘Seele, Leben’ : prt. mp. gyān : np. ǰān : zz. can [ʤan/ʣan] ‘Seele, Körper’, gan in dıgani/dıcani ND ‘schwanger’ wörtlich: zwei Leben, gan SD (Todd 1985, 234; Pamukçu 2001, 66), gun/gan (Turgut 2001, 98) : gur. gyān (M-H G, 251), har. gun, tat. cun air. *gi ānwar- ‘reißendes Tier’ : prt. gyānwar : zz. cınawır [ʣɨnaˈwɨr] ND, [ʤɨnaˈwɨr] SD : np. ǰānwar, gur. ǰānäwär (M-H G, 236) Der Ansatz von Hübschmann und Bartholomae,39 np. ǰoft ‘Paar, Ehepaar’ auf av. yū xta- zurückzuführen, kann erstens wegen des Gegensatzes av. -xt- : np. -ft- nicht gelten: vgl. air. *hafta- (av. hapta-) ‘sieben’ Zw., np. haft, zz. howt, hot. Zweitens muss mit np. ǰoft, aby. ǰöft, zz. çıft, har. ceft, 40 yagh. ǰuft aus der Urform air. *gi ufta- hervorgegangen sein; vgl. z.B. zz. çıftê domoni ‘ein Paar Kinder’, yagh. ǰuft-e γou41 ‘ein Paar Ochsen’. g-ǰ-Schwankung im Anlaut:42 Die Schwankung von g-ǰ im Anlaut existierte bereits im Avestischen und Altpersischen, was im Neupersischen und im Zaza ebenso zu beobachten ist, wie folgende Belege zeigen.

38 Vgl. M-H G, 291, 452, 475. 39 Vgl. Hübschmann 1895, 153 und Bartholomae, AiW, 1301. 40 Zoka 1957, 65. 41 Andreev 1957, 267. 42 Vgl. z. B. g nā-, γ nā-, γnā- f. ‘Frau, Weib’ neben ǰanay- im Avestischen (AiW 525 und 603). Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 173 av. ³gay- ‘gewinnen’, PräsSt. ǰiǰiša- (ai. jáyati), Pü. žiwanda- (AiW 503), zz. ciandaene ‘verdienen, erwerben’. av. ap. 1grab- ‘greifen’, PPfP gərəpta-, Perf. I ǰagaurv-, ǰigaurv-, ǰāgərəb- : zz. guretene ‘nehmen, greifen’, PräsSt. cên- ND, gên- SD : np. gereftan, gir- av. ap. gan- ‘schlagen’, Präs. ǰan- : zz. cın-en-, cınıtene [ʣɨnɨˈtɛnə] ‘Musikinstrument spielen’ (vgl. Varto. Z. pıro daene ‘Musikinstru- ment schlagen’), cenayış [ʤenaˈjɨʃ] SD (Turgut S, 33; Pamukçu 2001, 417). av. gūϑa- ‘Kot’ : mp. np. gūh : zz. ci [ʤi] ND, gi SD (Todd 235; Turgut S, 94), aby. gü, wax. gü/gi, balN. gīϑ, gur. gu; ai. gūtha-, ksl. govīno (Horn 1893, 947). Der Gebrauch von g und ǰ nebeneinander im Anlaut desselben Wortes kommt insbesondere bei Neupersisch und dialektologisch bei Zaza (s. a. o.) vor: mp. gēhān ‘Welt’, np. gihān, ǰahān; mp. gōhr ‘Edelstein, Juwel’, np. gouhār, ǰouhār, pl. ǰawāher; zz. cevair m sg.; np. gāmus, ǰāmus ‘B ffel’, zz. camus. zz. Gulistane : Culistane, Frauenname (Ovacıẋe/Dersim).43 Das anlautende, unpalatale und alte *g- ist im Zaza unverändert erhalten geblieben: air.*gāman- n ‘Schritt’ (av. gāman- n), zz. game f, np. gām; air.*gantuma- m ‘Weizen’ (av. gantuma- m), zz. genım m, np. gandom; air.*gar ma- ‘warm, heiß’ (av. ap. gar ma-), zz. germ, np. garm; air.*gauša- m ‘Ohr’ (av. gauša- m), zz. gos, goş m, np. guš; air.*gav- m ‘Rind’ (av. gav- m), zz. ga m ‘Ochse’, np. gāw.

9. air. ǰ Anlautend air. ǰ- (: av. ǰ-) : mp. z-, prt. ž-, zaz. c- [dʒ-] : np. z- : krm. ž- Avestisch ǰanay- ‘Frau’, Mittelpersisch zan, Parthisch žan, Zaza cêniye, ciniye f, Tāleši žen, yan, Harzani, Keringani yan, Sangesari žan, Semnāni ǰeníya, Māzandarāni-Sâri1 zena, Gurani žänî, Kurmandji

43 Nach persönlicher Mitteilung von Memed M kan in Dersim: Eine Frau in Ovacıẋe stellte sich vor und sagte ‘Namê mı Culistana’. ‘Mein Name ist [ʒulisˈtan]’. Unter Zazasprechern wird der Name meistens als [gulisˈtanə] ausgesprochen. Türkisch: Gülistan. Dieses Idiolekt zeigt, dass der g-ǰ-Wechsel im Anlaut auch im Zazaischen noch lokal vorkommt. 174 Zülfü Selcan

žın, Neupersisch zan, Sorani žın, Parači (zaīf), Pašto ǰinaī, ǰən, Šughni ǰin, žênik, Balūči ǰan(ig), Yaghnobi (inč). Weitere Belege zum Anlaut-ǰ sind: Avestisch ǰuya- ‘leben’, Mittelpersisch zīw-, Parthisch žīw-, Zaza SD cüw-, c wıyayış (Tur Söz, 40), cuw- (Pamukçu, 417), Neupersisch ziy-, zistan. Avestisch ǰan- ‘schlagen’, Mittelpersisch zan-, Parthisch žan-, Zaza (pıro daene), Kurmandji žan-, žantın, Neupersisch zan-, zadan. Wegen Musikinstrument schlagend zu spielen wird ǰan- auch für das Verb ‘Musik(instrument) spielen’ gebraucht: mpM. (n’)y zd ‘er spielte Flöte’44, zzND. (ey) qavale cınıte. air. ǰan- ‘Musik spielen’, Mittelpersisch *zan-, zad Prt, Parthisch *žan-, Zaza cın-, cınıtene, Neupersisch zan-, zadan. Vgl. für Zaza ND: cın-en-, cınıtene (Selcan 1998b, 368), SD: cen- (Tur Söz, 33, Pamukçu, 417). av. han-ǰamana- n. ‘Zusammenkunft, Versammlung’ : zz. cem m ‘alevitischer Gottesdienst’

Aus der Zusammenfassung der genannten Beispiele in Tabelle 14 resultiert, dass im Zaza und in einem Teil der neuiranischen Sprachen das anlautende altiranische *ǰ- unverändert geblieben ist. Ferner geht daraus hervor, dass *ǰ- in unterschiedlichem Verlauf sich zu drei Fonemen die entwickelte: ǰ-, ž-, z-. Die ǰ-, ž- und z-Gruppen sind folgende:

c- zaz. sem. gilLg/Mč. bal. par. paš. šugh. ž- sang. gur. krm. sor. paš. yagh. tāl. z- np. gilLg/Mč. māzSr. šugh.

Inlautend: air. *-ǰ- (: av. -ǰ-) : zaz. -c- [dʒ] : np. -z- av. arəǰah- n ‘Wert, Preis’, zum V. arəg-; mp (Pü.) arž, np. arz/arǰ, zzSD. erc [ɛrʤ-] av. arəǰa-, Präs. 2 arəg- ‘wert sein, Wert haben’, mp. np. arzīdan (arz- ); zzSD. erc- (Tur Söz 76, Pamukçu 418).

44 Sundermann 1973, 126, 128. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 175 av. arəǰay- ‘w rdig’, prt. aržān, mp. arzan (Boyce 1977, 15), zzSD: ercıyaye Part. Prt. ‘wert/w rdig sein’, embazo ercıyaye ‘werter Freund’; (Tur Söz 76). Wie die letzten drei Beipiele belegen, blieb auch das inlautende air. *-ǰ- neben dem anlautenden im Zaza erhalten.

10. air. *y Beim alten *y im Anlaut fand während der neuiranischen Periode in Zaza, Neupersisch, Semnani und den meisten iranischen Sprachen ein Übergang zu [ʣ-, ʤ-] und in einigen Fällen zu [ʦ-, ʧ-] statt. Im westlichen Guranischen und den östlichen Pašto und Yidgha jedoch blieb *y- teilweise erhalten.45 Im Anlaut: av. yama- ‘Glas’, zz. cam m, np. ǰam, har. cum; av. yava- m ‘Getreide’, sog. yaw, zz. mp. ǰaw, np. ǰou, cew m ‘Gerste’, sem. ǰa, tat. ǰav, har. yav,46 ar-bid. yo47, aby. yā48, gur. yää/yōū49, aby. yā; yagh. ǰaṷ; ai. yáva-; av. yākar- n ‘Leber’, zz. cigere f, np. ǰigar, kh-sak. gyagarrä50, har. ciyar; ai. yákṛt; av. yātav-, yāϑw- m ‘Zauberer’, zz. caẓü m (, caẓüye f)51, mpB, yātūk, np. ǰādū, sog. yātūk, čaδy-kārē, jaδe-kārē52; ai. yātáv- m. Bei zz. caẓü ist der mundartliche Wechsel d und z im ND zu berücksichtigen: 53 vgl. dıdon, dızon ‘Zahn’, ẋedev, ẋezev ‘Katastrophe’. av. yavant- Adj ‘wie viel’, zz. çond ND (, çend SD), mp. np. čand; ai. yā vant-;

45 av. yakar- ‘Leber’, gur. yahar (McK, 113), av. yava- ’Getreide’, gur. yō ū (M-H G, 452); ‘liver’: paš. yina, yena, yid. yēγən, vgl. a. Bailey 1979, 108 unter kh-sak. gyagarrä. 46 Karang 1954, 50. 47 Vgl. Yarshater 1989, 373. 48 Vgl. Yarshater 1985, 734. 49 Vgl. Mann / Hadank 1932, 292, 452. 50 Bailey 1979, 108; 51 Nach der Befragung zum ‘Zauberer’ machten mir die Informanten folgende Anga- ben: Memed Mükan: Kurêşi rê vato ‘nu caẓüyo’, pasay esto fırıne. ‘F r Kurês sagte man ‘dieser ist Zauberer’ und der König warf ihn in den Ofen. Emina Selcane: Caẓüye ciniu xapnena, rae ser fina. ‘Die Zauberin täuscht die Frauen, verf hrt sie’. 52 Gharib 1995, 3172. 53 Vgl. a. Canpolat 2006, 321, 326: ğedev, ğezev. 176 Zülfü Selcan av. yū xta- n ‘Gespann’, prt. yuxt, sog. yūγδ, mp. ǰuxt ‘Paar’, arm. LW ǰuxtak ‘ein Paar’ (Turteltauben, 5. Jh.), zz. çut, har. yet, get,54 tat. git. 55 Einige zazaische Beispiele dazu sind: çutê gorgeçini ‘ein Taubenpaar’, çutê zaranci ‘ein Rebh hnerpaar’. av. yū xtā- f ‘Gespann’, zz. cıte f ‘Ackerbau, Feldbestellung’, vgl. a. cıte kerdene ‘Feld bestellen, pfl gen’, sowie zz. cıta f ‘Paar’ wie in: cıtê postali ‘ein Paar Schuhe’, cıtê gay ‘ein Ochsengespann, ein Paar Ochsen’ usw. Das Wort cıte in cıtkar ‘Ackersmann, Pfl ger’ steht auch mit çıft bzw. yagh. ǰuft in ǰuftgár ‘Ackers-mann, Pfl ger’ als semantische Gruppe in Verbindung.

Manche in früheren Sprachstufen nicht bezeugte Wortformen finden sich in armenischen Lehnwörtern aus dem Iranischen. So wurde das altiranische Anlaut-y in älteren armenischen Quellen als y-, in jüngeren jedoch als ǰ- geschrieben (Hübschmann 1895 153): mpFP. yulāhak ‘Weber’, arm. LW ǰulhak, np. ǰōlāh, ǰōlāha, zz. coleg m ‘Landarbeiter’, dem auch zz. çulfa f ‘Webstuhl’ gehört. In einem Fall jedoch steht dem alten anlautenden y das zazaische h gegenüber: ap. yātā-56 ‘bis, bis dass’, prt. yaδ, yaδ kaδ; mp. dā, tā, np. sem. bal. tā, gur. tā, tā kä57, šug. ruš. yagh. tō; zz. ND: hata, hata ke, SD: heta, heta ke, hatan58; krm. heta, heya; aby. 3yā/yā ba59; ai. yā vat. Hier wäre für yātā- und yaδ neupersisch ǰātā statt tā zu erwarten. Darum meint Bartholomae, AiW 1282 f, die Annahme Salemanns in GIrPh I, 318, np. tā und mp. tāk seien aus ap. yātā entstanden, hielte er f r unmöglich. Im Avestischen aber wird ‘bis, bis

54 Vgl. Karang 1954, 50; Zoka 1957, 61. 55 Karang 1954, 50. 56 Bei altpers. Inschriften, in fünf Belegen bezeugt, vgl. Schmitt 2009: DB § 13 N , 25 Y; DNa §15 E; DSz §7 E; XPh §5 P. 57 Für Gurani vgl. M-H G, 283 f. 58 Vgl. Palu-Zaza heta, Turgut 2001 und heta ke, Lerch 1856; s.a. die Zaza-Belege von Siverek und Kor bei M-H Z, 157, 287: hatan bı ‘bis zu’, hatan itia ‘bis hier’, wobei Mann und Hadank die letzten beiden Beispiele mit doppeltem t schrieben. Ich gebe sie mit einem t wieder, weil das Zaza weder Doppelkonsonaten noch eine Lang- Kurz-Unterscheidung der Vokale kennt. 59 Lecoq 2002, 588. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 177 dass’ durch zwei Wortpaare ausgedr ckt: av. ahmāt yat ‘bis’60 und ahmāt yaϑa ‘bis dass’.61 Das av. yaϑa hier entspricht dem ap. yaϑā. ,bis‘ َح َّتى .Hadanks Annahme, M-H Z, 157, 287, zz. hatan < arab sogar’, t rkisch hatta ‘sogar’, ist nicht sicher. Folglich könnte das anfangsbetonte zz. hata aus av. ahmāt yat entstanden sein.

Im Inlaut: a. air. *y nach š schwand schon teilweise im westlichen Mitteliranischen: ap. šiyāti ‘Behagen, Freude’, prt. mp. np. šād ‘fröhlich’, zz. şa SD, sa ND. Hier fand der Schwund auch im Zazaischen statt: ap. šiy- : np. š- : zz. ş-, s-. Bei folgendem Wort dagegen ist das alte y im Zazaischen erhalten geblieben: ap. šiyavam, np. šudan (šaw-) ‘gehen, werden’, zz. şiyaene ‘gehen’; ap. šiy- : np. š- : zz. şiy-. b. Das ursprünglich inlautende y kommt nach Abfall eines vorausgehenden Lautes in den Anlaut: mp. ayāb62 ‘oder’, np. yā, zz. ya und mp. ayār, hayār63 ‘Freund’, np. yār, zz. yar. c. Aus altem anlautenden dy- und ǰy- enstand [ʤ-], wie H. Hübschman bereits feststellte:64 av. daēnā- f ‘Religion, Seele’ AiW 662, zum V. 2dā(y)- ‘sehen’ AiW 724, skr. dhyāna ‘Nachsinnen’, np. ǰān ‘Leben, Seele’, zz. can [ʤan, ʣan]. Nach Hübschmann 1895, 154, ging das alte y im sassanidischen Persisch vor dem 5 Jh. meistens in ǰ über. Dieser Wandel könnte parallel dazu auch im Zazaischen und anderen iranischen Sprachen stattgefunden haben.

60 AiW, 1253 ff, 1254 unter c: vīspəm ā ahmāt yat aēm paiti.apaiiat vazəmnō xvanuuaṇtəm auui gairīm ‘bis dass er dahinschießend zum Berg xvanuuaṇt gelangte’ Yt. 8.38 (Wolff). vīspəm ā ahmāt yat hē nauua xša fna sacā ṇte ‘bis (darüber) neun Nächte verflossen sind’, Vd. 19.23. Vgl. für 2yat AiW 1253 ff, 1255 und für yaϑa, yaϑā AiW 1240 ff, unter 3, c. 61 AiW, 297: at cit ahmāt yaϑa apəməm maniuuā aŋhat ‘bis dass am Ende (der Dinge) …’ (Wolff), Y. 10.16. 62 Boyce 1977, 20, <’y’b>. 63 Boyce 1977, 49, McK 15, . 64 Hübschmann 1895, 152, Fn. 1: „Von der Wrzl. dhyā- ‘denken’, die mit der Wrzl. dhī- ‘denken’ (Whitney, Wurzeln, usw. p. 83, 85) verwandt ist, zu der av. daēnā- 1. ‘Religion’, 2. ‘Seele’ gehört“. 178 Zülfü Selcan

av. mp. np. zz.

Glas yama- ǰām ǰām cam m [ʣam] Getreide, yava- ǰav ǰou cew m [ʣɛw] Gerste Leber yākar- n ǰagar ǰigar cigere f [ʤiˈgɛrə] Zauberer yātav-, Pü. yātūk; ǰādū caẓü65 m [ʣaˈʒy] yāϑw- m ǰādūg bis, bis dass ap. yātā- prt. yaδ, yaδ (tā) (hata, hata ke) kaδ Gespann yū xta- n arm. LW – çut m ‘Paar’ ǰuxtak Gespann yū xtā- f – – cıta f ‘Paar’ Weber – arm. ǰulhak ǰōlāh coleg ‘Landarbeiter’ wieviel yavant- čand čand çond, çend gehen ap. šiy- – š- şiy- fröhlich ap. šiyāti šād šād şa, sa oder – ayāb yā ya Freund – ayār, hayār yār yar Tabelle 3. Entwicklung des air. *y.

11. air. š- Das altiranische Anlaut-š setzte sich im Zaza über die mitteliranische Periode unverändert fort.

air. av. prt. mp. zz. froh š- šā-, ap. šād šād- sa, şa šiyāti gehen *šiyaṷ- ap.šiyav-, šaw- šaw- şiyaene av. šyav- ‘gehen’ einschlürfen šam- šam- – āšāmīdan şım-, şımıtene Tabelle 4. Entwicklung von air. *š-.

65 Hier ist das Nebeneinander von d und z im ND zu beachten: z. B. dıdon : dızon ‘Zahn’. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 179

12. air. *x- Das alte anlautende *x- wird in einem Teil der neuiranischen Sprachen bewahrt und in manchen zu h- und k- gewandelt, wobei das Zaza zur h-Gruppe gehört: Altiranisch *xara- (Avestisch xara-) ‘Esel’, Zaza her, Tāleši- AM ha, Harzani har, Gūrāni her, Ossetisch xäräg, Parači kh r, Pašto xar, Yaghnobi xar, Tāleši-M xar, Sangesari xar, Neupersisch xar, Balūči kar, Kurmandji ker, Sorani ker. av. xąnya- ‘Brunnen’, zz. hêni, tālAM. huni, har. (čošmā)66, gur. hāne, par. (čišma), paš. (čīna), yagh. (čox), tālM. xuni, sang. (čašm), neup. xāni, bal. kānī, krm. kani, sor. kani. Tabelle 15 zeigt Wortvergleiche von mehreren neuiranischen Sprachen, aus denen die phonologische Opposition h- : x- : k- hervorgeht. Die h-, x- und k-Gruppen sind:

h- zaz. tālAM. har. gur. x- sang. oss. paš. par. yagh. tālM. np. k- bal. krm. sor.

13. air. *m Das alte anlautende Fonem *m- ist im Zaza erhalten geblieben. air. *man- ‘bleiben’ (av. ap. man-²), zz. mendene, prt. mp. np. māndan, krm. manin, sor. mān; air. *mar- ‘sterben’ (av. ap. mar-), zz. merdene, mır-en-, prt. mp. np. murdan, mīr-; air. *marata- ‘gestorben, gestorbener’ (av. mar ta- PPfP, Adj.), zz. merde Adj.m, merd Prät., np. murd; air. *manah- ‘Sinn’ (manah-1), zz. mane m, prt. mp. mānag, np. ma’ni, ma’nā; air. *maragā- ‘Wiese’ (av. mar γā- f.), zz. merge f, prt. np. marγ; air. *maškā- ‘aufgeblasene Tierhaut’ (ap. maškā- f.), zz. meske, meşke f.

Das inlautende alte *-m- blieb im Zaza, in den meisten neuwestiranischen 67 und neuostiranischen 68 Sprachen erhalten, entwickelte

66 Zokā 1957. 67 ‘Name’: gur. nāmä, M-H G, 268; gil. nōm, māz. nūm, Geiger 1974c, 350; har. zımıstun ‘Winter’ und nim ‘halb’, Zokā 1957. 180 Zülfü Selcan sich dagegen im Kurmandji regulär zum /-v-/ [v] und im Sorani zum /-w-/ [w], was ein sprachspezifisches Merkmal darstellt;69 in wenigen Fällen erscheint auch in Baloči70 und Vafsi71 ein /-w-/ und im Luri72 ein /-v-/: Altiranisch *nāman- (Avestisch nāman-) ‘Name’, Zaza name, Sangesari noum, Semnani nom, Gūrāni nām, Neupersisch nām, Pašto num, Kurmandji nav, Sorani nāw. air. *nai ma- ‘halb’ (av. naēma-), mp. nēm, zz. nêm, san. nim, gur. nîm, np. nim, paš. nim, krm. niv, sor. niw; air. *zāmātar- ‘Schwager’ (av. zāmātar-), mp. dāmād, zz. zama m, san. zoume, gur. zāmā, np. dāmād, paš. zūm, krm. zava, sor. zāwā; air. *duma- ‘Schwanz’ (av. duma-), zz. dım m, san. dom, gur. dim, np. dom, paš. l m, krm. duv(du), sor. du (< duw); air. *gāman- ‘Schritt’ (av. gāman-), mp. gām, zz. game f, gur. (hängām), np. gām, paš. (yūn), krm. gav, sor. gāw; air. *dāman- ‘Falle’ (av. dāman-), prt. dāmag, mp. dām, zz. dame f, gur. dām, np. dām, paš. lūma, krm. dav, sor. dāw. Altiranisch *čašman- (Avestisch čašman-) ‘Auge’, Zaza çısm/çım m, Sangesari čašm, Gūrāni čäm, Neupersisch češm, Kurmandji çav, Sorani çāw.

Tabelle 16 zeigt diesen Zusammenhang anhand von weiteren Wortvergleichen, woraus sich drei Gruppen ergeben:

- zaz. np. sang. sem. har. gur. u. a. neuwest- und neuostiran. m- Sprachen -v- krm. lurBx. teilweise -w- sor. bal. teilweise vaf.

68 ‘Name’: nūm paš. šugh.s, nām orm. par. yidgh. sangl. (Morgenstierne, IIFL, 1938); oss. nom, Thordarson, CLI, 460; paš. num, Lorenz 1982, 297. 69 air. *-m- > v/w: krm. nav / sor. naw ‘Name’ (air. *nāman-, np. nām). 70 Nord-Bal. šawā ‘ihr’ 2.P.pl., (vgl. np. šumā); Nord-Bal. nawāš ‘Gebet’, Geiger, AbBAW, 417; Nord-Bal. šwā ‘ihr’, J. Elfenbein, CLI, 354. 71 vaf. suwān ‘ihr’ 2.P.pl. dir./obl., āwān ‘wir’ dir., tāwān ‘wir’ obl., Lecoq 1989, 314. 72 Bachtiyari: duvā ‘Schwiegersohn’ (np. dāmād), ōveīdin ‘kommen’ (np. āmādan), Mann 1910, 185, 190. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 181

14. air. *r Das alte *r am Wortanfang ist im Zaza unverändert geblieben: air. *raϑyā- (av. raiϑya- n.) ‘Weg’, mp. np. rāh, zz. rae f ND; ai. rathyā- f. air. *ruu ān- (av. urvan- m) ‘Seele, Geist’, sog. (ə)rwān, prt. mp. np. ruwān, zz. ro m. air. *rautah- (ap. rautah- n) ‘Fluss, Strom’, prt. mp. np. rōd, zz. rod SD; ai. srótas. air. *raogna- (av. raoɣna- n) ‘Butter’, mp. rōɣn, np. rouɣan, zz. ron m. air. *raoxšnā- (av. raoxšnā- f) ‘Licht’, prt. mp. rōšn, np. rōšan, zz. roşn n SD (Tur Sö, 226; ND roşti f). air. *raučāh- (av. raočah-, ap. raučah- n) ‘Tag’; prt. rōž, mp. np. rōz, zzND. roze f ‘Tag’, roze m ‘Fasten’; SD roẓ (Todd 257; Tur Sö, 226); ai. rocás n. air. *rāšta-, rašta- (av. rāšta-, rašta- PPfP, raz- V.) ‘gerichtet, gerade gerichtet’, ‘in gerader Richtung’, prt. rāšt, mp. np. rāst, zz. rast, raşti ‘richtig’; np. rāste ‘gerader Weg, in gerader Richtung’ zz. raste ND. air. *rāštiyā-, prt. rāštift, mp. rāstīh, np. rāsti, zz. raştiye f ‘Richtigkeit, Wahrheit’ ND. Das intervokalische *-r- des Altiranischen blieb im Parthischen und Zaza erhalten, während es sich im Mittel- und Neupersischen sowie im Kurmandji zu -l- verwandelte, wie aus den ersten vier Belegen in Tabelle 5 zu entnehmen ist:

air. *-r- : av. -r- : mp. –l- : prt. –r- : zz. –ṙ/r- : krm. -l- : np. -l-

av. prt. mp. zz. np. krm. Herz zərəδaya- n zirδ dil zeṙi f. dıl dıl Jahr sarəd- sār sāl seṙe f. sāl sal vierzig čaϑwar -sant- čafārast73 čehel çewres čehel čıl Klage gərəzā- f – gilak geṙe m. gilah gıli Tabelle 5. Entwicklung von air. *-r-.

15. air. *-rt- Die inlautende Lautfolge air. *-rt- entwickelte sich im Zaza und manchen neuwestiranischen Sprachen zu /-rd-/, im Kurmandji zu /-r-/ und in anderen neuostiranischen Sprachen dagegen jeweils zu -rt-, -rl- , -r-/-ṛ-, -l-, -t-; nur im Yaghnobi und teilweise im Baluči und Sangesari ist sie erhalten geblieben.

73 cfr(s)[t], Zum ersten Mal belegt bei Sundermann 1981, 157; vgl. ebenda: wyst ‘20’, hryst ‘30’, pnj’st ‘50’, ššt ‘60’. 182 Zülfü Selcan

Altiranisch *sarəta- (Avestisch sarəta-) ‘kalt’, Zaza serd, Sanges. sard, Baluči sard, Neupersisch sard, Sorani sard, Kurmandji sar, Pašto soṛ. air. *karta- (ap. karta-, av. kərəta-) ‘machte’, zz. kerd, sang. kart, bal. kurt, np. kard, sor. kırd, krm. kır, paš. kṛəl. Weitere Wortvergleiche hierzu sind in Tabelle 17 dargestellt (s.u.), woraus acht Gruppen resultieren:

-rd- zaz. np. gur. māz. sor. sem. -rt- yagh. -rt/rd- bal. sang. -rd/ld- oss. -ṛ/l- orm. -ṛ/t- yidgh. -ṛ- paš. -r- krm.

Hier wird deutlich, daß Kurmandji eine besondere Tendenz zum Ausfall von /d/ im In- und Auslaut aufweist. Durch dieses phonologische Merkmal trennt sich das Kurmandji von Zaza, Semnani und Neupersisch sowie von manchen anderen Sprachen sehr markant. Das Kurmandji unterscheidet sich (neben Pašto, Ormuri u. Yidgha) durch die r-Form, bei der das *t regulär ausfällt, deutlich von der rd- Gruppe. Die Scheidung zaz. np. sor.74 -rd- gegen krm. -r- stellt unter Berücksichtigung weiterer zahlreicher Abweichungen einen sprachspezifischen Gegensatz zwischen Kurmandji und Sorani dar, was auch in der ostiranischen Sprachgruppe vorkommt:75 yazgh. -rd- : paš. -ṛ- : orm. -r-, -l- : par. yidgh. -ṛ-, -t- : oss.76 -rd/ld-.

16. air. *-rz- Die altiranische Inlautgruppe *-rz- blieb im Parthischen und Zaza unverändert: av. barez- ‘hoch’, prt. burz, zz. berz, dagegen mp. np. buland und krm. bılınd. Zwei weitere Belege hierzu sind:

74 ‘Messer’: gur. kārdi (MacKenzie 1966, 127), sem. kārd (Christensen, Contrib., 189); sang. kawrt (Azami), awrt ‘Mehl’; sem. zard ‘gelb’, mird ‘Mann’, Majidi, 13; māz. merdāi ‘Mensch’, Geiger 1974c, 356. 75 Vgl. Geiger 1974b, 335 f: yagh.: kārt ‘Messer’, wurta ‘gebracht’, marta ‘tot’; bal. murta ‘tot’ ebenda, 235; Sköld 1936 und Morgenstierne 1938, Engl.-Iran. Index, 7*- 65*; s.a. Selcan 1998b, 51. 76 Miller 1974, 108: kard ‘Schwert’, mard ‘tot’, sald ‘kalt’. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 183 av. ərəzav-, ap. ardav-, ‘gerade, richtig, recht’, zz. areze ‘klar, deutlich’; vgl. zzND. areze kerdene ‘klarstellen, verdeutlichen’. av. ərəzay- m ‘Hoden’, (mp. xāyag), zz. herz m, (np. xāye), dagegen krm. hêl(ık).

av. mp. prt. zz. np. krm. hoch barez- (buland) burz berz (buland) (bılınd) Hoden ərəzay- m (xāyag) – herz m (xāye) hêl(ık) deutlich, ərəzav-, ap. – – areze – – klar ardav- Tabelle 6. Entwicklung von air. *-rz-.

17. air. *-aṷ- Das altiranische Diphthong -au - erscheint im Zaza regulär als -o-: air. -au - (av. -ao-, ap. -au-), zz. -o-. air. *haṷma- (av. haoma-, ap. hauma-) m ‘Gottheit’, zz. homa m SD (M-H Z 289; Tur Sö 119).

air. av. prt. mp. zz. Gott *haṷma- haoma- m – – homa m SD Ohr *gaṷša- gaoša- m – – goş/gos m Pferd u.a. *staṷra- staora- m istōr stōr,np. sutōr ostor m, ostore f Schulter *daṷša- daoš- m – – doşi f

Die historische Entwicklung der oben unter Nr. 1 bis 13 besprochenen Laute des Zaza und anderen iranischen Sprachen ist in Tabelle 20 zusammengefasst.

4. Historische Morfologie

4.1 Erhaltung der Endsilbe Im Vergleich zu den meisten neuwestiranischen Sprachen hat das Zaza die Auslautsilbe von alt- und mitteliranischen Wörtern bewahrt. Dies ist neben der Beibehaltung des alten auslautenden Femininsuffixes -ā, was dem unbetonten -e [-ə] im Zaza entspricht, auch bei manchen Maskulina und Adjektiva auf betonte Endsilbe -Ke [-ˈKɛ] zu beobachten, wie z. B. in av. nāman- ‘Name’, zz. name m 184 Zülfü Selcan

(np. nām, krm. nav). Im Gegensatz zu Zaza ist die altiranische Endsilbe im Neu-persischen und Kurmandji überwiegend abgefallen.

av. zz. np. krm. Name nāman- n name m nām nav Fell čarəman- n çerme m çarm çerm Haut pąsta- m poste m pōst post Stern prt. astarag astare m star stêr Kopf sāra- m saṙe m sar ser Hirt *fšupāna- ş ane m čobān şıvan Gold zaranya- n zeṙn m zar zêr Schlaf afna- m hewn m xāb xew Jahr sarəd- f seṙe f sāl sal Herz zərəδaya- n zeṙi f del dıl Falle dāman- n dame f dām dav Schritt gāman- n game f gām gav neu nava- newe nou nu Tropfen – dılapa f (sirišk) dılop Tabelle 7. Erhaltung der Endsilbe im Zaza.

4.2 Erhaltung der Femininendung Das grammatische Geschlecht des Altiranischen ist – mit Ausnahme von Neutrum – im Zaza weitgehend erhalten geblieben. In der mitteliranischen Periode existierte die Genusunterscheidung im Sogdischen und in früheren parthischen Inschriften (3. Jh.). Die weiblichen Eigennamen wurden durch das aus dem Aramäischen ;h gekennzeichnet (Henning 1958, 34- ה- entnommene Femininsuffix Gignoux 1972), z. B.: Anāhīd, Mittelpersisch ʾnḥt, Parthisch ʾnḥtyH, (nach Zazalautung *Anahide). Von den 21 Belegen mit Femininkennzeichen -h im Parthischen sind einige Beispiele in Tabelle 18 aufgeführt. In manichäischen Texten dagegen war das Genus sowohl im Parthischen als auch im Mittelpersischen verschwunden. Bei neuostiranischen Sprachen existiert das Genus im Pašto (stark ausgeprägt), Munǰi, Yidgha, Šughni-Gruppe, Ormuri (Kaniguram); Sanglēči und Waxi dagegen kennen kein Genus Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 185

(Morgenstierne 1958, 160). Auch im Yaghnobi, dem Fortsetzer des mitteliranischen Sogdischen mit Genusunterscheidung, ist das grammatische Geschlecht geschwunden (Bielmeier 1989, 483). Das grammatische Geschlecht kommt neben dem Zaza auch im Semnani, Sengesari, Gurani, Sivendi, Arani-Bidgoli77 und manchen anderen neuwestiranischen Sprachen vor, tritt im Kurmandji bei Izafe nur noch als Restform auf und existiert nicht im Neupersischen. Die Genusopposition ‘Maskulinum : Femininum’ erfasst die ganze Morfologie des Zaza: Deklination von Nomina (Substantiva, Adjektiva, Partizip und Pronomina) sowie die Verbkonjugation. Die altiranische Femininendung -ā ist im Zaza als unbetontes Suffix -e [-ə] erhalten geblieben: air. *-ā (av. ap. -ā), zz. -e. Insbesondere im Norddialekt des Zaza wird die Endsilbe -e deutlich und produktiv benutzt. Ferner wird die im Altiranischen existierende Übereinstim-mung vom natürlichen und grammatischen Geschlecht im Zaza fort-gesetzt:

av. zz. np. krm. Esel : Eselin xar- : xarā- her : here xar ker Wolf : Wölfin vəhrka- : vəhrkā- Verg : (dele)verge gorg gur

Die im Avestischen in zwei Formen vorkommenden Wörter für ‘Mädchen’ sind im Zaza mit einem kleinen Bedeutungsunterschied noch bewahrt: ‘Mädchen’ av. kainkā- f, zz. kêneke f. und av. kainyā- f, zz. kêna f SD /çêna f ND ‘Tochter’. Das grammatische Geschlecht wird im Altiranischen und Zaza sowohl für Lebewesen als auch für Gegenstände benutzt: ap. maškā- f ‘Fellschlauch’, zz. meşke, meske f (, np. mešk). Weitere Beispiele für feminine Substantive in Avestisch und Zaza zeigt Tabelle 19; s. a. folgende:

av. zz. Witwe viδavā- viae Wiese marəγā- merge Säule stunā- ostıne Nacht xšapā- şewe, sewe Fellschlauch ap. maškā- meşke, meske

77 Vgl. Yarshater 1989, 374. 186 Zülfü Selcan

Die zazaischen Feminina auf -i gehen auf den altiranischen Auslaut -ay und -aya zurück: av. parštay- f ‘R cken’, zz. ṗoşti f und av. zərəδaya- n ‘Herz’, zz. zeṙi f. Zazaische Feminina auf -a entsprechen teilweise auch den altirani-schen Neutra auf -a: air. *pāšna- (av. pāšna- n) ‘Ferse’, zz. paşna (, pasna) f.

4.3 Verbalnomen Zu Verbalnomen zählen Infinitive und Partizipe, wobei die ersten substantivisch, die zweiten adjektivisch benutzt werden. Im Zazaischen existieren zwei Infinitive, welche mit -ene und -is, -ış (ND, SD) enden.

4.3.1 Verbalnomen auf -ene Durch die Endung -ene [ˈɛnə] entstehen feminine Verbal- bzw. Infinitivsubstantive aus Präteritalstämmen, welche besonders im Norddialekt (ND) produktiv gebraucht werden: kerd ‘machte’, kerden-e f ‘Tat, Tun’, kerdena dey ‘seine Tat’; merd ‘starb’, merd-en-e f ‘Tod, Sterben’, merdena dey ‘sein Tod’. Dazu noch einige Beispiele aus Sprüchen und Sprichwörtern mit Verbalnomen:

ND: (1) Daene ve guretene ra bıraê. Geben und Nehmen sind Brüder. (2) Dermanê wastene daena. Die Lösung von Wollen ist Geben. (3) Endi biyaene biya, şiyaene şiya. Geschehenes ist schon geschehen, Vergangenes ist vergangen. SD: (4) Şi be waştına keineke.78 Sie gingen zur Brautwerbung des Mädchens. (5) Vaten u kerden mabên de koy estê.79 Zwischen Sagen und Machen gibts Berge.

Das Schluss-e im Suffix bzw. im Verbalnomen dient als Feminin- kennzeichen und entspricht dem altiranischen Auslaut-ā. Die

78 Vgl. Le Coq 1903, II, 67, Z. 44. Der Zaza-Informant von Le Coq stammte aus Çermik (Diyarbakır). 79 So nach dem Sprachinformanten Mamud Pamukçi aus Çermig, 17.12.2011. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 187 femininen Nomina actionis auf -anā sind im Avestischen durch fünf Belege bezeugt:80

vananā- f van- Sieg; siegen ayanā- f ay- Gang; gehen vaēδayanā- f vaēd- Ausflugplatz, Warte; willfährig sein zyanā- f zyā- Schädigung; schädigen vyānā- f yā- Gescheitheit, Weisheit; Komp. vī +*yānā

Der gemeinsame Gebrauch von Verbalnomina auf -anā f und -ana m/n im Avestischen und Altindischen kommt in zwei Belegen vor: ‘Sieg’, ‘siegen’ av. vananā- f, van- : ai. vanánā f, van- und ‘Gang’, ‘gehen’ av. ayanā- f, ay- : ai. áyana n, ay-. Sonst sind feminine Verbalsubstantive auf –anā (neben den maskuli-nen und neutralen auf -ana) in beiden Sprachen zahlreich vertreten, deren Enstsprechung sich im Zazaischen teilweise wiederfindet.

zz. av. ai. kerdene f ker- –, kar- kāraṇā f kṛ- Tat wastene f was- –,vas-, PPfP vāsanā f vaś- Wollen, ušta- Verlangen estene f es- –, ah-2, PPfP asanā f as- Werfen asta- dıtene f dı-, dos- –, mp. dōxtan, dohanā f duh- Melken, dōšitan Melkung

Aus den Wortvergleichen ‘Tat, Handlung’ zz. kerdene f (ker-) : av. -(kar-) : ai. kāraṇā f (kṛ-) u. a. in letzten beiden Tabellen resultiert im Hinblick auf gemeinsame Lautung und Genusform, dass das Suffix -ene Fortsetzer von air. ar. *-anā ist.81 Folglich gilt für die feminine alt- und neuzazaische Verbalform: azz. *kart-an-ā > nzz. kerd-en-e ‘machen’, azz. *kanat-an-ā > nzz. kınıt-en-e ‘graben’, azz. *dat-an-ā > nzz. dıt-en-e ‘melken’.

80 Die Belege sind aus dem AiW entnommen, Verbalnomina/Verb der Reihe nach in Spalte: 1354, 1350;157, 147;1321, 1320;1701, 1700; 1478, –. 81 Für die Partizipialbildung durch -anā vgl.: Whitney 1879, §1150; Bartholomae 1974a, §209, 3, S. 109; Debrunner 1954, 190 f, §85. 188 Zülfü Selcan

Zazaische ene-Nomina werden im ND regulär als Subjekt und Objekt in Kasusformen sowie prädikativ und infinitivisch gebraucht; vgl. o. (1) bis (5), s. a. unter 4.4.1, 4.4.2.

4.3.2 Verbalnomen auf -is, -ış Mit dem Suffix -is bzw. -ış entstehen maskuline Verbal- bzw. Infinitivsubstantive aus Präteritalstämmen. Hierbei wird -is im ND und -ış im SD gebraucht: kerd ‘machte’, kerd-is m ‘Tat, Tun’; werd ‘aß’, werd-is m ‘Essen’. Hierzu noch folgende Beispiele aus Spr chen und Sprichwörtern:

ND: (1) Bervis pere nêkeno. Weinen nützt nicht. (2) Eve vatis kar nêbeno. Durch Reden wird keine Arbeit erledigt. (3) Huayis ve bervişi ra bıraê. Lachen und Weinen sind Brüder. SD: (4) Şi kêna waştış.82 Sie gingen zur Brautwerbung. (5) Gureyayış rê kes nêvano ‘aybo’. Fürs Arbeiten sagt niemand ‘Schande’.

Im Parthischen und Mittelpersischen existiert das ähnliche Suffix -išn und hier stellt sich die Frage, ob zwischen diesem und den zazaischen -is, -ış ein Zusammenhang besteht. Das Parthische bildet das Verbalnomen auf -išn aus dem Präteritalstamm, das Mittelpersische dagegen aus dem Präsensstamm, wie die Belege für das Verb ‘machen’ zeigen: prt. karišn (kar-), mp. kun-išn (kun-), np. kun-iš ‘Handlung’. Wie von den Iranisten C. Salemann und P. Horn bereits festgestellt wurde, ist das Suffix prt. mp. -išn eine mitteliranische Neubildung, weil dessen Entstehung im Altiranischen nicht bezeugt und unklar ist. 83 Angesichts der Tatsache, dass das altiranische Verbalnomen-suffix -anā im Zazaischen fortgesetzt und produktiv benutzt wird, ist es sinnvoll, den Ursprung von dialektalen -is, -ış im Altiranischen zu klären.

82 So nach der Befragung des Sprachinformanten Yaşar Aratem r aus Bingol am 17.12.2011. 83 Salemann 1974, 282; Horn 1974, 182. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 189

Hierbei ist zu beachten, dass zwischen dem air. *-iš und dem ähnlichen ai. -iṣṇu kein Zusammenhang besteht, weil dieser auf -snu beruht: -iṣṇu < –i+sṇu, vgl. insbesondere die ausführliche Beschreibung und die Belege des Indologen A. Debrunner.84 Darum sind prt. mp. -išn, ai. -iṣṇu und zz. is, -ış unterschiedlicher Herkunft. Avestische und altpersische Texte enthalten mehrere maskuline und neutrale Verbalnomen auf -iš und -uš. So sind im Avestischen sieben Verbalnomen auf -iš mit entsprechendem Verb bezeugt und zwei auf -uš: bar ziš- m bar z- ‘Polster, Kissen’, ‘in die Höhe gehen, …’; ai. barhiş- ‘Opferstreu’, bṛh- ‘erhöhen’; P .: bālišn, np. bāliš ‘Kissen’, zz. balişna f hadiš- n had-1 ‘Wohnsitz, Palast’, ‘sich setzen’; vgl. ai. sádas- n. nar piš- n nar p- ‘Herabw rdigung, Herabsetzung’, ‘abnehmen’ vom Mond snaiϑiš- n snaϑ- ‘Waffe zum Hauen u. schlagen’, ‘schlagen’ Präs. 2, snaϑa-, mp. snēh, np. sīnih; ai. snathihi, śnath- ‘stechen’ stairiš- n star- ‘Streu, Lager, Bett’, ‘durch spreiten zurecht machen’, ai. stṛnấti t viš- n tav- ‘Gewalttätigkeit, Rohheit’, ‘(dazu) im Stand, in der Lage sein’ vi-zbāriš- n zbar- ‘Verkr mmung, des Körpers’, ‘krumm gehen’, ai. hvāras- n vīϑiš-, vīϑuš- n vaēϑ-² ‘Gericht’, ‘gerichtlich feststellen’ haŋuš- n han-1 ‘Nutznießung, Nutzen, Gewinn’, ‘verdienen’, bes. Lohn; ‘gewinnen, in seinen Besitz bringen, erhalten’, ai. sasấna har δiš- n – ‘Wahnsinn, Verr cktheit’. ap. abi-čariš- n – Weide, Weideland’, np. čarīdan ‘weiden’, s. zu čarana- (AiW 581 ‘Feld’ n) k r duš- n – ‘Schutz, Hilfe, Beistand’, ai. chardiş ‘Schutz’. ar duš- n – ‘Verletzung, Hieb’.

Auf welche Verben die letzten vier Belege basieren, ist nicht bekannt. 85 Wegen fehlender zazaischer Äquivalente lässt sich die Frage zur Herkunft von -is und -ış aus diesen Belegen zwar noch nicht klar beantworten, allerdings kommt man näher dran, wenn die Entwicklung von air. *-iš, -uš weiter verfolgt wird. Aus der Feststellung der Indologen Whitney, Debrunner und der Iranisten

84 Debrunner 1954, 928, §767. 85 Im AiW ist hierzu kein Verb genannt. 190 Zülfü Selcan

Bartholomae und Reichelt ergibt sich für die beiden Nominalsuffixe folgende sprach-historische Beziehung:86 air. *-iš (av. ap. -iš) : ai. -as, -iṣ : ar. *-iš : idg. *- s air. *-uš (av. ap. -uš) : ai. -uṣ : ar. *-uš : idg. *-is Weil das Altindische reichhaltigere Belege bietet als Avestisch und Altpersisch, kann die Entwicklung auch hier näher verfolgt werden. Demnach steht das zazaische Verbalnomensuffix -iş (air. *-iš) als Äquivalenz für altindische -as , -iṣ und zz. -ış (air. *-uš) für ai. -uṣ, wie es aus dem Vergleich von folgenden fünf Verbalnomen hervorgeht:

zz. av. ai. m m, n n kerdis – káras Tat berdis – bharas Tragen, Wegbringen vatis – vácas Rede dıtis – dóhas Melkung SDzayış (ząϑra-) janús Geburt (balişna f) bar ziš- m barhiş- ‘Polster, Kissen’, ‘in die Höhe gehen’, ai. barhiş- ‘Opferstreu’, np. bāliš – hadiš- n sádas- ‘Wohnsitz, Palast’, ‘sich setzen’ – vi-zbāriš- n hvāras- ‘Verkr mmung des Körpers’, ‘krumm gehen’

Wegen lückenhafter avestischer und altpersischer Entsprechungen kann die altiranische Herkunft von zz. -is, -ış zwar noch nicht direkt, jedoch durch parallele Entsprechungen des Altindischen indirekt belegen: ‘Tat’ zz. kerdis m : av. – : ai. káras n; ‘Tragen, Wegbrin- gen’ zz. berdis m : av. – : ai. bharas n; ‘Rede’ zz. vatis m : av. – ai. vácas n; ‘Melkung’ zz. dıtis m : av. – : ai. dóhas n; usw. Demnach führen die neuzazaischen maskulinen Verbalnomina mit dem Präteritalstamm auf -d, -t und -ıt u. a. (s. Selcan 1998b, 363 f) auf folgende altzazaische Formen zurück: nzz. kerd-is < azz. *kart-iš > und nzz. kerd-ış < azz. *kart-uš ‘machen’; nzz. kınıt-is < azz. *kanat-iš und nzz. kınıt-ış < azz. *kanat-uš ‘graben’.

86 Für air.* -iš, -uš vgl.: Whitney 1879, §1151-1154, für -as, -is, us; Lanman 1880, 968 f; Bartholomae 1974a, 95: §175, 216: §383; AwElB, §287 f, §356; Debrunner 1954, 365, §235. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 191 nzz. dıt-is < azz. dıt-iš > und nzz. dıt-ış < azz. dıt-uš ‘melken’; Zur abschließenden Klärung der Herkunft von -is, -iş vgl. u. unter 4.4.2.

4.4 Infinitiv Das Zazaische besitzt zwei Infinitive, welche auf –ene und auf –is, -ış (ND, SD) enden. Der Infinitiv wird im Zazaischen und anderen neuiranischen Sprachen wie Neupersisch, Semnani, Pašto u. a. auch als Substantiv benutzt87 (s. o. 4.3.1 u. 4.3.2). Zum Beispiel zz. Vatene reta, kerdene zora. ‘Sagen ist leicht, Tun ist schwer.’, np. Goftan āsān ast, kardan došwar ast. Der infinitivische Gebrauch der Verbalnomina in verschiedenen Kasusformen existierte bereits im Avestischen und im Altindischen.88

4.4.1 Infinitiv auf -ene Mit Hilfe der konjugierten Hilfsverben amaene ‘kommen’ und daene ‘geben’ können transitive Verben infinitivisch gebraucht werden: ‘Verb’ + amaene und ‘Verb’ + daene. Eine einzelne infinitivische Verwendung ist ho (e)ro merdene naene ‘sich tot (wörtl. ‘Tod’) stellen’. Einige Beispiele zur Benutzung des ene-Infinitivs in Sprüchen und Sprichwörtern:

ND: (1) Ne yenê kıstene, ne yenê estene. Sie lassen sich weder töten, noch verstoßen. (2) Aqıl ve pere nino rotene. Klugheit lässt sich nicht durch Geld verkaufen. (3) Derd mordemi dano vatene. Das Leiden lässt den Menschen klagen. (4) Ho na ro merdene. Er (, es, sie) stellte sich tot. SD:89 (5) Pêrê mı ma pêro day wenden Mein Vater ließ uns alle ausbilden. (/wendış). (6) O hırg ser zew banê dano Er läßt jedes Jahr ein Haus bauen. vırasten (/vırastış).

87 Alavi / Lorenz 1972, 31-32; Lorenz 1982, 36; Majidi 1980, 112, Fn. 1. 88 Vgl. AwElB, 337-348, §684-709 und Whitney 1879, 334-340, §968-988. 89 Pamukçu 2001, 247. Für weitere ene-Infinitive vgl. M-H Z, Siv.-Z.: biyayenı ‘sein, werden’,110; nımıtene ‘verbergen’,127; vıraştenı ‘zurechtmachen’,136; werden ‘essen’, 139. 192 Zülfü Selcan

Die zazaische Infinitivendung –ene [ˈɛnə] hat eine lautliche Ähnlichkeit mit dem altiranischen Infinitivsuffix *-anai (av. Kantanaiy ‘graben’, ap. čartanaiy ‘machen’) 90 und der Nominalendung *-anā, deren Verhältnis zueinander hier zu klären ist. Das Suffix -ene bildet im Ge-gensatz zu *-anai neben der infinitivischen Funktion auch feminine Infinitivsubstantive, so das sie in strukruktureller und funktionaler Hinsicht unterschiedlicher Herkunft sind. In zz. -en-e und air. *-an-ā dienen die Auslaute -e bzw. -ā als Femininkennzeichen. Aus dieser lautgeschichtlichen und morpho- logischen Gemeinsamkeit resultiert, dass zz. -ene aus dem air. *-anā entstanden ist. 91 Wie mehrere avestische sowie altindische Belege zeigen, reicht die Herkunft von -ene bis zur arischen Sprachstufe (s. a. o. 4.3.1): zz. -ene : paš. -əna : air. *-anā : ai. *-anā : ar. *-anā.

4.4.2 Infinitiv auf -is, -ış Der Infinitiv wird im Zazaischen mit den Hilfsverben fistene und daene verwendet; ‘Verb’ + fistene ‘zu etw. bringen, in etw. setzen’und ‘Verb’ + daene ‘‘Verb’ + lassen’: huais fistene ‘zum Lachen bringen’, wendis daene ‘ausbilden/studieren lassen’. Beispiele zur Benutzung des is-Infinitivs in Sprüchen und Sprichwörtern:

ND: (1) U kutıku fino huais. Er bringt Hunde zum Lachen. (2) Ae domoni fisti bervis. Sie brachte die Kinder zum Weinen. (3) Mordemo xıravın, kutıku eve Schlechter Mensch lässt einen von isoni dano huais. Hunden auslachen. SD: (4) Cameseb da wendış.92 Man ließ Cameseb ausbilden. (5) Ma bunıy xuı dab vıraştış.93 Wir hatten unser Haus bauen lassen.

90 Die im Altiranischen vorkommenden fünf Belege sind folgende: Avestisch: kantanaiy- ‘graben’, nipištanaiy- ‘schreiben’, šyaoϑanāiy ‘gehen’; Altpersisch: čartanaiy ‘machen’, bartanaiy- ‘tragen’. 91 Auch im Pašto begegnet man femininen Verbalnomina, die mit ‘PräsSt.’-əna gebildet werden (Lorenz 1982, 168, 36): paš. roz-əna f ‘Anbau’. Nach Geiger 1974a, 212, §12, gilt paš. -əna < air. *-ana, -anā. Vgl. a. sak. hvārāna- ‘eating’, Bailey 1958, 147. 92 M-H Z, 318, Text VII, 1 (Das Märchen von Schlangenkönig und Arzt Lokman). 93 Turgut 2000, 76. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 193

In avestischen Texten kommen vier infinitivische Verbalnomina auf -iš vor:94,95

(1) at tə ṇg drəguuā yə ṇg aša hiiā važdrə ṇg pāt gā frōrətōiš Y. 46.4 ‘Der Druggenosse verwehrt es, dass die Förderer des Aša das Rind zum Gedeihen bringen.’ (Reich.)

(2) kasnā dərətā ząmcā adə nabā scā auuapastōiš Y. 44.4 ‘Wer hält die Erde unten und bewahrt das Wolkengebäude vor dem Herabfallen’ (Humb.)

(3) tā tōi iziiāi ahurā mazdā darštōišcā hə m.parštōišcā Y. 33.6 ‘Mit ihm, o Kundiger Lebensherr, begehre ich nach deinem Anblick und dem Gespräch mit dir.’ (Humb.)

Zur Bildung von frōr tōiš vgl. Bartholomae 1974b, 182 bei 28, für darštōiš und h m.parštōiš IF 9, 264 sowie Reichelt AwElb, Infinitiv, 198, 337. Die avestischen Verbalnomen und die zugehörigen Verben sind:

frōrətōiš (frā -)1ar- Gedeihen sich in Bewegung setzen auuapastōiš (auua-)pat- Herabfallen herabfallen darštōiš dar s- Anblick erblicken hə m.parštōiš (hēm-)fras- Gespräch jmdn. zu Rate ziehen

Von diesen avestischen Verbalnomina und deren Verben kommen nur f r die Bedeutungen ‘Gedeihen’ und ‘(sich) in Bewegung setzen’ die semantisch nahen zazaischen Verbalsubstantive (ho) radais und ra- restis in Frage, deren Verhältnis zum avestischen frōr tōiš geklärt werden soll. ra-dais, ra-daene 1. tr ‘sich in Bewegung setzen, aufbrechen, weggehen, losgehen’; 2. tr reflexiv ho ~ ‘sich in Bewegung setzen’.

94 Bartholomae 1887, 17–28, vgl. 22–24; Wolff 1907, vgl. Die iranischen Infinitive auf -tōiš, 48 f. 95 Für altavestische Belege mit Übersetzungen vgl. Bartholomae 1905, Reichelt, AwElb, 337 f und Humbach 1959; vgl. a. die Internetausgabe von Jost Gippert, TITUS Avestan Corpus. 194 Zülfü Selcan

(1) U da-n-o ra, sono.96 Er setzt sich in Bewegung (und) geht. (2) Ey da ra, şi. Er setzte sich in Bewegung (und) ging. (3) Ey gamê ho day ra, şi.97 Er setzte seine Schritte in Bewegung (und) ging. (4) Ḉekunê mı bıde, ez ho radi.98 Gib mir meine Waffen, dass ich mich in Bewegung setze.

Vgl. hierzu die beiden avestischen Belege: fradaϑāi Inf. ‘empor-, zum Gedeihen zu bringen’ und fra- aϑa- n (dā-) ‘Gedeihen, Vorwärts- kommen’ (AiW 982). mazdā xša ϑrā vərəzə niiā diiāt ahurō pasūš vīrə ṇg ahmākə ṇg fradaϑāi.ā. Y. 45,9 ‘Mazdāh Ahura möge durch seine Macht uns zur Wirksamkeit verhelfen, damit wir unsre Tiere und Leute zum Gedeihen bringen.’ (Bart.)

Das Verbalnomen av. fra-daϑa- (dā-) ‘sich in Bewegung setzen’ : zz. ra-daene, ra-dais (da-) ist von av. frōr tōiš (ar-) aufgrund verschie- dener Verben zu trennen. Abschließend ist nur noch das Verhältnis von av. frōr tōiš und zz. ra-restis, restis zu klären. ra-restis (, ra-restene) (res- ra) itr ‘zur Vollkommenheit gelangen, gedeihen, heranwachsen’ (Menschen, Tiere, Pflanzen):

(1) Azo newe (/mal, genım) res-en-o ra. Neue Generation (/Kleinvieh, Weizen) gedeiht (/wächst heran).

(2) Azo newe (/mal, genım) res-t-ø ra. Neue Generation (/Kleinvieh, Weizen) gedieh (/wuchs heran).

Hierzu gehört das av. frōr tōiš ‘Gedeihen’ mit dem entsprechenden Verb frā- 1ar- ‘in Bewegung setzen, vorwärtsbringen’.99 Die zazaische Verbwurzel res- beruht offensichtlich auf dem PräsSt. 14b rasa- von av. 1ar- (AiW 183 f). Folglich steht dem av. frō-r tōiš das zz. ra-restis

96 Vgl. Canpolat 2006, 651. 97 Aus dem Gespräch mit Memed Mukan am 24.12.2011. 98 Aus dem Volkslied von Qeremanê Weli, aufgenommen vom Autor. 99 Im Avestischen wird das Präverb frō- als Variante neben frā-, fra- und fr - gebraucht; vgl. AiW 1023, 974. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 195

‘Gedeihen, Heranwachsen’ gegen ber. Hiermit ist der sprachhistorische Zusammenhang der Infinitivendung av. -iš : zz. -is nun geklärt. Die zusammengesetzten Verben ra-restis, ra-restene bilden mit den komplementären restis, restene eine semantische Gruppe, wobei die letzteren drei Bedeutungen aufweisen: restis (, restene) 1. itr ‘gelangen, hingelangen, erreichen, ankommen’; 2. itr cı ~ ‘zu etw./jmd. gelangen, etw./jmdn. erreichen’; 3. itr ‘reifen, ausreifen (Obst)’. Hierher gehört das av. Verb (frā-)1ar- ‘sich in Bewegung setzen, hingelangen, hinkommen’ mit dem PräsSt. 14b rasa-. Die dritte Bedeutung basiert auf dem av. ϑraoš- itr ‘reifen, zur Reife, Vollendung gelangen’ (AiW 800, unter 2); vgl. a. av. ϑraoštay- f ‘(Reife,) Vollendung, Ende’ : zz. restiye f Adj ‘reife, ausgereifte’, wie im Ausdruck muriya restiye ‘reife, ausgereifte Birne’; mp. np. rasidan (ras-) ‘erreichen, reifen (Obst)’ (Junker / Alavi 1966, 356). Zur ersten und zweiten Bedeutung von restis (, restene) hier ein Vergleich von zwei altpersischen Belegen 100 mit zazaischer Gegenüberstellung: ap. yātā adam arasam bis ich kam Bīs. §13 zz. hata ke101 ez restune bis ich ankam, hingelang ap. yātā adam arasam mādam bis ich nach Medien kam Bīs. §25 zz. hata ke ez restune medya bis ich Medien erreichte

4.5 Erhaltung des morfologischen Passivs Die alte morfologische Passivbildung blieb im Zaza erhalten: av. vašya-, vačī- ‘es wurde gesagt’, zz. važ-iya-. Die Fortsetzung des morfologischen Passivs existiert neben Zaza auch in drei weiteren Sprachen: zaz. -i(a)-, sang. -i-, lur. -i- und gur. -ia-/-iā-.102

100 Weißbach 1911; R. Schmitt liest es als ārsam, vgl. Schmitt 2009, 44 §13 N, 54 §25 Y. 101 Demnach geht zz. hata ke ‘bis’ auf prt. yaδ kaδ (Boyce 1977, 102) und ap. yātā zurück; s. a. AiW 1282 f. 102 Dieses Merkmal hat auch das Asālem-Tāleši: Präs./Prät. har-/har-d- ‘to eat’ : har- i-/har-i-st- ‘to be eaten’, vgl. Yarshater 1996, 107. 196 Zülfü Selcan

Neupersisch und Kurmandji haben das in der altiranischen Sprachstufe existierende morphologische Passiv aufgegeben und bilden es auf lexikalische Weise (Selcan 1998b, 57).

av. zz. vašya-,vačī- važ-iya- es wurde gesagt xvairyeite wer-i-n-o es wird gegessen ǰanyā nti (bı-)cın-iy-ê sie sollen geschlagen werden dayāţ (bı-)d-iy-o es soll gegeben werden Tabelle 8. Passivbildung im Avestischen und Zaza.

5. Gemeinsamkeit und Gegensatz in Sprachen

Bekanntlich weisen Sprachen innerhalb einer Sprachfamilie auf der fonologischen, morfologischen und der lexikalischen Ebene sowohl gemeinsame als auch gegensätzliche Merkmale auf. Das Verhältnis von Sprachen hinsichtlich des Grades von verwandtschaftlicher Nähe oder Ferne wird also nicht nur durch Übereinstimmungen, sondern auch durch Gegensätze bestimmt. Für die Beurteilung des Verhältnisses von fünf westiranischen Sprachen zueinander sind hier sechszehn Wörter in Tabelle 9 aufgeführt. Dieser partielle Vergleich, welcher noch erweitert werden könnte, dient dazu, aufgrund unterschiedlicher Entwicklungen die Herausbildung von verschiedenen Sprachen und deren Verhältnis zueinander zu klären. Hier lautet die erste Frage, welches sprachverwandtschaftliche Verhältnis zwischen Zaza und Parthisch besteht. Vergleicht man die Wörter gleicher Bedeutung im Hinblick auf die Lautung miteinander, so stimmen die ersten zwölf Wörter von Parthisch und Zaza überein, während sie zu Mittel- und Neupersisch und zu Kurmandji einen Gegensatz bilden.

Parthisch Zaza Mittelp. Neup. Kurm. eins ēw yew, zu/ẓü yak yak yek drei hrē hirê se si sê vier čafār çar, çor čahār čahār çar zehn das des dah dah deh dreißig hrist hirıs sīh sī si vierzig čafārast çewres čehel čehel çıl Milch šift şıt, sıt šir šir şir Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 197

sagen vāxtan vatene guftan guftan gotın weinen barma- berma- griy- giry- gıri- hoch burz berz buland buland bılınd ich az ez man man ez schwarz syāw sia, şia syā siyāh reş Frühling xānsar wısar wahār bahār bahar Frau žan ciniye zan zan žın Sohn puhr laz pus(ar) pus kur Mund rumb fek dehān dehān dev Tabelle 9. Gemeinsamkeit und Gegensatz von Wörtern.

Aus dem Lautvergleich von gleichbedeutenden Wörtern soll das sprachverwandtschaftliche Verhältnis zueinander beobachtet und beurteilt werden. So könnte man die Anzahl der Übereinstimmungen und Abweichungen von Wörtern in zwei Sprachen als ein Hilfsmittel zur Bewertung benutzen. So ist das Verhältnis gemeinsam /gegen- sätzlich von Parthisch und Zaza 12/4 (zwölf zu vier), wogegen von Part. und Mp./Np. 3/13 und von Part. und Kurm. 2/14 beträgt. D.h. in Parthisch und Zaza sind von den aufgeführten 16 Wörtern 12 gemeinsam und 4 gegensätzlich. Bei dieser relativ größeren Gemeinsamkeit kann man jedoch wegen der Gegensätze nicht schlussfolgern, das Parthische als Vorstufe des Zaza anzunehmen. Ferner wird deutlich, dass das Mittelp./Neup. dem Kurm. näher ist als zum Zaza: Mp./Np. und Zaza 1/15, dagegen Mp./Np. zu Kurm. 11/5. D. h. beim Vergleich von Mp./Np. und Zaza existieren hier bei nur einer Ähnlichkeit fünfzehn Abweichungen; Bei Mp./Np. und Kurm. dagegen kommen 11 Übereinstimmungen und nur 5 Gegensätze vor. In gleicher Weise wäre auch hier, z. B. das Mittelp. aufgrund größerer Ähnlichkeiten als Vorstufe des Kurm. darzustellen, unzulässig, da es auch Gegensätze vorhanden sind. Setzt man diesen lautlichen Vergleich nun auch zwischen Zaza und Kurmandji fort, so resultiert daraus, dass bei nur einer Übereinstimmung fünfzehn Gegensätze existieren, was die sprachgeschichtliche Abgrenzung von Zaza, Parthisch, Mittelpersisch und Kurmandji deutlich zeigt. Der Sprachvergleich kann natürlich auch auf den Kern, d.h. auf die morfologische Ebene, z.B. auf Verben, Pronomen, Suffixe usw. ausgedehnt werden, um die vielfältigen sprachhistorischen Bildungen zu erkunden. Das hier aufgezeigte Verhältnis von fünf westiranischen 198 Zülfü Selcan

Sprachen zeigt klar, warum Kurmandji dem südwestlichen (Mittel-) Persischen näher steht als dem nordwestlichen Parthischen und Zaza. Diese Tatsache war auch der Grund dafür, warum Oskar Mann, der während seiner dreijährigen Forschung im betreffenden Sprachraum als erster die sprachgeschichtliche Klassifizierung westiranischer Sprachen begründete (1909), 103 die sogenannten ‘kurdischen’ Sprachen (Kurmandji, Sorani, Mukri) zurecht nicht zur nordwestlichen Sprachgruppe zählte. Er ordnete diese treffend als eine Sondergruppe zwischen der nördlichen und der südlichen Gruppe ein.

Altiranisch Mitteliranisch Neuiranisch Avestisch – (Medisch) – (Skytisch) – Altpersisch Mittelpersisch 1. Neupersisch – Sogdisch 2. Yaghnobi – Parthisch – – Chwaresmisch – – Sakisch – – Baktrisch – – (Alanisch) – – (Sarmatisch) – 3. Zaza 19. Pašto 4. Gilaki 20. Ossetisch 5. Tāti 21. Kurmanci 6. Tāleši 22. Sorani 7. Harzani 23. Baloči 8. Māzandarāni 24. Munǰi 9. Āzari 25. Yidgha 10. Sangesari 26. Ormuri 11. Semnāni 27. Parači 12. Gurani 28. Yazghulami 13. Luri 29. Šughni (Sariqōli) 14. Sivendi 30. Iškašmi-Sangliči 15. Vafsi 31. Zēbāki 16. Lārestāni 32. Waxi 17. Kumzāri 33. Baxtiyari 18. Baškardi 34. Kumzari Tabelle 10. Iranische Sprachfamilie.

103 Mann 1909, XIII ff. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 199

PräsSt., PrätSt. Sprachen essen wollen lesen Schlaf Schwester

Avestisch xvar- (vas-) xvan – xvafna- m xvaŋhar- f

Zaza we(r)-, werd waz-, wast wan-, wend hewn m wae Gūrāni wär-, wärd wāz-, wāst wān-, wānd wärm wāli Sivendi wär-104, fārd – – farm (dädī) Balūči war-, wārt (loṭag) wān-, wānta wāw gwāhar Tāleši har-, hard –, xāst xun-, xund xāv xoar Harzani han-, horcā höz-, h šcā hun-, huncā hun höv Luri-Giō har-, hard hār-, hāst hōn-, hōnî (xōw) – Neupersisch xor-, xord xāh-, xāst xon-, xānd xāb xāhar Parači xār- xāi- xān- xōm xi Pašto xor-, xwaṛ l γwār-, γošt l (lwal-, xūb xor Šughni xā-, furd – –, xōyd x uδ (yax) Yaghnobi xwar-, xōrt xoh- (žoy-) xumn xuor Ossetisch xvär-, xvard fänd-, fandt xon-, xund (f näy) xvärä Sangesari xuor-, xorta aws-, awsiya xun-, xuonda xow xawr Kurmandji xw-, xwar xwaz-, xwast xwin-, xwend xew xwişk Sorani xw-, xward we(t)-, wist xwen-, xwend xew xoşk

Tabelle 11. Entwicklung von air. *hṷ-, xṷ-.

104 Sivendi Präs.Sg.1.: mi vir miǰikī ‘ich springe’, mi mūärī ‘ich esse’, Mann/Hadank 1926, 228. 200 Zülfü Selcan

PräsSt. Sprachen Wind zwanzig Schnee Wolf Gras sehen Avestisch vāta- m visaiti vafra- m v hrka- vāstra- vaēn-

Zaza va m vist voṙe f verg m vas m vin- Māzandarāni vo(t) – varf verk – vīn- Gilaki-Lh/Mč/Fr vā – varf verg vāš (din-) Tāleši vā vist vār varg vāš vin- Harzani vör vist vohor vorg (olāf) vin- Gurani vā wis wärwä wärg giyāī win- Sangesari ve vist varf varg vawš vin- Semnāni va vist vara verg vāš -in- Neupersisch bād bist barf gorg giyāh bin- Kurmandji ba bist berf gur geya bin- Sorani ba bist befr gurg gīā bin- Yaghnobi vāt (naxnä) vafir urk waiš vin-

Pašto wō wišt wāwra (lêva) wāš wīn- Šughni (š ūj) (δ δīs) (žəniǰ) wūrǰ wāš wīn- Parači γā γušt γarp γurγ gihāī (tul-) Balūči gwāt gist bavr gwark gyab gind-

Tabelle 12. Entwicklung des alten Anlaut-ṷ (1).

Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 201

)

idan

- - -

Neupers. b barg bāng biva (vir) bār bar bid bixt biz barra g gošn guriz gorosne g gol gorda gerawidan (guy (goft

deng

)

in in

- -

- - -

Kurmandji b belk bang, bije bir bar ber bi bít bêz berx(ık) b beran bez bırçi g gul gurçık gor bêž (got

) )

- -

- - -

Semnani v valg – – – – verröjka vie(dara) – – vorä v – – vašun v vala – – (bāt (bāt

, vat

iyā)

ṙ

, w ,

barān)

Gūrâni v (galā) (dang) – wir vārān vär – – vič värālä ( – (āwrā) w wıli wılk (gu wāč wāt

- -

- - -

Sanges. v valg vung – vir vawr – vî vita viž vara v (nar) voz vaššun v (gol) vakku – vawž vaw

ene

)

ene

m f Konj.St

a en na

- - - -

ṙ ṙ

- - -

Zaza v velg veng viae viri vo ver (viale vit ro viz vorek v vosn voz vêsan v vil(ık)e velık vu vaz va(t) vake,

vāng m

sna

ṛ

varak

, mp.

- -

- - -

[w, [w, u]

Avestisch v ka var vak viδavā vīra vār varah vaētay vaēk vaēča mp varšnay vaz ap vareδā δka r v var vač vak

AiW 1367 1332 1443 1454 1410 1365 1314 1312 1312 – 1381 1386 – 1370 1420 1360 1330 1330

s.St

Prt.St Prs.St

Prs.S

Pr Prt.St

Blatt, Laub Stimme Witwe Erinnerung regnen vor, entgegen Weidenbaum sieben sieben Lamm Widder laufen hungrig Blume, Rose Niere wechseln sagen sagen Tabelle 13. Entwicklung des alten Anlaut-ṷ (2). 202 Zülfü Selcan

PräsSt. PräsSt. PräsSt. Frau leben schlagen musik-spielen unten Avestisch ǰanay- ǰuya- ǰan- ǰan- –

Mittelpersisch zan zīw- zan- *zan-, zad Prt azēr Parthisch žan žīw- žan- *žan- –

Zaza cêniye cüa- (dan- pıro) cın-, cınıtene Prt cêr Tāleši žen, (yan) žie Inf. žan- – ir Harzani (yan) (xoši korde) (yan-, yare) – (yare) Sangesari žan – žan- – žir Gilaki-Lang.-Māč. – – zan- – ǰir Semnāni ǰeníya – – – žir Māzandarāni-Sāri105 zena – – zan- – Gurani žänī žiā-, žiwāy žan-, žanāy – čīr Kurmandji žın žı-, žıyın žan-, žantın (lê-xıstın) žir Neupersisch zan ziy-, zistan zan-, zadan zan-, zadan zēr Sorani žın ži-, žiān – (lê-dan) žêr Parači (zaīf) ǰanö ǰan- – zēr Pašto ǰinaī, ǰən žw- (wah-) – (lar) Šughni ǰin, žênik žwāk zīn- – (bun) Balūči ǰan(ig) ǰiag ǰan- – čêr Yaghnobi (inč) žu- (deh-) – (nuče) Tabelle 14. Entwicklung von air. *ǰ-.

105 H. Ahmadi: vê flut zan-d-e ‘er spielt Flöte’. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 203

Inf., Präs.St. Sprachen Esel Brunnen kaufen lachen jucken Avestisch xara- xąnya- ap.*xritanaiy106 mp. mp. xrīdan xandīdan herinaene huyaene huriyaene Zaza her hêni heri-n-en- huyi-n- huri-n-

Tāleši-AM ha huni – – – Harzani har (čošmā) (astare) (siriste) (tore) Gūrāni her hâne (asāy) xuāy wuriāy Parači khö r (čišma) gurī- khan- khā- Pašto xar (čīna) (pīrawd l) xand l (skoy l) Yaghnobi xar (čox) xirin- xant- kirr- Tāleši-M xar xuni xariye xande xārande Sangesari xar (čašm) – xuy- – Neupersisch xar xāni xaridan xandidan xāridan Balūči kar kānī girag kandag kārag Kurmandji ker kani kırin kenin xurin Sorani ker kani krīn kenin xurin Tabelle 15. Entwicklung von air. *x-.

106 Hübschmann 1895, 55–56.

204 Zülfü Selcan

stān

êw

Sorani w çāw nāw niw zāwā zı du miwān tow bāām hāwin dāw gāw pêw rawinawa ziw š

Kurm. v çav nav niv zava zıvıstan duv(du) mivan tov behiv havin dav gav piva revin ziv šiv

Inf

ai)

ṛ

Pašto m rga) (st num nim zūm zimai m l melma toma – (wo lūma (yūn) pyam l (paredl) (spîn zar) šūma

)

oxm

Neupers. m češm nām nim dāmād zemestān dom mehmān t (bādām) (tābestān dām gām peymūd ramidan sim šām

Inf

Gūrāni m čäm nām nîm zāmā zimsān dim memān tom vahāmi hāmín dām (hängām) pemāy – (ziw) šām

ari

Sanges m čašm noum nim zoume zemestun dom memoun tum – (toveston) – – – rum sim šoum

m, m, çım

Zaza m çıs name nêm zama zımıston dım meyman toxım vame amnon dame game pêmıt remaene şêm sami

ādām)

- - -

- mā

mehmān asēm sēm,

man

mp.

Avestisch m čašman nāman naēma zāmātar zyam duma mp taoxman ( hąmina dāman gāman *paiti fra mp. xšāfnīm

– –

062 036 689 699 809 125

583 749 623 736 522 533

AiW

1 1 1 1 1312 1 1

1165/82

PPt.

Auge Name halb Schwager Winter Schwanz Gast Same Mandel Sommer Falle Schritt messen fliehen Silber Abendessen Tabelle 16. Entwicklung von air. *-m-. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 205

l l

ai) ṛ ṛ

e l l

l l

ṛ

ṛ ṛ

ṛ

ṛ ṛ

Paš ṛ so že (pul) čā me (sa o w w – – k k m m xwa xwa

ın

Kurm. r sar zer pır kêr mêr mırov ar bır anin ani kır kır mırın mır xwar xwar

bırın

wurdın

Sorani rd sard zerd pırd kêr mêrd merdum ard bırdın bırd ha – kırdın kırd mırdın mırd xwardın xward

wardan ward

Neupers. rd sard zard (pol) kārd mard mardom ārd bordan bord ā ā kardan kard mordan mord xordan xord

)

ṛ

ārt

Baluči rd/rt sard zard (pol) (karč) mard (sa a barag burt ārag āvurt kanag kurt mirag murt varag v

Sanges rd/rt sard zard (pul) kawrt – martoun awrt – bart – awrt – kart – mart – xort

pl.

ı ṙ

Zaza rd serd zerd p kardi mêrde mordem a berdene berd ardene ard kerdene kerd merdene merd werdene werd

)

- -

rtanaiy

tav

ārta

āwurtan

ča

karta

. .

ar ta ar

ap. ap.

Avestisch rt ta sar zairita pr ta kar martiya tanmar ap.* – ta b r ā.barta – ta r m – x phl. ap

(

– –

681

892 454 114 933 502

AiW

1566 1 1148 11 1868

kalt gelb Brücke Messer (Ehe)Mann Mensch Mehl wegbringen PrätSt. herbringe PrätSt. machen PrätSt. sterben PrätSt. essen PrätSt. Tabelle 17. Entwicklung von air. *-rt-. 206 Zülfü Selcan

Mittelpersisch Parthisch Zaza Anāhīd ʾnḥt ʾnḥtyH *Anahide Anōšak ʾnwšky ʾnwškyH Anoşake Staxryād stḥlyʾt ʾstḥrdʾtyH *Staxryade Sāsān (ssn) s[s]nH *Sasane Dēnak dynky dynkyH Dēnake Rōdak lwtky rwtkyH *Rodake Bōzan – bwznyH *Bozane Humāy – ḥ[wmy]tH *Humaye Tabelle 18. Weibliche Personennamen in Mittelpersisch und Parthisch.

Avestisch Zaza m f m f Esel(in) xar- xarā- her here Wolf, Wölfin vəhrka- vəhrkā- verg (dele)verge Mädchen kainkā- kêneke Mädchen kainyā- kêna Witwe viδavā- viae Fellschlauch ap. maškā- meske Wiese marəγā- merge Säule stunā- ostıne Nacht xšapā- sewe Tabelle 19. Femininendung in Avestisch und Zaza.

Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 207

13)

Historische Lautentwicklung in iranischen Sprachen (Zusammenfassung von Nr. 1 von LautentwicklungNr. (Zusammenfassung Sprachen iranischen in Historische

. .

20 Tabelle Tabelle

208 Zülfü Selcan

Abkürzungen aby. Abyānei (s. Lecoq 2002) ai. Altindisch AiW Christian Bartholomae 1904, Altiranisches Wörterbuch ap. Altpersisch ar. arisch, indo-iranisch ar-bid. Ârāni-Bidgoli arm. Armenisch av. Avestisch AwElb Awestisches Elementarbuch, H. Reichelt azz. altzazaisch (hypothetisch) bal. Balutschi bar. Bartangi (s. Sokolova) balN. Balutschi Nord Bīs. Darius-Inschrift von Bīsutūn im Iran Fn. Fussnote GIrPh I Grundriß der iranischen Philologie got. gotisch gur. Gurani har. Harzani (Kārang 1954, Zoka) idg. indogermanisch ker. Keringani (Zokā 1954) kh-sak. Khotan-Sakisch KonjSt. Konjunktivstamm lur. Luri lurG. Luri-Giō LW Lehnwort M-H Z Oskar Mann / Karl Hadank, Mundarten der Zâzâ (Berlin 1932) M-H G Oskar Mann / Karl Hadank, Mundarten der Gûrân (Berlin 1930) McK David N. MacKenzie, The Dialekt of Awroman (Københaven 1966) mp. Mittelpersisch mpFP. Mittelpersisch in Frahang i Pahlavik, Junker 1955 mpM. Mittelpersisch in manchäischen Texten ND Norddialekt des Zaza np. Neupersisch Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 209 nzz. neuzazaisch ø Nullmorphem oss. Ossetisch paš. Pašto PräsSt. Präsensstamm PrätSt. Präteritalstamm prt. Parthisch prtM. Parthisch in manchäischen Texten Pü. Pahlaviübersetzung des Avestischen ruš. Rušani (s. Sokolova) SD Süddialekt des Zaza san. Sangesari sem. Semnani sog. Sogdisch sor. Sorani šug. Šugni (s. Zarudin) tat. Tāti Todd Terry Lyn Todd, A Gramar of Dimili (Ann Arbor 1985) Tur Söz Harun Turgut, Zazaca-T rkçe Sözl k (İstanbul 2001) vaf. Vafsi wax. Waxi Y. Yasna yagh. Yaghnobi (s. Andreev) Yt. Yäšt, Yašt zzND Zaza Norddialekt zzSD Zaza Süddialekt

210 Zülfü Selcan

Literatur

Alavi / Lorenz 1972 = Bozorg Alavi / Manfred Lorenz, Lehrbuch der persischen Sprache (Leipzig 1972). Andreas / Henning 1934 = Friedrich Carl Andreas / Walter B. Henning, Mitteliranische Manichaica aus Chinesisch-Turkistan. In: SbPAW, 1934. Andreev / Peščereva 1957 = Michail S. Andreev / E. M. Peščereva, Yagnobskie Teksty, jagnobsko-russkogo slovarja (Moskva 1957). Arkadiev 2008 = Peter M. Arkadiev, Differential argument marking in two-term case systems and its implications for the general theory of case marking. In: P. de Swart, H. de Hoop (eds.), Differential Subject Marking. (Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 72, Dordrecht 2008), 151–171. Online: http://roa.rutgers.edu/files/744-0605/744-ARKADIEV-0-0.PDF Bailey 1958 = Harold W. Bailey, Languages of the Saka. In: Handbuch der Orientalistik (Leiden 1958), 131–154. Bailey 1979 = Harold W. Bailey, Dictionary of Khotan Saka (Cambridge u.a. 1979). Bartholomae 1887 = Christian Bartholomae, Die Infinitivbildung im Dialekt der Gāthā. In: KZ. 28 (1887), 17–28. Bartholomae 1898 = Christian Bartholomae, Arica X. In: IF 9 (1898). Bartholomae 1904 = Christian Bartholomae, Altiranisches Wörterbuch [1904] (Berlin 21979). Bartholomae 1905 = Christian Bartholomae, Die Gatha’s des Awesta (Straßburg 1905). Bartholomae 1974a = Christian Bartholomae, Vorgeschichte der iranischen Sprachen. In: Grundriß der Iranischen Philologie, Bd. I [1901] (Berlin 21974). Bartholomae 1974b = Christian Bartholomae, Awestasprache und Altpersich. In: Grundriß der Iranischen Philologie, Bd. I [1901] (Berlin 21974). Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 211

Bielmeier 1989 = Roland Bielmeier, Yaghnobi. In: ed. Rüdiger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989), 480–488. Blau 1989 = Joyce Blau, Gûrânî et zâzâ, In: ed. Rüdiger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989), 336–340. Boyce 1977 = Mary Boyce, A Word-List of Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian (Leiden 1977). Brandenstein / Mayrhofer 1964 = Wilhelm Brandenstein / Manfred Mayrhofer, Handbuch des Altpersischen (Wiesbaden 1964). Budruss 1989 = Georg Budruss, Aus dem Leben eines jungen Balutschen, von ihm selbst erzählt; mit Kurzgrammatik und etymologischem Glossar (Stuttgart 1989). Cabolov 1981 = Ruslan Lazarevič Cabolov, Zamečanija o vokalizme Zaza. In: Iranskoe jazykoznanie (Moskva 1981 [1985], 65–70. Cabolov 1976 = Ruslan Lazarevič Cabolov, Očerk istoričeskoj fonetiki kurdskogo jazyka (Moskva 1976). Canpolat 2006 = Musa Canpolat, Zazaca-Türkçe Sözlük (İstanbul 2006). Debrunner 1954 = Albert Debrunner, Altindische Grammatik, J. Wackernagel, Die Nominalsuffixe, II-2 (Göttingen 1954). Geiger 1974a = Wilhelm Geiger, Die Sprache der Afghanen. In: Grundriß der Iranischen Philologie I, ([1901], Berlin 21974), 2. Abt., 201–230. Geiger 1974b = Wilhelm Geiger, Die Pāmir-Dialekte. In: Grundriß der Iranischen Philologie I, ([1901], Berlin 21974), 2. Abt., 288- 344. Geiger 1974c = Wilhelm Geiger, Die kaspischen Dialekte. In: Grundriß der Iranischen Philologie I, ([1901], Berlin 21974), 2. Abt., 344–380. Gharib 1995 = B. Gharib, Sogdian Dictionary, Sogdian – Persian – English (Tehran 1995). Gignoux 1972 = Philippe Gignoux, Glossaire des inscriptions Pehlevies et Parthes. (London 1972). 212 Zülfü Selcan

Gippert = Jost Gippert, TITUS, Avestan Corpus. Online im Internet: http://titus.fkidg1.uni-frankfurt.de Gippert 1996 = Jost Gippert, Die historische Entwicklung der Zaza- Sprache. In: Ware, Nr. 10 (Frankfurt a. M. Nov. 1996), 148– 154. Gippert 2007 = Jost Gippert, Zur dialektalen Stellung des Zazaki. In: Die Sprache 47 (2007/2008), 77–107. Graßmann 1996 = Hermann Graßmann, Wörterbuch zum Rig-Veda ([1873], Wiesbaden 1996). Hadank 1938 = Boti und Êzädi, Untersuchungen zu Westkurdischen (Berlin 1938). Hadank 1992 = Karl Hadank, Zur Klassifizierung westiranischer Sprachen, aus dem Nachlaß herausgegeben von Zılfi Selcan. In: Acta Orientalia, 53 (1992), 28–75. Henning 1934 = Walter B. Henning, Das Verbum der mittelpersischen Turfanfragmente. In: Zeitschrift für Indologie und Iranistik 9 (1934), 158–263. Henning 1958 = Walter B. Henning, Mitteliranisch. In: Handbuch der Orientalistik (Leiden 1958), 20–130. Hoffmann / Forssman 2004 = Karl Hoffmann / Bernhard Forssman, Avestische Laut- und Flexionslehre. ([1996] Insbruck 22004). Hoffmann 1958 = Karl Hoffmann, Altiranisch. In: Handbuch der Orientalistik (Leiden 1958), 1–19. Horn 1893 = Paul Horn, Grundriß der neupesischen Etymologie (Straßburg 1893). Horn 1974 = Paul Horn, Neuiranische Sprache. In: ed. W. Geiger, Grundriß der iranischen Philologie I ([1901] Berlin 21974). Humbach 1959 = Helmut Humbach, Die Gathas des Zarathustra (Heidelberg 1959). Hübschmann 1895 = Heinrich Hübschmann, Persische Studien (Straßburg 1895). Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 213

Junker / Alavi 1966 = Heinrich F. J. Junker / Bozorg Alavi, Persisch- Deutsches Wörterbuch (Berlin 1966). Junker 1955 = Heinrich F. J. Junker, Das Frahang i Pahlavīk (Leipzig 1955). Karang 1954 = A. A. Karang, Tātī va Harzanī. (Tabriz 1954 (1333)). Kausen 2006 = Ernst Kausen, Zaza. Online im Internet: http://homepages.fh-giessen.de/~hg8429/wordtexte/Zaza.doc Konow 1941 = Sten Konow, Khotansakische Grammatik (Leipzig 1941). Lanman 1880 = Charles R. Lanman, A Statistical Account of Noun- Inflection in the Veda. In: JAOS 10 (1872–1880), 325–601, 514 f. Le Coq 1903 = Albert von Le Coq, Kurdische Texte (Berlin 1903). Lecoq 1989 = Pierre Lecoq, Les dialectes du centre de l’Iran. In: (ed.) Rüdiger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989), 313–326. Lecoq 2002 = Pierre Lecoq, Recherches sur les dialectes kermaniens (Iran central) : grammaire, textes, traductions et glossaires (Leuven u.a. 2002). Lerch 1856a = Peter Lerch, Izsledovanija ob iranskich Kurdach i ich predkach severnych Chaldejach, Kn. I (St. Petersburg 1856) [Forschungen über die iranischen Kurden und ihre Vorfahren, die nördlichen Chaldäer]. Lerch 1856b = Peter Lerch, Bericht über eine im Auftrage der hist.- philol. Classe d. Kaiserl. Akademie d. Wissens. unternommene Reise zu den kriegsgefangenen Kurden in Roslawl', im Gouvernement Smolensk. In: Mélanges Asiatiques, Tom II (St. Petersburg 1856), 621–649. Lerch 1858 = Peter Lerch, Forschungen über die Kurden und die iranischen Nordchaldäer (St. Petersburg 1857-1858). Lommel 1927 = Hermann Lommel, Die Yäšt’s des Awesta (Göttingen 1927). 214 Zülfü Selcan

Lommel 1971 = Hermann Lommel, Die Gathas des Zarathustra. Hg. Bernfried Schlerath (Basel 1971). Lorenz 1982 = Manfred Lorenz, Lehrbuch des Pashto (Leipzig 1982). MacKenzie 1966 = David Neil MacKenzie, The Dialect of Awroman (Københaven 1966). Majidi 1980 = Mohammed-Reza Majidi, Strukturelle Beschreibung des iranischen Dialekts der Stadt Semnan (Hamburg 1980). Mann / Hadank 1926 = Oskar Mann / Karl Hadank, Kurdisch- Persische Forschungen, Bd. III/1 (Berlin 1926), XXVI–XXVII. Mann / Hadank 1932 = Oskar Mann / Karl Hadank, Mundarten der Zâzâ (Berlin 1932). Mann 1909 = Oskar Mann, Die Tâjîk-Mundarten der Provinz Fârs (Berlin 1909). Mann 1910 = Oskar Mann, Die Mundarten der Lur-Stämme im südwestlichen Persien, Berlin 1910. Mayrhofer 1951 = Manfred Mayrhofer, Handbuch des Pāli, Bd. 1, 2 (Heidelberg 1951). Miller 1974 = Wsewolod Miller, Die Sprache der Osseten. In: ed. W. Geiger/E. Kuhn, Grundriß der iranischen Philologie I, Anhang. [1903] (Berlin 21974), 1–111. Morgenstierne 1927 = Georg Morgenstierne, Etymological Vokabu- lary of Pashto. (Oslo 1927). Morgenstierne 1938 = Georg Morgenstierne, Iranian Pamir languages: Yudgha-Munji, Sanglechi-Ishkashmi and Wakhi (Oslo 1938). Morgenstierne 1958 = Georg Morgenstierne, Neu-iranische Sprachen. In: Handbuch der Orientalistik, Iranistik, (Leiden 1958), 155– 178. Mortazavi 1962 = Manuçihr Mortazavi, Fe’l dar zabān-e Harzanī I. In: Našrīya-ye dāneškada-ye adabīyāt o ‘olūm-e ensānī-ye Tabrīz (Tabrīz , 4.1962 (1341 h.š.), 453–488. Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 215

Mylius 1975 = Klaus Mylius, Wörterbuch Sanskrit-Deutsch (Leipzig 1975). Mylius 1988 = Klaus Mylius, Wörterbuch Deutsch-Sanskrit (Leipzig 1988). Oranskij 1977 = I. M. Oranskij, Iranskie jazyki (Moskva 1963); franz. Übers.: Les Langues Iraniennes (Paris 1977). Oranskij 1979 = I. M. Oranskij, Iranskie jazyki v istoričeskom osveščenii (Moskva 1979). Pamukçu 2001 = Fahri Pamukçu, Gıramerê Zazaki (İstanbul 2001). Paul 1997 = Ludwig Paul, Zaza-Sprache und ihre Stellung. In: Ware, Mai 1994, 46–49. Paul 1998 = Ludwig Paul, Zazaki, Grammatik und Versuch einer Dialektologie (Wiesbaden 1998). Payne 1989 = John Payne, Pāmir Languages. In: (ed.) R diger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989), 417–444. Pfeifer / Braun 1993 = Wolfgang Pfeifer / Wilhelm Braun, Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Deutschen. (München 1993). Pirejko 1975 = Lija A. Pirejko, Kategorija lica: In: Opyt istoriko- tipologiòeskogo issledovanija iranskich jazykov, (Versuch einer historisch-typologischen Untersuchung der iran. Sprachen), tom II (Moskva 1975), 250–302, bzgl. Zaza vgl. 284–287, 295–296. Pirejko 1997 = Lija A. Pirejko, Zaza. In: Osnovy iranskogo jazykoznanija, Novoiranskie jazyki: Severo-zapadnaja gruppa, 2 (Moskva 1997), 97–143. Pirejko 1999 = Lija A. Pirejko, Zaza jazyk. In: Jazyki mira, Severo- zapadnye iranskie jazyki, 2 (Moskva 1999), 73–77. Rastorgueva 1990 = Vera S. Rastorgueva, Sravnitel'no-istoričeskaja grammatika zapadnoiranskich jazykov, Fonologija (Moskva 1990). Reichelt 1909 = Hans Reichelt, Awestisches Elementarbuch (Heidelberg 1909). 216 Zülfü Selcan

Salemann 1974 = Carl Salemann, Mittelpersisch. In: ed. W. Geiger /E. Kuhn, Grundriß der iranischen Philologie I [1901] (Berlin 21974). Schmitt 1989a = (ed.) Rüdiger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989). Schmitt 1989b = Altiranische Sprachen im Überblick. In: ed. Rüdiger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989), 25– 31. Schmitt 1989c = Altpersisch. In: ed. Rüdiger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989), 56–85. Schmitt 1989d = Andere altiranische Dialekte. In: ed. Rüdiger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989), 86– 94. Schmitt 1989e = Mitteliranische Sprachen im Überblick. In: ed. Rüdiger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989), 94–105. Schmitt 2000 = Rüdiger Schmitt, Die iranischen Sprachen in Ge- schichte und Gegenwart (Wiesbaden 2000). Schmitt 2009 = Rüdiger Schmitt, Die Altpersische Inschriften der Achemeniden (Wiesbaden 2009). Schwarz / Pfeiffer = Wolfgang Schwarz/Oskar E. Pfeiffer, Rückläu- figes Wörterbuch des Altindischen (Wiesbaden 1978). Selcan 1996 = Z lf Selcan, Lezê Serbestiya Mıletê Zazay de qıymetê zoni. In: Tija Sodıri, (Frankfurt a.M., Gulane 1996), 20–37. Online im Internet: http://www.zazaki.de/zazakide/selcan- qiymetezoni.pdf Selcan 1998a = Zılfi Selcan, Die Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache. In: Ware, Zeitschrift für Sprache und Kultur der Zaza (Baiersbronn (Deutschland), Nr. 12 (Nov. 1998) 152–163. Selcan 1998b = Zülfü Selcan, Grammatik der Zaza-Sprache (Berlin 1998). Zur historischen Entwicklung der Zaza-Sprache 217

Selcan 2004 = Zülfü Selcan, Zaza Ulusal Sorunu (Berlin 2004); Zaza Milli Meselesi, Selbstverlag [1994], 20–29. Online im Internet: http://www.zazaki.de/zazakide/ZazaUlusalSorunu2004.pdf. Selcan 2010 = Zülfü Selcan, Zaza-Sprache und das Zaza-Problem (Mannheim 2010). Online im Internet: http://www.crecon2.bplaced.net/images/stories/ZazaDili.pdf. Selcan 2011 = Z lf Selcan, Zaza Dili’nin Tarihi Gelişimi. In: I. Uluslararası Zaza Dili Sempozyumu, 13-14 Mayıs 2011 (Bingöl 2011), 111–142. Sköld 1936 = Hannes Sköld, Materialien zu den iranischen Pamirsprachen, Lund 1936. Sokolova 1959 = V. S. Sokolova, Rušankie i chufskie teksty i slovar’. (Moskva 1959). Sokolova 1960 = V. S. Sokolova, Bartangskie teksty i slovar’. (Moskva 1960). Sundermann 1973 = Werner Sundermann, Mittepersische parthische kosmogonische und Parabeltexte der Manichäer (Berlin 1973). Sundermann 1981 = Werner Sundermann, Mitteliranisch manichäische Texte kirchengeschichtlichen Inhalts (Berlin 1981). Sundermann 1989a = Werner Sundermann, Parthisch. In: ed. Rüdiger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989), 114–137. Sundermann 1989b = Werner Sundermann, Mittelpersisch. In: ed. Rüdiger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989), 138-164. Szemerenyi 1970 = Oswald Szemerenyi, Einführung in die vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft (Darmstadt 1970). Tedesco 1921 = Paul Tedesco, Dialektologie der westiranischen Turfantexte. In: Le Monde Oriental, 15 (1921), 185–258. Todd 1985 = Terry Lyn Todd, A Gramar of Dimili (Also known as Zaza) (Michigan 1985). Turgut 2000 = Harun Turgut, Zazaca Dilbilgisi (o. J. 2000?). 218 Zülfü Selcan

Turgut 2001 = Harun Turgut, Zazaca-Türkçe Sözlük (İstanbul 2001). Weißbach 1911 = F. H. Weißbach, Die Keilschriften der Achämeniden (Leipzig 1911). Whitney 1879 = William Dwight Whitney, Indische Grammatik [1879] (Hildesheim 21980). Whitney 1885 = William Dwight Whitney, Wurzeln, Verbalformen und primaren Stämme der Sanskritsprache (Leipzig 1885). Windfuhr 1989 = Gernot L. Windfuhr, New Iranian Languages. In: ed. Rüdiger Schmitt, Corpus Linguarum Iranicarum (Wiesbaden 1989), 246–250, 251–262. Wolff 1907 = Fritz Wolff, Die Infinitive des Indischen und Iranischen. In: KZ. 40 (1907), 1–111. Wolff 1910 = Fritz Wolff, Avesta, Die heiligen Bücher der Parsen (Strassburg 1910). Yarshater 1985 = Ehsan Yarshater, Distinction of grammatical gender in the dialects of Kashan Province and the adjoining areas. In: Acta Iranica, 25/2 (1985), 728–743. Yarshater 1989 = Ehsan Yarshater, The Dialect of Ârān and Bidgol. In: Studia Iranica /Cahier, 7 (1989), 371–383. Yarshater 1996 = Ehsan Yarshater, The Taleshi of Asālem. In: Studia Iranica, 25/1 (1996), 84–113. Zarudin 1960 = I. I. Zarudin, Šugnanskie teksty i slovar’. (Moskva 1960). Zokā 1954 = Yaḥyā Zokā, Gūyīš-e Keringān [The Dialect of Keringan] (Tehrān 1954). Zokā 1957 = Yaḥyā Zokā, Gūyīš-e Gälīn-Qayā yā Harzandī. In: Farhange Iran Zamin (FIZ, Tehrān 1957 /1336 h. š), 51-92.

BOOK REVIEWS

Hartmann, Jens-Uwe und Thomas O. Höllmann. Wörterbuch der tibetischen Schriftsprache, 22 fascicles (to be continued). Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften / Verlag C. H. Beck, München, 2005–2013. 384 pp. (fascicles 1–6) + 512 pp. (fascicles 7– 14) + 512 pp. (fascicles 15-22).

In recent decades, Tibetan lexicography has been enriched by the publication of many dictionaries – from Tibetan to other languages, from other languages (mainly English and Chinese) to Tibetan, and, naturally, by dictionaries which provide explanations and synonyms in Tibetan (or in Tibetan and Chinese). It would be beyond the scope of this review to provide even a selective list of these works. Nevertheless, one dictionary deserves particular mention, viz. the Tibetan-Tibetan-Chinese Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo (“The Large Tibetan-Chinese Dictionary”), 3 vols., published in 1985 by The People’s Publishing House in Beijing, until recently the most comprehensive and useful dictionary of Tibetan. A promising start in making this work available to a larger number of users was the publication in 2001 of the first volume in the form of a Tibetan- English dictionary: An Encyclopedic Tibetan-English Dictionary, jointly published by The School of Oriental and African Studies, London and The Nationalities Publishing House, Beijing, in 2001. This volume covers the letters KA to NYA. Unfortunately, there would seem to be no information as to when the remaining two volumes will appear. 220 Book Reviews

In the meantime, however, an even more ambitious project has been launched by The Bavarian Academy of Sciences in Munich. This is a Tibetan – German dictionary of literary Tibetan (by which is meant archaic and classical Tibetan rather than modern literary Tibetan), initiated by the Tibetologist Helmut Hoffmann, probably a few years after he, together with Erich Haenisch (both professors at the University of Munich), had founded the Committee for Central Asian Studies (Kommission für zentralasiatische Studien, now Kommission für zentral- und ostasiatische Studien, now Kommission für zentral- und ostasiatische Studien) at the Bavarian Academy of Sciences in 1954. In 1964 Helga Uebach joined the project, from 1970 on a full-time basis. Collaborating since 1974 with Jampa L. Panglung (Panglung Rinpoche), Dr. Uebach was in many respects the driving force of this project until her recent retirement. During the first years of the project, the focus was on excerpting words from existing dictionaries, but starting from 1964, this was supplemented by systematic excerpting of words from a selection of Tibetan texts, numbering, in the end, more than 200. This gradually became the main focus of the project, which soon proceeded without interruption. In 1998 Dr. Uebach and Panglung Rinpoche published a presentation of the project: “The project “Dictionary of Written Ti-betan. An Introduction”, in: Boris Oguibénine (ed.), Lexicography in the Indian and Buddhist Cultural Field, Studia Tibetica Band IV, Kommission für zentralasiatische Studien/Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, München, pp. 149–163. This presentation has been supplemented and brought up to date in the “Einleitung” in fascicle 1 of the work under review (pp. ix– xiv). The Wörterbuch is unique not only in scope (the 16th fascicle and more than 1 400 pages only brings it up to the entry gña’ chu, i.e. roughly halfway through the eighth letter of the Tibetan alphabet), but above all in being a comprehensive reference dictionary. It is the first dictionary of Tibetan to be based on rigorous philological principles, each word being documented by one or several phrases in which it occurs, with a German translation of the entire phrase and exact reference(s) to the relevant source(s). In all fairness it must be said that already H. A. Jäschke to some extent compiled his dictionary, published in 1881, on the same principles, but on a far more modest scale. The same may be said of Book Reviews 221

Sarat Chandra Das’s dictionary from 1902 (A Tibetan-English Dictionary with Sanskrit Synonyms). For this reason the dictionaries of Jäschke and of Das, all things considered, have remained until now the most useful lexical tools for students of Tibetan, especially for learners, although their scope is on a far more modest scale than the Wörterbuch. To give but a single example, chosen at random, of the scope of the Wörterbuch as compared to earlier standard works, the word ka ca/ka cha may be chosen. Jäschke has a two-line entry, with the translation “goods, things”; S. C. Das (1903) has “articles, goods, effects, property, furniture”, adding two phrases where the word is used, and three synonyms, seven lines in all. The Encyclopaedic Tibetan-English Dictionary (2001) does not add anything, in fact it is rather more brief than Das, allotting only five lines to the entry. If, on the other hand, we consult the Wörterbuch, we find ka ca/ka cha dealt with in an article covering almost half a page, or 29 lines, with numerous excerpts from Tibetan texts as well as native dictionaries, always with exact references. This is simply something totally different from what we have had up to now. It is to be hoped that the publication of new fascicles of the Wörterbuch will continue at the same regular pace as has hitherto been the case. Tibetologists who do not read German will therefore have every reason to acquire this skill, a challenge which should, after all, be far less daunting than learning to read Tibetan. The Wörterbuch is a timely reminder that whatever the merits of English, it does not, in fact, constitute a sufficient language skill for a scholar of Tibetan who is serious about his or her work, for this publication is likely to become, in a literal and absolute sense, an indispensable tool for all Tibetologists.

Per Kvaerne Oslo