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2000 A historical profile of Valamo 's agricultural practices, with implications for agricultural and extension education Andrei Vladimirovich Khomoutov Iowa State University

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UMI

A historical profile of Valamo Monastery's agricultural practices, with implications for agricultural and extension education

by

Andrei Vladimirovich Khomoutov

A dissertation submitted to the graduate Acuity

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Major. Agricultural Education (Agricultural Extension Education)

Major Professor. Robert A. Martin

Iowa State University

Ames, Iowa

2000

Copyright ® Andrei Vladimirovich Khomoutov, 2000. All rights reserved. UMI Number: 9992452

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Andrei Vladimirovich Khomoutov has met the dissertation requirements of Iowa State University

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For the G/amuafa College iii

DEDICATION

To and all Russians:

In an alien country, in a foreign and old home, There is a portrait on the wall of her, who died on her bed of miseries. Who has gone through the tortures that cannot be described. But at this portrait, she has been shown as she was before. She is here very rich and very young. She has her magnificent green clothing (This way she has always been drawn).

Your face to me is like a holy icon! Oh murdered Russia, let me santify thy name! I say and raise my hand to touch your dress in silence And then I cross myself with it

Teffie, New York, 1953 iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES vii

LIST OF TABLES xiv

ABSTRACT xv

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 Agriculture as a Key Issue in Society 1 Background of the Study 5 Problem of the Study 7 Purpose and Objectives of the Study 10 Research Questions 10 Need for the Study 10 Implications and Educational Significance 11 Operational Definitions 12 Organization of the Study 24

CHAPTER 2; LITERATURE REVIEW 26 Theoretical Basis of the Study 26 Monastic Agriculture as a Form of Sustainable Agriculture Development and Education 27 on the Islands of Valamo

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY 40 Method of the Study 40 Procedures of the Study 46 Types and Sources of Data Available for Specified Periods of Valamo's History, with a 52 Brief Description of their Value and Accessibility Methods of Data Collection 71 Appropriateness of my background for the type of research conducted, 78 from a methodological standpoint The collection of historical information 81 Analysis of Data 91 Historical analogy 92 Evaluating sources 93 Advantages 93 Disadvantages 93 Limitations 94 Limitations of the Study 96 Assumptions 98 Conclusions 99

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS 100 Introduction 100 The Nature of Extension 102 Background for the examination and discussion of agriculture extension 102 Method for analysis of Valamo's compared to the Russian system of agriculture 103 education What is the connection between the terms informal agricultural education and 104 extension? V

The phenomenon of Valamo: spiritual, social, agricultural and environmental 105 Social aspects of the historical agricultural system phenomenon on 106 Valamo Broader technological (or economic) component of Valamo's 109 agricultural system during the first period Uniqueness of the historical phenomenon of a Russian informal system 119 of education Informal ways of horizontal distribution of agricultural information during the 136 first historical time period and the carriers of such information Environmental aspects of the historical phenomenon of Valamo 145 Types of agricultural land utilization on Valamo during the first historical period 208 An Overview of Valamo Monastery's Agriculture during the First Historical Period 240 Rye, oats and bariey 241 Seeded hay and natural meadows 242 Syskysalmi farm 246 Cattle 247 Dairy economy 247 Pasturing plan 252 Gardens 253 Medicinal garden 254 Fishing and the fishery 255 Forestry economy 257 Evaluation of Valamo's Agriculture prior to Worid War II by Finnish Extension Specialists 258 Special suggestion of Finnish extension agents regarding the animal poultry 260 and poultry breeding Recommendations of Finnish extension agents regarding agricultural machinery 262 on Valamo Elements of an Informal Agricultural Education System on Valamo during the Existence 262 of the Monastery prior to Worid War 11: Clarification of the Historical Periods under Study Types of informal agricultural education in Valamo prior to World War (I 263 and prior to the revolution in Russia in 1917 Connections between different ways of informal agricultural education on 269 Valamo; Was there a system? Changes needed for Russian agricultural education today 278 The Role of as a Prospective Nucleus of a Russian Extension System 282 Emerging Elements of a Monastery-Based Extension System in () 283 Regions and the Transfer of Agricultural Technologies in Time Conclusion 287

CHAPTER 5; DISCUSSION 288 Educational Systems and Present Day Human Upbringing Influences Freethinking 289 and Survival of Influence Russian Native Educational Culture and the Role of Church Educational Traditions 294 in Russia of the 20*^ Century and Today, with some Parallels to the in Western Society Reasons for Russian prosperity before 1917 303 Reasons for Russia's decline after 1917 and to the present 304 Contemporary Russia 304 Contemporary Russian agriculture 304 Monasteries as the Backbone of Russian Society and Generators of Knowledge 304 Rationale for Monastery-based Extension 307 vi

Learner-Orientation in Education and a Marxist Educational Heritage; Can they t}e 314 Combined? Why Valamo Monastery was selected for the study 317 The Nature of this Research 324 The Adoption of New Technologies in Russia 327

CHAPTER 6; CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 331 The Original Problem that Initiated the Research for this Dissertation 331 The original program design 331 Implications of the Valamo Project Development in the Future 335 Agricultural Technology Transfer and Two Schemes for Informal Dissemination of 335 Agricultural Information Establishment of a Model Agricultural Education and Demonstration Center on 340 Valamo Archipelago in Russia that Employs Diversity and Openness Purpose 341 Objectives 341 The Process 342 Phase One - Year 1 342 Phase Two — Years 2 and 3 343 Major Stakeholders of Future Agricultural Restoration and Extension Development on 347 Archipelago Explanation of the Researcher's Outlook of the Problem of Valamo's Agricultural 349 Technologies Transfer as Part of the Social Regeneration Issue Summary and Conclusions 353 Recommendations 356 Recommendations for future research 356 Implications and Significance to Agricultural Education 357

APPENDIX A; SUPPORT DOCUMENTS 360

APPENDIX B: SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION 367

APPENDIX C: VALAMO SOCIETY DOCUMENTS 370

APPENDIX D: LETTERS RELATED TO VALAMO SOCIETY 378

APPENDIX E: SCIENTIFIC COMMUNICATION 404

APPENDIX F: ARCHIVAL RECORDS 419

BIBLIOGRAPHY 425

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 438 vii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1. Count Serge Julius Witte 2

Figure 1.2. The Valamo Archipelago of Lake Ladoga in Russian Karelia 4

Figure 1.3. The Church of St Nickolas at Valamo Monastery 5

Figure 1.4. The location of Karelia relative to , Russia, and Europe 6

Figure 1.5. Central complex of the Valamo Monastery 8

Figure 1.6. Russia, a land of struggle and everlasting dispute 13

Figure 1.7. Lands of Karelians in Finland and Russia, around Lakes Ladoga and Onega 21

Figure 1.8. War conflicts among the , Finland and Germany 23

Figure 2.1. New Valamo Monastery in Finland 32

Figure 2.2. Mount Eleon at Valamo 35

Figure 3.1. Four conflicting groups of the current Valamo population 41

Figure 3.2. Periods of Valamo history for which the data were available 53

Figure 3.3. A triangular scheme of alleged connections between climate, agriculture and 56 education on Valamo

Figure 3.4. Russian/Estonian uranium barrels being unloaded from the Valga at Greenport 59 in Houston, TX

Figure 3.5. First Finnish tourists on Valamo 66

Figure 3.6. Yeltzin and Alexiy II on Valamo for the signing of the decree 69

Figure 3.7. Victor Suvorov 75

Figure 3.8. Finnish troops in the snow during or 1939 -1940 77

Figure 3.9. Pass issued in 1984 to the All-Union Institute for Plant Protection 79

Figure 3.10. Valamo tour guide certificate issued by the Valamo museum in 1988 82

Figure 3.11. A Raka made of pure silver and gold, the symbolic coffin of Sts. Sergiy and Hennan 86

Figure 3.12. The map of locations of different sources of information about Valamo 88 Monastery, particulariy archival information

Figure 3.13. Intemal passport of the researcher indicating a "temporary permit by the 89 secret police to reside in the border zone" viii

Figure 3.14. Passes to visit different archival collect'ons, libraries and organizations to 90 study at>out Valamo's agricultural records

Figure 3.15. Authorization issued by the Valamo State Forestry of Karelian Autonomous Soviet 91 Socialist Republic to request a permit to travel to the Border Zone; the letter is usable only with the accompanying passport and if the blank lines are completed

Figure 4.1. Three components interrelate to enact change 107

Figure 4.2. A group of Russian peasants in 1862, after their liberation 110

Figure 4.3. Peter A. Stoplypin, the assassinated Russian Prime-Minister and Minister of 111 of Interior

Figure 4.4. Exports of Russian grain and the grain prices at the British markets in the 113 second half of the 19"^ centuty

Figure 4.5. The University of Saratov, established in 1909 115

Figure 4.6. A village priest in the middle of his flock (top); Village elders (below) 117

Figure 4.7. Structure of the Russian society reformed by , and the place for 124 the monasteries and the church in it

Figure 4.8. Structure of the Russian society after the Communist revolution until the present, 125 and the place for the monasteries and the church in

Figure 4.9. Structure of Russian society before the reforms of Peter the Great, and the 127 place for the monasteries and the church in it

Figure 4.10. A typical Russian hut in Westem 134

Figure 4.11. Blind wandering pilgrims 137

Figure 4.12. Wanderer 139

Figure 4.13. Russian pilgrims in 141

Figure 4.14. Map of Valamo archipelago with legend in Finnish 151

Figure 4.15. All Saints in 1931 152

Figure 4.16. The Prophet 's Skete 152

Figure 4.17. St. Nicholas' Skete on St. Nicholas island 153

Figure 4.18. Another picture of St. Nicholas skete taken in the 1990s from a helicopter 154

Figure 4.19. New Jerusalem, customarily called "Red Skete on Mt. Zion, in the southern 155 part of Valamo, several miles away firom the main monastery ix

Figure 4.20. An old from All Saints small-and-secluded monastery on the road to 156 the Central Complex with fresh-picked mushrooms in his "lukoshko", a special but very simple type of wooden basket

Figure 4.21. The northwestern part of Lake Ladoga with the Valamo archipelago designated 158 as well as numerous smaller islands around and nearby

Figure 4.22. The cargo ferry, "Nicholas Roerich" partially sunken on a "luda" in the well-known 159 waters of Monastery Bay. right in firont of St Nicholas Skete on St. Nicholas Island

Figure 4.23. The shores of Valamo in the winter 160

Figure 4.24. A close view of some more visitor-friendly parts of Valamo's shores 162

Figure 4.25. Valamo shores from a distance 163

Figure 4.26. Resemblance to Palestine by geographic location on Valamo 165

Figure 4.27. Lowland in the central part of the island of Valamo 167

Figure 4.28. Typical landscape of Valamo: steep rocks with forest growth on top 168

Figure 4.29. Valamo Monastery's farm 169

Figure 4.30. Fir-tree alley, eastward from the Central Monastery's Comples 171

Figure 4.31. Larch'es alley towards the new cemetery of the monastery 171

Figure 4.32. Oak alley next to the Konevitza Lakes 172

Figure 4.33. The gardens of Gethsemane near the church and cell-house of Gethsemane 174 small-and-secluded Monastery

Figure 4.34. The church of Gethsemane small-and secluded Monastery 175

Figure 4.35. Photograph of Father Damascene 176

Figure 4.36. Writer Vas. Iv. Nemirovich-Danchenko 177

Figure 4.37. All arable land on Valamo prior to the World War II 180

Figure 4.38. A quiet intemal Lake of Valamo 181

Figure 4.39. The reproduction of part of the painting by D. Balashov 182

Figure 4.40. A Russian Orthodox painting by Anna Smith showing the first mission of 184 Russian Orthodox from Valamo that arrived to Alaska in 1794

Figure 4.41. Venerable Herman of Alaska on Spruce Island next to his hut 185 X

Figure 4.42. St. Innocent, as a heavenly intercessor uniting Russia and America in the 186 Orthodox faith

Figure 4.43. Map of Kodiak and Spruce Islands where Valamo's Orthodox mission 187 was located since 1794

Figure 4.44. Novorussky, terrorist and author of a comprehensive study on Valamo's 188 economy published at the turn of the 20"" century

Figure 4.45. The Kukko area on Vaiamo 189

Figure 4.46. The shape of Vaiamo Isle in cross-section 190

Figure 4.47. "Karelian country" 191

Figure 4.48. The Vaiamo monastery's farm complex at the shore of the intemal Lake of 194 Sisdjdrvi

Figure 4.49. Dr. Uskov speaks to Soviet exchange farmers during his first trip to Iowa 196 State in 1988

Figure 4.50. Research sites during the 1993 joint expedition to Vaiamo by National Soil Tilth 199 Lab scientists and by the Agriphysics loffe Research Institute scientists

Figure 4.51. The scheme of geological composition of Vaiamo Island 202

Figure 4.52. The regular pine trying to grow at the foot of the mountain rock 204

Figure 4.53. The damaged upland soil area on the top of Eleon Mt. On Valamo's main island 205

Figure 4.54. A tourist group on a badly damaged trail nearby Igumenskie lakes, close to 205 the area of the small-and-secluded monastery of the Holy Icon of the Virgin of Konevetz

Figure 4.55. Niikkananlampi is shown as a blue area within a rectangle next to object no. 6 207

Figure 4.56. Abbot Nazarius 209

Figure 4.57. Plan for the Upper Orchard, taken by the Geological Survey of the Republic 210 of Karelia (State of Karelia)

Figure 4.58. The Central Monastery's complex with the Upper Orchard 211

Figure 4.59. The Upper Orchard behind the dome of the Transfiguration of the 212 main monastery's complex and fir tree alley

Figure 4.60. The lonely monk's alley 213

Figure 4.61. Photograph taken in 1942 of the Upper Orchard with "rabotnyi dom" at the 214 northem side

Figure 4.62. The northeastern side of the pharmaceutical orchard 214 xi

Figure 4.63. The wind-rose of Valamo archipelago and the main island of Valamo one can 215 clearly see the domination of the northern and of the westem winds

Figure 4.64. The location of the Upper Orchard 216

Figure 4.65. Paisyev orchard, as seen from the Transfiguration Cathedral's Belfry 217

Figure 4.66. Middle Orchard on the southem slope of Mount Favor 218

Figure 4.67. Pre-World War II aerial photograph of the bay area of the Central Complex of 219 Valamo Monastery

Figure 4.68. The Upper, the Lower and the Medium Orchards of the Central monastery's 220 complex at Valamo

Figure 4.69. The rebuilt Pokrovskaya chapel and larches protecting the Lower Orchard from 221 The northern winds

Figure 4.70. Valamo Monastery as depicted by Hieromonk Philadelph in 1827 222

Figure 4.71. The Holy Icon of Saints Sergius and Herman 223

Figure 4.72. The Lower Orchard from the opposite side of the Monastery Bay. and Spaso- 224 Preobrazhensky's Monastery on top of Favor Mountain, under which is the Lower Orchard

Figure 4.73. The drainage system in the orchards 225

Figure 4.74. Belarus tractor was used by the Valamo forestry to discover the directions of 227 the drainage system in the Upper Orchard

Figure 4.75. A galliot with pilgrims leaving Valamo 228

Figure 4.76. The Vsekhsvyatsky small-and-secluded monastery 230

Figure 4.77. The part of the former nursery of Valamo Monastery that was turned into a 232 dump by the local Communist govemment in the 1980s

Figure 4.78. St. Herman's small-and-secluded monastery, photographed in 1902 238

Figure 4.79. St. Nicholas' small-and-secluded monastery with the orchard on the tiny rock 239 island of St. Nicholas right at the entrance to the Monastery Bay of Valamo

Figure 4.80. New Jerusalem, or Resurrection of Christ, customarily called Red Skete 240

Figure 4.81. Suomalainen field 241

Figure 4.82. Natural meadow at Valamo 242

Figure 4.83. Hay collection at Valamo 243

Figure 4.84. Haystacks at Valamo 244 xii

Figure 4.85. Valamo monk-agriculturist with a stack of rye, photographed in the 1930s 244

Figure 4.86. Some of Valamo's agricultural tools 245

Figure 4.87. Milking monastery's cows 248

Figure 4.88. Milk coming to the monastery's trapeznaya of the central complex 248

Figure ^.89. The contemporary monk of Valamo near the dairy bam; the breed is definitely 249 not the one that Valamo was famous for prior to Worid War II

Figure 4.90. Part of Valamo's garden 253

Figure 4.91. The main gardener, brother Pimen 254

Figure 4.92. The so-called red beets field was a part of the monastery's gardens in the 1930s 255

Figure 4.93. The road by the monastery's central estates, along which the herbal garden 256 was located

Figure 4.94. Cleaning the fish for the brotherhood's trapeza 256

Figure 4.95. Monk Juvian, the Valamo bookkeeper 272

Figure 4.96. Father Jacinth, Valamo librarian and scholar of Chinese history, geography. 273 and culture

Figure 4.97. New Valamo Monastery in Alaska 274

Figure 4.98. The first school at Valamo Monastery 276

Figure 4.99. School for peasant children at the Red small-and-secluded Monastery 276 on Mount Zion, 1933

Figure 4.100. Schoolchildren, the residents of the monastery during the haymaking 277

Figure 5.1. The connections between llluminati, secret societies, freemasonry and 293 Communism

Figure 5.2. Groups of Russians listening to the pro- arguments in St. Petersburg, 303 Russia, in 1917

Figure 5.3. A group of touring Georgians visiting Valamo in 1987. with the author as their 325 tour guide

Figure 5.4. Letter to the Director of the "Special Restoration Projects' organization in 326 St. Petersburg, signed by the director of Valamo State Forestry. Ivan P. Mironov. and requesting help with the restoration of Valamo"s orchards to become a part of the former monastery's landscape-architectural complex on the Islands of Valamo

Figure 6.1. Historical research as part of the larger Valamo agricultural restoration project 334 xiij

Figure 6.2. First Scheme; The historically-existing system of informal ways of communication 337 of agricultural information at Valamo Monastery

Figure 6.3. Second Scheme: Development of a possible system of informal ways of 339 communication of agricultural information at present-day Valamo Monastery

Figure 6.4. Shoeing a horse at Valamo Monastery 348

Figure 6.5. Model depicting the influences impacting Valamo 352

Figure 6.6. Parts of Karelia that were taken by the Soviet Union as a result of World War II 353

Figure 6.7. Karelian and Ingermanlandian temtories of Finnish origin that are now in Russia 354

Figure 6.8. Ingermanland and its brief history 355

Figure 6.9. Valamo Project 358 xiv

LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.1. Physical and mechanical features of study sites on Valamo 200

Table 4.2. Infiltration rates nneasured on Valamo's fields 201

Table 4.3. The age and fall-off of apple trees in the Valamo Monastery's orchards in 1988 233

Table 4.4. The Russian names and biological varieties of the fruit trees and berry bushes 235 in Valamo's orchards

Table 4.5. Archieval records from 1904 of crops from the Upper, the Medium and Lower 237 Orchards of the main complex of Valamo Monastery

Table 4.6. Estimate of workload and feed for horses 261 XV

ABSTRACT

The purpose of the study was to create a vision to empower monks and civilians to make their decisions about developing a renewed agricultural extension and demonstration system for the Vaiamo Archipelago based on agricultural technology transfer in time. In other words, the purpose was to propose better ways to educate people of the described area about how to live in harmony with the environment. Two research questions guided the study; (1) What compoments of an informal agricultural education system were in use at Vaiamo Monastery prior to Worid War II; and (2) What basic elements can be applied to develop a system of agricultural extension in present-day Vaiamo Monastery to educate people about agriculture in the pre-WWII years? The need for the study rose from the need to make agriculture once again productive in that area and from the need to make the agricultural knowledge available to all people. Agricultural knowledge on the Vaiamo Islands has an indigenous character, however, it can also be of value for the entire world as an extension system that can incorporate this knowledge for adoption in the other areas throughout Russia through the activities of the church, and through Western involvement as well as through communication systems. Pilgrimages and tourism should also make valuable contributions to this system. The findings represent several fects; 1. There is a potential for an agricultural extension development in the regions of Karelia and Ingermanland of Russia. 2. The monasteries (and particulariy Vaiamo Monastery) can be key parts of such an extension system, just like the universities in the Westem worid, because of their existing network in the country, their agricultural involvement and their connections with local communities. 3. An indidgenous system of sustainable agricultural production has existed on Vaiamo archipelago prior to the cesession of that territory to Soviet Russia during Worid War II. 4. It is possible to develop a system of agricultural production in the same area based on the past experience of the monastery of Vaiamo, and to develop a system of agricultural information dissemination centered at the monastery that would benefit local consumers of agricultural information, i.e., producers of agricultural products. This research study explored the history of a human-oriented economy on the islands of Vaiamo and the educational aspects related to it. This study may offer a basis, or a vision, of the key element, or elements, for a future extension system that could be created in Karelia, ingennanland, and other parts of Russia. This system takes into account the historical features of Russian agricultural development and is church-based. The study is unique as it explores the religion-based xvi aspects of agricultural educational development that are specific for the historical path of the country of study. 1

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Agricuitura as a Key Issue in Society Henry Ford (1926), an American genius, said; "The primary functions [of community organization] are agriculture, manu^cture and transportation. Community life is impossible without them. They hold the world together... They are of the essence of physical life" (p. 6). The physical survival of a human is based on an ability to make correct choices in his own life. The ability to make choices is the ultimate goal of education. It is also the ultimate goal of production. Therefore, it is a combination of the two that makes both education and production of material goods and services come together. This is true when it comes to agriculture in combination with agricultural education. Agriculture is a key issue in human society's existence, and not simply because it provides food for people and forage for domestic animals. Agriculture is a process that connects people with the earth and its powers. It is the belief of this researcher that, through spiritual education, people leam to make appropriate choices in their lives, choices that can sen/e to enhance production for the benefit of all people. An education based on religious ethics provides grounds for human culture in general. A history of human society seems to be the sum of results of each person's individual spiritual progress, his conscious self-improvement work in order to reflect God's image in his life. There is no historical progress by itself. The history is dictated by a human being's relationship with God, and everything else in this life is its product. Therefore, a religious-based education is the most important part of the "progress" in this instance. It is also a social phenomenon that causes the society to become politically stable. This religious-based education should embrace all the aspects of human activities including agriculture, environmental science and social development issues. The behavioral changes in humans that agricultural education strives for, that is changes in human attitudes toward earth, toward the land that is tilled by them, cannot be fully realized without certain religious mode in education. One of the parameters of social conditions forming such an attitude is having free access to land which has been given by God to the people. Only those cultures that have provided free and unrestricted access to land for the people who till it have succeeded in accumulating wealth and maintaining their economical and political structures unshaken for long periods of time. Henry Ford (1926) has also stated, "The moral fundamental is man's right in his labor...Bolshevism ^iled because it was both unnatural and immoral" (p. 9). One of the reasons for the complete disintegration of Russian culture, the and the Russian system of govemment (the way it was before the Communist coup of 1917) is the structure of land use that was formed under the system of serfdom that existed in Russia until 1861, when the Emperor Alexander II liberated the serfe. Although this system was economically 2 viable, it gave the peasants only limited access to the land and ^rm ^milies lacked personal responsibility for their own future. Campbell and Khomoutov (1995) noted; "The [nobility] owned everything in the countryside, including the land, and in many ways the peasants themselves" (p. 6). At the turn of this century, the Russian Imperial Minister of Finance, Count Serge Julius Witte (see Figure 1.1), when speaking about peasants in his country, mentioned, "I'm afraid to imagine what might happen to the country where 90 of the population has no idea at>out the value of law and private property" (Witte, 1902, p. 23). Indeed, the land issue became the main lure that was used by the Communists to win the support of the masses in the revolution. Put in political terms, one may interpret it as whoever controls the food, controls the freedom of the people. In fact, the Bolshevist govemment, which was essentially not only atheistic but also anti-Russian, was able to continue its policies throughout the majority of the 20th century because it exterminated the Russian Orthodox church, Slavic cultural values, and destroyed agriculture which itself had over a 1000-year long history in Russia. A well-known phrase of Lenin was that it is not important that 90 percent of the Russian population would vanish in the ; however, it is important that the remaining 10 percent would live to see the woridwide revolution (Nina Andreeva, personal communication, 1992). According to Gregory Bostunich (1995), one of the political comissars of the Red Army who was captured in 1919, and cried out before he was put to death, "We don't care if you kill 100,000 men on our side, or we kill 100,000 on your side; our goal is the extermination of Russian people" (p. 92).

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Figure 1.1. Count Serge Julius Witte (reproduced from the arcticle, "Sergei Witte's Continental League for Eurasian development," by William Jones, published on May 8,1995, in The New Federalist newspaper) 3

Nesta Webster quotes Or. Weston Estes (cited in Webster & Kerlen, 1923); Communism in Russia was never designed to work by its disciples and those who were actually its inaugurators. It was never intended to be a system of government that could possibly be successful, because inherent qualities which are necessary for the proper government of peoples are not present in any system of Communism. The purpose for which it was instigated by those who had a hand in its inception was to use it as a method of destruction and to lead Russia to , (p. 42) As a result of these policies that have been "practiced" over a 75-year penod and are still being continued in different forms by the "democratic government" of Yeltzin, Russian farmers were liquidated as a social class (estimated by different researchers, for example, Alexander Solzhenitsyn (1995) in "Krasnoe Koleso", , to be from 12 to 60 million people. Thus, the rural population of the Russian Empire was turned into de-facto slaves who were only allowed to work on the land owned by the state and were not even being paid anything in exchange. The land users had been forcefully alienated from the land which they were not allowed to own and to pass on as an inheritance. The connections between the predominantly agrarian nation of Russia and the Russian land were broken. The land itself was turned into just another means of production appropriated by the Communist govemment The massive large-scaled agriculture and the mechanism of the Soviet economy, that was demanding permanent increase of productivity in an attempt to solve the country's everlasting "temporary" problems with food supplies, led to the decimation and waste of the natural resources of the land. The increasing environmental problems, the depopulation of rural areas and continuing ban on free land ownership still existing made the young generation of Russians and other ethnic groups living in Russia, even after the so-called market reforms that began in 1991. unwilling to return to the habits of working the land that their grandparents had. The farmer's movement that started during the period of the Gorbachev reforms is also declining. The "professional" farmers in Russia (whose number is continuing to decline) can only formally own their land (i.e., they cannot sell their land for at least 10 years), which solidifies the govemmental control over it. instead of liberating this control. Thus, the govemment is able to reclaim land "owed" by professional farmers for a number of reasons. Due to high taxes (which in many cases exceed 90 percent of one's gross income), farmers cannot reap any benefits from their own work. In addition to the at>ove mentioned problems, the absence of appropriate education and training has resulted in serious problems concerning a farmer's ability to manage agricultural processes and methods in an environmentally appropriate manner and to overcome the lack of money, mechanical equipment, and seed. An education in farming skills and management is keenly needed. This education has to be specific depending on concrete groups of farmers such as: former members of the state or collective farms that split off from those organizations and became independent land tillers; retired military that chose farming because of their need to find a place to live and to learn how to become self-sufficient 4 during times of financial collapse; ethnic and religious communities of farmers such as German colonists, Ingermanlandian (Russian Annals) farmers and Eastern Orthodox monastic communities. There is also a great need for development of models of sustainable agricultural communities that can be used as an example in different parts of the country. A God-given opportunity for developing such a model exists on the Valamo Islands, an environmentally unique location in Lake Ladoga (see Figure 1.2), where the lands of an ancient Eastern Orthodox monastery (see Figure 1.3)

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Figure 1.2. The Valamo archipelago of Lake Ladoga in Russian Karelia (permission to copy given by infbServices Intn'L, Inc., 1997) 5

Figure 1.3. Valamo Monastery and the Church of St Nickolas are currently being revived for sustainable production along with those of the local lay connmunity. Religious-based agricultural education is a crucial issue there for the agricultural revival of the Valamo Islands as well as the Country of Russia.

Background of the Study The Valamo archipelago is located in Finnish-speaking Karelia (see Figure 1.4). The name Valamo is Finnish by origin and has several possible explanations for its nneaning such as "Vaara maa" (highlands) or Baaian maa (the land of Baal, the Pagan god)' ("Metodicheskiie ukazaniia dlia ekskursovodov Valaamskoi turbazy," , 1986). The Russian name for Valamo is Valaam (BanaaM) which, according to oral tradition, has essentially the same meaning as the Finnish version. Intemationally, that is beyond Scandinavian countries, the name Valaam is more widely used. However, because the Finnish and Karelian speaking tribes in more recent times preceded the who came to that land later, it is more justified, in this author's opinion, to call the whole archipelago, as well as the monastery, by its Finnish name Valanno, or Vanha Valamo (Old Valaam). Valamo Monastery was established perhaps as earty as the 10th century by missionaries from Novgorod, then the independent Russian republic that developed its unique culture and traditions Figure 1.4. The location of Karelia relative to Finland, Russia, and Europe separate from those of Kiev and later from Moscow (Sulakadzev, 1830). Gradually, the monastery became one of the largest in Russia, having at its zenith approximately 1500 monks and 500 hired personnel. Of the islands' 2000 acres of (and, at>out400 cultivated, 100 covered by buildings, and there are 1000 acres of forest The monks did all the main work, tilled the land and harvested the grain, worked in the magnificent gardens, and engaged in all of the productive activities that made the religious community self-sustaining. Surplus food and products were sold in StPetersburg {Valamo ja sen sanoma, 1980). Although the monastery had survived the ravages of many wars, the final disaster happened in 1939-40, when the Soviet Union attacked Finland. During the "Winter War", the islands and the monastery were bombed, and the monks moved to Finland. The islands were ceded to the Soviet Union, and during the following fifty years much vandalism and destruction took place. The islands were occupied by the military and the population changed entirely since the monks moved away. A few hundred workers were brought in from different parts of the Soviet Union. Food and supplies were brought from the outside. The land was not tilled and the drainage ditches were allowed to fill in with willows. Only small domestic gardens were kept as well as a few animals, but even the cows perished for lack of proper care. 7

With Michael Gorbachev's policy ofglasnosf (openness to ourselves and to the outside world), a portion of the Valamo Islands and nrjonastery were returned (or rather given) to the Orthodox church under the Moscow Patriarchate, and some efforts were started to restore deteriorated buildings. The restoration process proceeded slowly, even when the monastery's structures belonged to the historic museum during the pre-Gorbachev era. Since the mid 1960s, the islands have also become a favorite tourist attraction, with ainnost a tenfold increase in visitors yeariy and more coming during the summer season, however, not as pilgrims who previously provided the major source of volunteer workers. The number of tourists started drastically increasing since 1988. The first foreign groups were also allowed on the island during that year (Finns and Swedes initially, and later on Americans and other English-speaking tourists). However, there is no cooperation between the monks and the secular community at this point In the 1990s, new efforts to assist the monastery and the community to revitalize the former productive agricultural system have been started by the "Lengiprogor" and Agrophysics Institutes in St. Petersburg , as well as the Valamo Society indirectly associated with Iowa State University in Ames, Iowa, USA. The author of this dissertation had the pleasure of working at the Agriphysics Institute for about three years and later on as one of the initiators of the ValanfK) Society organization that closely cooperated with that institute. In addition, the Heifer Project international, also in the United States, tiecame involved in the agricultural undertakings of the monastery through the purchase of ^rm animals (personal communication, 1994). An interest in starting a similar initiative has t>een just recently shown by the Sovereign Order of the Orthodox Knights Hospitaller of Saint John of Jerusalem, located in Mount Vernon. New York. Unfortunately, the Church of the Brethren's Agricultural Mission project of agricultural renovation of Valamo monastery that was started at the author's initiative as a joint program between the Church of the Brethren and the Moscow Patriarchate but was cancelled after a few initial years because of the re-orientation of international programs conducted by the Church of the Brethren Headquarters (located in Elgin. Illinois). This study purports to assist the "rebirth' of Valamo Islands by laying the first stones of a foundation, plan, or model of ecoagriculture based on environmentally friendly methods, education and a woridwide search for funding. When accomplished, this model will serve as an example for other communities in Karelia, Ingermanland, Russia, and the worid.

Problem of the Study The Valamo Monastery is a good example of a cluster of problems that are specific to contemporary Russia. At the same time, it has a unique environment, history and appearance (see Figure 1.5). It also has some problems related specifically to agricultural development and agricultural Figure 1.5. Central complex of Valamo Monastery {Valamo and its message, 1982, pp. 116-117) 9

education needs. Historically, the monastery had been tightly connected with the rest of Russia, especially with the neighboring communities on the shore of Lake Ladoga, through education and trade, as well as through the monastery's outreach. "Agricultural" charities, pilgrimages and other informal methods of agricultural education in the monastery had been an important part of the monastery's life. Although, as it was recently confirmed through studies done and recorded in the Swedish archives, the monastery existed on Valamo already in the 10th century (Hdnninen, personal communication, 1999), the agricultural development of the islands of Valamo has been very well documented by the monks for at least 150 years, since the middle of the 19th century. However, the development of agriculture on the Valamo Islands in the 20th century was broken, primarily due to historical intervention by the Communist coup in 1917 and the Russo-Finnish war (Winter War) in 1939, along with the consequent Worid War II (War of Continuation between Finland and Communist occupational government of Russia) in 1941. The monastery became part of the Republic of Finland that split from Soviet Russia in 1918. After the Soviet invasion in 1939 and the following the peace treaty in 1940, the islands were ceded to the Soviet Union. The monastery was evacuated and the Soviets "repopulated" the area abandoned by Finns and Russians who did not want to live under Soviet occupation. They recruited people from different parts of the Soviet Union. Besides the fiactthat the new inhabitants of the islands did not know much about agriculture, they were also un^miliar with and (for political reasons) unwilling to leam the agricultural history of this area which was new to them. For many years the new inhabitants of the islands were not even allowed to be engaged in agriculture. Thus they were faced with confijsion due to the post- change in Russian government and the resulting land-property issues. They had been dependent on the govemment for decades for food supplies, yet suddenly there appeared to be a dire need for sustainable technologies and for agricultural education. With the Russian govemment allowing the monastery to be once again taken into possession by the Russian Orthodox Church, new problems arose between the monastery and the civilian community primarily because the monastery wanted to t)e the sole owner of the island's resources and lands whereas the civilians wanted a share of the tem'tory for themselves. The govemment is still unable to resolve this conflict. The worst problem is the entire lack of positive communication between the govemment. the civilians and the monastery. While there exists a definite need to empower people to be able to make their own decisions, on the other hand there is a need to maintain the special protective status of this unique territory. To continue the connection with the Earth, they must continue their historical tradition. The island's population, however, multi^ceted as it is right now, needs to leam how to create their own sustainable existence. There is also a need for 10 effective economic and outreach connections with the outer territories of Karelia, Ingermanland, and the rest of Russia. In the 19th century, when Russia had a very strong and powerful economic system, it was natural to have the monastery's economic and social organization strong as well. Unfortunately, now, when there seems to be a lack of everything, one can only talk about revitalization of the basic components of economic organization as well as a basic organizational system connecting the islands with the outside world, particularly through such systems as extension education.

Purpose and Objectives of the Study The purpose of the study was to create a vision to empower monks and civilians to make their decisions about developing a renewed system of agricultural production and outreach for the Valamo Archipelago based on agricultural technology transfer in time. In other words, the purpose was to propose better ways to educate people of the described area about how to live in harmony with the environment. The study had two major objectives: 1. Present a historical profile of the agricultural production system of the Valamo Monastery as well as an informal extension and outreach system on the islands prior to Worid War II; and 2. Provide implications from the results of the current study regarding the development of several basic elements for a new system of agricultural education and extension on the Valamo Archipelago and in Karelia.

Research Questions Two research questions guided the study; 1. What components of an informal agricultural education system were in use at Valamo Monastery prior to World War II; and 2. What basic elements can be applied to develop a system of agricultural extension on present- day Valamo Monastery to educate people atxiut agriculture in the pre-WWII years?

Need for the Study The need for the study rose from the need to make agriculture once again productive in that area and from the need to make the agricultural knowledge available to all people. Agricultural knowledge on the Valamo Islands has an indigenous character, however, it can also be of value for the entire worid as an extension system that can incorporate this knowledge for adoption in the other areas throughout Russia through the activities of the church, and through Western involvement as well as through communication systems. Pilgrimages and tourism should also make valuable contributions to this system. 11

In order to determine an effective means of restoring the fertility of the land and the productivity of the agricultural-ecological system, there is a need to find and/or create appropriate technologies. Because of the lack of funds and specialists or people posessing agricultural knowledge and skills as well as the ecological sensitivity of the area, it is hard to invent or apply something entirely new or entirely non-indigenous. Thus, there is a need for agricultural education that would be based on agricultural technology transfer in tinne that will serve as a model for future development This is not a call for backwardness, rather it is for a thorough investigation of tiie reasons for past successes. Of course, this task is too overwhelming to t)e achieved in one research study. Thus, this author dares only to draw a preliminary picture of the agricultural system on Valamo before WWII and suggest ways for the dissemination of agricultural knowledge that can tie built upon historical, pre-war agriculture on Valamo. This study is not complete to the point that it will offer a ready solution to the developmental, societal, agricultural educational and communication problems in the area under description. However, this study should be viewed as providing a first and necessary step towards that direction. The study is unique due to the ^ct that, although there are works dedicated to Valamo's history, none of them concentrate on agriculture, and agriculture related issues of community development through education.

Implications and Educational Significance There is currentiy a well-developed system of agricultural education in Russia. It includes both rural high schools and two-year colleges where agricultural mechanization, agronomy and animal husbandry are taught as the main disciplines. The system also includes a number of higher educational institutions offering five-year specialist degrees in agricultural engineering, agronomy, economics, rural construction engineering and veterinary medicine. Education has always t)een a strong part of the Russian system, prior to and during the Soviet regime. Nevertheless, there is no formal system of extension education. A system for developing "practical agronomists" who are directing and supervising the work of agricultural laborers on state mechnized farms cannot be called extension because it has been traditionally top-down, very much authoritative and does not provide the appropriate feedback that is necessary for effective administration. A system of extension education is an important part of a human-oriented economy. In particular, the role of the Valamo Monastery in creating and maintaining an extension system is indispensable. This research study explores the history of a human-oriented economy on the islands of Valamo and the educational aspects related to it This study may offer a basis, or a vision, of the key element, or elements, for a future extension system that could be created in Karelia, Ingennanland, 12 and other parts of Russia. This system is church-based and takes into account the historical features of Russian agricultural development Although one cannot treat the Russian Orthodox church in the current conditions as an NGO (nongovemmental organization), it is nevertheless a grassroots-based system of extension. The purpose of the monastery extension system could be to provide a framework for enabling people to learn about how to make appropriate decisions regarding agricultural production and sustainable development in conditions that are not structured and essentially not favorable for agriculture (both for political and for economic reasons). Extension is called upon to provide support needed by people. There are three basic types of extension that have have been developed historically in Russia, but to a diffierent extent govemmental, university-based (consulting), and the church. The church extension provides both agricultural and spiritual support Those two aspects of development are tightly interwoven. This does not mean that there is not a need for creating a govemment-based extension in Russia, or for transforming the currently existing system of practical agronomists into a more liberated system of communication between the providers and consumers of information related to agricultural production and contributing to the increase of productivity. Rather, it should be seen as an opportunity to recognize the significance of the Northern area of Russia, specifically the State of Karelia, wherein its monasteries can be viewed as a key element in the creation of an agriculture extension system. On the other hand, the idea of agricultural technology transfer in time is very important for the areas of Russia where a previously thriving agriculture system was abandoned for decades due to Soviet economic policies. The monasteries (especially Valamo Monastery) have a well-documented agricultural production history that can be used as a resource for ^rmer education about agricultural production practices with minimal cost which are basically sustainable in nature. This research study provides a pilot study of some possible elements of extension as part of a human-oriented economy in Russia.

Operational Definitions For the purpose of this study, several terms have been defined. "A/f ": One should not be surprized when the name "Russia' is being used in a plural form. Nevertheless, the nucleus of Russia consists of three major parts of the country that are populated by the same folk, although these people are slightly divided by the dialects and by some historical associations with other countries (outside the Russian Empire). The major parts are: Great Russia, White Russia, and Little Russia. The names that are used in the West for these parts are, consequently (and simply) Russia (which also includes , but excludes Little and White Russia), Ukraine (Little Russia), and Byelorussia (White Russia, also called Belarus). The term "All Russias" as 13 used in this dissertation refers to Russia proper (including Siberia), with Little Russia and with White Russia—Russia that has an Orthodox Christian tradition and culture, the Church Slavic language and Russian as a literary language. A map of modem day Russia is presented in Figure i .6. Christian: Christians in general, including Protestants, both Eastem (Russian and Oriental) and Westem. The term excludes fenatical sects that are not recognized by either entity. Christian believers: Pertaining to Russian Orthodox Christians. Church: In this dissertation, this term generally refers to the Orthodox church, and the Russian Orthodox church in particular. However, at times (where it is evident from the context of this dissertation) it may refer to the Catholic church. Church-in-town (also see Monastery and Small and secluded monastery): A part of the monastery that is located in a nearby (or sometimes in a remote) town, city or village. It is part of the monastery's organizational structure. It usually serves as a transitional point for pilgrims, as an office for transacting business of the monastery outside the monastery, and as an official (quasi-diplomatic) representation of it. It is comprised of a main building and a church and possibly some other property. Its purpose is also to attract people to the main monastery; however, the emphasis of church-in-towns (also called church [podvorye, in Russisn]) is not strictly on religion as it is on conducting the necessary business of the monastery, and that could not be done from the monastery, itself, as the

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Figure 1.6. Russia, a land of struggle and everlasting dispute 14 main monastery is usually located in an area that is distant from the center of administrative power, business and transportation. In the past, at the end of the 19th century, it was important to have such representations, when the rural infrastructure and means of transportation and communication were archaic and less diversified as compared to the beginning of the 21st century. Culture: The act of developing by education, discipline, social experience {Webster's third new international dictionary, 1986). In this work, it is understood as civilization created by a certain ethnic group or a number of coexisting ethnic groups in order to enter into a balance with environment and secure enough resources for their children to exist Extension: According to Webster's third new international dictionary (1986), extension is defined as; (1) lengthening, furthering, developing; (2) the action of spreading out; and (3) the making available of the educational opportunities or other resources of an institution by special programs or methods (as evening classes in the university, off-campus instruction centers, correspondence courses, library branches) to persons otherwise unable to take advantage of such opportunities and resources. It is also a service or system by which such opportunities are made available. In this dissertation, extension is understood as a combinations of ways for the necessary educational support to empower people to make qualified and timely decisions about environmentally sound, sustainable, and viable agricultural production systems and their roles in them. Extension is an interaction between users of information and sources of information, it is a two way street, and in this way is not known to the majority of Russians. Even in America—the origin of extension in its 20th century form, extension is often understood and functions as a bureaucratic system of information delivery to its final users. The following is a hypothetical dialogue about extension t>etween Ivan and John IVAN: What is the Extension system in America? Is it a system or something else? JOHN; It is a not a system. It is a communication between people aimed at their empowerment IVAN: What do you mean by empowerment? JOHN: I mean the ability of people to make their own independent decisions in any life situation. IVAN; Can you say that this is a system of empowerment through communication? JOHN: Yes. I can. IVAN: What is the advantage that the government itself takes from an extension? JOHN: The govemment in the U.S. wants stability and development in social and rural sectors. IVAN; Perhaps because the pure nature of capitalism leads to instability? JOHN: Remaps. IVAN; Then it is a secular system, an information gathering tool of the govemment in rural sector. We do not need an extension in Russia, first of all. because there are no ^rmers. Second, because we object this information flow to the govemment Third, because we have a church outreach. And, because the scientific potential in Russia is strong and human-oriented. AUTHOR: Is what Ivan said true? I will try to elaborate on this in my study presented in this dissertation. 15

Freethinkers: I use different understandings of this term. On one hand, freethinkers are predecessors of the French Masonic revolution of the 19th century—French litjeral philosophers such as Diderot, Gelvetius, Golbach, Russeau, Voltaire, who were, in many cases, freemasons themselves (e.g., Voltaire). On the other hand, freethinkers are freemasons, sometimes depending on context Another understanding of the word "freethinkers' assumes any liberal philosophers theoreticians of education, especially in the 19th century. Therefore, I also use the term freethinkers to equate them to liberals. These three, basic meanings of the term are somewhat inter-related to each other. There is also another meaning; any revolutionaries, people uprising against God and God-established forms of society (e.g., terrorists). In my opinion, all freethinking is controlled by Satanic forces of anarchy (see also Liberals). Gosudar or gosudari (plural): A supreme leader of the state. It is a very difficult term to explain to people who grew up in the Westem traditions of thought and of political life. The word gosudarstvo in Russian means "the state." However, the Westem term "state' means only a political and administrative subdivision of the nation or (a different meaning) an organization of social life through a contract between citizens, or a system of administration. In Russia, the precise meaning of this term can only be grasped relevant to a certain territorial or administrative structure that has its place in the life of a society or of a nation, without pretending a greater role in society or in the lives of individuals. The word gosudarstvo in Russian actually means the entire social existence—in its philosophical, administrative, religious and attitudinal senses. It is a word describing the meaningful belonging of each individual on a certain part of Earth who understands the goals of his existence in life, and the purpose of ail his activities connected with other people who are also sharing the same understanding. Similarly, the more modem word anti-gosudarstvyennyy means somebody or something that goes against these shared values with the other members of the society. It is a term that supercedes all definitions of classes, of strata, of certain administrative norms or historical forms of stateship. Gosudarstvo (see Gosudar or Gosudari): In a narrow sense, this refers to "the state": in a broad sense, "the foundations'. The foundations of social life, and moral and religious organization that involves the govemment within geographic tx)undaries of the state. History: The description, gathering or a narrative of the events of the past, more or less systematic, that has relevance to what has happened after their certain sequence or what is happening today, or is bound to happen in the future. Therefore, in the most wide sense, the term "history' means a body of human knowledge pertinent to society, the environment, or the Universe, from which humans can draw some experiences, those experiences that are applicable to current life or to human practices that had, have or will have an impact on society or the environment. I believe that history does not exist in an absolute sense of the term; it is a conditional term that describes what happened relatively to every person's life without visible connection with this life. 16

Any history is purely a human creation, or, put it in a different way, history is a constant re-creation subject to individual human will and to their understanding of themselves and of experiences of other humans. Therefore, the path and the "speed" of history are dictated by a degree of moral purity of each individual, by a degree of moral density. Therefore, the main forming factor in history is the same ^ctor that forms morals, that is religious truth and love. Said diffierently, history goes well when humans allow God to be present In addition to this, I should say that this means that history can demonstrate miracles. It also explains why I do have a historical reconstructionist approach to the topic of my research. Historical research: A study of the cause of past events, by the systematic gathering and interpretation of historical evidence. In my dissertation, it is understood as a systematic way of arriving at conclusions about options for future development based on past experiences and their interpretation. It is not so much studying the past in itself as extrapolating the past into the future in order to find a better way for human activities to be conducted. Human-oriented economy. This is a new term for t)Oth Western and Russian researchers. Although the term "humanism" is well-known, it has nothing to do with it in its pure meaning. It is proposed in this dissertation as an altemative to both dehumanizing market (imperialist) and socialist (state monopolist) economies. This is a system which is based on the ideas of political, environmental and economical unity of goals of the subjects of the society. This is the only altemative to the destructive and anti-social (therefore, anti-cultural) economies of the present time. Indigenous: Knowledge and skills as an integral part of a specific culture (Kater, 1993). This knowledge can come from outside and be new to the culture concemed; it can be new but originate from within the culture; or it can be traditional with a long history of being passed on within the culture. This author would add that this is knowledge that has a vital importance for a certain culture, but primarily for that culture only. In this case, it is an awkward term because it describes the knowledge that gravitates toward a certain culture, the one that is closed within a culture or centered in it. For example, such would be the knowledge of groups such as African shamans or American freemasons. Therefore, it should be more appropriately called traditional knowledge (because the tradition has a sense of maintenance by a certain group of people), or the knowledge of initiation (open to only a limited number of initiates). The mission of the Russian culture that was developed within the realm of Orthodox Christianity is to bring the truth to people, not to hide it from them. Therefore, Russian monasteries as well as missions established by them, have always been propagating "love by doing", "active witnessing". Not only were they bringing the Gospel, but also they were teaching principles of agriculture and crafts, they were actively involved in developing the educational system, etc. A good 17 example of such work was left by the Valamo monks' mission to Alaska where they witnessed to the Aleutians (Oleksa, 1987). KGB: Soviet secret police and the terror machine they control (currently the FSB). Monastery-based extension (or Hunfian-onented extension): This is a new term for Western extension practitioners and theoreticians. In this dissertation, it is offered in order to descrit)e the ultimate goal of extension education, which is establishing a human-oriented economy. This kind of extension system does not worship people as the ultimate sources of the right decisions, rather it supports every individual in approaching the best possible solution to problems. Liberals: I use this term in my dissertation exclusively as freethinkers (see Freethinkers), or revolutionaries (bearers of the type of thinking that prepares for a revolution). There is, of course, another meaning of this term, which I do not use in this dissertation. That is a more common meaning, or people with open mind, not strangled by dogmatic principles (i.e.. democrats, so-to-speak, or people, who like progress). Put in a diferent way, it could also refer to people striving towards common good or common progress (see Progress). Monastery. A community of Christian people who have chosen to leam and to practice living in harmony with God and His creation. The main rules of monastic living (in the Russian Orthodox Church); (1) community: (2) common prayer and (3) common meals. Everyone in a monastery, such as Valamo, were involved in the work of penance, and the work itself was considered to be a living prayer to God. The key principle of the organization of life in the Orthodox monastery was podvizhnichestvo, a selfless work for God regardless of all hardships, temptations and extreme difficulties. Monasteries have been the foundations of Russian stateship and cultural, political, philosophical, research, spiritual and educational centers in Russia for over 1000 years of history of Russian Christianity (see Stauropegial Monastery). Orthodox: I think that the translation of the word {npaeocnaeHuO) into English as "Orthodox" is incorrect The meaning of "pravoslavnyy" is different firom Orthodox. The latter means purely following the original laws or traditions. That is why, in the United States, sometimes, the tenm Russian Orthodox is often confused with Jewish Orthodox, in this dissertation, the name "Russian Orthodox Church" is simply abbreviated as "church" due to the fact that the Russian Orthodox Church is the predominant church in Russia, t)oth in a historical view and in the present. A more appropriate translation of this term should be "Righteously Worshipping God." The Russian Church of the Right Worship was established in 988 (the official date of the Baptism of Russia); however, the first religious communes in Russian countries came into t>eing long before that date. Nevertheless, I decided to use this traditional and better accepted (in the West) term "Orthodox" for the sake of simplicity. 18

Peasant This word is understood here as an antonym to a farmer, i.e., to an independent land user. Therefore, the term peasant is used whenever the land is controlled by the rural commune or by the landlord. Podvizhnichestvo: A lifestyle based on "podvig"—an asceticism (although, I feel that this Western word does not adequately describe the nneaning of the term nodeumiUHecmeo, or nodeuz). Podvizhnichestvo, being a key principle of monastic life, means a selfless work for God regardless of all hardships, temptations and extreme difficulties. Being a monk meant to be able to make constant "podvig" (do things in both spiritual and physical terms that are above the capacity of an ordinary, sinful human). That is why the Orthodox monasteries were such important places, where people from the outside worid could receive spiritual help for themselves that could not be provided either by the society-at-large, or by any kind of govemmental system, or even by their families or people close to them. That is why architects and farmers, all visitors and pilgrims to the monasteries, are still amazed at how the construction of the buildings and roads was made without sophisticated technical devices many centuries ago. For this reason the monasteries were such important parts of the history of society and of the church. Progress: Commonly, progress is understood as movement of society or of a social organization (of the masses) towards a better life (understood materialistically), towards the reconstruction of the society on the principles of t)etter fulfilling the needs of each memt}er and on opening-up the minds of the members of society. It is a term that, basically, describes a spiritual and an intellectual revolution guided by the principles of balancing out the material needs of each member of society. Christianity does not know progress because Christian principles are etemal, and are not based on adjusting life according to the material needs of each member of society. Consequently, I deny any progress as a philosophical principle, historical principle, or as a social principle as well. In my opinion, instead of progress, a term such as "harmony", or "harmionization" should be used, that represents building life according to etemal principles already established in the universe and taught to each individual by Christian faith. Religion-based education: Orthodox Christian education related to specific areas of human activities such as agriculture, political science, history, ethics and manufacturing. Russian: This is not simply a nationality. Unlike in the United States where everyone who was bom in the country Is considered American, in order to be considered Russian, it is not enough to be bom there. Generally, one is considered Russian if there is a match with the formula of Orthodoxy- Autocracy-Nationality. Therefore, those who lose the Orthodox spirit cannot be considered Russians. The following are some examples of categories of people who might be bom in Russia and be Russian subjects, but who could not be considered Russians: members of all religious groups different from Orthodoxy, such as Protestants, those of Eastern religions, Buddhists, Moslems etc. 19

However, if someone belongs to the Catholic Church (which is a rare case in Russia), he can be considered Russian (but only if they were bom as Russian-speaking individuals). If that person is a member of even the most anti-Orthodox religious sect grown up on the Russian soil, he or she would be considered Russian as well as if he is an atheist (but only atheist whose ^mily roots are not in a religion different from Orthodoxy). Russian government: In the author's terms, Russian government should be appropriately defined as any national Russian government before the of 1917 (i.e., pre-Bolshevist). In the true sense of the word, only the Czarist Russian govemment was truly Russian, because it was nationalist in nature and comprised of the majority of Russia-oriented people. A post-Soviet govemment of "democratic Russia' could not t>e considered Russian in this sense as well, because only a minority of Russians and a majority of minorities serve on its very top level. However, because of the historical period that is primarily addressed in this dissertation in terms of the research outcomes, I use the words "Russian govemmenr to define the contemporary (although anti-Russian in nature) govemment of current Russia. Russian Holocaust: The genocide of Russians in the 20th century by the Communists, during which more than a hundred million people died in concentration camps or were executed by the Soviet Union (i.e., the former Russian Empire). The exact number of deaths is not known and varies depending on the source. Russian Orthodox Church: As a church organization, the way this term is used in this dissertation usually refers to the "Moscow Patriarchate," the church that was established by the Soviet regime with the help of some cooperating hierarchs of the pre-Communist Russian Orthodox church in Imperial Russia. This took place in mid 1920s. The contemporary Orthodox church in Russia has only her faith and rites traditions uninterrupted and, therefore, continued from the Orthodox church of Imperial Russia. As a church organization, it has been completely subjugated by the Communist goverenment and shaped according to its needs. Russian Orthodox church outside Russia: Headed by Metropolitan Vitaly and centered in New York City as a separate branch of the Russian Orthodox church, this church does not have either ecumenical, or political or administrational connection with the Russian Orthodox church—Moscow Patriarchate. This is the only true part of the Russian Orthodox church of Imperial Russia that has maintained its spiritual and administrative independence from the Soviet govemment and did not enter into any negotiations with the Communist regime. Russians. Refers to Great Russians (see the definition of Russian), i.e., residents of Russia proper and those living or having lived in non-Russian governed states. The term also includes Little Russians (sometimes and, actually, more often called Ukrainians) as well as White Russians (Byelorussians) and Red Russians (Ruthenians, or Carpathian Russians) and, of course, Cossacks. 20

Small and secluded monastery (see Monastery): A smaller monastic community with its own set of rules, in addition to the By-Laws ("Ustav') of the main monastery of which it is a part Basically, it is a "territorial and administrative" subdivision of the entire system called the monastery. While small and secluded monasteries were not immediately located in the area of the main monasteries, they were constantly connected through communications, and economic and spiritual life. Being part of the main monastery's organizational structure, every small and secluded monastery was not an independent monastery. It was an integrated part of the general monastic community. It was like a state within a state. It did not have a right to make its structural decisions independently. It served some special needs in the economy and the church life of the greater community. Society: in most cases, Russian society; society-at-large. Stauropegial monastery: A Catholic dictionary (1953) describes it as "a monastery of the Byzantine rite [Orthodox church, A.K.] directly subject to a patriarch. Eastern monasteries are usually under jurisdiction of the metropolitan or bishop.* Valamo monastery was never a , or Stauropegial monastery until it was taken under the direct jurisdiction of Patriarch Alexiy II of Moscow of All Russias with the transfer of Valamo monastery from the government of Russia to the Russian Orthodox Church according to the degree of President Boris Yeltzin. It also expresses the idea that Valamo has been, for centuries, and must again tiecome, an important place for the Russians. Sustainable: A development or a form of economic or social life that is based on rational utilization of all available resources and on minimazing their waste. It is not necessarily oriented on the most advantageous production and resource utilization in market terms. A key principle of sustainable development is saving resources for the children, for future generations of people. Valamo: A group of islands (archipelago in the Northem part of Lake Ladoga, or Laatokka (in Finnish), the biggest lake in Europe with its water surfece sizing about 2/3 of lake Michigan). Ladoga is surrounded by the lands of the Karelians who are of the Finnish dialect-speaking Ugric tribe living both in Finland proper and in Russia proper (see Figure 1.6). The land around Ladoga was always divided and disputed tietween the Swedish Crown and Russia (see Figure 1.7). Valamo is a Finnish word meaning ethimologically "Highland' ("Vaara Maa"). The Russian word Valaam means either the same having been transformed from Finnish, or it means "The land of Baal" (pagan God who was prayed to by the indigenous tribes on the island which was an "unholy land" of paganism before the light of Christianity was started there). There is, evidently, no connection of the word Valaam with the name of prophet Balaam described in the Bible. On the other hand, there are some unproven suggestions that there is such connection. The name Valaam (Valamo) was also retained as part of the name of the Eastern Orthodox monastery situated on the island, to identify its location. The full historical name of the monastery is 21

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Figure 1.7. Lands of Karelians in Finland and Russia, around Lakes Ladoga and Onega

Spaso-Preobrazhensky Male Monastery of Valaam. Thus, the words Valaam and Valamo are identical in relation to both the monastery and the island. The word Old Valamo means the same as Valamo, although the word Valamo, in the Finnish post-WWII literature means, often means the New Valamo monastery existing now in Finland. The word "old" in Finnish is "vanha", therefore, sometimes one might see the name of "Vanha Valamo" which means "Old Valamo" or "Valamo." All these names are equivalent in meaning. The words "Old Valaam" are used incorrectly when they mean "Valaam" or "Old Valamo" because "Old Valaam" was the name for "Holy Island", or "Svyatoy Ostrov" (in Russian), or "Pyha Saari" (in Finnish), which served as a safe place for monks during a period of Swedish occupation of the main island of the Valamo in pre-1715 times. Valamo monastery (i.e.. Old Valamo): This monastery was part of the Russian Orthodox church of Imperial Russia and part of the Finnish Orthodox church, separate from the Soviet-controlled Russian Moscow Patriarchate before the Worid War II. It is now a part of Russian Orthodox church—Moscow Patriarchate since the re-establishment of the Valamo monastery as a functioning community in 1990, and since the return of its property to Moscow Patriarchate of the Russian Orthodopx church by ex- President Yeltzin's decree in that year. 22

Valamo phenomenon (i.e.. Valamo historical and environmental phenomenon): Valamo (Old Valamo, or Valaam) is not simply a monastery or a geographic entity represented by the entire archipelago with the sanne name. It is a duster of different social interactions and multiple interdependencies between society (represented by various social groups, such as nDonastery or local civilians), its environment and its means of re-creation itself, as a society, and the environment (Agriculture is one of those means and agricultural education is another one.) Therefore, when I refer to Valamo (or Valaam) in this dissertation, I am referring to more than a paiticular geographic location with its unique environment, its marvelous history of human activities for more than millenium, and its spiritual importance for the whole nation of Russia and its cultural importance, perhaps for the entire worid. The Valamo phenomenon refers to all these phenomena that equally belong to both natural and human history, present and future. It includes all of the interactions taking place on Valamo (i.e., among humans, different social groups, and among humans and their environment [agricultural education is one of such interaction] in its cultural, environmental and social senses), and all the problems for which I try to give some suggestions (based on the results of my study) as to how to solve them via agricultural education and extension development efforts. It may also be referred to as the Valamo historical and natural phenomenon. This is done in order to stress that my study involves, in one degree or another, both human and environmental aspects of development of Valamo "civilization" through agricultural education, and in order to show that what I talk about, is not only monastery, or not only agricultural system, or ways to suggest improvement through education. A broader idea about Valamo could be; modelling a perfect, or neariy perfect, form of existence of humans who live in harmony with their environment War. Most frequently I refer to "war" as Worid War II. It is known, however, that in the Soviet historical and public tradition, the name of Worid War II has been used only to describe the war outside the Soviet borders, which began in 1939 and ended with the defeat of Germany in 1945, in which only Westem Allies participated. As far as the Soviet conflict with Germany during Worid War II, in the Soviet Union (and in post-Comunist Russia) it has always been referred to as "The Great Patriotic War" (Be/iuKaR Ome^ecmeeHHap eoffwa). This war, according to the Soviet tradition of historical thought began in 1941, with the attack of Germany on the Soviet Union. The Russo-Finnish War of 1939-1940 has never been considered a part of Worid War II. by either Westem or Russian historians. Interestingly. Finnish historians similar to Soviet historians also consider the Winter War (Russo-Finnish War) as separate from Worid War II. Similariy to the Soviet historians, they consider the Finnish-Soviet conflict during Worid War I! to be a separate war (just like the Great Patriotic War for the Russians). They call It a "war of continuation" ("Jatkosota"). Figure 1.8 provides a representation of the timeframe that I use when referring to the term "war" in this dissertation. However, generally, I use the term "war" not in order to mix up different 23 World War II

Figure 1.8. War conflicts among the Soviet Union, Finland and Germany conflicts that are mentioned above, but rather to refer to the specific historical period of time that began in 1939 (to be more precise, in 1938, with the pact of Molotov-Ribbentrop) and ended in 1944, with the separate peace signed by Finland (t>efore World War II was completely over in 1945, with the destruction of Germany's military machine and German form of government). Therefore, the War of Continuation does not include the war tietween Finland and its former ally, Germany, in 1944. 24

Organization of the Study

The main idea of this study was to support the ideal of selfless works for God in this world, so full of troubles, which, I believe, is the only solution to the environmental, political, and social problems of today. The organizational structure of this dissertation includes the following nine basic elements; 1. Outlook of the problem; 2. Formulation of the purpose and of objectives of the study; 3. Outline of the contribution to the body of knowledge about the subject and the topic-at-large; 4. Review of research of relevant published information and ideas; 5. Explanation of the methods chosen for the study and of the reasons for their selection; 6. Results achieved using the methods selected and critique of the effectiveness of the methods used; 7. Discussion of the differences and controversies between the achieved results and of the relevant information found in the literature; 8. Recommendations for future research and explanation of possible ways for the practical utilization of the findings; 9. Conclusion and discussion of how the idea behind this study evolved. The study utilized efforts of several people in Russia, Finland, and the United States of America, including the author, members of the Vaiamo Society in Ames, Iowa, and several individuals who were formally and informally associated in the collecting of the information, so scarcely available. The study is part of the broader program aimed at restoration of the traditional agricultural system at Vaiamo archipelago and in the monastery, with the goal of providing subsistence for the people who live on the islands irregardless of their status in the community, and creating an example for visitors, whether in a form of something similar to "Living History Farms" (in Des Moines, Iowa), or in a form enabling the active involvement of the inhabitants of Vaiamo in the unique production process, i.e., in learning by doing. The final outcome of such a program can be provided mainly through pilgrimages that already exist traditionally in the monastery and have existed in the past. At the same time, this study is unique by itself because it considers possibilities of development a monastery-based agricultural production and extension system that utilizes a system of historical information. No research studies have dealt with this subject pertaining to Russia and particulariy pertaining to historical agricultural records. This study employed the method of historical research to describe and analyze information available about a past period of time (in this case, pre-VWVII years) in order to empower people to make responsible decisions related to local agricultural development through education via information not available on-site. The dissertation is subdivided into six chapters: (1) Introduction; (2) 25

Literature Review; (3) Methodology; (4) Results; (5) Discussion; and (6) Conclusions and Recommendations. 26

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

Theoretical Basis of the Study This study not only offers a unique way to look at the history of informational agricultural education and agricultural production in an area that has well-documented data about the past (despite the lack of well-developed methodologies of historical research pertaining to the area of agricultural education), but also provides a distinctive contribution in the area of program development to the body of knowledge in agricultural education. According to Williams (1990, pp. 378-384), the following steps are used when focusing on research program development: 1. Understand the discipline; 2. Know the position description; 3. Review priorities; 4. Create new knowledge; 5. Develop a research program; 6. Build on a sound theoretical base; 7. Leam from experienced researchers; 8. Assign credit and responsibility; 9. Market the findings; and 10. Evaluate the research program. The same steps, when modified, can tie applied to extension program development. One would start by understanding the discipline (in this case, a history-based agricultural education methodlogy), describing the status of the research, reviewing the priorities, and conducting a historical research that can be used to produce results that could tie integrated into a theoretical or practical informational database. After integrating and verifying the results with the results produced by other researchers, the findings can be prepared for marketing (i.e., for utilization) and certain applicable evaluation criteria can be designed for program evaluation. This dissertational research does not offer a model of program development in a specific area of agricultural education, therefore, its controbution to the body of knowledge cannot be measured as such. However, it utilizes a unique approach to incorporate historical knowledge into extension program developmental needs of the communities (groups of people) embraced by the agricultural education process. It uses a historical retrospective approach to address the problem and build on historical knowledge in order to design basic elements of such a program that would use the knowledge available locally, but that would become less accessible with time for diverse population groups. In this researcher's opinion, integrating a historical component into program development is one of the major unique contributions of this research into the body of theoretical knowledge in the area of agriculture education. 27

Agricultural extension program development, according to Dr. Lynn Jones (1996). is a "process by which formal and informal agricultural and extension education influence the introduction and acceptance of agricultural technology and strategies for technology transfer" (page not given). It is due to the features of this research that have been briefly descrit)ed previously that one could look at agricultural extension from the perspective of agricultural technology transfer in time. "Appropriate technology, as a process, is a fundamental alteration in the procedures whereby technologies are selected and implemented to give greater weight to social values such as decentralization and individual control and less weight to the operation of market forces" (Jones, 1996. page not given). Therefore, the current researcher sees this dissertational study as a way to create a pattern of a program development approach that could be used to target the idea of creating a human-oriented economy, or human-oriented extension. The Committee on Adult Education in Agriculture (1990) called empowering adults "A new agenda for agriculture." This provides a definition for the main outcome of the current research to the contribution to the theory base of agricultural education. In a time of great changes, such as those currently ^cing Russia, it is especailly important to rely on appropriate decision-making to predict the future development in agriculture as well as other areas of life. Historical analyis has enabled this researcher to provide such a contribution to the body of knowledge. Nevertheless, concrete (and repiicable) results of such a program development strategy and the likelihood for practical success in each particular case would be influenced by many Actors, such a "organization context, the needs of the community and society, political influences, and personal interest and expertise" (Gamon et al, 1997, p. 94).

Monastic Agriculture as a Form of Sustainable Agriculture Development and Education on the Islands of Valamo The history of monastic agriculture on the islands of Valamo has a great potential to become a resource for sustainable agricultural development and education about sustainable development. The highly productive sustainable farming system developed by monks still provides many insights to agriculturalists and historians. The vast natural and economical complex of the monastery began to form in the 10th century, when the monastery, as it appears in chronicles, had already existed (Nemirovich- Danchenko. 1888, pp. 32. 34; Damaskin, 1870). The monks carried out a successful communal life and won a great measure of prosperity without changing their simplicity of life nor their Spartan capacity for long hours of worship (Nemirovich-Danchenko, 1888, p. 97). Of the islands' 2000 acres, 100 were covered by buildings, 400 were cultivated, and about 1000 were of forest land, with the remainder being rocky terrain. From the forests, chiefly of fir. the brothers secured adequate lumber and from the stumps they made resin and turpentine (Valamo Monasteri. 1922-1934). Their other activities were surprisingly varied. The monks maintained a 28 bakery, carpentry, cooperage department, smithy, various schools for icon making, wood carving, tar making, shoe making, tanning, bell casting, gold and silver-smith work, and all sorts of practical works (Bagratid, 1991, p. 11; Nemirovich-Danchenko, 1888, pp. 145, 174, 187). The main island of Valamo has very high rocky shores and a flat, low-lying central part with 11 intemal lakes. The level of the water in some of these lakes is higher than in Lake Ladoga, but they drain into it. All of the lakes had been united together in a quite sophisticated, semi-artificial system, including both natural connections between lakes, and canals made in rocks through all parts of the island. In the past, the lakes were used for fishing and as fish hatcheries (Kuchko et al., 1989, pp. 13& 14; 1988, pp. 6 8.7). Major agricultural improvements took place in the 19th century due to mechanization and the application of subsoil drainage systems, but the practice of manual labor was still maintained as part of the monks' daily service to God as well as for its therapeutic values. At the height of the monastery's existence it was populated by almost 1500 monks and 500 hired personnel yet it was self-sufficient with food and forage. It had a surplus of dairy products and vegetables for sale on the mainland, which provided additional income for the monastery each year (Kuchko et al., 1983; Valamo Monasteri, 1922-1934). Valamo was the only such place close to the Arctic Circle, where the orchards, on artificially created and enriched soil, produced many varieties of apples (up to 80), plums and chem'es (Nemirovich-Danchenko, 1888, p. 139). All branches of the island agriculture, including horticulture and truck farming, grazing and animal husbandry, were highly productive. Watermelons, cultivated in greenhouses, reached 20 pounds in weight, muskmelons 7 pounds, and squash 36 pounds (The I.V. Michurin Fruit-and-Vegetable Institute, 1988). Highly productive crops such as rye, barley and oats also grew on suitable plots. A considerable portion of these crops, as well as hay, was produced for feeding the dairy cows and horses (Valamo Monasteri, 1922-1934). The monks were inventive. Many of them who came from the city of St. Petersburg were skilled workers, and some had been engineers before they became monks. Therefore, it is incorrect to say that all of the progressive metiiods used in monastery's plants as well as in the fields had been developed on a barren ground. A majority of the monks, however, came from peasantry, therefore, they had another kind of knowledge so needed by the monastery. It is because of combination of these two areas of formal experience and practical knowledge that the monastery of Valamo had been, for a long time, a center of education for Karelians, Finns and Russians in the Lake Ladoga area and for many other parts of Russia and Finland. A great deal of success in the islands' Arming and in economics in general was made possible because of the monks' spirit of inventiveness, experinientation, and the ardent desire to work 29 for God. The monks were not "blind" ascetics; they valued life and its splendor, they trusted in science and tried to do everything possible to incorporate its achievements into their daily life. This is why the islands' orchards and forests became so diversified. The best engineers as well as selectionists from St. Petersburg, such as Dr. E. L. Roegel and other consultants, cooperated with the monks. Even the ISU professor of agricultural engineering. Dr. Tom Colvin, who visited the Island of Valamo in 1991, was amazed at the greal deal of sophistication of the dairy farm which had been built in the 1880s. He noted that many ^rmers in Iowa would have liked to have such buildings on their property. He also mentioned that the monks were experimenters, adjusting their practices to the changing climate, and working out new practical approaches in agriculture, frequentiy based on the best scientific knowledge which was available at the time (Colvin, 1993). The success of farming at Valamo might be explained by a combination of such basic Actors as the following; 1. Favorable climatic conditions; 2. Remoteness of the group of ValanK) Islands which encouraged the inhabitants to develop a sustainable system of farming and to conserve the natural environment as much as possible; and 3. A unique tradition of selfless devotion to labor (monastic asceticism) established and maintained of many centuries. Thus, it may be said that the Holy Spirit of God was the main contributor of the agricultural prosperity on the islands. Unfortunately, the good tradition was broken immediately after the WWII. After the war, Finland ceded the Islands of Valamo to the Soviet Union, and they became a part of the Soviet . There was no way to maintain monastic life at the islands. The Orthodox ritual became practically defunct in Soviet Russia after the revolution, due to the Russian Holocaust, and the extermination of an overwhelming majority of clergy and faithful laymen, as well as many communist persecutions. Consequently, the population of the islands changed entirely since the evacuation of the monastery. A group of people from different parts of the Soviet Union were recruited to work in the North after the war and forced by the military administration to settie at Valamo. There was no way for them to escape. They were not familiar with the history of that place, or of Arming in that area, and the Soviet system of economics did not ^vor agricultural development. For example, the monastery had left a dairy ^mn, but many cows died soon after the war since nobody milked them. No one on the island actually needed to know how to produce food because most of the people worked at the House of the Handicapped, which received a good food supply. Others waited for products to be delivered from the mainland. This situation lasted for five decades. As the food supply was provided from outside, the land was little used. For many years, since Valamo became a Soviet territory, its soils sustained a high level of fertility. In 1950s the local 30 inhabitants were still able to grow up to 22 short tons of tomatoes from only 1 acre of land, and excellent heads of cabbages up to 22 pounds each. There were surpluses both of vegetables and of fruits, providing an additional source of income for the islanders (Mironov. 1989). In recent decades the islands' ecosystems were subjected to destruction. Many of the arable lands lost their original appearance and were invaded by shrubs. The drainage systems were destroyed and the soil-vegetation balance was upset The destruction of the drainage system brought death to many fruit-trees. The absence of soil cultivation created conditions in which outbreaks of disease and insects took place resulting in the general decline of fruit trees and berry bushes. An experiment was conducted by a group of people at the Valamo State Forestry in 1984 (Mironov, 1989). They planted 4.4 short tons of potatoes. In the ^11 they harvested, to their surprise, only 661 pounds. What was the reason for such a diminished production? Undoubtedly, it was due to inapropriate attitude toward the land, unskilled management and the absence of a single system for agricultural area utilization. The land needed a host, and the islands' residents apparently were not the hosts of the land they lived on. Litovka and Samokhin (1991) noted that the economic (or, rather, uneconomic) activity on the archipelago during recent decades has resulted in considerable disturbances of the natural environment, which is manifest, in particular, in the following ways: 1. Exhaustion of certain types of natural resources (for example, the areas of depleated soil (e.g., Mt. Illion [Eleon, A. Kh.] and other places); 2. Changes in the hydraulic regime, the result of which the natural environment of the islands is becoming excessively saturated with certain nutrients (e.g., phosphates and nitrogen compounds, although the inland lakes of the archipelago are practically in the original state, the system of inner-lake channels which join the northern and southern water areas of the archipelago are, to a considerable extent, subject to the process of eutrophication as a result of the disturbance of the flow of the water system); 3. Accumulation of waste products from municipal, agricultural and other activities; 4. Disappearance of individual species of flora and ^una (species introduced to Valamo, such as hawthom, have become degraded and the catastrophic reduction in the population of paliya (whitefish) and salmon continues); 5. Alteration of the chemical composition of the water, soil and air (for example, the content of toxic substances caused by leaks of fuel from fuel depots in the water of Monastery Bay exceeds by many times the maximum permissible concentrations); 6. Change in the microclimate; and 7. Development of erosion. ...sustainability has become the most widely accepted term acknowledging a need for basic changes in agriculture. But what is to be sustained? How? For how long? At what cost? Answers to this question by alternative agriculturalists include sustaining 31

farm fields, soils, aquifers, habitats, peasant and ^rm ^milies and their rural villages, crop germplasm and rural biodiversity. (Oahlberg, 1991, p. 8) One of its forms that is especially important for Valamo is regenerative agriculture, which seeks to understand how to reinstate and regenerate over the long term not only local cropping systems and ^rm ^milies, but also rural communities, landscapes and regions. Another form, or another approach is agroecology. Agroecology means achieving sustainability through social and economic adaptations to the local environment (Oahlberg, 1990). "Agroecology focuses primarily on farm and village systems, including questions of land tenure and social justice" (Alteri & Hecht. 1990, cited in Dahlberg, 1991). An attempt was made to conserve the unique environment of the Valamo Islands by means of organizing a special environmental section at the Valamo Historical-Architectural and Natural- Landscape Museum-Refuge. The intent was to conduct research and to provide practical wori<. Unfortunately, the mission ^iled because there was a lack of people who were interested in doing something, and there was no way to complete the job because restoring the nature of the islands of Valamo meant, first of all, to reinstitute the traditional agricultural practices, which was impossible due to the Soviet system of economics. The 1980s brought few changes in people's existence at Valamo. After the govemmental decision to create the State Historical Museum at the island had been made, the House of The Handicapped was relocated from the islands to the mainland. It seemed to almost everyone, that the major problem of Valamo had been solved successfully. However, the museum concentrated its efforts mostly on excursions through the island. Its employees were mostly people from larger cities, such as Petroskoi and St Petersburg. They never wintered at the island, spending just the best time of each year with the tourists. They never worried about getting food because the tourist business provided to them all food they needed. Thus, the residents were not interested in leaming about producing food on the island, nor did they think about teaching the islanders. However, according to the survey made by the Lengiprogor Institute in 1989 (Litovka et al., 1991), "...53% of the population have private plots and are prepared to develop them. Moreover, 52% of the islands' population would be agreeable to Arming by traditional methods." In reference to private plots, although it should be noted that these are very tiny pieces of land, not just because of the islands' formation and soil, but because, according to the Soviet tradition (that is well preserved by the new Russian "gangstercrats" who took power after the preudo-revolution of 1991), the land does not have to be able to provide a surplus of produce, it has to be used just for the self- subsistence by people, and as a powerful means of control of society by its leaders. Consequently, there has been no real private ownership granted after the breakdown of the Soviet system (which by itself, as I believe, had not happened). 32

"From the environmental standpoint," - as continued by Litovka and Samokhin, - "a private form of agricultural practice per unit of agricultural output would cause the least damage to the natural environment of [Valamo], and would permit, to a certain extent the restoration of the disturbed ecological equilibrium (25% of the population t}elieved that the repudiation of traditional agricultural methods was one of the reasons for the worsening of environmental problems)" (p. 8). In 1992, Russian former President Boris Yeltzin issued a decree on returning Spaso- Preobrazhenskiy monastery of Valamo to the Russian Orthodox Church. However, the land was given to a church with different experiences and traditions than the one that was on the island before WWII. The Russian and Finnish Orthodox monks who had moved to Finland's mainland during the Winter War in 1940 founded a different monastery called New Valamo (see Figure 2.1). They took their traditions, experience and archives with them. The "Old Valamo" Monastery was returned not to the Finnish church, but to the Moscow Patriarchate. The Moscow church now owns most of the land, but this ^ct itself does not solve the problem of the island, because most of the contemporary monks were formeriy townsmen. As such, they did not have the requisite Arming skills. Another problem was that, while 17,000 pilgrims had been visiting the island annually at the height of the monastery's existence, the current numbers today have increased tenfold. Formeriy, the tourists usually stayed for a week or more to work with the monks and pray in the churches (Valaamskogo Monastyrya, 1903). In fact, for many years. Valamo Island's economics, including agriculture, had tjeen, to a great extent, based on the labor of the pilgrims, which was a part of its outside input. No payment made to these tourists and no one sought it. In addition to a moral

Figure 2.1. New Valamo Monastery in Finland [Uusi-Valamo] (courtesy of Prof. Emeritus Eino O. Kainlauri) 33 reward, everyone gained knowledge about Arming practices, which they brought back to their home villages. The practices were highly advanced for those times. Currently, approximately 140,000 tourists visit the island each year from all over the world (including the U.S. and Europe). Most of these tourists come primarily for sightseeing purposes. Pilgrims and tourists generally visit the islands a day or a half-day. The majority are not physically able to participate in the work of penance. Thus, the only hope for developing agriculture at Valamo appears to be through hiring workers from outside. However, neither the monastery nor anyone else has the funds for this. A potential way out of this crisis of labor supply might be through restoring the previously existing system of continuous, week-long or more lengthy visits by pilgrims rather than the current daily stream of sightseeing tourists. The people of the island do not benefiting from the tourism. Many beg for food, money and other gifts from the foreign tourists. The majority of the island's residents are retired, handicapped or minors. Most are pooriy educated and have never been taught how to do crafts or to till the land. The only school available on the island provides the children a general education. Some of these folks have managed to acquire cows, sheep and goats, and to become, to some extent, self-sustained. However, others seem to be spending their time purposelessly. Despite the current lack of productivity on the islands, Litovka and Samokhin (1991) conjectured, "Both special forms of agricultural cooperatives or individual leases and the traditional forms which existed during the period of the monastery's activity evidently are possible." An agricultural cooperative created by three ^milies from St Petersburg had bought some cows and pigs (monks never kept pigs or chickens), but. according to the news, eight of the cows died during the spring of 1992, the reason t}eing a lack of fodder. It is also likely that another reason was due to a lack of incentive to work. The individuals in the cooperative mostly pursued leisure activities, spending the summertime in the fresh air with their ^milies, yet they did sell some food and milk to tourists. Fortunately, the Church of Moscow occupied one-half of the farm buildings from which they produced milk and other dairy products for the nKinks. The monastery was also granted about 60 acres of tillable land. Thus, three major groups of people currently exist on the island: monks, tourists (and pilgrims), and about 500 civilian residents, yet they do not participate in agricultural processes and, thus, are not part of the ecosystem. All these groups of people are active mostly during the tourist season. Many of the current inhabitants of the island migrate temporarily during the summertime from the mainland cities of the Northwestern part of Russia and from Karelia. Tourist guides, lumbermen, various administrators and adventurists generally are not the kind of people who would become seriously interested in farming. The key questions become: (1) How can the islanders' lives be changed to support their existence productively while utilizing the island's natural resources; and (2) How can the need for 34 rapid social development be combined with the need for the restoration of the entire complex (architectural and landscape), while simultaneously preserving and increasing the ecological potential of the islands? This is clearly an educational challenge for even the orast astute agriculturalist Ironically, the church, which has only recently retumed to the island, does not seem to care about the island's environment, natural resources, and the education of their people. Nominal effort has been spent to paint the church buildings and start a fledgling travel business for the pilgrims. My mother. Nina Andreeva, who visited tiie island in 1991, commented about the present situation on Valamo in a personal letter to me while 1 was already in the United States; All Valamo brothers hate people, setting them at defiance. They treat them in a haughty manner, doing nothing at all, only keeping tramps as their slaves, who are doing all the work for them. They have given shelter to all sorts of grandmas with bunches of grandcubs. The fat, relaxed public is seen everywhere, feeling itself as the owner of everything. The ill-feted island inhabitants are looking like beaten little dogs. There's absolutely no food in the store, but "holy brothers" have every week a helicopter landed with luxury products. They cannot even eat them all. but they don't want to sell anything out to the people.

What kinds of effort (whether formal or informal) needed to achieve sustainability of the community and of the environment can take place in such situation? Probably none! No one knows what to do with the island yet it seems everyone is trying to figure out what to do with the "other" people. In feet, the negative position of the Moscow Church towards the island's inhabitants is understandable because the government of Karelia has already violated the terms of agreement with the church, according to which both parties were supposed to allocate a specified amount of money for the construction of several apartment buildings in the coastal city of in order to resetUe Valamo's inhabitants. While the discussions between the administration, from one side, and the Moscow Church, from the other side, take place, the local people still suffer with no one to intercede on their behalf. The life of the islanders needs to be improved and their urgent problems resolved. At the same time, particularly on these islands, it should be noted that Valamo's social problems are connected with a couple of other serious issues such as environmental and historical preservation. As Valamo's economy was based historically on the island's monastery, a renewal of the functioning monastery on Valamo should combine the revival of its own agricultural complex with a productive potential of the island ecosystem as an entity. This would enable Valamo to develop and to refein its ecological purity in intensive fenming. No less important is the feet that talk at>out renovation of the monastery and of its spiritual life should include restoration of its natural and cultural environment. Therefore, the agricultural issues should directly reflect the spiritual life of that unique place. They must exercise powerful influence on visitors to enable them to understand how to live in hannony with the environment, and how to combine both spiritual and physical aspects without endangering any of them. Actually, the islands of ValanrK) could serve as a good example of a 35 sustainable agricultural systenn fbrlngemrianland, the area around StPetersburg (with its almost 6 million population), and in the Republic of Karelia, which are important for the food and fodder production. It also could be a model ^rm for agricultural practitioners from other countries and for different international visitors to the islands of Valamo. As a result, an ecological form of tourism could be developed. The unique complexity featured by monastic agriculture in the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th century is not a matter of immediate rebirth. Most likely, there is probably no need for and no possibility of converting Valamo's once virgin landscape into a cleariy rural area. Nevertheless, there is a need for at least minimal consideration to: repair the drainage systems; cultivate the meadows, gardens and orchards; restore the water exchange required by agricultural vegetation; and increase the soil fertility (see Figure 2.2).

Figure. 2.2. Mount Eleon at Valamo (in Finnish, Oljymdki)

This photograph was published at the end of the 1980s by the Karelian magazine, Punalippu. It is a site which draws many tens of thousands of tourists every year. The sparse topsoil was eventually destroyed. The soil was swept away by the wind, washed away by erosion, and carried away on tourists' shoes. A precise investigation of the climate in this region is also needed. The island's agriculture is favored by its climatic conditions, which are more mild than coastal regions of the same latitude. However, there are no such ^vorable conditions for gardening and horticulture, even in the more southem areas of Karelia. Valamo's climatic conditions have been defined mainly by the influence of Lake Ladoga. Winters in this area are mild, with an average temperature of-8.6° C, and summers are ^ warm. The vegetation growth season begins and ends a one month later than at the mainland (Kuchko et a!., 1989, pp. 6-8; Valaamskogo Monastyrya, 1903). Valamo's climate has proven to be much more 36

fevorable for plants, comparatively, than the climate of the nearest mainland. The mild climate has resulted in many different varieties of trees in the forests and orchards, as well as some rare species of herbs (Andreyev, Belousova, Ronkonen, 1982, p. 8). The first meteorological observations at Valamo were taken in 1859. However, they have not been taken on a regular, daily basis. It should be noted that at that time, these were probably the pioneering meteorological observations made in the entire country of Russia. Originally they were very primitive, but improvements in technology resulted in the development of regular and precise observations. The monks received on-site training provided by the Main Geophysics Observatory of the Russian Empire in St. Petersburg. The main island now maintains a state network meteorological post. Because different regions of the archipelago have different microclimates, the present meteorological post at Valamo Islands cannot provide precise data needed for each field. Thus, meteorological data collection must be taken at different locations on the islands. It should be possible to restore both the historical image and forms of management of Valamo's agricultural system, which is a part of the unique image of Valamo. It is of utmost importance to complete the task according to historically tested, rational accomodation of different agricultural crops and without changing of the boundaries of previously utilized arable lands. Some free plots in the central part of the main island are occupied by meadows. Many of the monastery's meadows could be used (as in the past) as agricultural fields. However, there are many places, even in the most fertile area, where sur^ce ploughing is impossible because of the soil profile, in which case harrowing should be considered. Meadows and fields fill the hollows, broad depressions between ridges and partially gentle slopes. The thickness of the tillage horizon varies within the limits of 20 cm. Below that one can find only a grey, brownish-shaded, compact clay-like layer with many small cracks. In the summer these soils are dry. whereas in the spring and rainy periods they become water-logged. The soil is acidic, being poor in potassium but rich in phosphorus. The humus content varies within the limits of 3 - 5%, gradually decreasing. These soils can reap high yields of grasses if the optimal air/nnoisture conditions are created (Kuchko et al., 1988, p. 24). The latter would become possible when irrigation canals are restored to function fully. The soils could also be used for producing vegetables. It is very important to restore the appropriate balance in crop rotation. Based on previous data from the monastery's statistical reports, there were 141 hectares of arable lands in 1922 - 1924. There were 71.5 hectares of good land and 69.5 ha of unusable land. The crop rotations used were either four-plot (fellow - rye - potato - bariey) or eight-plot (fallow - rye - peas - turnips - stock beets - bariey. together with under-the-slope grasses - different grasses in last three years) (Valamo Monasteri, 1922 -1934). 37

The plan must be developed scientifically, and include; 1. Studying the peculiarities of the agricultural management on the island during 19th and 20th centuries, using archival data; and 2. Conducting systems analysis of weather and climatic conditions, and changes during the period since the middle of the 19th century; 3. Studying soil conditions of the past and present, and carrying out soil nutrition element dynamics; 4. Developing an agricultural soil utilization plan and making recommentations about agricultural crop utilization; 5. Formulating and infusing technological processes to ensure rational soil-climatic potential utilization in each ecological recess (niche); 6. Carrying out a plan for the agroecological division of the island into districts of agricultural land, which will identify locations with similar microclimate and soil conditions, and determining the potential for either established or other agricultural crops to be grown without destroying the natural balance of the island; and 7. Conducting necessary investigations to build a mathematical model that would lead to a system of forecasting possible consequences of management, agronomical and economic decisions. This, in turn, would result in a differentiated and a highly productive series of technologies. It would also support the creation of new soil fertility management methods and formulation of a microclimate database. This plan should include a provision of staple foods for the population, especially fruits and vegetables, and the renewal of the historical, landscape and natural heritage of the Valamo Islands. For this to be realized, it is essential to educate the people about the sustainability that can be achieved. The banks of information and technologies will contribute to a management-decision support system, which will t>ecome an essential part of the future educational efforts on the islands. The broader plan, for which the work is to t)e carried out, should be outlined for the next few years; 1. Revival of the Monastery of Transfiguration of Our Saviour, recreating the economic and social infrastructure, typical for a monastic community; 2. Renewal of the necessary standards of living in Valamo, and carrying out restoration, construction, and renewal works; 3. Creation of a research and education laboratory for the study of natural ecosystems and ecological monitoring, vocational training, and education in the field of environmental protection; and 38

4. Creation of an open air, ecological nnuseum that supports the organization and implementation of sustainable technologies for nature and use. Such a plan has been developed by Lengiprogor and Agrophysics Institutes in St. Petersburg, Russia, Iowa State University, and the Valamo Society in Ames, Iowa, during the period 1988-1992. The most serious attention should also be given to rational environmental management of the archipelago itself, the determination of general principles for the rational use of natural resources (including, of course, their conservation), the introduction of strict monitoring efforts in order to to meet the "ecological" requirements of both the local population and the tourists, and the scientific study of the ecological content and carrying capacity of the archipelago. (Litovka & Samokhin, 1991)

It is interesting to note that, presently, there does not seem to tie a way of organizing a good system of agricultural education on the islands of Valamo that can help people who reside there to better participate into the agricultural renovation and development of the island. The monastery may block such efforts because the monks, themselves, may want to dominate the island's economic future. The best suggestion they have at present is for the islanders to somehow become "collective farm" workers, only in this case the monastery will be the farm. The church does not encourage the people to become independent fanners. With the present mindset of the monks, there is little chance that, by gaining the knowledge about indigenous agricultural practices of the past, we could actually coordinate and improve the process of agricultural development on the islands. We can theoretically create a very good system of knowledge, an agricultural database, and even a support system for decision-making, but several human factors need to be changed; 1. Attitude towards the agricultural renovation process on the island; 2. Recognition and accepfance that knowledge is important; 3. Understanding that improving self-susfainability of the civilian islanders as well as their thinking ability are inalienable parts of the very system of the sustainable agriculture. Until then, educational efforts will offer little help. Thus, there is no immediate solution to this problem at the present time. My hope is that by starting with the process of collecting information (mainly archival)—about how the people who previously lived on the island were able to be self- sustaining and the kinds of practices they used to achieve self-sustenance, as well as of systematizing and organizing that information—it will lead to a change of minds and attitudes of those people who presently deal with agriculture of Valamo Island. Then progress can t>e made to enable the monastery and the community to become sustainable. By looking into the crystal ball of the future, one can envision Valamo being restored into life in all its former splendor as a spiritual center on Northern Europe, where intemational efforts could unite to develop various aspects of moral perfection of personality, including molding of Christian 39 principles, love and respect towards nature and history, and mutual enrichment with scientific and practical knowledge, and religious and artistic values. Valamo's future is of yet uncertain. It seems that improving the agricultural management of the island will require solving the major social problem and, eventually, finding the secret of harmony between people and nature. Such a resolution has great potential value for future generations of ^mners in Russia and Karelia, and for people throughout the world. 40

CHAPTER III: METHODOLOGY

Method of the Study Selecting a method for this study was the most difficult task due to the complex nature of a problem that originally had created a need for it There were several major factors that limited the type of research method that could tie applied in this study to a historical approach; 1. Valamo's agricultural data are plentiful until the year of 1940, yet are very scarce since the beginning of the World War II until the present; 2. Valamo's archival information is abundant, but not very uniform; 3. Digitizing the information from Valamo's archives and statistical processing for quantitative research would require the efforts of a number of people which would be an extensive task; 4. The Valamo Monastery's archives in Finland containing the agricultural data are not very well systematized; a number of years is not presented among materials available (for different reasons some of which will t)e descritied later on in this research); 5. The information for those years that are well-presented, have become available to this researcher in disjointed parts because of a lack of financial support as well as difficulty to get the information released; 6. The monastery's existence for centuries past is based on an understanding of the spiritual, historical, architectural, environmental and educational restoration of the system of living on the Island; 7. There is a current "social vacuum" thus a lack of understanding of the historical experiences of a very special social group that lived on the Island for decades and for centuries t}efore the Winter War of 1939-1940 between Communist-occupied Russia and Finland and Worid War II (that is, the monastic community); and 8. Valamo (as an Island, as a settlement, as a monastery, and as both religious and cultural phenomena) represents a cluster of difficult problems involving many unusual and unique connections between people, therefore, only a qualitative historical approach can help to provide an adequate picture of the object of this research in order to make some conclusions about the possible implications of such a description related to the educational aspects of the regional agricultural development. First, Valamo is a unique environmental, historical, economical, social, habitative, spiritual and administrative entity that has cleariy outlineated geographic borders on the map and has streched over a significant territory in terms of the local importance. As previously mentioned, the historical and environmental phenonrwnon of Valamo currentiy represents a cluster of problems related to development, caused by social instability, by conflicts among different groups of the local population, by political controversies and misdirections and by property conflicts. Therefore, there exists a necessity for governmental recognition of historically-justified rights of the monastery over the 41

Island's temtory, on one hand, as well as the ministrative, social and economic necessity for accomodating the needs of the civilians to become owners of the plots of land which they are able to till in order to provide for subsistence for themselves and their ^milies. These civilians, as it was stated earlier, are not part of the monastery; however, they live in the same area and depend on both the monastery, in terms of having put limits to them as ^r as where and how they can exist on one hand, and the Karelian and local (Sortavalan) govemment which do not reside on the Island but, nevertheless, have responsibilities to provide the locals with the feedstuff, as well as responsibilities for their education and protection as a social group, on the other hand. The Figure 3.1 represents four major groups of Valamo population that have different conflicting interests. Essentially, there is a full-fledged conflict among the secular and the religious population of the island with their specific needs and interests, respectively. This should be considered the main axis, around which all other conflicts on the Island rotate. An attempt will be made to explain some specific problems that are related to those conflicts, and that reflect on development issues while preventing the overall population of the Island from effective cooperation with the monastery and with the local govemment in the areas of agriculture and of education, to be specific.

Opposing social Tourists Military j groups on Valamo

Monks

Figure 3.1. Four conflicting groups of the current Valamo population

The main reason for selecting a historical method of study for this research was the presence of the following characteristiscs at Valamo monastery as an agricultural educational entity: 1. In the case of Valanrra Monastery with its environment, one deals with, first of all, a historical phenomenon. This phenomenon in its completeness, from this researcher's perspective, has existed only in the past Thus it is a well-documented historical phenomenon. Or, put simply, this researcher had chiefly historical information, from historical documents or publications based on these documents, that were available for this study. 42

2. If one takes both the agricultural and educational components of this historical phenomenon, it can be said that they have stretched over a number of years and a number of decades within the overall timeframe that was selected for the study (four decades between the years of 1900 and of 1940). Both agriculture and education themselves are the social phenomena that have a confniuity in nature. Therefore, the second reason why a historical method of study was selected is the extension in time of the selected phenomena under the study, and the very fact that in dealing with those phenomena, one Is dealing with the historical process. 3. A historical reconstruction approach was employed to set the goals for this research. Use of this approach enabled the researcher to expect a certain final outcome of this study. The outcome to determine an educational means to teach people about agriculture—the system of it that was so successful in the past in Valamo archipelago area, wherein the people live. This is a historical reconstructionist approach because it is designed to target the empowerment of people, without biases to their backgrounds, social status and degree of abilities to be productive members of the society, through education in order to enable them to make their own decisions about applying, in a rational and justified way, the information and knowledge that could be made available to them. Of course, not an entirely separate issue is how this information should be made available. (This I tried to touch upon also in this study, although finding an answer to this issue was by no nrieans a primary goal of it) Nevertheless, among those three characteristics that have t>een described atxjve, there had been only two major ones that formed a historical approach to this study of the Valamo phenomenon; (a) Valamo monastery as a historical phenomenon (see the key terms explanation in Chapter 1)—this is how it is addressed in the study while having in mind; (b) the historical reconstruction as a main goal-setting idea for this study. The remaining characteristic of Valamo monastery's phenomenon, among those that are previously described—^that is the one saying that it is a historical process, could not be taken into account in this study because doing that would assume an availability of much more extensive and well-grounded information. At this initial stage of the Valamo agricultural and educational reconstruction project (to be touched upon later in this work), of which this dissertation is a part, it would be impossible to have, in-hand, such information. The reasons for that will become clear during the description of this study. Of course, when I speak about the historical reconstructionist approach. I do not mean to suggest any plan for the complete physical reconstruction of the systems of agricultural production and of agricultural education (in the form of extension) on the islands of Valamo archipelago, such as those that would be identical to the systems that had existed there during the years before the beginning of the Wortd War II. Of course, for me. with my background as a scientist-practitioner in the agricultural area, such an approach would be the most attracting one, and it would be definitely 43 desirable, if only it could be having practically-utilizable goals. Nevertheless, in any case, it would not be necessarily beneficial for the people who currently live in the Valanio Islands. The word "reconstruction" refers only to a recreation of the picture of how some important components of the agricultural educational system and the system of agricultural production in the island were functioning before the Second Great War in Europe. In using this term, it is also meant as a reconstruction of the agricultural educational components of Valamo historical and natural phenomenon that could be included or re-interpreted as parts of this researcher's suggested vision of the agricultural educational system that is likely (but not necessarily) to be created in Karelia and Ingermanland (south of St Petersburg - a center of the formeriy, in the I?"' century, Swedish province of Ingermanland) and centered around Valamo. The greatest historical role of Valamo's social and environmental complex (this is yet another way to call the Valamo a phenomenon) has been based on such role that the monastery, which existed on the Islands for many centuries, played as part of the phenomenon called Valamo. The Valamo Monastery of Transfiguration of Our Savior had been truly a nucleus of both the Islands' economy and the social life, as well as a center for food production and economic life on the archipelago and on nearby Islands and shores of Lake Ladoga. Similarly one can say about its manifold importance on a regional scale—that is the scale of the regions of Karelia and of Ingermanland. Prior to the Communist coup of 1917, Old Valamo played the role of the most important monastery close to the capital of the Great Russian Empire, the city of St. Petersburg. One must remember that the monasteries at that time were centers of active economic life, trade, education as well as, most importantly, spiritual enlightenment in the Russian Empire—the country that, as this researcher stresses several times in this dissertation, was founded on Christian principles and maintained as an Orthodox Christian society, particulariy due to the strong leadership and influence of the monasteries on all aspects of cultural, governmental and social forms of life therein. The importance of the Valamo Monastery was stressed especially by the fact that it was spreading the light of Christianity around the region of the North, populated by Finnish and Russian tribes which were pagan-worshiping many years after the official adoption of Orthodox Christianity by the Russian govemment centered in Kiev (now Ukraine). The strength of its Orthodox traditions was shown by the ^ct that Valamo monks were selected by the Holy of the Russian Orthodox Church to manifest the Christian ^ith in Russian America—across the seas throughout Alaska and in Northem Califomia. The first mission of the Orthodox monks from Valamo was sent in 1794. In 1993, a celebration of the bi-centennial Orthodox Christianity was held in North America. Valamo Monastery attracted numerous pilgrims throughout the Russian Empire. Since the time of Russian Emperor Alexander 1, the victor over Napoleon, it was under special protection of the Russian Czars, whose rule was, due of the nature of Russian Monarchy, based on Orthodox Christian principles. 44

Valamo was not simply an important center of Russian Christianity that was tightly connected with her political center, the Russian capitol of St Petersburg which made it a prestigious place for the Russian Czars to visit It also played a great role as nrnxlel community for the whole Orthodox world. This Orthodox world was stretching far beyond the borders of the Russian Empire itself, the borders that were set up during the I?"*, IS"* and IS"* centuries during the wars (both expansionist and defensive) by the Russian Czars. Since the reforms of Emperor Peter the Great Russian rulers were bound to cherish the Orthodox Slavic and non-Slavic worid which included countries such as Serbia, Greece and Bulgaria, and the Orthodox population in many countries that politically were not under the Orthodox administration. The Czars in Russia were the official heads of the church administration and also the heads of Synod. (It is important to mention that as a result of Peter the Great's reforms of the government all monasteries, as well as the Russian Orthodox church as a whole, became part of the Russian system of government The Emperors, however, dogmatically and ideologically, were not trying to interfere with the church. They maintained exclusively a political authority over it; and because of the exercise of this political authority by the Czars, ail matters, related to the religion itself, had to be decided upon by the (Zemov, 1963). A reference can tie made to the visit of Alexander I (Blessed Alexander) who visited Valamo in 1819 as a pilgrim. He arrived in a small t)oat with only two sailors accompanying him. During the course of his visit, he participated in the worship services and spoke with startzy (elder spiritual leaders of the monastery). He was so impressed by the services, the whole lifestyle of monasticism and the very organization of the monastery, especially by its ancient and very stringent by-laws, that he decided to upgrade the monastery to the highest possible level, Stauropegial status (Kompaniychenko, 1997, p. 3). At that time, the monks objected for the simple reasons of being against worldly pride. Thus, the Czar reluctantly changed his decision. (Valamo eventually became a Stauropegial monastery in the 20'" century, when it was given to the church by President Yeltzin's decree.) Of course, in order to consider all aspects of the historical role of Valamo for Russian culture and society, its military importance must be addressed. Although, after the last major restoration of the monastic community on the island in 1715, by the special order of Emperor Peter the Great (during the Great Northem War with ), there were no combat actions on the Valamo archipelago, the monastery was well-prepared and well-equipped in order to be able to take whatever measures might be necessary in case of a military conflict, in order to defend the Island. There were arsenals containing ammunitions or guns. It was at the time when many monasteries in Russian borderiands had been serving as military fortresses as well. The Czarist government included them in its defence strategy during times of foreign invasions, and the local civilian people could use them as shelters when the nearby areas were occupied, and the 45 monasteries were taken under sieges by Swedes, Poles or any foreign invaders (M. N. Zagoskin, Yuri Miloslavskiy, Hi Russkiye v 1612 Godu, 1992). The by-laws of the Great Monastery-in-the-Caves of Kiev, that had been later adopted at the monastery of Valamo (perhaps from the IS*" century), prohibited Valamo's inhabitants from violating any of the Ten Great commandments, and especially the one that said "Doeth not kill." Nevertheless, the very location of the Island of Valamo was a perfect gift for those who would want to stand against any unwanted intruder. In 1917, the monks realized that the godless government of Bolsheviks, that was foreign to anything Russian including Russia's Orthodox religion, was going to reach with its hands even to the Valamo islands. Lenin called it 'a triumphal procession of the Soviet govemment" (Istoriya Kommunisticheskoy Partii Sovetskogo Soyuza, 1985). At that time machine guns were set up on the bellfry of the Spaso-Preobrazhensky Cathedral in preparation to defend the Holy Place. (Of course, this story has been known only in its verbal form and might not seem to t}e true in the context of everything that one can become ^miliar with from the documented history of the Valamo monastery. Nevertheles, it is pleasing to know that Valamo community could, if there was a need, defend itself.) That was, probably, also one of the considerations that Czar Peter the Great took into account when he decided to renew the Great monastery of the North, the Monastery of Valamo, after almost a hundred years of devastation following the Swedish invasion of Karelia in 1611. This act was done during the early 18*" century's between Russia and Sweden. Thus, the specifics of Czar Peter's military strategy were not the least point in considering the restoration of Valamo monastery in the year of 1715 (A. V. Kartashev, Church reform, 1963). Such were several major sides of the historical importance of Valamo monastery for the country of Russia and for the Russian Orthodox church. Nowadays, the historical roles of Valamo Monastery in agricultural production, education, and, moreover, in Russian defense, have vanished almost entirely. They have changed as a result of the so-called anti-historical forces that tried to offset and possibly even negate them. The importance of Valamo Monastery in Russian society did not disappear by itself, but. as it was mentioned before, fell victim to a systematic policy of eliminating the roots of Russian culture, and the historical memory of the Russian people. This happened first, as Leon Degrelle (1962)) stated in his book. Campaign in Russia: The Waffen SS on the Eastern Front, "because Bolshevism is the end of ail values" (p. 35). This was also a result of a brutal and systematic assault on Orthodox Christianity, that happened on Valamo archipelago mostly in the post-WWII years, both under Stalin and Kruschev. This was also a result of the Holocaust against Russian Christians practiced by godless Bolsheviks who invaded Russia in 1917 and who have been controlling Russia so that, as Adolf Hitler said in Mein Kampf, "The end of their power in Russia will manifest the end of Russia itseir (Adolf Hitler. Moiia Bor'ba, 1937). 46

Procedures of the Study In carrying out the first objective of this study, this researcher had to address different sources of available information. The great variety of sources of information made it much more difficult to compare pieces of information from different sources, and made it necessary to develop a unique method of cross-referencing and of historical analysis. This will be covered in greater detail in another subsection of this chapter. According to the prominent historian of the early 19th century. Nikolai M. Karamzin, and who is considered to be a classic of the Russian history, the following sources of historical information are generally available to any Russian historian (Karamzin, Istoriia Gosudarstva Rossiyskago, 1997): 1. Monastic chronicles: Someimes, there is a need to study various copies of the same chronicles available from different sources. The main advantage is authenticity as they contain nonfictitious data; 2. The Book of Powers ("Styepyennaya Kniga): Essentially, this is a book of excerpts from selected monastic chronicles that was written during the 16th century in Russia according to the thought of Metropolitan Macarios. "Powers" in this case means the generations of others of the country (supreme state leaders, or "gosudari"); 3. The so-called Chronographs: Essentiallly, these are Byzantine chronicles, with some additions of Russian chronicles; 4. The Lives of the Saints: {Zhitiya Svyatykh)] 5. Specific Descriptions of Acts of the Famous People in history (Osobyennyye Dyeyepisaniyay, 6. Razryady [manuscripts, or rank manuscripts]: These are the descriptions of the divisions and their commanders since the time of Great Prince Ivan III; 7. Genealogical Book: (deposited at the Church Synod Library); 8. Written Catalogs: of Metropolitans and Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church; 9. Letters of Most Reverends of the Russian Orthodox Church (Svyatityeli letters) to Princes, clergy and laity; 10. Ancient coins, medals and inscriptions, as well as fairy tales, folk songs, popular proverbs; 11. Charters and censuses; 12. Statyeynyye Spiski, or files from the archives of the Foreign Ministry; 13. Foreign chronicles of the time periods under study; and 14. Government papers from foreign archives. It is interesting to see that many of these sources outlined by Karamzin are either church- related (written by the church or kept in the church library archives or depositories) or government administration-related (such as military records, diplomatic records and charters, which are, essentially, deeds). It is not surprizing because, as it has tieen stated several times, the church was 47 the main organizational, educational and even political backljone of the society. In pre-Peter I Russia, the church was considered first, tiefore the government Although the present study is not as broad as Karamzin's, who, in History of the Russian Foundations (see Foundations defined in Chapter 1), this researcher needed to use (1) church archives and (2) church publications in their basic form. Although the period of historical study selected by Karamzin began centuries ago, the current researcher accessed church sources such as chronicles, when they were available if they dealt with a recent historical period of time. This was done for two reasons; 1. The sources of information related purely to agriculture at V/alamo monastery are so scarce, that every bit of this information, related to no matter how ancient period of history, is useful to help draw a picture of agricultural system's functioning on the island, especially in the process of its creating; and 2. The sources of general information about Valamo are ^iriy abundant and primarily represented by church publications and writings about Valamo monastery by the people connected (or formeriy connected) to the church. The third, and separate, reason for using primarily church sources and church publications was that, throughout its history, Valamo had been physically isolated from any immediate tem'torial claims of Russian, or hostile to Russia, governments. Valamo has been like a state by itself, with its own system of self-govemment Therefore, government papers, the second major category of sources of historical information, were unavailable, for the most part, or available only occasionally to the present research. Also included in this category are scientific papers published in the Soviet Union and in Russia, as the source of formalized research work conducted in Russia. It is important to note here that research in the former Soviet Union was conducted under the direct command of the government. The following sources were available to this researcher (beginning with those of a more general nature, and proceeding to more specific source, finally to primary sources (e.g., archival materials): • Books that had been published in Russia (such as tourist brochures, such as anti-religious and quasi-historical (popular and anti-church propagandist) publications, as well as some published manuscripts fr'om Valamo monastery discovered in the Russian archives after the World War II). These books are in Russian, or in some cases, with parallel texts in Finnish, especially those published in Karelia and intended for Finnish tourists. • Books that were published in Finland (such as memories of Valamo monks, of civilians and military who lived on the island before the Worid War II and who moved to mainland Finland during the war (see, back in the first chapter, the explanation of the meaning of the term "war" as applicable to my dissertation) or even before it, as well as memories of the visitors and 48

the pilgrims to the monastery). Those books were primarily in Finnish, some of them were published in English. • Articles that were made available to me from different Finnish, Russian, European and American periodicals, such as newspapers, magazines and scientific journals (to a lesser extent) for the periods after the World War II, as well as some that could be obtained for the pre-war and war periods. Those articles were in four different languages: Russian, Finnish, English and Swedish (only a few in Swedish, because I did not seek to find such articles in Swedish; with a knowledge of English and some German, I was able to handle Swedish periodical publicaions with the help of a dictionary). • Research articles published by scientific organizations and groups in Russia, Finland and the United States. Those articles were in Russian and in English. • Information that was obtained through personal contacts with the monastery, and church hierarchs and officials in Russia, as well as with representatives of the local government of the Valamo settlement (excluding the monastery). Part of that information was obtained from civilians residing on the Valamo Islands. • Archival records of Valamo Monastery, such as; daily records of all kinds of agricultural activities on the Island; yeariy economic reports of harvested crops, fruits and vegetables, related to the milk production, sales of farming products; as well as yearly economic reports prepared by agricultural specialists invited by the monastery (who could be considered as Finnish extension agents; although formally they were basically agricultural professionals who were able to make qualified recommendations to the monastery and to evaluate its agricultural successes and ^ilures, if any occurred); and books containing records of meteorological observations prepared by the monks. Such records were, of course, in Russian. For the most part, they were scripted very diligently by hand using the standardized books and forms issued by the monastery. The yeariy reports of agricultural specialists (extension agents) had t>een prepared in Finnish and maintained in the Finnish archives of Valamo Monastery. • Information obtained from church organizations, international church groups and foundations that were or still are connected with agricultural programs of the Russian Orthodox Church. • Information obtained directly from the Worid Wide Web. This information was available in Russian, English and Finnish. • Video-recordings made both in pre-war and post-war periods at Valamo Monastery by visitors of Valamo archipelago. The films that I had been able to obtain were in the Finnish, English and Russian languages. Generally, materials from the following categories were used: • Archival records and manuscripts. 49

• Periodical publications. • Books and published manucscripts. • Communications records (such as letters, private communications in different forms, press releases, world wide web information etc.). • Media (video- and sound-recording, slides, photographs). For the most part, sources used by Karamzin, were also used in this research, except for those that originated too long ago historically and, therefore, were not pertinent to Valamo's agricultural development period (involving not only 20th century, but also several centuries prior to this time period), or those that were, due to historical circumstances, not available from or for the Valamo region, such as monastic chronicles or fairy tales. On the other hand, not all sources of information about Valamo that were available (both in general and in agriculture senses) could be used. Some did exist but were unavailable for financial or other reasons, such as great difficulty to access or due to restrictions (such as foreign governments' limitations) imposed on their use. There were some sources that could be used and were available (ultimately), such as climatic data, but required a huge effort of probably more than one person to digitize them and to process them. This, again, required a special effort beyond my own expertise, capacity, or financial abilities. Therefore, such data were collected, whenever possible, but left without t>eing fully processed or utilized. As I probably said before and will mention again, this dissertation is hoped to become a part of a larger research effort to be undertaken whenever resources and funds allow that. Due to the multiplicity of the sources of information, a method or tool had to be developed for working with these data. This procedure will be described in the analysis subsection of this chapter. However, the primary purpose and most important step of this historical research was to gather all available information. The information that was available originated in the following forms. 1. Several formats; Including printed materials and written records, and, on certain occasions, personal communications and video-recordings. 2. Several languages; Primarily Russian, Finnish, English and Swedish (not a very significant amount). 3. Several countries; The accessible information originated from Finland, Russia (Karelian province, Ingermanland tem'tory and the city of Moscow), and from the United States and Sweden. 4. Several ways of receiving; Primarily by purchase (by myself or by my sponsors), and by copying, reading, borrowing, recording, and even smuggling across state borders, whenever there was no alternative method to acquire the resource. Some of these practices, including smuggling, are described in greater detail later in this chapter. 50

On the general list of different sources of information, as previously described, the more readily available sources of information that were used in this research are listed first, followed by other sources according to the degree of availability. Not all sources of information could be, or, indeed, had been equally used by this researcher. Several reasons for seeking multiple sources of historical information for this research are given as the following. 1. A need for cross-referencing of available information (as much of it as could be possibly cross-referenced). 2. Even if some sources of information were generally available and represented a usable historical period, information from some of these sources covered certain years or sometimes certain periods of time within that period. In other words, consideration was taken of the fact that the sources covered varying aspects of the issues, therefore, all information needed to be reviewed to determine whether a piece [of information] was applicable. Similariy (and even simultaneously), some information covered a narrow, very specific period of time, not enough to enable me to take a look at the whole issue as it had been manifesting itself over several years within a historical period of time under study. This, of course, was a separate issue that was not involved in cross-referencing. When one deals with the latter, there are sources available that need to be cross-referenced. In the former case, there were bits of various data from various sources that could not t}e directly compared with one other or verified against one other. Some of these data pieces could not be exclusively relied upon as they were not complete. 3. There was a need for building a sort of a framework for a database for the agricultural and agricultural educational development on the island of Valamo. This study evolved, initially, with my very personal acquaintance with the situation on Valamo archipelago and around the monastery when I lived and worked in that area for over two years, in 1988 - 1990. During that time, I had access to discussions and was able to talk with many people who had differing backgrounds, levels of knowledge, therefore, being indigenous knowledge about a contemporary situation on the Island and its history. Next, I had become ^miliar with many unique pieces of the historical information that were made available to me through reading of articles about Valamo that were published at different times, or in different historical periods. As my interest in this topic developed, I sought to acquire all available information that was published or released about Valamo. I began to concentrate on locating books and archival materials that pertained primarily to agricultural issues. At the same time, I was not purposefully limiting myself to finding only agricultural books and agriculture-related publications or archival data. At that time I did have a clear understanding of the ^ct that the whole issue under study would not simply be either agricultural technological issue or a social 51

developmental issue. Neither was it, according to what I had thought at that time, and still do think, (after having completed this study), purely an issue of church history or of an environmental restoration of the Island. Rather, it is an issue of developing a complex model of regeneration of a society represented by a small, but a very diverse group of people living on the Valamo Island, within a unique ecological niche (environment), and during a very unique period of history, a truly transitional one.The discussion here is primarily related to helping people find their way to mobilize environmental, informational, educational and spiritual resources that they could use to find their place in the worid in which they live, to solve critical problems related to their existence. Therefore, I began to realize that every available bit and piece of information from any source could potentially tie helpful to visualize that system, to help Valamo's population, through education. I used all sources of information that were made available to me as well as I tried to set up a sort of initial framewori( for a database that could be used for future reference and possible utilization in a consulting network of specialists from different fields who would be interested in continuing to conduct such work within the Valanno community. Therefore, there was a need to find how to begin. In fact, the first two issues were intended to serve as a support for the third one, both within the framework of this dissertation and the larger project that is supposed to be built upon this dissertation. These were my initial thoughts that brought about my interest in conducting this research study. Despite the fact that information about Valamo Islands was sought from a variety of sources, the published literature that was available was sparse and usually available in one of four languages (in order of their relative importance for this study; Russian, Finnish, English and some in Swedish (very little, actually). In terms of language abilities, I am fluent in Russian, since that is my native language, and in English which I leamed (sometimes I feel it easier to read and express thoughts in English than in my first language). I also can read Finnish without a dictionary and I can negotiate Swedish text with a dictionary. Nevertheless, a majority of the materials that were used were written in Finnish. Several works had been profesionally ti^nslated for me and for other members of the Valamo Society in Ames, Iowa. These translations were completed by Dr. Eino O. Kainlauri, who is now a Professor Emeritus and a Fellow of American Institute of Architects, and who still lives in Ames. A few Swedish materials were made possible for my review through the efforts of Mr. Sten Magnus Themelius, a Swedish graduate of Iowa State University (who had been a Masters level student at that time but has since returned to Stockholm). In addition, during my work as a visiting scholar at the Hilandar Research Center in Ohio State University in Columbus, Ohio, during two weeks in 1994,1 had a chance to study some church manuscripts from Serbian monasteries along with other rare materials that basically pertained to the 52 agricultural history and indigenous practices of Slavic people in Eastern Europe. Hilandar Center has microfilmed copies of manuscripts from a number of Slavic countries, prinrariiy those dealing with issues related to Christian Orthodox culture. These sources were available to me in Serbian, Bulgarian, Polish, Czeck, Ukrainian and Byelorussian languages that I can read. They were available primarily, though, in Serbian and Bulgarian. This was only an attempt in such direction. Unfortunately, sparse information was found pertaining to the agricultural traditions of the Orthodox monasteries there, such as the Serbian monastery of Hilandar on in Greece. At the same time, it must be noted that it was beyond my ability to go through all the information available in their collection within a two week period of time. I did not have another opportunity to work at the Hilandar Center after that experience.

Types and Sources of Data Available for Specified Periods of Valamo's History, with a Brief Description of their Value and Accessibility

Figure 3.2 depicts the historical periods for which the most of published data on the Valamo Islands were available. The same periods are listed and discussed below, along with the types of data or types of publications. First period. The years B.C. - 960 A.C. Based on a legend, Valamo was founded in 960, 28 years before the official date when Russia accepted Christianity. No records have been known, according to this research, to have been preserved from that time. The only information available is according to legend. That legend tells of a Christian community that started on the island long before, when Holy Apostle Andrew—the Enlightener of Scythians and Slavs—reached the island, baptized the pagans who lived there, and erected a stony cross as a symtxil of Christianity. Therefore, not much could be learned about agriculture in that period, as to whether or not it existed. Recently, in Octot)er 1999,1 received an interesting piece of information. I had a letter from an organization in Finland called "Vanha Valamo ry' ("Old Walamo' Association). The president of the association, a professor and restorator who has done work in Valamo and in other monasteries in Russia and in other parts of the worid, Heikki (Andreas) Hanninen, literally said the following to me (as translated from Russian); "According to the previously unknown document that has been found in the Stockholm archive, it is evident that the [Valamo] Monastery existed already in the 10th century." Second period. The years 988 — 1611. During this period of time, a monastic community was already in existence, and it had a supposedly extensive library in Old Slavonic language. The community had particulariy suffered from numerous attacks of Swedes on the island during different years in that time period. The main part of the library was "looted* (which turned out to be, actually, as being saved, on a historic scale) by Swedish Commander-in-Chief (Fieldmarshal) Jacob Delagardie. It is now located in Sweden, and it is well preserved. 53

B.C. - 960 988 -1611 1611 - 1715 1715-1859

1859-1917

1917-1940

1940-1945

1945-1988

1988-1993

1993— present

Parallel period; 1940 — present (in Finland)

Figure 3.2. Periods of Valamo history for which the data were available

There was a project on microfilming the "Delagardie Library" and providing the Research Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences with the microfilms. According to the words of Dr. Barbara Churakova (personal communication, 1990), my former high school classmate in St. Petersburg who now works as a history scientist in the institute that I mentioned, the microfilming project has been successfully accomplished. This information was provided to me in 1990. However, the materials from Delagardie collection of Valamo ancient books were not available to me and, frankly, they were related to the period of history that was beyond my immediate interest in the 20"* century. Thus, no part of it had been or could be used in my study. Nevertheless, it is interesting to mention that such source of information does exist and can be used in the future for any larger research project related to a historical study of Valamo's agriculture or Valamo's past in general. T/j/n/ period. The years of 1611 — 1715. This was the period when (in the beginning of it) the Swedish sovereignety over the islands of Valamo was established and the monastery ceased to exist 54 until, at the end of this period, Czar Peter the Great of Russia had re-established it. During this entire period of time, there was no functioning monastery on the island, as all the surviving monks moved to the Russian land on the south shore of Lake Ladoga. They were trying to escape death that could likely happen from a Swedish sword. Consequently, no known historical records reflected this period of time. Due of the lack of monastic community on the Islands of Valamo during this historical period, there was no agriculture. Some sources say that there were independent Finnish fishermen and peasants living on different parts of the main island, but this does not mean that agriculture existed (Vas. Iv. Nemirovich-Danchenko, Muzhitzkaya Obitel, 1993, p. 38). It is not likely that they were growing anything on a massive scale because their primary occupation was fishing. No records were kept by these peasants, who were probably illiterate as literacy during that time appeared only in the monasteries and in the governmental institutions. Even if one were to conjecture that records were maintained by those people, we do not know al>out them, and those records would be outside the immediate historical period of the time of interest Therefore, it was assumed that there was no wide- scale agriculture practiced on the island during that time, or, to say precisely, there was none at all. Fourth and fifth periods. The years of 1715 - 1859 and of 1859 - 1917. The monastery was restored by Czar Peter the Great in 1715, after the Great Northem War between Russia and Sweden, and it gradually regained and expanded its influence on the area of Karelia and Northem Russia and became once again ^mous nationwide. Thus, a very well documented period in the monastery's history came into existence. Multiple archival records are known to exist during these periods of time. Among such records were: economic reports, records of yields, kinds of agricultural practices that were conducted on the island, as well as monastic diaries, in addition, there existed letters written by monastery administrators to the outside worid, and letters from people in the outside world to them, also different official documents reflecting connections of the monastery with society and government, and those representing the status of the monastery in society. These sources are mentioned to indicate what could be used, because not all information for that period were accessible to this researcher nor were all available infonmation pieces related to this study. Information gathered that relates to this study is described later as well as how it was used... Even after the Communist revolution of 1917, the Valamo monastery's records were kept intact and continued to be maintained there under safe conditions. It might appear to be a surprizing discovery! It must be noted that the monastery's islands became part of the territory of the Grand Dutchy of Finland which had become independent from the Russian Empire after the Communist takeover of the main part of Russia. Finland was never a part of the Communist Soviet State. The information published during that period (including archival materials) are exclusively in the and represent numerous publications printed by the monastery (such as brochures and religious literature for pilgrims and sightseers, publications of those who travelled to 55

the monastery, and memories of the monks. These publications were either pre-revolutionary or Soviet, but were published a long time following World War II, when Valamo once again t}ecame a topic of interest in Soviet literature. Among these sources were, for example, a manuscript by monk Alexiy published in an adapted form by Leonid Reznikoff of Petroskoi (Petrozavodsk). Being that it was prepared specifically for Soviet atheists, of course, it expounded negative attitudes towards the Russian Orthodox Church. This manuscript was published in 1990 under the title, "Povesf O Nesgorevshey Rukopisi." Although it could not be a source of adequate information atx>ut Valamo monastery's life and the church, including agricultural information, it provides an example of how well agricultural records, among others, were preserved in the Finnish archives. The year of 1859 is of interest during this time period because it is an important historical benchmark; The first meteorological observation post was established by the monastery under the direction of the Main Geophysics Observatory in St Petersburg. Located nearby, St Petersburg was the capitol of the Russian Empire at that time. Thus t)egan the process of recording meteorological observations. Initially only three parameters were recorded. With time, a uniform system of taking meteorological observations was established. According to this system, meteorological observations were made three times a day year- round, with no exceptions. The weather parameters that were taken and recorded were; minimal and maximal temperatures, relative and absolute humidity, atmospheric pressure, cloudiness, the level of water in lake Ladoga, as well as unusual weather phenomena. The results were recored on forms prepared at the Main Geophisics Obsen/atory in St Petersburg. These forms were in two languages; Russian and German (the language of science at that time). Detailed observations were made until 1940. when the monastery was evacuated following numerous Soviet air-raids. This was a time of heroic resistance by the Finns against the Soviets. During the Winter War of 1939 - 1940, the U.S.S.R. attacked Finland in order to annex Finnish territory and turn the entire country into a "happy" Soviet state. The Winter War was followed by a brief Soviet presence on the Island of Valamo (lasting a little over one year, in 1940-1941). During Worid War 11, meteorological data were recorded by the Finnish military, who had returned to the archipelago. It is not know whether the Finnish military had set up a special meteorological post or used the same one established by the monks. However, data for that period do exist and are located in the Finnish Meteorological Institute (Suomen llmatieteen Laitos) in Helsinki (Helsingfors), Finland. Most likely, these data were gathered from the nneteorological post is still in existence today. It site is located at the main Finnish defence lines, on the south (or so-called) rocky shore of Valamo archipelago. Unfortunately, I was unable to obtain data from the Finnish Meteorological Institute. This was due primarity to a lack of funds. In addition, I was not qualified to conduct independent meteorological 56 research and i did not have enough funds to hire someone who was qualified. At the same time. I realized that if someone could gather the data, it would not be original data, but rather those which were electronically-formatted (digitized). Nevertheless, my goals were to discover the original records that were made by the monks. In the beginning phase of my study, I paid attention not only to the data themselves, but also to the conditions under which those data were gathered. It could indirectly provide information about the purposes for which those data were used in connection with meteorological and other, non-agriculture related sources of data. I wanted not so much to see what was in the records from the standpoint of making research conclusions or integrating these non-agricultural pieces of information into my study, but rather to note the manner (or process) in which the records had been made. Of course, meteorological data could be useful if someone were to conduct a future study of long-term climatic changes on Valamo. Knowing these changes could be quite helpful in understanding how the agricultural practices on the island were affected by the climate. (The connection between agricluture and climate is shown, in an abstract form, by the "triangular" scheme in Figure 3.3).

wie • Changes in agriddtural

Figure 3.3. A triangular scheme of alleged connections between climate, agriculture and education on Valamo

After WWII, the meteodata continued to be collected on the island at the meteorological station established by the Soviet govemment (or rather, re-established there, in the same place that was previously mentioned). Those data have been preserved in Russia as part of the system of observations maintained by the govemment meteorological system in the country. That system, as part of the Soviet, and later, Russian govemment, following the desintegration of the U.S.S.R., was closely associated with the military. Therefore, it comes naturally that those data were kept in either 57

semi- or complete secrecy (depending on the specific time period, with nnodem data being under a more strict classification than the older ones). It is very hard or, in many circumstances, impossible to obtain these records from the government This is still true, however, in present day Russia, so much has changed, not necessarily the way the government functions but the way in which society is being transformed. In the 19th century and during the period in the 20tti century before 1917, the monastery prepared three sets of meteorological data. This basically meant that every figure was recorded three times (identically) in three different books of standardized tables. The tables were provided by the Main Geophysics Observatory in St. Petersburg. One set was then stored in the monastery's archives. These archives were, essentially, an independent entity under the control of the monastery of Valamo, that is before the breakdown of Russian Empire in 1917. This dissolution of the former Soviet states has led to the isolation of Valamo on foreign territory due to the govemments transformation. Consequently, these data sets have been preserved as part of the monastery's archives. A second set of the data was sent to the observatory in SL Petersburg and the third sent to Helsingfors, the capitol of the Grand Dutchy of Finland (previously a part of the Russian Empire, before the Communist coup in St. Petersburg). As a result of frontier changes after the revolution, and a war between Soviet Russia and the independent Karelian government in 1918, and of changes in administration due to the transfer of lands around lake Ladoga to the Finnish Republic, and, after some time, back to the Soviet Union, the political and territorial formation that succeeded the Russia proper, present day Russia possesses two sets of meteorological observations. One is located in the State Archive of Karelia. (Karelia is a state within Russia, formerly called Karelian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, and now called simply Karelian Republic). This set was apparently left on the Island by the monks who evacuated to mainland Finland during the Russo-Finnish war of 1939 -1940.1 was able to view these data briefly but not carefully. The data set I was able to access, was one kept at the Main Geophysics Observatory in SL Petersburg. I was able to obtain a complete microfilmed set of these data for 1859 - 1940, made available to me by Mr. Sergei Awakumow, former president of "Sema" Ltd. group in SL Petersburg, Russia, who now is a privately practicing psychologist in that city (see Appendix A-1). This was not an easy task and, most likely, my goals in obtaining these data were beyond the scope of this research. My original intent was to preserve them for a future, long-term climatic analysis that I had planned to carry out with scientists from the Department of Agronomy at Iowa State University. The researchers who expressed an interest in conducting such a study were meteorologists and climatic scientists. All were interested in building long-term, climatic change models for the Valamo archipelago. Having such models would help to understand whether the agricultural practices of the past could be utilized in current and projected future climatic conditions and, consequently, determine whether it makes 58 sense to educate (as well as how to educate) prospective people engaged in Vaiamo's agriculture. Namely, the purpose was to integrate past knowledge of the formerly utilized agricultural system in a restoration project that would also apply new techniques of extension education as well as modem technologies based on the current climafa'c, environmental and economic conditions on the Valamo Islands. The most intriguing point about obtaining these data was, as mentioned earlier, the ^ct that they were considered to be secret by the Soviet and post-Soviet government, despite the ^ct that a similar set was available through Finland (from the Finnish Meteorological Institute). Unfortunately, I was unaware of this until after the microfilms had been prepared. When they were ready to be shipped to me in the U.S., the customs officials at the international airport in SL Petersburg, Russia, confronted the Valamo Society's representative in St. Petersburg (Mr. Sergei Awakumow), with a the requirement to get a permit firom the highest archival authority in Moscow (Mr. Rudolf Pikhoya) in order to ship that data set across the Russian txirder to Iowa. Any attempt to obtain that permit on our part was absolutely impossible for either Mr. Sergei Awakumow, the Valamo Society or myself. The reason for that was that Sergei had to suppress the actual purpose from the Main Geophysics Observatory by saying that he would use those data for his work only in Russia. However, in actuality, his purpose was not to use them for his own research or keep them in Russia. If the Main Geophysics Observatory, which had the data, realized that his real intent was to send the data out to the U.S., he would not have t)een allowed to copy them or even to get access to them. This was most likely because they were considered to be secret documents. The second (hypothesized) reason was that the Main Geophysics Observatory, knowing that the data are needed in America (a rich Capitalist country, according to a traditional Russian thought) would (perhaps) want the Valamo Society to pay an exhorbitant sum of money to acquire the data, which would t)e out of the question, making it an impossibility! One of the possible solutions for this problem, suggested by Sergei Awakumow, was to copy the data onto a hard drive of a laptop computer and to carry it through the customs. However, at the time when he came up with that idea, I was unable to find anyone who could lend him a laptop computer. However, after the microfilms had been made, there was no sense in digitizing the data. Nevertheless, I managed to smuggle these data through the border to avoid customs. It was permissible for American customs to have me bring into the U.S. any kind of data. They did not even want to inspect them. The problem was only with the system of the Russian customs. Thus, I located a sailor from the Russian crew of the Estonian vessel "Valga" that was carrying "Belarus" tractors as well as enriched uranium from the former Soviet Union to the United States. It seems that every sailor had a "side" business, so to speak, of his own; either a business of smuggling or of trading or both. Consequently, I merely had to make acquaintance with one of them at an American port and, later on, travel to Baltimore, Maryland, to meet the ship when it docked (see Figure 3.4). 59

Figure 3.4. Russian/Estonian uranium barrels being unloaded from the Valga (at the left) at Greenport in Houston, TX (1996)

It was quite an adventure for me! i was hosted in Baltimore in 1997 by one of the members of the Valamo Society, who had graduated from the Agricultural Education and Studies Department and whose relatives were living in Baitimore. He helped me to get to the port, and I "slipped" through the guards without any problems, entered the Estonian vessel and received the box with microfilms (for all years of observations made at Valamo since the beginning of time, that is since 1859 until the present). Acquiring these data was an exciting adventure, even though at ttiat time I had already decided that they would not be an essential part of my doctoral research. The reason for this elaborate explanation was to descnbe one of the adventures associated with acquiring data for this research. When I originally discussed the meteorological observations on the Island of Valamo, I had planned using these data in a broader project related to Valamo's environmental, agricultural and social restoration, after reaching the goal of this research. This research was, so to say, an effort to lay the first stone in the foundation of that lofty goal. By describing how I managed to obtain those data, I wanted to show the unusual means through which needed information could be obtained. My goal at that time was to take a look at everything related to the period in Valamo hisory in which I was interested, not whether or not I could not find any intriguing agricultural information! 60

Sixth period. The years of 1917 - 1940. This was a period when the Valamo Islands became part of the new independent Finnish Republic. Vaianrx) Monastery continued to operate until 1940, when it was forced to evacuate due to drcumstances related to the war. This was, indeed, a difficult time in the history of the monastery. The main reason was that the government of independent Finland wanted the monastic community, which was predominantly Russian with some Karelians, to accept both Finnish citizenship and language. This meant that the Finnish language was also to become the language of the worship services. It was expressly put as a condition for those who wanted to remain legally in the territory of the Finnish Republic. In addition, another problem was created based on the difference between the official calendar of the Orthodox church (Julian) versus the official calendar of the Lutheran church (Gregorian). The Russian Orthodox church has traditionally used the Julian calendar, introduced by Julius Caesar. This has been the case for many centuries for other Orthodox churches as well. Western churches, including the Latin (Catholic) church and particulariy the main church in Finland, the Lutheran church, used the Gregorian calendar which is considered to be more precise astronomically than the older, Julian calendar. However, the Gregorian calendar is clainned to have mistakes related to Christian Theology. For example, the Christian Easter (Pascha) can never occur before the Jewish Passover. The Orthodox church says it cannot occur, whereas Catholic doctrine disregards it merely as sort of an old tradition that was sensible to change. Thus, on some years, in my understanding, Easter might occur before the Passover. However, this is the biggest controversy between the Western (Gregorian) and the Eastern (Julian) church calendars. The Russian Orthodox church in Russia (Moscow Patriarchate) and the Russian Orthodox church Outside Russia both use the Julian calendar, even now. Before the Communist coup in Russia in 1917, the Julian calendar was the official state calendar as well. There are other Orthodox churches in the worid that still use the Julian calendar. Such are the and a Greek Orthodox church of the Synod of Forerunners, that split from the official Greek Orthodox church not so long ago, based on issues related to the church calendar and involvement in the ecumenist movement (which nriore traditional Orthodox churches deny). There is, of course, a political issue underlining the acceptance of the Gregorian calendar by many Orthodox churches today, but this is not a topic of our discussion in this research. Naturally, when the Orthodox church in independent Finland followed the Gregorian calendar, there arose a big dilemma, similar to that which arised from issues of citizenship and language. The entire monastic community was split into two groups on these grounds. Some were willing to accept the new changes that were imposed on them, whereas others chose a secluded place outside the monastery to conduct their worship services. Thus, the members of the monastic community who were not willing to completely switch based on all three basic requirements imposed by the Finnish government and supported by the administration of the Finnish Orthodox church, which was part of 61

the government (Orthodoxy, as well as Lutheranism, were and still are official state branches of religion in Finland), were not allowed to remain at the nx>nastery. Literally, they had to leave. Nevertheless, in this researcher's opinion, it was a justifiable decision of the Finnish government. Even though it was an action against Orthodox church, it was more than just an upfront Finnization of the Orthodox monastery, which happened to be Russian in terms of organization of its religious life, and the language of the worship services and of the brethren. One of the reasons for this change was the ^ct that, as one of the former Valamo monks, Paavali, who had become an Archbishop of the Finnish Orthodox Church, said in his article, "Recollections of Vaiamo's Last Days 1939 - 1940," the Finnish govemment was afraid of possible Russian (Soviet) spies in the monastery. Among the monks or among the refugees who visited the monastery were those who succeeded in escaping the Soviet "." (The article was published in the book, Valamo and its Message, 1983). Another person, who was duly concerned that the Finnish govemment considered tjoth the number of refugees from the Soviet regime who lived in the monastery and of the importance of Valamo as a defense territory for Finland, Ot>erst (Colonel) Niilo Kohonen, stated in his article called Vaiamo's Defense and the Island Community. "A change in the military importance of the Valamo Islands took place in 1917, when Finland gained its Independence. Now the archipelago was close to the border, in a position which dominated the whole of Northern Ladoga." (This article was also published in the same book about Valamo that was quoted previously). What materials pertaining to this period of time were available to this researcher? Some witnesses of these events, such as late Archbishop Paavali and Colonel Niilo Kohonen, who is still alive and well, and a few others, published their nnemories about Valamo in Finland during different post-war years. Their books, along with some other published materials of a similar type were readily available from both Finnish and American sources during the course of my work. When Finland became an independent state after the Communist coup in Russia, the greatest concern that arose before the govemment was the necessity to protect its borders from the revolutionary forces that were pressuring the new republic, both from within and especially from outside. (St. Petersburg was known to be a "cradle of the revolution," so to speak, and it was very close to Finnish borders, indeed.) Therefore, Finland broke all immediate connections with Russia, which, during that period of time, was enduring a greater revolutionary turmoil (Wells, Rossiya Vo Mgle, 1957). With the entire country of Finland predominantiy Lutineran, having no connections between Finland and Great Russia, there were few prospective novices to join the monastic community on Valamo, based on what was needed in order to maintain the monastery's economy at the same, or at a greater, level than before the revolutionary turmoil. Nevertheless, economic life on Valamo was good, and daily records were still diligently produced by the monks. In addition to the records that 62 were mentioned in the descriptions of the two preceding historical periods, yearly economic reports by Finnish agricultural specialists came into existence during this time period. It must be noted that the agricultural specialist term in Finland at that time could t)e considered as an equivalent of the extension agent Such reports contained evaluations of the monastery's farming practices and recommendations regarding some new and improved methods and practices that could be recommended to be applied to both the systems of Valamo crop and animal Arming. These reports had been originally produced in the Finnish language. They were translated from Finnish into English by one of the members of the Valamo Society that I had been closely working with — Dr. Eino Olavi Kainlauri, who was bom native Finn and grew up in Finland being a native speaker of Finnish. There also have been found a number of interesting materials about the fife of monastic community on Valamo during the wartime period. These materials were mostly available in published forms, such as books that were written in the post World War ii period. Authors of those books in most cases were witnesses of the events that were taking place on Valamo. A number of publications about Valamo have t)een published in the local press of Karelia, such as Laatokka, a newspaper that was published in Finnish in the coastal city of Sortavaia (a town on the shore of Lake Ladoga which is closest to Valamo). These publications were made before and during the Winter War and the War of Continuation. At the end of the military conflict between the Soviet Union and Finland, the newspaper ceased to be published. During my residence and work in the Soviet Union, no archive or public library (all being part of the Soviet govemment) could provide them for me, first because there were no such newspapers in the libraries (most likely), and second because these kinds of sources were considered to be politically incorrect literature, and thus not easily available to the general public, i.e., those people without special permission of the "secret police organs." Fortunately, when I came to the United States, the newspaper was made available to me in microfilm format from Finland, due to the courtesy of the Interiibrary Loan Department of Iowa State University. After Worid War II, the local newspaper that was published in Sortavaia by the Soviets was called The Red Sanner (KpacHoe 3HaMn). Although it contained a number of articles about life on Valamo Islands, particulariy life in 1970s - 1990s, unfortunately the newspaper was available to me only when I was physically present on Valamo archipelago and in Sortavaia during the the course of 1988- 1990. In the Soviet Union, there existed a system, according to which any local newspapers could be bought or subscribed to only by those citizens who resided locally in a specific area of the country where such newspapers were published and distributed. This was done in such way to comply with the official line of maintaining the overwhelming secrecy that pervaded the entire U.S.S.R. Such restrictions were employed as informational filters to maintain secrecy. It was also done so that the spread of local information would not go throughout the nation. Recentiy, I have made several 63 unsuccessful attempts to obtain copies of that newspaper, either through a Finnish source likely to t}e connected with Russian Karelia or through some direct sources in Karelia. The Red Banner (Krasnoe Znamya) has t}een renamed Ladoga, which is essentially the same name under which it was published by the Finns in the Finnish language during the war. Of course, now it is published in Russian. The Russian State Archive of the Navy in St Petersburg (then Leningrad), that contains documents for the historical period from the inception of the Russian Navy at the end of the 17th century through the end of World War II, was also used by me as a source of information about Valamo's economic situation during the Soviet occupation of the Valamo Islands. This time period started with the end of the Winter War of 1939 - 1940. was interrupted with the advent of Finns after the German preventive strike against the Soviet Union in 1941, and continued after Finland made a separate peace treaty with the Soviet Union, when Finland withdrew from Worid War II and moved her troops back from the Eastern Karelia region, including Valamo. The entire Valamo archipelago was a military region at that time, controlled by the Navy. The Navy in the Soviet Union, by itself, was a giant economic organism, and so I naturally considered looking into those archives. However, the information found was spares, related to the activities of the School of Botswains and Naval Cadets of the R.K.K.F (Red Fleet of Communist Workers and Peasants) that occupied Valamo Monastery's Jollities during that period time. That school was evacuated to St Petersburg at the very fc>eginnjng of World War II, when the enemy (Finns) swiftly advanced and were preparing to take over the archipelago of Valamo. In 1941. the Islands of Valamo were recaptured by the Finns, and were held until 1944, when the entire territory of Eastern Karelia was ceded to the Soviet Union. This included the northem part of Lake Ladoga as well as the Valamo archipelago. Seventh period. The years of 1945 - 1988. This period was outside the immediate interest pertaining to this research. It was actually a period of degradation and of the destruction of agriculture at Valamo archipelago. The information from that period is very scarce and fragmented. However, every piece of information, even verbal stories, etc., from that period was especially valuable for a researcher who wanted to describe the picture of such degradation of the agricultural system on Valamo in the post-war years and explain tiie reasons for the deterioration of its agricultural ecological systems, such as changes in soil fertility and the productivity of the entire agricultural and ecological system. Therefore. I did not neglect such information as was available for that period of time. I collected with the hope to use it in future work that would t)e built upon an expansion of the original scope of this research. In 1944, after the transition of Valamo archipelago by Finland to the Soviet Union, Soviet military rule was established. The islands did not accomodate a significant contingent of the Communist occupational forces, but it had become part of the highly militarized frontier zone along 64 the borders between Finland and Russia. That zone was established with an idea of controling the Russian population that lived close to the enemy's temtory, and to prevent any undesirable activities in the border area, such as border crossings from the enemy's territory, but primarily Russians attempting to flee their own country which was occupied by Communists. Therefore, the Soviets required everybody who lived in the border zone, or who wanted to visit places there for any reason, such as business or recreation, to have a special permit in order to be able to travel to. from, or through that area, regardless of official or private purposes. This kind of permit was very difficult to acquire unless there was an official invitation by someone who lived in that area or by a govemmental organization. For those who tried to enter this zone, it was like going abroad. No tourists or private visitors were officially allowed on the Islands of Valamo after the end of the War of Continuation between Russia and Finland in 1944. The main Island of Valamo accomodated a concentration camp that was formed for Russian POWs who were forcibly repatriated from Finland back to the Soviet territory. They were eventually executed, the reason being simply that that they had been POWs (BoeHHonneHHbie. in Russian; vangittaija in Finnish) during the war. Stalin did not trust anyone who had connections whatsoever with foreigners, or had been abroad. The official reason was that they were traitors, since the could have no POWs. A soldier was supposed to commit suicide instead of raising up his hands in front of the enemy. One such mass execution took place in Karhumdki (MeABexbn Topa) in northern Soviet Karelia in 1945. I received this information according to the late Mrs. Antonina Alexeevna Gladkina, who witnessed the execution. (I personally interviewed her at Vladimirovo—Lost Lake's Russian colony near Rockford, Illinois, in 1995). As a direct continuation of the Communist death camp on Valamo. the Soviet government organized a colony for disabled war veterans. The original population (monks and some civilians who resided on Valamo because of their association with the monastery through hired employment as well as, most likely, some refugees from Russia, was completely removed from the island in 1944. To fill in the empty place, the Soviet govemment recruited and "imported" to the Valamo archipelago people from Russia, including Little Russia (often called Ukraine) and White Russia (Byelorussia, or Belarus, as it is now called). They were needed to fill permanent employment positions within the colony. However, most had been undesirable elements (for different reasons) in their original locations and places. They included, among others, different sorts of criminals. A number of such imported workers later intermam'ed with the disabled colonists and produced the post-WWII population of the islands. For decades this population lived in complete isolation from the outside worid. It is important to remember that Valamo was an isolated borderzone, with no social infrastructure extended to the islands from the mainland. The island residents were not allowed to leave, and, in addition to everything else, during the long winter seasons there was no 65 connection with the mainland at all). This population recalled vividly for many years, what Valamo archipelago was like immediately following World War II. They rememt}ered what they had seen on Valamo after the war. I use the stories these people told me as yet another possible information source for my research (although not in a systematic manner). According to T. Levias, {Valaam: Putevoditet, 1989), in 1957 regular tourist trips were allowed to be organized at the Islands of Valamo. Since 1957, the amount of tourists had gradually increased, reaching over 120,000 during the summer season of 1988 (my first year on the island; I had been employed as a tour guide with the local museum and, later on, as a horticulturist with the State Forestry on Valamo). Because of the nature of the tourist business, more information had to be provided to the people who visited the islands, about the different aspects of life on Valamo, its natural phenomena, and its history including, most importantly, the history of the monastery. Therefore, during this particular period of time, a number of tourist txx}ks at>out Valamo were published in Russia, and specifically in Karelia. Some field trips had been made by teams of researchers from scientific and educational institutions in Petrozavodsk (its Soviet Finnish name is Petroskoi, and the Finnish and Karelian name is Adnislinna), the capitol of Karelia, located on Lake Onego. Research groups from St Petersburg (former capitol of Russian Empire) and from Moscow (capitol of the USSR) also visited Valamo a number of times. The trips resulted in the publication of some special research reports. Some of these reports were made available to me in full text or in parts. However, since they were so fragmental, they were used only as additional sources of information. It was nearly impossible to find information about every research group that had visited the archipelago during the post-war years. Throughout Russia great numbers of people expressed a strong interest in visiting Valamo because of its nature, architecture, history and environment. Besides the fact that Valamo was (and continues to be) a unique place for scientists to conduct research, I believe there was increased interest during the pre-perestroika and perestroika years as part of a growing national, historical and cultural, as well as religious conscience among Russian intellectuals. A number of articles appeared in the local and in the republican periodic press in Karelia. In 1988, the first foreign tourists, who were mostly from Finland and Scandinavia, were allowed to visit the island (see Figure 3.5). Later, in the same year, European and American tourists arrived in groups. However, the status of Valamo as a frontier zone with increased security, did not change. Nevertheless, once again in its history, it has became a relatively open place for visitors. In 1988, Mikhail Gorbachev drastically changed the emphasis of Communist policies regarding the church. Before 1988, the church in Russia existed primarily for one single reason; to create a good political image for the Soviet government among intemational communities. Of course, the government of the U.S.S.R. could not ignore the ^ct that church was an extremely efficient 66

Figure 3.5. First Finnish tourists on Valamo (This ferry docks at Monastery Bay. It originates from the former Finnish city of Sortavala at the mainland coast of Lake Ladoga, 28 miles from the island.) Many tourists are dressed in white. (Hardly any Russian would wear white in the summer, especially white pants.) (Source; Punalippu magazine, published in the Karelian capitol, Petroskoi) structure for mobilizing the country's people during the German strike against the Soviet Union. The Soviet government kept the church in reserve, so to speak, as it was considering the possibility of similar situations in the future. However, as a spiritual leader of people (the traditional role of the Russian Orthodox church), the church was never allowed to t)e on its own. In addition, during the Communist era in Russia, the church was not able to expand its influence beyond the limits that were imposed on it by the Soviet government. In 1988, Gorbachev met with the late Patriarch Pimen of Russia. As a result of this meeting, the church was allowed to conduct a broader spectrum of activities such as convert people and sell 67 religious literature. The church was even allowed to regain some of its proF)erties that were expropriated by the Communist government after the revolution and during the entire Soviet era. The church was also allowed to re-open church buildings and monasteries for services. It was in 1988 that the former Patriarch asked Gorbachev to return to the Russian Orthodox church several of its most important monasteries, such as Valamo and Optina Pustyn, a place where elders (spiritually enlightened monks) attracted leaders of society and of the minds of people (such as members of the Czar's family, writers such as Leo Tolstoy, and numerous average citizens. This was just the first step towards recreating the church and re-establishing its vital role in society. Before the revolution in Russia, namely, in 1907 (according to Pavlovsky's, Guide to the Russian Empire's Monasteries and Holy Places, republished in 1988), there had previously been 810 monasteries. Sometimes these numbers appear slightly different, but one must also take into account that each home of an Orthodox Archpriest (Bishop) was also considered to be a monastery. This would result in a higher number indeed there were more than 1,000! In the book by Rev.Vladimir S. Rusak, Russian Church History {988 until present), published in 1993, there is the statement "On 1** of January. 1918, Russia had 1253 monasteries and small and secluded monasteries...During the four years following the revolution, approximately 20,000 church buildings were closed and destroyed (p. 8). Even after Stalin's repressions against the church, when Krustchev took power in 1958, Russia had 69 monasteries. According to Rusak (1993), Krustchev had closed 12,000 churches and 60 monasteries. Before the ascension of Gorbachev as the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and before the perestroika policies that changed the place of the church in the society, only 18 monasteries existed. Within a few years after that policy and the desintegration of the Soviet Union that followed it, 13 monasteries reopened which were added to that number. One must also remember that the reopened monasteries are a mere fraction of the monastic culture that previously existed in Russia, for which there are several reasons. First, the entire monastic culture is nonexistent in Russia since all of the monks were physically exterminated. The normal process of bringing new members into the monasteries that had survived under the Communist regime, was broken by the numerous restrictions imposed by the government. In addition, Christian education in society was eliminated. Economically, the monasteries that were returned to the church were in terrible shape. Many buildings were either destroyed or in disrepair, and the infrastructure, or culture, of monastic life was gone. Valamo Monastery was fortunate when compared to other monasteries In Russia because it was under the Soviet rule for only 48 years. Its buildings were not destroyed to such an extent; even its utility systems were functional. Now, there t)egan a movement by the church to take back primarily those monasteries that were previously valued for their special spiritual importance. These were also the biggest monasteries that were returned. Thus, it was an enormous task to physically restore their 68 properties (without considering the great need to restore the monastic traditions in ail their purity and "podvizhnichestvo"). Cieariy, the Gort>achev and post-Gorbachev governments of the Soviet Union and Russia did not provide the much needed financial assistance, and they could not begine to repay the church for all its losses, including church property. For this reason only a few monasteries could restart within a few years following Gorbachev's changes in policy regarding the church. One can only imagine the vast destruction of archives, books and other church possessions that were destroyed in the monasteries that were ruined by the Communists! (Neariy all were ruined!) Fortunately, Valamo's archives evaded such a fate because the majority had been relocated to Finland. Eighth Period. The years of 1988 - 1993. This was a period when Valamo started its renewed life as a monastery. The majority of the monastery churches and buildings, with the exception of the residential dwellings where all locals lived, were gradually transferred to the church administration. The initial decision taken by the efforts of Gorbachev's central govemment and the Karelian republican govemment was solidified after the desintegration of the Soviet Union, by Boris Yeltzin's decree (see Figure 3.6 and Appendix B). The church, however, had to begin a new struggle for every tiny plot of land on the archipelago. During this time period, the monastery was unable to regain control over the entire island, because only a few monks were residing on Valamo. It was also not in a position to carrying out economic activity on the islands. An exception was book publishing, which started almost immediately and was operated from the Valamo churches-in-town, in Moscow, and in St Petersburg. These books were primarily on church history and other church-related issues. Among them there were publications of ^mous Orthodox theologians, as well as popular religious books for pilgrims who once again began to visit the monastery. These activities provided some financial support to Valamo Monastery's existence. This will be covered in greater detail in the following chapter which will deal with contemporary economic activities of the monastery. A special. Stauropegial status, was assigned to the newly re-established Monastery of Valamo by Alexis II, the Patriarch of Moscow and all Russias. This assured no less than a number one status among other monasteries of the Russian Orthodox Church in Russia. Indeed, Valamo had not previously enjoyed this level of status in its history. Elevating the status of Valamo Monastery to that level meant that the church of Moscow Patriarchate would pay special attention to its activities, particularly its economic and spiritual revival. During this time period, a number of publications appeared about the Monastery of Valamo, many of them republished versions from pre-revolutionary editions. It was especially pleasing for this researcher to be able to obtain these publications because the majority of what was published in pre-revolutionary Russia about Valamo Monastery was available through specially controlled State Public libraries, such as the State Public Library in St 69

Figure 3.6. Yeltzin and Patriarch Alexiy II on Valamc for the signing of the decree {Sankt- Peterburgskiye Vedomosti, July 14. 1992)

Petersburg or Rumiantzeff s State Public Library in Moscow to a selected group of readers. In order to be able to read those books in the library (there were no check-outs for the majority of people who were allowed to visit those libraries), one had to have proper docunfientation and a business letter from the organization sponsoring the research, explaining the need for such books. Of course, this refers only to the Soviet era. Everything that was published by the government press (the only press then, at that time) during the decades of the Soviet regime, before the perestroika changes at the end of 1980s, 70 basically referred to Valamo as a tourist attraction and a natural phenomenon, not as a monastery. The only book that was published about Valamo's history and its monastic community was Resnikoffs, Valamo - the Cn'sis ofAscetism, a poorty written book that was published to discredit ascetic lifestyle and the role of monastic life in Russian socity. Other researchers who have dealt with Valamo topic agree that the facts were twisted (although some facts were available that would not be otherwise available to the public). It is obvious that Mr. Resnikoff had a purely political and anti- national agenda for obvious reasons, it was painful to be able have only this kind of literature available during this period when the Russian Orthodox church was not allowed to publish literally anything about Valamo, and while foreign publications were also not available to the public in Russia (in the Soviet Union). With the advent of perestroika, and with the changes in Communist party's official policy relative to the church, several documents were produced and sent back and forth among different church and secular organizations that are particulariy related to Valamo Monastery's restoration. Some of these documents were made available to the public. In recent years, several Valamo Monastery-related sites have appeared on the Worid-Wide- Web. Many of them have an informational character for tourists or are linked to some other church web-sites as expansions of non-Valamo related information. Others have been set up by the New Valamo Monastery and by the Finnish Orthodox Church in Finland and do not have any immediate connections (other than through sonne historical refierences presented) with the Old Valamo Monastery that is the point of interest in this study. Ninth Period. 1993 - present. The opposition between Valamo Monastery and the post- Soviet local government on the Valamo Islands has continued, with the former gradually achieving a prevailing position in the disputes. I was not able to obtain any published information or original materials from this period related to these disputes, particulariy in connection with agriculture. At times, when such information was needed, I had to rely mostly on personal communication with some of the people who live on the island as well as with different groups and organizations, whether connected or not connected, with the church that is present on the island. Some of these organizations are located in Finland, such as Valamo Seura ry headed by Colonel Niilo Kohonen or Vanha Watamo ry headed by Professor Heikki Hdnninen. Some of these individuals are located in St. Petersburg, Russia, or in the United States (such as representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia). In 1993,1 had a pleasure of personally meeting His Holiness, Patiiarch Alexiy II of Moscow and All Russias, during his visit to Chicago as part of the bicentennial celebration of the Orthodox Church in America. I received his blessing and personal encouragement to continue with the research on Valamo. A year before that, in 1992, Dr. Tom Colvin of the National Soil Tilth Laboratory, received a personal letter from Patiiarch Alexiy II wherein His Holiness described his special attachment to 71

Valamo and the role of Valamo in his own spiritual life and church career (personal communication. 1993). When the Patriarch visited the island in the 1930s as a small boy, he arrived with his parents who were traveling in a group of Russian pilgrims from the [then] independent Estonian Republic. Patriarch Alexiy II says in an introduction to the beautiful photo album by Sergey Kompaniychenko, published by the Valamo monastery in 1996: I first visited Valaam 50 years ago, when my parents took me on a pilgrimage to the Old Valaam, I must say that Valaam left a very strong impression on me, a nine-year old boy. Valaam impressed me by its grandeur and its spiritual life, it was a spiritual archipelago, every inch of its land was hallowed by deeds, prayers and labour. Ever^hing had a unique character. I was deeply impressed by the elders, who treated every pilgrim, irrespective of age and status, with special Christian love... The ^te of Valaam was very hard. Parallel period. 1940 — present. I call this period in Valamo Monastery's history a parallel period because the monastic community left the archipelago of Valamo and moved to the Finnish mainland, where a new monastery was started under the name Uusi-Valamo which means New Valamo (in Finnish). Since the documents of the Old Valamo archive (supposedly, the most important of them, not just the complete archive) were evacuated as well, my interest was in trying to acquire those records and, hopefully, any new records about agricultural activities and traditions of the new monastery. The majority of the original documents that were available to me were used in this study. They had been obtained from the New Valamo Monastery in Finland, where many archives of the Old Valamo Monastery were kept since 1940. They are almost exclusively in Russian, with some (such as the yeariy agricultural specialist reports mentioned eariier) in Finnish. I have also tieen able to obtain a number of published books about Old Valamo from Finland, chiefly in the Finnish and English languages.

Methods of Data Collection The essence of the historical nnethod of research used in this study was based on a comparison of different sources of information and on building a hypothesis (not in a sense of statistical hypothesis to be tested, but a hypothesis in the sense of the set of assumptions that are based on facts and that reveal a maximal approximation to truth, i.e., to the picture of the phenomenon that I am trying to describe). An accurate picture of the phenomenon was needed in order to suggest possible ways of utilization of what is known or what one is able to leam about this phenomenon. As said previously, the phenomenon considered both agricultural practices of the past and the informal system of dissemination of agricultural information. In order to be successful in fulfilling this task, i.e., by drawing an adequate picture of the phenomenon, I had to use multiple sources of information available for tlie historical period of time that was selected for this study. It must be noted that interpolation of the information from these sources, i.e., comparing historical evidence about the concrete manifestation of the same phenomena 72 was not always possible. I would say ttiat it was simply not possible due to the fact that even if there were two or more parallel sources available relative to the same historical event (e.g., to the day on which a certain agricultural or weather event occurred), they would not "talk" about the same phenomenon. For example, if an agricultural record made at the monastery states that a certain practice (for example, fertilizing gardens with manure) was performed on a certain day, and there happened to be a visitor at the monastery who had described in his memories, published later, that during this day monks were manuring their gardens, it is not possible to find out which gardens were manured, based on the information available in published nnemories, i.e.. a cross-check of the reference to this practice in the archival records by the monks. Again, even if that could be possible, there would not be enough secondary sources of information to cross-check everything available in a certain prevailing source such as archival records. Therefore I had to use different sources of information for different purposes, depending upon the kind of information that has been better preserved in each specific source. For example, the books that describe pilgrimages and visits to Valamo Monastery usually talk about interactions between the monastery and the outside worid. This means that, in such books, information could be found related to the kinds of daily activities of the monastery that involved pilgrims, and what pilgrims could leam from being present at the monastery or from participating in its practices. The agricultural records made by the monks primarily deal with the technical side of their activities. There is less information that can be learned concerning the delivery or sources of agricultural information used for or generated by their practices. At the same time these records can talk indirectly about the agricultural educational impact of the monastery's agricultural practices on their participants, including the pilgrims assigned to work with the monks for a few days and hired personnel who could leave the island in the future, and share the information with people in the new places where they would work. On the contrary, although the reports of agricultural specialists (extension agents) from Finland include much technical advice, they do not visibly concentrate on tjetter ways of teaching the monks about progressive practices, or tell about the level of agricultural education in the country of Finland at that time. Because my purpose was not to be able to draw a detailed picture of the entire system of agricultural practices on the island when the monastery flourished before the Worid War II, I had to decide to gather as much evidence as possible about everything that was happening in the rural economy of the island during four decades since the beginning of the 12th century, and then select the information that I could use for my study, while keeping in mind the two purposes, to provide a; 1) description of the agricultural practices on the island; and 2) description of the informal agricultural educational system on the island. 73

This idea resulted in multifeceted yet incomplete pictures of the phenomena under description. In order to visualize these pictures so they appear less distorted. I had to build hypothetical bridges across the gaps of unavailable pieces of information. It does not mean that my research resulted merely in a hypothetic picture, but I would nevertheless call it conditionally- hypothetic because of the lack of availability of cross-verification of the data as a major tool in this study. This research arose essentially from the idea of gathering information for a geographic database to map agricultural plots of Valamo using historical data related to the agricultural practices on the Islands. Of course, this tumed out to be an enormous task for just one researcher with limited sources of information and with limited physical and financial capabilities to carry out such a goal. This could be a much broader task for a well-financed group of scientists and involve many years of their diligent woric. The outcome of such work, if it is earned out. would also not be predictable because there have been doubts as to what extent such information could be utilized on a Valamo scale. If it could t>e utilized, what would be a concrete purpose of using it? However, this idea of using multiple sources of information, without the necessary cross- referencing. to build a partially adequate and partially hypothetic picture of the phenomenon under study is quite well used in the worid today. I perceive that the task of a science is to develop a tool based on something which one can predict but which seems to be unpredictable. If something is impredictable, then we have no science that can help us in that situation. If something can be predicted completely due to the nature of that phenomenon, we do not need any science, since everyone knows what will happen to the phenomenon. It is only in the cases when we know something about the phenomenon in which we are interested, and there is something atKSut it that we cannot know, that we do have and we do need a science. This idea might seem to be bizarre, but it is easily understandable when we know atxjut such things as a dialectical approach. The first law of dialectics, according to Karl Marx, is the "Law of Unity and Struggle of the Opposites" ("Dialectical Materialism'. 1980). This is. of course, a purely materialistic expression, or one that rejects the spiritual nature of things that guide the real worid's phenomena. However, even the consideration of this while ignoring the ^ct that it is indeed an occult or a free-masonic principle of mixing good and bad (much can be said about it, in order to explain why it is so), there is something about this "law" that can be used for scientific research, if it is correctly understood. A scientific prediction is possible only if we have something that we know about the phenomenon or expected event while we also have something about it that we do not know. In ^ct, this method is used in intelligence. Two reasons are given to support this. First, we can take studying a foreign language as an example. There are many ways to study a foreign language. One of them can t}e called hypothetical reading, which is a reading without a dictionary. 74

My first German teacher was a Russian woman, Oiga Bobkova, a retired first lieutenant of the N.K.V.D. (K.G.B. predecessor). She spoke German as well as a native (she was sent to Germany right after the war, at the age of 19, and studied it in a special intelligence school of the K.G.B.). She told me that, if I want to read such a German text that I would not be able to read completely (that I could not completely decipher it so-to-speak), all I would have to do is. instead of reaching out for a dictionary, to try to go through each paragraph of that text and find words that I might know or some words that remind me something. If it is a German text about Plant Protection, for instance, and I find in the first paragraph just two words, such as "Reuben Wanze" (a certain insect that feeds on beets) and Sudafrika (which is, apparently, South African), I should already have gained some knowledge about the general content of this text. If I skip all the words, that I do not understand, and only realize that I know these two. then I can build a hypothetic bridge among them and treat them, or rather this bridge, as a basic content of the text (or. better yet, as a main content of the text). Now, I can go on to the next paragraph and try the same things. By continuing and returning to the beginning, and reviewing the same text again, I would begin to realize how many new words I can discover, and how the meaning of the initial hypothesis would be expanding and changing. Eventually, I might get to the point that the whole text which would beconne understandable to me. Indeed, I hapF)ened to take a novel "Der Maulkorb", published in Germany in 1933, and I started reading it without using a dictionary, having very little prior knowledge of the vocabulary, and I might realize that I perfectly understand the entire text after going through it several times over and over again. Mrs. Olga Bobkova was saying; "While you look for a word in the dictionary, you hate that word, but ...when you find it in the book that you read, you love it" (personal communication, 1986). Other examples can t>e given for when people use the same method to read foreign books. It is not accidental that this practice was taught to me by a person with intelligence background. In intelligence, one has to restore a maximally correct picture (maximally close to the truth, a maximally authentic one) from all bits and pieces of information that are available from multiple sources. Of course, a perfect analogy can be drawn between this practice and what I tried to do for the purposes of the historical research in this study. Another example of a historian who used this kind of approach, is Victor Suvorov (see Figure 3.7) whose true last name is Rezun. He is a former officer of the Soviet Military Intelligence in Western Europe (G.R.U.) who defected to Great Britain in 1978. He is now an Oxford professor in Great Britain and teaches military history. Suvorov has written a number of historical monographs about the roots of Worid War II, as well as several historical novels and his own memoirs about the Soviet Army. His most famous book is called The Icebreaker. (This is the name that Stalin gave to 75

Figure 3.7. Victor Suvorov (Dyen'-M, 1994) (photo on book cover)

Adolf Hitler as he supported him towards his conquest for power. Stalin literally wanted to destroy Western Europe with his hands.) The novel was first published in 1981 and has since been translated into nnany languages. In my opinion, Suvorov's most outstanding novel is called Control. This novel talks about the system of keeping the Secret Police under control that was created by Stalin. In The Icebreaker, Suvorov goes against the well-established ^ct [by historical researchers] that Stalin was caught unprepaired for World War 11 by Hitler, that Stalin trusted Hitler and believed that Hitler would never attack Stalin's Soviet Union. Suvorov's version is based on a re-interpretation of the events that led to the World War II. Suvorov (Rezun) has provided proof of the fact that it was indeed Stalin, who was better than anybody, prepared for World War II in Europe and was ready to start it in a matter of a few days after the so-called unexpected attack by Hitler (i.e., if such attack did not happen). In ^ct, Suvorov pointed out that Hitler made a pre-emptive strike on the Soviet Union. According to him, it is the only reason that Hitler succeeded in the war with U.S.S.R. Initially Hitler managed, due to his preemptive strike, to seize tremendous amounts of ammunition, equipnnent and numerous resources that Stalin had amassed on the Westem border for his preparation to attack Hitler's Germany. Suvorov's idea is supported by my own investigation of the subject. I interviewed some people in Chicago who lived in Poland during pre-war times. They said that it was obvious then that the Soviet Union accumulated large forces along its Polish borders that exceeded anything imaginable that might have been needed to crush Poland. Apparently, there was "a bigger evenf taking place. It was the preparation for a war on Germany (Diakon, personal communication. 1996). 76

In both of the t>ooks mentioned previously, t)efore they could be written (as well as a majority of Suvorov's other books that basically expand on the same topics), he assumed an enormous amount of work on different historical materials and sources of information. In fact the most challenging aspect of creating the books about the roots of the Worid War II was the fact that the Russian archives were never fully opened to the public, even after the changes in the Soviet system that took place in 1991. Of course, Suvorov's purpose was not to bluntly tum upside down the results of all the research that has been made by his predecessors and other historians. Historians who have written on the subject of Worid War II had used the materials that were available to them. Most of the original materials were located in the German archives that were captured by the Westem allies in the territories liberated from the Axis govemments during the final phases of the war. The German and Axis documents captured by the Soviets were never seen by the public as well as the Soviet archives containing important information at}out Worid War II. In fact, all Soviet and Russian archives were banned from access by Westem or Soviet researchers. They were guarded, perhaps more closely than the Vatican archives. Thus there was no opportunity to develop a new vision of that historical period other than through the re-interpretation of known facts and/or through taking a new look at information that has been ignored or neglected by other researchers. In addition, new conceptual thinking had to create the postulates about the research topic that were different from those assumed by others who did this work before Suvorov. Hypothetical thinking could not be used to fill in the informational gaps and to re-interpret the facts that were known, to create a complete picture using multiple resources of facts and sources of information. In fact, Suvorov even tried to personally verify some facts. For example, in order to attempt to undersfand what it was like to organize a defense or to advance the Russian Army when the temperature was below -40°C, one night he dressed in a Soviet soldier's winter uniform and went to Norway to sleep in the snow in the wilderness. Suvorov's goal was to study one of the "parameters' of the "what it was like' concept by sleeping in the snow when the temperature is -40''C. He eliminated other parametres, such as enemy troops, digging trenches in rock-hard frozen ground, etc. (see Figure 3.8), i.e., all of the activities that any Russian soldier should be involved in when the temperature was •40''C. The conclusion that he made tiien about the concept was that it is possible to operate under such coniti'ons on the battlefield. This conclusion was based on precise facts that he established by himself. However, the rest of the concept had to supported logically, such as; 1. if it was possible to be in the snow under such temperature, then it was possible to fight; 2. or if it was impossible to be in the snow under such temperature, then it was impossible to fight; or 77

Figure 3.8. Finnish troops in the snow during Winter War of 1939 - 1940 (The picture is purposely franned to capture the extreme cold [Finn heritage, 1993])

3. if it was impossible to be in the snow under such temperature, then it was possible to fight if..., etc. Then the broader picture of the event or concept could be drawn when this "if was further elaborated upon by studying new facts and establishing new concepts related to the first one. This, of course, was precisely the methodology that Suvorov used for his historical study due to the following reasons: 1. He has an intelligence t)ackground, and in intelligence, as I had mentioned before, the use of multiple sources of information is an essential methodological tool. 78

2. He has to make his conclusions about ^cts discovered and observed, not only based on the facts themselves but strictly on a logical interpretation of them and extrapolation into different time periods, different situations and locations, the logical conclusions that were based on the available facts. 3. His mind is set to "predict the unpredictable", which, as previously stated, is essential for the truly scientific approach, when something is positively known and something cannot be positively known under any circumstance. In my methodological approach applied to the use of the historical method in this study, I tried to employ such a hypothetical approach, which I'd like to call "the Suvorov's method of historical research", or "hypothetical development model of historical reconstruction methodology", or simply "Suvorov's method of historical reconstruction." Nevertheless, it is important to remind, again and again, that according to my interpretation, the term "historical reconstruction' does not mean to complete a physical or nnental reconstruction of the events or phenomena that occurred in the past, but to reconstruct certain outcomes or components of the system or the phenomena that existed in the past keeping in mind to create similar conditions for similar outcomes in the future. Therefore, it is also understandable why I concentrated less on describing Valamo Monastery's informal system of agricultural education as a historical process. I am not talking of modelling or reconstructing such processes, which I understand not so much as moving forces, but as history's by-products. The collection of data used for the historical investigation of agricultural and agricultural educational traditions on the Valamo Islands was started approximately ten years ago, in 1989, when I was in Russia.

Appropriateness of my background for the type of research conducted, from a methodological standpoint I have a background in Agronomy and Crop Protection (with Biological and Microbial Control Specialization), and a Master's of Science degree equivalent from St. Petersburg State Agrarian University in Tzarskoye Selo (Pushkin, or Czar's Village, near St Petersburg. Russia) (See Appendix B). I received this degree in 1984. and then worked for 3 years as an Agricultural Microbiology specialist in the All-Russia Institute for Plant Protection, located in the same town near St Petersburg. The institute was formeriy called the All-Union Institute for Plant Protection during the U.S.S.R.'s existence (See Figure 3.9). I have always been interested in biologically safe methods of plant protection, in other words, in such plant protection practices wherever the usage of pesticides could be completely or in part avoided. I still remember the words of Dr. Constantine Ye. Voronin, the Deputy Director of the All- Russia Institute of Plant Protection, under whose direct supervision I started my career in that 79

Figure 3.9. Pass issued in 1984 to the All-Union Institute for Plant Protection institute: "You can do anything in crop protection. You can study anything! The only thing that you don't want to do is the chemical protection" (personal communication, 1983). Of course, he was in charge of the Biological Control Department of the Research Institute of Plant Protection. I also remember the words of Dr. Galina I. Sukhoruchenko, who, after her visit to Australia with a team of Soviet Scientists in 1978 said that she was surprised that ^rmers there were so profit-oriented that they were using ODT. which was strictly prohibited in Soviet Russia for many years (personal communication, 1979). Of course, Australia was treated by the Russians during that time as an example of an industrialized Westem country. Thus, my educational background and work environment at the beginning of my career introduced me to a reasoning that opposes the use of pesticides, as something that can be used only as a last reserve Q'ust as the use of chemical weapons on the front line). This attitude was cultivated with time, and naturally led to my growing interest in agricultural technologies that are safe for the environment. The term "sustainable agriculture" was not precisely known at that time in Russia. However, a great deal of attention was paid by agricultural scientists in Russia to alternative technologies of agricultural production, for example, the agrotechnical control of weeds and rotation of crops. When I came to the United States in 1990,1 was extremely surprised to see that biological methods of crop protection had not been practiced by the majority of farmers. When they talk in the United States about something that is called organic agriculture, they usually mean having no pesticides or having no other crop protection practices. At the same tinne this term, in their understanding, involves some chemical fertilizer applications. Another surprise that I have encountered in Iowa is that monoculture is practiced almost exclusively here. That is, very large tracts of land are occupied by com and beans, and nothing else, involving an extremely limited three-year rotation of crops. To Russian agricultural scientists, at that time, monoculture or anything close to it was considered to be a poor agricultural practice for two main reasons; 80

1. It was considered a poor practice in terms of achieving the best crop protection results. In this sense, of course, it is not a problem in the United States, because herbicides are readily available and liberally applied. In Russia, crop scientists hold the viewpoint that herbicides are bad for the environment Of course, not many herbicides were available for the state farms through the government distribution system, so that any monoculture in Russia automatically meant poor plant protection. As a result of this situation, there was a cult of integrated control. Despite the fact that integrated control was never achieved to its fullest extent because of its relative complexity, it was important as a theoretical endeavor. 2. The extensive use of unproductive manual labor on state ^rms was a daily agricultutral practice. For example, there was never enough machinery for weeding even though the farms were called state mechanized farms. The agricultural fields during such procedures as weeding, were literally clogged with people in every row. These people usually had no knowledge of agriculture and no incentive to do their job well tiecause they were mobilized several times throughout the year by the Communist Party to perform simple manual labor and sent out to the state ^rm fields wherever assigned by the administration. Medical doctors, university profiessors, high-ranking scientists, everyone (except the party functionaries) were sent to the fields to perform unproductive work for which they were not specifically reimbursed. Because the land was not owned privately, all kinds of operations based on monoculture were difficult to handle, especially extensive weed control operations. At the same time, for many years I had a keen personal interest in the . The history of Russia, if one makes a cross-cut of it through many centuries, can be subdivided into two parallel lines of history; one being the political history line (the history of ruling classes or social history, if you will, because the social history had been mostly understood as the history of dominant political groups in the society), and the line of the history of agriculture. Of course, for many decades only these two "lines of Russian history" were valued by scientists with the social (non-agricultural) history line being predominant. There still has been a third line that has been tightly connected with Russian agricultural history, and that is the line of the spiritual history of Russia. With the Russian population predominantly represented by the peasantry for centuries (Bloom, Lord and Peasant in Russia, 1961), the peasants had been the bearers of the country's spiritual traditions, philosophy, and spirituality in her social life. They created a foundation for the Russian Orthodox church that played such a decisive role in the country's history, education and progress. Unfortunately this third line, that was so intertwinned with the second, the agricultural one, has been increasingly neglected by secular researchers since the advent of Peter the Great's reforms that subjugated the Orthodox church to the state, through the age of so-called enlightenment (secularization of culture), through the 19th century, with its growing dependency of societies on the 81

results of material progress and materialistic philosophies, and through the 20th century with its anti- religious Communist revolutions. When I changed my job in 1987, and left the plant protection career in order to work at the Karelian State Natural Museum-Refuge of Valaam (Valamo island), I literally had become immersed into both the cultural and social history of Russia. I completed training as a history tour guide and, when I started to work on Valamo island, I was excited to l)e able to learn more and more at>out the spiritual and economic history of Valamo Monastery (with economic history being mostly agricultural). While working there, I conceived an idea to conduct a study with a special emphasis on using historical information for the purposes of restoration of agricultural ecologic systems that have deteriorated due to different kinds of anthropogenic influences, such as environmentally deleterious technological, social, and cultural changes. At that time, I saw the biggest problem in the social changes on the island that occurred after its occupation by the Soviet Union, and the consequent transition of Valamo to Soviet Russia by Finland. I did not yet see education as a necessary step towards social restoration on the archipelago. In ^ct, I had a very limited understanding of the concept of agricultural education and almost no understanding of the term extension as it is used in the United States. During the years of 1988 — 1990,1 worked as a horticulturist in the orchard of the then former Valamo Monastery that t>elonged to the Valamo State Forestry. I was combining this job with that of a tour guide for the Valamo State Historical, Architectural and Landscape Museum-Refuge (see Figure 3.10). At the time of my work at Valamo, I thought that it is possible to reproduce, under the new social conditions (i.e., under presence of diverse groups of population such as civilians, military personnel, short-term employees and visitors, as well as monks), a similar state of agricultural production that had existed before the World War II, when the islands were solely owned and controlled by the monastery, and there was no non-indigenous populations that presentiy occupy Valamo.

The collection of historical infoimation I decided to start collecting as much information as I could on Valamo's agricultural history and its agricultural practices, particulariy before the Worid War II. I was somehow inspired to do that by the former director of Valamo State Forestry, Mr. Ivan P. Mironov, a native Karelian, who tried to create the conditions for me to conduct such a study on the island. Of course, there was practically no information available from the sources at Valamo itself, that were so needed by me in order to recreate the pre-war agricultural practices on the islands. I had to contact many people and organizations in Russia, Karelia, and Finland, and later on, in the United States of America. Knowledge and fluency in foreign languages was helpful as I was able to read all of the available materials in English, Russian and Finnish. Of course, these 82

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Figure 3.10. Valamo tour guide certificate issued by the Vaiamo museum in 1988 were the languages in which the bulk of available information at}out Valamo was published. My relative knowledge of Finnish was better than of English at that time. Of course. I had almost no spoken practice, especially in English, but that was not essential for me at that time. After my arrival in the United States in 1990, a non-profit group was established in Ames, Iowa, called the Valamo Society. It involved professors and some graduate students from Iowa State University, who contributed to locating and obtaining the necessary materials, and also supported this researcher in contacting helpful individuals at home and overseas (see Appendices CI & C2). They set a goal to contribute the idea of agricultural renovation of the Island of Valamo. It became the Valamo Agricultural Restoration Project which eventually ceased due to the lack of funds. Nevertheless, it still exists as an idea (see Appendix C-3). The period of data collection has taken ten years. There are several reasons that contributed to the length of this period: 1. It took a long time locate and access the data; 2. It took much organizational effort to deal with different people, different institutions and different countries in order to be able to legally obtain sonne of these data; 83

3. It took time to find sponsors and people who were willing to assist in organizating the data collection; 4. It took a longer anrK)unt of time because I, myself, changed. I moved to several locations, a well as two different countries. When I moved from Russia to the United States, the bulk of the data were still in Finland; 5. There have t>een political changes in Russia over the past decade that changed both the situation on Valamo archipelago and the system of data collection as well a communicating the research results; 6. My family situation at home; and 7. The near loss of faith in the study at some points, but the eventual realization that this project could be accomplished. There were three main difficulties: 1. The limited number of knowledgable people with whom I could cooperate; 2. Limited funding which, by the last phase of the project, were non-existent; and 3. Lack of reliable and constant communication with the Valamo archipelago and Monastery, the Finnish archives housed in Finland, and with top Russian Orthodox church administrators in Moscow. These three difficulties could only be overcome by the continual efforts of the researcher and the need for a longer time frame in which to complete the research. From its initial conception and my interest in the agricultural history of Valamo, my primary interests were to locate the original, non- published archival information in particular. However, the references to agricultural experiences of Valamo Monastery in published sources that were available in Soviet Russia were scarce and quite superficial. At best, some crops grown on the island were mentioned, however, there was no information about technological practices and methods of agricultural education. It seemed that none of the Soviet authors who wrote these books had access to the original Information about farming on Valamo. The books that were published were sometimes repetitive with one another. On the other hand, the books that were published in Finland were not available to me when this project was started, i.e., in Russia. They became available only when I moved to the United States, and after several years of efforts to establish good connections with the Finnish people who were interested in my project. When I started this research, there was no evidence as to the kind of information that could be found and exactly where it was stored. As mentioned previously, the bulk of the archival files from Valamo was transferred to Finland during the Winter War or 1939 -1940. A small portion of the archives was discovered and collected later by this researcher, along with a number of archives from many towns that were vacated by the Finns, and transferred to the second largest Finnish city of Viipuri () which becanne occupied by the Red Army. These 84 archives were collected and kept by the secret police (N.K.V.D.) (the KGB predecessor). After the war, these archival materials were sorted out by the N.K.\/.D. and sent to other archival depositories in different parts of the U.S.S.R. The agricultural and general records from Valamo Monastery were sent to the State Historical Archive of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Karelia (part of Soviet Russia) in Petrozavodsk (Aanislinna). The Soviet Union's system of archival collections has usually been known in the West as extremely prohibitive for researchers to access. However, without delving into the background of the situation, I must say that in the final years of the Soviet system, it had t)ecome possible to get access to some Russian archives that were previously closed for outsiders. Naturally, this could be done only with special permission of the authorities. It was also possible for me to travel to some restricted areas, such as the border zone mentioned previously, to try to locate information atxjut Valamo that was available locally. It turned out to be possible to access some files of governmental organizations and research institutions which were conducting studies on Valamo in the late 1980s. Despite an improved climate to conduct research, it was absolutely impossible to get access to any of the Finnish archives directly from the Soviet Union because of the political problems among two countries and the two Orthodox churches, the Moscow church and the Finnish church. Several factors contributed to this problem: 1. Before the Communist takeover of Russia in the year of 1917, the Russian Orthodox Church had a status of official state church. After the division of the Russian Empire that followed the Communist coup in St Petersburg, both church property and church status issues had arisen in now different, independent parts of the Russian Empire. In the Grand Dutchy of Finland, that became the Republic of Finland, the Orthodox churches and monasteries became parts of the Finnish Orthodox Church. The Finnish Orthodox Church, in turn, became the official state church in Finland, along with the Finnish Lutheran Church. However, the Finnish Orthodox Church administration now was totally separate from that of the Russian Orthodox church administration in Russia which still existed under Communist terror and violent governmental attempts to turn it into a department of the bloody , or Leninist secret police) (Svyastchennik Mikhail, Polozheniie tzerkvi v Sovetskoi Rossii, 1995). 2. With the majority of Finns being Lutheran. Orthodoxy was represented by only 1.5 percent of the population, and this group of people was represented mostly by Karelians (Matti Klinge, Ocherk istorii Finlyandii, 1990). The Finnish Orthodox Church did not exist before the Communist revolution in Russia. There was only Russian Orthodox church in Finland before the Finnish independence. This is no longer the case. In fact, there was a brief period after Worid War II, when the Finnish Orthodox church under Moscow church administration. Eventually, this relationship changed and Finland became part of the Universal Patriarchate 85

in Constantinople (Greece, occupied by Turkey).There are many reasons why the present day Moscow Orthodox Church can claim its former property in Finland. Even if it is not practically possible to return what was owned by the Russian Orthodox church in Finland before the revolution, at least a discussion about the return of the property that was taken away from the territory ceded to the Soviets as a result of two latest conflicts with Finns in the twentieth century. One example would be the former possessions of the Old Valamo Monastery. As stated previously Old Valamo Monastery was returned by its post-World War II owner, the Soviet government, not to the church that owned it before the Worid War II, the Finnish Orthodox Church, but to the Moscow Patriarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church. This is one of the most likely reasons for the potentially growing tension among the two churches. Frankly, I believe that it was exclusively due to Finnish efforts that the majority of the precious icons, church utensils and relics (see Figure 3.11), as well as txxjks and the largerst portion of all the archival records had been saved from the devastation of the war and from the post-war Soviet administration that destroyed much of what remained on the Islands of Valamo. The country of Finland contributed very much to the preservation of the Russian culture in its own territory, since Valanrw was the only part of the Russian Empire that never become completely sutxjued by Communist rule. Therefore, it is my opinion that it would be somehow un^ir for the Russian church to try to reclaim this property. However, the problem still persists and presents the potential grounds for disagreement between the two churches and the two countries. This situation has made it difficult to access the historical records in Finland, and even more difficult for a researcher even if he has good intentions but is a Russian subject with a Russian name. 3. In 1988 (when my interest in Valamo Monastery's history t)egan), Soviet Russia was still a socialist country, offering no chance for many of its citizens to visit any capitalist country. It was impossible under those conditions, to travel to Finland to research the Finnish archives, even if funding were available. 4. Some leaders of the Russian Orthodox church (Moscow Patriarchate) have demonstrated a very negative attitude towards the secular organizations that were trying to do conduct some church-related work while asking the church for assistance. The Agriphysics loffe Research Institute has provide evidence of this practice. When this researcher started the Valamo Agricultural Restoration Project (initially a broader project of which this dissertation is only a small part), I tried to locate information about Valamo's pre-WWII agricultural system in the Finnish archives. Such information from the Finnish archives would only be made available through church channels. The Russian Orthodox church was in a position to help me with ordering some copies of a limited number of archival materials pertaining specifically to 86

.. y

Figure 3.11. A Raka made of pure silver and gold, the symbolic coffin of Sts. Sergiy and Herman (The founding others of Valamo Monastery whose relics had t)een buried deep under the Rock of Favor, upon which the main Catherdral of the Transfiguration of Our Saviour is located. It is one of the priceless pieces of artistry saved during the war, and is now located in the Museum of the Orthodox church in the Finnish City of .)

agriculture in which I was interested, however, it turned out to be impossible, for reasons explained as follows. The complex problem manifested itself when I tried to contact Finnish archives directly firom Russia. The Finns were naturally cautious at)out letting Soviets have access to their archives for two reasons: (a) fear of the use of the available information for anti-Finnish purposes; and (2) use of the information from the archives to find legal grounds for forcing Finnish govemment to return property of the Valamo Monastery to the Russian Orthodox Church. A researcher named Leonid Reznikoff, from Petroskoi, conducted historical research in the Finnish archives in the late 1970s which was later published in a book called: Valaam - A Cnsis of Asceticism. Although it provides some useful information to Russian readers, this book was not available anywhere else, and it was extremely politicised, extensively criticizing and dehumanizing the ascetic lifestyle of the monastic community. Mr.Reznikoff did not cease to publish these obvious lies and abuse of the historical data to which he had gained access in Finland. This diverted the Finns from future efforts to assist other Soviets with their research on church history. In addition, such distrust is perceived to be a part of character of 87 many Finns. A ^mous Finnish poet, Elias LOnnrot who compiled the great Finnish epos, "Kalevala" from songs which he collected while traveling around Karelia in the last century, noted in his travel notes that the Finns were so distrustful of aliens that, at first when someone unknown to them walks into their villages, they pretend to not understand the visitor, although he is speaking in their own tongue. The traditional saying in Finnish is translated; "You can speak to a Russian but always keep your knife behind your back" (private communication with Dr. Elina Pakko-Voronina of the All-Union Institute for Plant Protection, 1986). In 1989,1 visited SL Petersburg Church-in-Town ofValamo Monastery to speak with its Builder. Father Victor (Piankov). The director of Agriphysics loffe Research Institute, Dr. Igor Uskov accompanied me. We both hoped at that time, that we would get a formal blessing from the Russian Orthodox Church to conduct resarch in Finland in the archives of the Finnish Orthodox Church. The church hierarchy could provide us the necessary status in that country as well as the access to the archives for research purposes. Unfortunately, we received a very negative response from Fr. Victor, who replied: Come on, you, guys, we know what kind of agriculture we do have in Russia and what kind of agriculture they have in Finland! Do you think that you can contribute anything to Valamo's agricultural renovation? We are not trying to start it now but when we will be at that point, the Finns will surely offer us all the necessary agricultural technologies as a benevolence. We do not need your help, don't you see? Sounds like you just want to go to Finland on our account! (translated from Russian by A. Kh.)

This was quite an offensive responsive given to me and. especially, to Doctor Uskov who is a highly respected scientist. At that time Uskov was also a highly-elevated member of the research administration of a nationwide research institution, the Agriphysics loffe Research Institute. As part of his position, he was on the special privileged list of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and coming from a highly educated Jewish ^mily, he was not used to anybody, especially a clergyman speaking to him so boldly. He told Fr. Victor that it was not our purpose to get any money from the Russian Orthodox Church, but rather to get their moral support by the results of our study (even if they contilbuted only five cents to that project). However, he got exti-emely angry because of the conversation and told me, on our way back to the institute that he would like to send me to the United States to receive training for the project that we wanted to conduct on Valamo. After we showed the results to the church, he intimated, "Father Victor will creep to us on his knees, begging us to continue our efforts." This is how the international dimension of our project began. With authorization from the Agriphysics loffe Research Institute, this researcher embarked on several business trips throughout Karelia in order to find probable locations of archival materials, publications and witnesses related to Valamo's agricultural past. Figure 3.12 shows the trips and places where the requests for archival information was sent The locations where the search was done could be divided in four categories by their accessibility; 88

Figure 3.12. The map of locations of different sources of information about Valamo Monastery. particularly, archival information (The green line shows the current and unnatural border between Russia and Finland. The black line shows the border zone established by the Soviet secret police to control the border areas with Finland. Accessing this zone not only required a foreign travel permit, but also an intemal passport.)

1. Locations under Soviet government control and fireely available to ordinary subjects' access (among those were some government institutions, some (but not all) public libraries, educational and research organizations such as universities and Academy of Science institutions); 2. Locations under Soviet govemment control that required some special permits to be accessed by the ordinary subjects (all archives, some special libraries such as Central Public 89

Library in StPetersburg, the library of Theological Academy, as well as all organizations located in the border zone with restricted access); 3. Locations under control of Finnish government that required foreign travel authorization by the Soviet government, and a positive attitude of the owners of the respective depositories towards an access by a Russian subject These three categories are depicted on the previous map (Figure 3.12). The area between the black and green line make up a so-called border zone. In order to access places in that area (including Vaiamo, his main objective of the research), it was necessary to obtain a special permit of the Ministry of Interior (the Police) and go through a KGB clearing process. A special permit was required to visit each of the towns, however, due to his previous job affiliation with Vaiamo State Historical- Architectural and Lanscape Museum-Reftjge. he had a special clearance to reside in the border zone and a seal in his intemal passport that allowed him to essentially travel all across the border zone. The passport with special letters "3.n." meaning "B.Z." ("Border Zone" clearance) is shown in Figure 3.13. The travel and research program actually started initially in the fall of 1988, when the author received a job as a horticulturist at Vaiamo State Forestry. While holding that position, he started conducting a historical research program about Valamo's agriculture and obtained an authorization

'• C-T., 1 n p o a w

0C«3,„HOCTfc

Figure 3.13. Intemal passport of the researcher indicating a "temporary permit by the secret police to reside in the border zone* (left); (Note the Russian letters "3" and "d" on one of the seals, meaning "Border Zone' [see previous map]) 90 from the forestry to visit different archival collections, libraries and organizations supposedly holding information about Valanrra's agricultural records (see Figure 3.14). This authorization document was similar to the one later issued by the Agriphysics Institute and was supposed to be used along with the passport bearing evidence of the border zone clearance. Even if the author were allowed to visit certain temtories, there had to be a good reason and a justifiable explanation of the purposes of the research. A letter from Valamo State Forestry did not always provide such a good reason. It was sufficient for travel across Karelia but, since it was not a research organization per se, the administrators of some places, such as the historical and military archives in St Petersburg, did not look favorably at the request. In that respect, great assistance came to the author with the arrival of a special letter written by the Agriphysics Research Institute,

Figure 3.14. Passes to visit different archival collections, libraries and organizations to study about Valamo's agricultural records 91

allowing him to conduct the necessary archival search and library work in some depositories but with restricted access. Upon showing this letter, permits were issued that admitted the researcher to each of those organizations. Some of these permits were for special libraries and archives (see Figure 3.15). Analysis of Data The data analysis in this research was conducted by applying historical research methodology. This methodology assists the researcher to look at the past to "...establish facts and arrive at conclusions concerning the past" (Ary, Jacobs, & Razavieh, 1990, p. 453). According to Fraenkel and Wallen, "Historical research is the systematic collection and evaluation of data to describe, explain, and, thereby understand actions or events that occurred sometime in the pasf (p. 495). Applied historical data analysis has been used in the context of am'ving at appropriate social policy decisions. It can t)e used to equal advantage in txjth agricultural and agricultural educational sectors. In the current study, the researcher looked at the past as a resource for drawing implications for the future, based on a comparison of fbrmeriy successful outcomes of historical practices and

Figure 3.15. Authorization issued by the Vaiamo State Forestry of Karelian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic to request a permit to travel to the Border Zone; the letter is usable only with the accompanying passport and if the blank lines are completed (Figure 3.13) 92

events in agriculture and agriculture education as they could be applied to the current needs and available resources for agricultural, educational, and technological development of the community. For purposes of this study, the historical analogy method was modified to such a form of historical analysis termed historical reconstruction (A. Khomoutov) because the analysis involved a combination of historical analogy (in a pure sense), past prospective analysis (because not only the past was considered and the potential restoration of formeriy successful practices, but also for continuous development based on the negation of some historical practices. Basically, knowledge of the past was considered based on historical practices that could or could not be applied to the future. Nevertheless, due to a high degree of diversity in the sources of historical information and significant gaps, as well as the lack of the ability to cross-reference sources with other available sources and significant differences in the amount of information available for each type of data, I designed a specific modification of the selective combination of the two (past prospective and historical analogy), which I called Suvorov's Method of historical reconstruction. Suvorov's method was explained in detail previously in this chapter. This researcher did not use retrospective analysis (the third form of traditional historical analysis), for the simple reason that the purpose of this research was to draw implications to the future development needs of Vaiamo and the surroundings as applied to agriculture and agricultural education development. He did not look into causation of each aspect of the event currentiy taking place in agriculture and agricultural education because this was well beyond the scope of the study.

Historical analogy This method of applied history enables the historian to ascertain whether lessons can be learned from past events (Ari et al., 1990). One must proceed with care t)ecause the product of this approach to history is generalization, not projection (Fraenkel & Wallen, 1996). By comparing analogous historical and present-day situations based on what is perceived to be certain parallels between past and current events, some generalizations about the present and future behavior can be made. Projections cannot t>e made, however, t)ecause the conclusions drawn by historical analogy are based upon logic rather than complex statistical analysis. As noted eariier, leaming from history can prevent mistakes that are repeated tiecause often both farmers and extension agents mistakenly believe that they are faced with new situations. Many current problems have a past analogy from which lessons can be learned. The second use of the historical analogy is to provide a historical model that allows better understanding of analogous contemporary developments (Fraenkel & Wallen, 1996). The generalizations developed can help identify areas for more detailed research. 93

Evaluating sources Historical researchers classify material as either primary or secondary sources. A primary source is one that was prepared by 'an individual who was a participant in or a direct witness to the event being described" (Fraenkel & Wallen, 1996, p. 498), whereas, in a secondary source the individual was "not a direct witness to an event, but who obtained his or her description of the event from someone else ...one step removed' (p. 499). Examples of primary sources are: arti^cts, oral statements from direct witnesses of events, original documents, numerical records, and relics. Secondary sources are those sources that summarize events in which the person did not participate firsthand, such as a person telling about an event in which he or she was not a participant or a summary of actions, research, etc.. conducted by others. Examples of secondary sources include anything summarizing works of others (e.g., textbooks, books atxjut others' works, descriptions of events in which the describer was not present). According to Ary et al. (1990), utilizing the concepts of extemal (lower) or intemal (higher) criticism is useful to evaluate historical sources. The question of concem is whether the evidence is authentic and the technique of acquiring that evidence involves methods of acquiring authentic information. Once extemal questions are satisfied, the researcher moves on to detenmine intemal validity, or determining the worth of the evidence. The best way to prove worth is by comparing one source with another or others. Thus, collection of nunnerous sources that are in agreement can serve to satisfy intemal criticism.

Advantages The advantage of conducting historical research is that it is unobtrusive (Ary et al., 1990; Fraenkel & Wallen, 1996). According to Fraenkel and Wallen, "...it permits investigation of topics and questions that can be studied in no other way' (p. 502). The researcher is not 'physically involved in the situation studied' (Ary et al.. p. 455). nor is there "danger of experimenter-subject interaction' (Fraenkel & Wallen. p. 502). It also "makes use of more different kinds of evidence than does any other method' (p. 502). In the current research, the greatest advantage to this researcher was that "the uninvolved nature of historical research may make it acceptable in an emotionally charged situation where other types of research would be impossible' (Ary et al.. p. 455). and the importance that "it may provide new perspectives to a crisis situation' (p. 455).

Disadvantages The basic disadvantage of historical research is that there are no methods to control threats to intemal validity (Ary et al.. 1990; Fraenkel & Wallen. 1996). Validity is related to the source, and the reliability of the method used, not to the interpretation. Therefore, the greater the extent to which primary source are used and that several sources concur with one another (cross-referencing), it may be assumed that there is a greater likelihood the interpretations are reflections of actual situations or 94

events. However, this in itself does not guarantee that the research will be valid because of the nature of historical research.

Limitations Historical analogy analysis can be made intelligently only if its limitations are known. Although analogy allows one to make generalizations and suggestions conceming present and future behaviors based on parallel historical events, these generalizations and suggestions cannot be used to make projections because, as previously noted, the conclusions drawn by historical analogy are based on logic, not on a scientifically valid research design. At t)est, projection is highly suspect, especially in areas such as agricultural management decisions support, where the environmental variables are numerous, complex and rapidly changing. If historical analogy provides some generalizations and suggestions from past events, it has served its purpose well, even if the irrelevance of those events is the primary lesson. Using historical data has its limitations. By definition, it is finite, limited, and often biased in undetermined ways. Nevertheless, it can provide insights into past events or processes that may help decision-makers better understand contemporary events. The need to gather enough authentic information that can meet internal criticism and be cross-referenced cannot always be satisfied. Nor can all historical records of the past be interpret in the context of the contemporary period of history in which the interpretation is being made, or the needs of those who will use the information be satisfied (e.g.. information about past technologies used in Arming are not applicable to current needs or technologies of farmers in a different period of time, and the type[s] of ^rmer[s] has changed). Despite the availability of methodological tools and the appeal of the cost and speed of historical research, one obstacle must t)e overcome before this research method can be fully tapped as a source of input for ^rmers as agricultural managers. This obstacle involves a reorientation in the way one thinks about history. The applied historian can help with this reorientation process and assist farmers, agricultural managers and extension agents in fully benefiting from historical research. Maybe extension historians should be encouraged to help researchers in this way Truly, past-prospective analysis has no limitations; that is. depending on the case selected for the study itself. In my opinion, it is the most universal method of the historical analysis. It is universal because it is flexible. It can combine different types of analyses. For example, in singling out antecedent events of any historical phenomena, it can go by way of tiue retrospective analysis from the present events to the past (which is, naturally, a main direction for the retrospective historical analysis). At the same time, when the set of antecedent events and circumstances (contributing factors) is identified, it can concentrate on them, and proceed from those events to the present events that we are looking at in our historical research. If they, as antecedents, were fully successful, that is if they led to such contemporary historical events that we consider to be successful, or if they were connected with the antecedents of 95 the other historical events that are sonnehow related to the ones that we are interested in (in other words, if they were the antecedents of other historical events that were successful) - in that case a retrospective analysis scheme of historical research can t>e duly used. In ^ct. any historical research that involves a wide variety of events related to a specific phenomena, cannot t>e single-directional. It has to be bi-directional, because a nature of every historical research (no matter, how broad or how narrow it is) is a comparison. If there is no chance for comparison, there is no history. Philosophically, it can be best described in mathematical terms, because of the ^ct that history deals with time, and time has a physical nature, therefore, it is abided by the mathematical laws, it can be expressed through the meaning of numbers. A great French esoteric scientist. Dr. Papusse (Gerard Ankoss) in his book, Nauka o chislakh, (1999). noted that the source of any number is a diad. "A diad is the result of a first extension, a change and a duplication of a nfwnad. Diad is the first in a row of even numbers, such as the addition of one diad to another one is equivalent to their multiplication; both their addition and multiplication produce an equal result wherever in any other case a production of any numbers is more than their sum. A diad defines a line that becomes the next step after a poinf (author's translation from Russian). No one comes to a very important definition of the line, that in our case a set of events that are connected with each other while having occurred at different historical periods of time. It is important to know, though, that to describe the historical event's connection with its antecedent or with other events, that have had common antecedents with the one under description, as merely a mathematical or a graphical expression, is not enough. It would be a rough oversimplification if we don't understand the philosophical principle beyond it According to Dr. Papusse, "a diad is Uie result of a first extension, a change and a duplication of a monad". Therefore, according to him. what causes a diad to exist is a monad. What is monad? Monad, as Dr. Papusse says, is, first of all. numbers. However, monad is greater than numbers. All numbers become, or rather come into existence from monad. However, monad does not subject to the numbers. It is the essence of numbers, according to Dr. Papusse, as if it did not exist, none of the numbers would have existed at all. Monad is perfect and indivisible. It does not change its nature even when its is being multiplied. "More than that, states Dr. Papusse. even if not in ^ct, but in its potential, it is odd. and even, and odd and even, and cubic, and square. It introduces a point... Pythagoreans called it "a mind" and compared it with the One God, wise, not created, to the ideal Perfection, to the ideal Good, especially they had been singling out one of its advantages, that is the one of its likeness to the Wisdom of One God." And. Dr. Papusse finishes this statement with a very important conclusion; "Because the right and the adequate action is the one.' 96

There are two very important p>oints in his statements above that a historian cannot miss while thinking about the methodologies he or she uses. One of them is that the right and adequate action is represented wholly and inalienably in all numbers (read: everything has a connection, that is there are no events or processes in history that are insignificant for historian, or to put it in other words, everything that happened in the past has a connection with everything that goes on right now and that will happen or might happen in the future - not saying that everything has a causal connection; so that there might be events that happen because of each other, but not necessarily leading to each other). The other statement is, actually, hidden in his words quoted above, but it is very obvious to me that, what he said, every phenomenon in history, although not t>eing necessarily connected with any other phenomenon, is sort of self-directed, that is, it is directed towards the primary matter of history, so to speak, to its sense that is emtKxjied in its wholeness and in its oneness. And, of course, oneness means nothing—no alteration, or the absolute lack of a possibility to substitute itself with anything different firom what it is. Probably, I should not have delved into such thickets of philosophical thoughts about a sense of historical analysis, if I did not want to stress the fact that, for my research, which is narrow by nature, any ^ct, any phenomenon, or any event in the past (let us agree that history, as an obvious process, deals primarily with the past) has connection, pertinence and importance with a historical process, event or phenomenon under study under study.

Limitations of the Study It is this sense of wholeness and of oneness of historical process (even when with any possible lack of causal relationships among its events, phenomena or processes), that allowed me to use for my research, what I call, Suvorov's method of historical reconstruction. This is, essentially, a method of historical analogy that includes, when necessary (but not ultimately), elements of both past prospective and retrospective lines of analyses. Of course, this method has its own limitations, which are as follows; 1. The reliability of such analysis depends much on the cross-verifiability of the data and information used; however, a cross-verification of the data, as it was stated before, was not always possible, and sometimes it was an extremely difficult and complex task. In many cases, this task was simply could not be accomplished at all; therefore, the first limitation of this method is the lack of perfect and uniformed (for all types of data used) method of measuring its reliability; 2. The practicality of the conclusions of this research, that is, the advantage that anyone would have, should one ever attempt to use the information provided in this dissertation for practical educational or agricultural purposes, or should one try to utilize its conclusions, which is, essentially, a measure of validity of this variation of the particular type of historical analogy 97

methcxj that I used in my research, is questionable. I say that openly and frankly because, in order to calculate that, one would have to use an equation with two or three unknown parameters, for instance, as shown in Figure 3.16. Consider the blue (practical use) and green (political situation of the church, available technologies, and user specifics) in the pictorial equation in this figure, where the blue area is equal to the green. I do not want to say, and I do not mean that both the reliability and validity of this method is poor. Ail I wanted to say is that the reliability of such method of historical analogy, that I used, depends on the practicality of the research results, and the practicality of the research results depends, in its turn, on many fectors, i.e., who is going to be utilizing these results, with what tools and under what conditions.

Figure 3.16. Scheme depicting the applicability of historical analogy research to the current study

I am not entirely convinced that the term reliability can be utilized for the historical analogy method. The only thing I can say is that the reliability in my research has only "fractional" meaning, which means that it is high when the data could be cross-referenced, and it is low or even questionable (more or less) when it cannot be cross-referenced. In either case, due to the ^ct that this is a historical analogy and this is not any kind of research strategy that can be applied in different experimental settings or used in diffierent case studies, just because it is so perf^t, so-to-speak, this reliability should be accepted as satisfectory for the given type of historical study. 98

To summarize, I should also say that a historical study, especially in the setting that I selected, cannot be addressed only through a prism of validity-reliability principles. Having such major limitations (to a different extent and under certain conditions), it is still the only possible type of research that could be done when the researcher (a) deals with historical analogy; and (b) utilizes a variety of different data from many diverse sources in diffierent geographic locations, as well as collected by people with different backgrounds and with diffierent goals in mind. The previous points should be considered the major limitations of the study.

Assumptions There are several basic assumptions that I had to use in this study. (In my opinion, assumptions are statements that, although expressed in a clearly categorical manner, cannot be ovenA^helmingly proofed by the research data discovered or produced in the research, or by the information that operated upon in the study); 1. My first assumption was that the agricultural system on the Islands of Valamo archipelago could not exist without the role that was played, before Worid War II (and more precisely, before the Russo-Finnish War of 1939-1940) by the monastery; that is to say, that the Monastery of Transfiguration of Our Saviour played an active and essential role in maintaining such balance of the environment by applying acceptable agricultural practices and by incorporating agriculture and informal agricultural education in its everyday existence, not merely as a subdivision of its economy or of its transfer of knowledge system, but also as an important part in its spiritual works of salvation through ot}edience and through organized labor for the Glory of God, who created and who maintains everything in the World. 2. The second assumption was that the restoration or transfer of agricultural educational practices from the past by the monastery into the present or into the future is very important for both the monastery's full-fledged economic and spiritual existence and growth today. That is, the assumption stating that there is a moral crisis in the Russian Orthodox Church in Russia today. Now, putting the previous assumption in other words, I should say, that agriculture was an essential part of monastic life on the islands when the monastery was not under such a critical condition as it is now. Thus, the restoration of the agricultural life of the monastery would mean also its restoration as an important part of its spiritual life due to the fact that the idea of Russian Christianity was centered around finding a way of salvation through fulfilling God's will (for humans) on Earth. 3. My last assumption, however, is only partially an assumption because it deals with the ^ct that, yes, one not only can leam about the important role of Valamo Monastery's agriculture and agricultural educational system in the past by utilizing all the diverse information that is available, but one can also use this knowledge effectively today and apply it to the present situation, and to gain spiritual, educational and economic benefits from such application or 99

implementation. I say that this is a partial assumption because, in order to provide a non- assumptive conclusion of this kind, one would have to gather all, or nearly all, knowledge on the subject in a very systematic manner and have a chance to do a much wider study with broader targets as far as the outcomes are concerned. In simpler terms, the knowledge that has been gained as a result of this study does not allow me to suggest a complete system of the monastery-based extension on Valamo Islands and find a means of proof to its effectiveness beyond certain key elements of it, of which I will discuss. Nor did I have a chance in this work to study the conditions under which such implementations will be made. Therefore, when talking about the whole system of agricultural knowledge and about an informal agricultural educational system of the past as a way of transferring that knowledge to the current situation. I have to assume that it could be done, and it could t)e done successfully.

Conclusions Having several of the assumptions mentioned above, and, especially the last one. of course, has one detraction that is the very method at the heart of historical analogy. It is the reason why I tried to modify this method, by using some elements of historical-retrospective and past-prospective analyses. For this reason, I did not simply call this study a historical analogy method in my study, but Suvorov's method of historical reconstruction. Of course, the name itself does not suggest as different from pure historical analogy, unless one wants to think about the specifics of Suvorov's method. The discussion of the theory of the historical methodology used in my study, and the differences between it and the generic historical analogy method should become clearer in the consequent chapter. 100

CHAPTER 4. RESULTS

Introduction Parallels will be drawn to two historical periods, Valamo Islands prior to Worid War II, and the current period (1988 - present), because this study is based on historical analogy principles. One of the two lines between these parallels represents the situation on Valamo archipelago in terms of agricultural production and education during the period since the Bolshevist (Octotier) revolution in Russia until the period of Worid War II (or the Winter War), whereas the other line will represent the current situation, fi-om the year of 1988 until the present During the first mentioned period, the agricultural system on the Valamo archipelago was productive and provided enough food and agricultural products for the residents as well as for visitors who were primarily pilgrims. During the second period, agriculture on the Islands of Valamo was practically nonexistent, and, at its latest stage, still in the embryonic form (i.e.. the beginning elements of restoration of agricultural production were taking place). Before 1988. and even now, the majority of the agricultural products were brought onto the Island from the mainland. The first period is also interesting because practically everything, that was pertinent to the system of agricultural production on the Island (archipelago) during that period and to the system of informal agricultural education, had t}een a direct result or a continuation or a heritage of the foundation, both economical and spiritual, that was being built on the Island for many centuries, since pre-revolutionary Russia. For the purposes of this research, this time period was narrowed down to the history of Russia since the beginning of the 20'^ century until 1917. The period of history since the Communist Revolution in Russia in 1917 (i.e., since Decembers, 1917, when the Finnish Diet proclaimed the Independent of the Finnish State), and until 1939 (i.e., November 30,1939), when the Soviet Union attacked Finland), was selected because it exemplifies the idea of a historical model for agricultural and educational restoration of present-day Valamo. It could be termed a model conditionally, based on the fact that records exist even though they were not kept as parts of a whole or of a model. Valamo's agriculture can t)e visualized as a model because it is a well-documented period of Valamo history. However, to be a full-fledged model, comprehensive information is necessary. In this researcher's understanding, such a model should be well-developed and organized. The period of history since 1988 and until the present (2000) (i.e.. the last decade of the 20*^ century), is also very interesting, as during this period Russia and the Russian church began a movement toward revitalization. This is also a period of the greatest economic crisis in Russia. Therefore, this is a period during which many moments in agriculture and in agricultural education on Valamo are still unclear as far as determining the actual contributing factors. To put it simply, what are the causal entities for the current situation on the Islands? The spiritual and economic lives of the inhabitants are of concem. How can knowledge about the past period of Valamo's history (pre-Worid 101

War II and pre-revolutionary) be applied to improve Valamo in the future? In this case, it is difficult to draw historical parallels. Nevertheless, parallels are drawn whenever possible to enable visualization of historical periods in time and the influence of history on the agricultural development of the Island community. Under such circumstances, it is also difficult to talk about anything close to a complete model of agricultural knowledge transfer, or of agricultural renovation, or of an informal system of agricultural education restoration on the Islands. However, an attempt is made in this direction to find better ways to use the knowledge gained atxiut Valamo's past to construct some kind of scheme for certain important elements of monastery-based extension on the Islands of Valamo while keeping in mind its future development The monastery system can be likened to the land grant university-based extension system in the U.S. This similarity is based on the fact that the nnonasteries are situated throughout Russian and, historically, they have a well-based agricultural extension history of t)eing the caretakers of the culture and day-to-day life of its villages, communities, and regions. On the other hand, the universities in Russia do not represent the larger communities due to the fact that they are located in industrial areas and do not serve the communities (in which they reside) on a grassroots level. Thus, the first great difficulty that might be encountered is in trying to draw a comprehensive historical parallel for the purposes of this study. The second difficulty is the ability to gain enough background knowledge that can be used for the future developrr^nt of a system of agricultural extension on the Islands. As previously mentioned, an attempt was made to sieve such available knowledge and create something like a vision of some of these elements (which might tie. by far, not complete), which could be used by the nrranastery in the future or by anyone who may want to apply such knowledge, for building a nnonastery-based extension in any other part of the country of Russia. In summation, two periods of Valamo Monastery's history were selected for this study, from the standpoint of transfer of knowledge in tinne. The first part of this task was to gather available historical information and to describe it in terms of agricultural production information related to the community of Valamo, and the second part was to find a way to better use this knowledge and apply it under the present circumstances of the current historical period of time. Thus, an attempt was made to look at the past to draw implications for agricultural education and development in the present. The goal was not to document all the infomnation that was available to the researcher, but to interpret and apply that which is related and usable. The social, religious, political and economic situation in Russia is changing so rapidly that it is difficult and often impossible to predict which part of the knowledge that was carefully gathered and analyzed, can be applied in the current situation. In other words, there is no guarantee that the situations presented can be applied or are even applicable to the knowledge needed to develop a usable model for agriculture extension development in present day ValanrK). Thus, this research should be viewed as a preliminary step toward the larger goal of developing agricultural technologies 102 and an agriculture information delivery system on the Island that could t)e used as a pattem or model of development and restoration for other regions in Russia and its post-Soviet States nearby.

The Nature of Extension According to Martin (personal communication, 1996), the nature of extension is the ^ct that it is a communication, not just (or not simply) a system. A prism, or looking glass, will be used by this researcher to describe his findings of such an understanding, with which he fully agrees. In extension, communication is the basic, the key element If there is a communication, then there is extension, if one follows market terminology, one can say that, although it is important to have a producer of knowledge and of information in the process of extension communication, and to have a final, or an end-point consumer of such information, any extension system is bi-directional in nature because it involves communication between the producer and the consumer of knowledge (information). On the other hand it is also important to realize that the producer of knowledge can also be its consumer, and the consumer can be its producer. Naturally, what is t)eing discussed now is more concemed with the philosophy of extension, and the purpose of this chapter is not to elaborate on philosophy, rather to discuss agriculture education and extension. The purpose for this exposition was explain how the following description of the research findings will be described based on the objectives of this chapter.

Background for the examination and discussion of agriculture extension This researcher's objectives were primarily concemed with describing the way how the informal system of agricultural education worked at Valamo Monastery and what kind of implications that knowledge could have to developing a monastery-based extension on present-day Valamo Monastery. Of secondary importance at this point was formulation of an idea of describing the profile of Valamo Monastery's agriculture during the post-revolutionary period in Russia ending with the WW If (more precisely, with the Soviet attack on Finland in 1939). This is because the information that was found related to some elements of the agricultural production system on Valamo in the past, not only will be used to generate a complete description (to the best possible extent) of Valamo's agriculture, but also to help explain what was discovered about the agricultural educational system on the Islands during the pre-war time period. Let us consider this researcher's attitude towards extension as a communication and as an underlying principle of both structure and philosophy of this research (which became clearer throughout the course of the doctoral program, as I was constantly searching for the key elements of the system of extension; what would contribute to build a better extension system in the "concrete" conditions of the monastery, not atx)ut what would make it easier, and simplify and facilitate such communication. That attitude will have come more naturally for those who have had a close previous experience with extension, before embarking on such a study. To the contrary, it was a difficult 103 concept for me to perceive because my professional and educational background was formed in the U.S.S.R., where everything was so rigidly squeezed into a system, with no free communication of any kind formally allowed for anyone. Thus, based on these considerations, this chapter is organized in the following way. The producers of knowledge ut'lizable for the purposes of a monastery-based extension are discussed first There are three main levels of such producers of knowledge: (a) an individual monk; (b) a small and secluded monastery ("skiitta", in Finnish, or sometimes the same word is used in English as "skete"), as of a separate entity; and (3) the monastery as a whole, with brief mentioning of the levels that were external to the monastery, in both pre

Method for analysis of Valamo's compared to Russia's system of agriculture education The inspection begins with the dawn of the 20*^ century in Russia. It is important to note the fact that a specific system of agricultural education existed in Russia before the October (Bolshevist) revolution (1917). Therefore, it is not true to say that practically all agricultural education in Russia that is currently existing was developed by the Soviets. Unfortunately, this is a common opinion among educational historians today. The purpose of this research, however, was not to describe such a system or any detailed specifics of the agricultural educational system in Russia that was created after the Peter I reforms and developed throughout the 19*^ century, by the end of which both the economic well-being and spiritual life at Old Valamo Monastery achieved their highest points. A/or was it my purpose to research the system of agricultural education in pre-revolutionary Russia and in post-revolutionary (pre-war) Finland using Valamo Monastery as an example. One of the reasons why I did not try to research the entire agricultural educational system in present-day Russia is that it is different from what it was before the October (Communist) Revolution of 1917 (and as a result of 75 years of Communist domination over Russia). 104

It is a very unfortunate fact that Valamo Monastery now has, by far, more local meaning, both in spiritual and in economic terms, than it had before the Communist Revolution. Previously, Valamo Monastery was economically and intellectually connected by a firmer, tighter and broader network with the entire country of Russia, which was even tem'torially greater than in the present It was supported, in its life, by the spiritual organism of the Russian church, and a government based on church principles. This contradicts the recent Stauropegion title awarded to Valamo Monastery by the hierarchs of the Moscow Patriarchate. There is still another reason for looking at Valamo Monastery's system of agricultural education such a way. This reason, which will be discussed in greater detail in the final chapter on discussion and recommendations for future research, is in the ^ct that this researcher considers Valamo Monastery as a nucleus for future local and regional development, and as an example for other monasteries and for other parts of the Country of Russia, wherein geographical, populational, historical or economic conditions are similar (or even for other countries, as a matter of ^ct). In the boldest sense, this researcher considers Valamo Monastery's system of informal agricultural education as a nucleus for future development in any area where such experience can be utilized, no matter whether it is a monastery, or a farm, or any kind of development group or organization. Therefore, as a historically existing system of informal agricultural education, Valamo should be seen as an example of any grass-roots development Despite this conjecture, this researcher understands the ^ct that many specifics existed that were only pertinent to the environment of the monastery and cannot k>e reproduced in any other part of the worid or every type of social and educational environment, nor should they be reproduced in such a way.

What is the connection Ijetween the terms informal agricultural education and extension? For the purpose of this research, the terms agricultural education, informal agricultural education, and extension are used. The term extension is commonly understood as a form of agricultural education. On the other hand, an extension is more than just agricultural education. Despite the fact that it was not a goal of this dissertation to elaborate on the general meaning of the term extension, when refem'ng to the Monastery of Valamo, both the terms extension and agricultural education are used. There are two reasons for using agricultural extension in connection with research related to the monastery; (a) to have a little flexibility in terminological sense; and (b) to stress the fact that extension, in this case, is understood purely as a form of agricultural education. That is to say, I do not look at other aspects of it that are stretched beyond agricultural education, itself, such as family and consumer sciences, community development etc., which are also very important understandings. The term informal agricultural education is a rather vague term. The reason why I chose to use it here is that there was no formal system of agricultural education on Valamo (and I will try to 105 show it later on in this chapter). However, there was a system of agricultural knowledge transfer that I call an infomrial system. I will attempt to justify the use of this term in this chapter. Therefore, as far as the agricultural educational system is concerned in connection with Old Valamo, I did attempt to team about the system of informal agricultural education at the monastery in the past and to consider some p>ossibilities (taking into account the current situation on the Valamo Islands and, by way of a historical analogy study, in this case, Suvorov's method of historical reconstruction, for developing a vision of some important elements of the monastery-based system of extension that targets the future of both Valamo archipelago and (to a lesser detailed extent) of the regions of Karelia and Ingermaniand. In other words. I do not discuss the system of agricultural education on Valamo Islands per se. Rather, I do discuss the system of informal agricultural education that existed during the first of the two historical time periods examined, (namely prior to Worid War il). When I discuss the pure idea of agricultural technology and agricultural information transfer in time, I use the term of extension. In summary and reiteration of the above, the agricultural production process is mainly referred to inasmuch as it relates to the historical system of historical agricultural education. In addition, the pure agricultural educational aspects of Valamo history are not discussed, rather the issues related to communicating ideas through extension (which is currentiy a developing process in Russia). The ideas that relate to leaming about the history of informal agricultural education on Valamo are discussed in the following subsections.

The phenomenon of Valamo: spiritual, social, agricultural and environmental In order to understand the phenomenon under study, such as Valamo's system of informal agricultural education, it was necessary to expand the study into some contiguous areas, on one hand, and to limit it to a certain historical period of time, on another hand. First, Valamo's agricultural system is a historical phenomenon; that is, it is a phenomenon that no longer exists in that phenomenon's form. One can also say that there are two distinct periods in Valamo's agricultural (and agricultural educational) history which can be simply ouUined, even without naming the dates: 1. The period during which Valamo's agricultural system and informal agricultural educational system was functional; and 2. The period during which Valamo's agricultural system and agricultural educational system was not functioning. Therefore, this historical study helped to find possible answers to the two main questions that arose from the existence of the phenomenon of Valamo; 1. How was it functioning; and 2. Why it is not functioning successfully now? In order to explain why I had to delve into contiguous areas of Valamo agriculture, in my opinion, any agricultural system is a tri-fold phenomenon, so-to-speak: 106

1. It has a technological side in a broader sense (in terms of technological level); 2. It has a social side; and 3. It has an environmental side, which is sometimes considered to be the most important among the three. In order to understand the agricultural system phenomenon on Valamo, this researcher had to study conditions of all these three sides, or contiguous areas. At the beginning of the 21 century; the agricultural components of the Valamo phenomenon are quite different one component (technological) is totally missing, whereas the other two (social and environmental) are only partly present. The following explains why such a system cannot work, as opposed to an agricultural system before World War II.

Social aspects of the historical agricultural system phenomenon on Valamo First, social change is analyzed. Society (no matter whether in a small or in a large group) functions in an environment that is given to it by God, and is changed by this society according to or against God's rules. Agriculture is just one of the forms of such change. Three components are needed in order for this change to occur 1. Mental, or spiritual (meaning that people have to have a reason for conducting various activities that can affect their own lives, as well as they have to have a nature and a concrete purpose for doing such activities, or being involved in them); 2. Technological, (meaning tools for doing different things); and 3. Physical, (that is, manpower or labor—in other words a muscle connection between the human brain and a tool to realize the goal that was set up by the brain). For this reason, societies are traditional forms of human organization for all kinds of activities. This is also the reason why practically any productive (not just production-oriented) activity of humans on Earth during any given historical period of time is socially organized. Simply speaking, sometimes more than one brain is needed, and more than two hands are also needed, as well as more than one tool is needed, to make possible a certain change in the environment. Of course, this is obvious. The reason I am stressing this is for the sake of understanding which basic components are present and which are currently missing on Valamo. If one has a well-organized society with an abundance of manpower organized by an idea of change, one still cannot go far if the technology is missing. If one has a great technology, and knows what to do in order to make life better, but there is no one to help or actions cannot t>e carried out alone, the change will not occur. On the other hand, if a technology exists and there are enough people, but no good ideas on what has to be done and how it has to be done, failure will also occur. This is because one of the three components of change is missing; therefore change will not take place. Each component is closely attached to another (see Figure 4.1). 107

Figure 4.1. Three components interrelate to enact change

It has been stated in the previous chapters that the nucleus of Valamo's economy, including agriculture, was the Monastery of Transfiguration of Our Savior. The monastery was a sole proprietor of the lands of the archipelago of Valamo, and, as a matter of fact, of a number of other islands along the Northem shore of Lake Ladoga. No foreign residents were present on the island, except for some hired personnel (workers), whose activities on the islands were conducted completely under the direction of the monastery and according to the monastery's economic needs, and who were paid by and sustained by the monastery as they did not have any of their own land possessions. There were approximately 500 workers at the Monastery of Valamo at the turn of the 20*^ century. This feet is pointed out not only to show that the monastery had enough manpower for its needs, which were significant when considered alone, even if one does not consider the human resources of the monastery itself (i.e., monks and novices). The purpose is to show that all economic activities of the monastery, including agriculture, had one general goal with many human brains working towards its fulfillment. This goal has several components: (1) serving the Lord selflessly; (2) 108 learning to control the flesh by the spirit through doing hard work; (3) providing for the day-to-day material needs of the monastery and for the needs of everytxxly who lived in it (including monks, novices, hired personnel and pilgrims); and (4) creating capital and wealth as a community that could sustain it through different unexpected hardships (such as lean-production years, possible wars, etc.). All the people who had lived on the islands were organized around certain spiritual and material goals (including the permanent residents such as monks, and temporary ones such as hired workers and pilgrims). In this instance, one can see that two of the sides of a social component of agricultural production on Valamo were present. The technological component, as stated in the previous chapters, was the main resource for Valamo's brotherhood; that is, the source for the novices and future monks of the monastery was the City of St. Petersburg—a highly industrialized capitol of the Russian Empire, with a number of factories, skilled engineers, technical personnel, and skilled labor that was available at those factories. Many industrial plants and companies in St Petersburg operated internationally, such as Siemens-und-Galske, Not)el Enterprises, and others. St. Petersburg had and continues to house the largest number of military industrial enterprises, such as the Putilow plant (later called Kirov plant by the Communists) which produced locomotives, armored cars for the motorized intentry units of the Russian Army, and, later on, tanks and tractors for the Soviets. The monastery selected skillful novices and sent them to appropriate positions in its economic system so that their skills and knowledge would benefit the monastery and the larger community as well as the monks personally. The other part of the technological issue is the fact that Russian capitalism was a rapidly developing process since the latter part of the IS*" century very fast The Russian economy was quite healthy during that historical period of time, and the monastery, as an economic organization (and driving force), was "organically" connected with all the parts of the giant economic organism of the Russian Empire. Consequently, since the monastery had the capital and the necessary skilled latx)r resources, it was always possible to: (a) purchase the necessary technology such as agricultural equipment, and certain varieties of plants (e.g., fruit trees) and animals (e.g., cattle); (b) use skillful labor whenever it was needed; and (c) experiment with discovery of new, better, and more efficient ways of maintaining a high level of productivity, particularly in agriculture. Therefore, all sides of the social component (so- to-speak) of agriculture on Valamo were present when the system was functioning, i.e., before Worid War II. In summation, one could say that before life on Valamo drastically changed as a result of Worid War II, it was a single economic and agricultural organism, unified by a single spiritual goal which had a single system for the utilzation of manpower. 109

Broader technological (or economic) component of Valamo's agricultural system during the first period Previously mentioned was the narrower technological side of the agricultural system on Valamo. Now what is discussed is the broader technological component only based on a general level of technological development of the country (and of the world, as a matter of fact) that was contemporary for the time during which the agricultural system on Valamo functioned. (This is exactly the period of time that was selected for the description.) In order to avoid a long historical description of the development of the Russian economy during the latter part of the 19*^ century and first one-and-a-half decades of the 20*" century (which would not necessarily add or subtract anything from this research), I must outiine the basic points that, in my opinion, contributed to the level of success achieved by Valamo Monastery's agricultural development in the pre-revoluti'onary years and in the less than two decades of the post-revolutionary years (before Worid War II), when Old Valamo archipelago was part of Finland. The conditions of the Russian economy, and parti'culariy of Russian agriculture in the 20*" century, are usually compared with the level in the year of 1913 for one reason—because this was the year when the last Czarist census was made; the other reason t)eing the ^ct that Worid War I started the following year (in 1914), followed by the revolutionary turmoil. Therefore, 1914 showed a downward trend in the Russian economy caused by the war. On the other hand, as ^r as this study is concemed, it is interesting to take a brief general look at the conditions of the Russian economy and particulariy agriculture in 1913, because the Russian economy was steadily growing in the second half of the 19*^ century (especially after the abolition of serfdom by the Russian Emperor, Alexander II, in 1861) and throughout the first one-and- a-half decades of the 20*" century. Therefore, 1913 was representative in the sense of the highest economic development of the Russian Empire on the eve of the revolution. I want to stress again that my purpose was not to explain all the details of the Russian economy during the first quarter of the 20"* century. The idea is to show certain connections between the general economic and agricultural situation in the country as related to the conditions on Valamo. Thus, in 1913 the Russian economy was characterized by the following factors; 1. Russian peasants were free. Freedom was a result of the abolition of serfdom that took place in 1961 in Russia, "the liberation from above," as the Czar Alexander II called it. This means that the peasants were free to move to any part of the country, or even to leave the country (see Figure 4.2). Whereas these people were bom serfe, they now stand free. As depicted in the figure, it does not seem like these peasants grew up as "slaves" (which sometimes Russian serfs are called by Western researchers). It appears as if they have independence, experience and self-esteem. They were the breadwinners, not only of their families and their country, but also of Europe and other countries of the worid where Russian agricultural was exported, prior to and following the abolition of serfdom. 110

Figure 4.2. A group of Russian peasants in 1862, after their lit>eration (Otxjfensky. 1979, p. 164)

2. Russian peasantry, as a class of agricultural producers, was strengthened. As a result of the so-called Stolypin reforms (called "The Stolypin reaction" by the revolutionaries) during which the government of the Russian Minister of Interior (who was also the Prime-Minister), Peter Stolypin, took measures to strengthen peasant ^milies as independent producers. Stolypin supported them with agricultural credit, signing off their debts to the Czarist government (for land they received from the landlords after litieration and which was secured by the Czarist government guarantees). Basically, the Czarist government bought this land from "pomestchiki" (the landlords)," and gave it to the peasants so that they could till it. However, much of that land was still supposed to be bought out by the peasants just before the Stolypin reforms had started. Peter Arkadyevich Stolypin also supported a program to move those peasant ^milies that did not have enough land or who had none, to 111

Siberian lands that were scarcely populated. This relocation program proved to be very successful, as well as other of Stolypin's programs. Stolypin (1986) said; "Give us 20 years without wars, and you will not recognize today's Russia' (p. 46). By this he meant that Russia will become so strong economically that there would be no basis for revolution. His other ^mous saying has tjeen considered to be addressed to the revolutionaries. He once said in the Russian "Duma" (pariiament), while speaking to the people on the left side of the audience: "You want to shake Russia down to her very foundations!... We want a great Russia!" (p. 46). Under Stolypin, Russia was becoming great and unshakeable. As mentioned previously, he was assassinated on September, 1,1912, by Dmitri Bogrov, the Russian revolutionary who was acting under the cover of a Czarist secret police agent (see Figure 4.3).

; •

'' C%'': - - '

Figure 4.3. Peter A. Stolypin, the assassinated Russian Prime-Minister and Minister of Interior {Ubiystvo Stolypina, 1986, cover page) 112

3. Russia was steadily going through the process of industrial development. What Lenin and other revolutionaries called the growth of the proletariat in Russian cities was nothing but a by-product of the rapid industrial development of the country. European and American capital was vastly present in the Russian economy at the turn of the century. Numerous intemational manufacturers were present in the country at that time. 4. Russian exports grew. According to A. de Goulevitch in his lx30k, Czarism and Revolution (1962); From an economic viewpoint Russia, perhaps, [could be] best described as an autarchy. Nevertheless, her external trade, like that of the United States, was rapidly expanding in response to increased economic activity at home. During the second half of the IS*" century, the volume of foreign trade rose by 108% from an annual average of 525.3 million rubies tietween 1850 and 1874 to 1,092 million between 1875 and 1899. After the close of the century, the rate of acceleration was even more marked: in 1898 the total volume of Russian intemational trade was valued at 1,340 million rubles. By 1913 it had risen to 2,895.3 million, an increase of 116% in the brief course of 15 years. (P- 65) Arseny de Goulevitch adds one other very important moment to that; On the other hand, the dependence of Russia on her trading relations with foreign countries was limited and made her relatively immune to those fluctuations which disrupt the economic life of nations dependent for their existence on commerce with the external worid.... An important feature of Russia's foreign trade [he says] was the maintained excess of exports over imports, (p. 65) Another interesting point about Russian agricultural imports at the edge of the 20*^ century was made in the encyclopedic dictionary, Rossiya, that was re-published in 1991; "The export of agricultural products made up 77.7% of the total amount of export in 1896 and 81.5% in 1887" (p. 165). The conclusion that can be drawn from this statement is that Russian exports were not only exceeding imports, but they were primarily of an agricultural nature. Another conclusion is that Russia was certainly able to secure enough agricultural products for herself during that time. Figure 4.4 shows the exports of wheat, rye, barley and oats from Russia in the second half of the 19"^ century, and their price in schillings on the British market. 5. Russian education was booming. With the liberation of the serfs, every member of society was able to have free access to education. There was an increasing number of women receiving higher educational degrees. For example, St Petersburg State Agrarian Academy, that I myself graduated from, was originally founded by Professor I. A. Stebut at the turn of the 20th century (1904) as Women's Agricultural College. In 1910, according to the State Duma (pariiament) initiative, a plan of organization of higher institutions of agricultural education was developed in the entire country of the Russian Empire. That plan was carefully designed in accordance with the structure of agricultural regions of the country. Every such 113

Figure 4.4. Exports of Russian grain and the grain prices at the British markets in the second half of the 19*^ century (according to the Encyclopaedic dictionary on Russia, Rossiya, 1991)

school was supposed to become a center of agricultural education in its respective region. The purpose was not only to provide agricultural education for students who were planning to work as agronomists and who needed to know agricultural practices and theory as they were applied to local conditions. The purpose of such schools was also to provide for the wide variety of agricultural infonnational needs of the respective regions as well as to provide 114

agricultural assistance to the population within the region, as mentioned in the book; Vystcheye obrazovaniie v Rossii (1995). This is where one can see the actual birth of the future system of extension. (Nevertheless, it occurred in 1910, almost on the eve of the destructive Communist revolution.) By 1914, there were twelve universities in Russia. One should also remember, that in the case of the Russian universities (both under the Czar and under Communists) we are talking about the major educational institutions, not just "enlarged and diversified" colleges, such as many universities in the West Some universities in the Western countries (such as land-grant universities in the United States) were originally established as colleges. Then, as economic need grew and the respective regions of the country became more developed (plus, with the development of appropriate legislation), they evolved into full-fledged universities, not necessarily very big ones). In Russia, the universities were considered as major, large educational institutions. That is why the number 14, which, at first glance, seems to be a small numt)er for a country like Russia. (Indeed, it means more for that country than the same numt}er of the universities in the U.S.) Figure 4.5 shows one of Russian universities, Imperial University of Saratov, that was established in 1909. It also became part of the extension education program development bill passed by the State Duma (parliament). (Notice the freemasonic symbol [a symt)ol of freethinkers] on the front side of the building, however, this is discussed in Chapter 5. 6. Informal agricultural education existed in Russia. (This is the first time the tenn is used in Its actual sense). There are two ways to describe my understanding of this term (within the semantic framework that was explained previously). One way of interpretation is by saying that Russia, where the agricultural class was predominant at the end of the 19*^ century and during the first part of the 20*^ century, had a system of agricultural knowledge and information dissemination, in both geographical and generational terms: that is to say, there was a way, or there were ways, by which the knowledge from one side of the country was spreading to other parts of the country (see the following subdivision of this chapter). There was also a way by which one generation of Russian people was transfem'ng that knowledge across time to the following generations. Another way to interpret these actions is to say that Russia had a system of education (even apart from the universities, with their projected extension system that started appearing at the turn of the century by the State Duma bill), on the vocational and secondary level, where agricultural knowledge was being passed on to students, not necessarily through teaching formal agricultural disciplines, but through the entire educational environment itself. For example, a student could graduate from the church school (broader term than simply 115

Figure 4.5. The University of Saratov, established in 1909 (Obolensky, 1979, p. 164)

Sunday school) or fronn a country public school (syel'skaya shkola) and continue education, either in the gymnasium (public schools where humanities were primarily taught, and where the curriculum was built, essentially, as a preparatory for the universities); or the student could go to the vocational college {remeslyennoye utchilistche) or to a cadet corp {kadyetskiy korpus—which is not a higher educational institution but an intermediary one for those who plan to become officers of the Armed Forces of Russian Empire in the future), or even to a church seminary (which was, essentially, a combination of a church high school and of a religious college), for those who were going to become part of the clergy. Many public or 116 church school graduates preferred to go to the ryemyeslyennyye utchilistcha . i.e.. vocational schools (or trade schools, which is, probably, a better terminology because that is where students could learn a practical trade and eventually get a good-paying job in a ^ctory in the city or open their own business in town or in the country. Students leamed mechanical trades, some basic skills in engineering, etc., as well as many types of trades related to agriculture. For this reason, it can be called an informal agricultural education (second type). In addition, agriculture was a focal point given a great deal of attention in the seminaries. A textt)ook exists on agriculture for seminary students which this researcher was unable to acquire, despite a fomnal request from Lenin Library (both formerly and now the Rumyantzev Library) in Moscow, Russia through the Interiibrary Loan. (It is important to note that the Lenin Library's archives contain neariy everything that was ever published in the Russian Empire and in the Soviet Union, at least in one copy as it was a rule that every publisher must send one copy there. This rule that was followed religiously, regardless of the political changes and turmoil of the country, something that can be thought as a Russian library science tradition). The thought of the Russian educational system in pre-revolutionary years as one where agriculture was taught in seminaries is somewhat shocking for those who come to understand this for the first time. However, it is not so shocking when one considers the priest or the deacon being a central figure in the village, a sort of representative of the spiritual power (God's authority) and of governmental power (Czar's authority), apart from the power of the m/r embodied in stareystchiny or elders, the Russian village community's elected representatives who both represented the will of the peasants and the government's authority among them, with the exception of the courts authority and the sheriffs authority. Often the priest was also the first line of communication with everyone in the village. As part of his daily function as a priest or deacon and as a government representative, and as an intermediary of the people's needs, parishioners would come to ask him to be a khodatay for them, i.e.. their solicitor or intercessor (see Figure 4.6). Naturally, public (or. as they used to be called, imperial) gymnasiums and cadet corps were different kinds of educational institutions where less attention was paid to agriculture, especially to any of its production aspects. Of course, the educational system for women was also different; tiiey had two choices before receiving a higher educational degree, such as attending the women's gymnasium or the Institute for the Noble Maidens (e.g., the ^mous Smolny Institute). Typically, there was no agricultural education of any kind in either of these institutions. After women's gymnasium, young ladies could go either to specialized course programs (to tiecoming kursistki-s, such as Professor Stebut's courses mentioned previously that evolved with time, into St. Petersburg State Agrarian University), or 117

Figure 4.6. A village priest in the middle of his flock (top); Village elders, staryeyshiny (below) (Obolensky, 1979, p. 74) 118

to any of the Imperial Universities (women were admitted there at that time). Usually women graduating from the Institutes of Noble Maidens would not continue and receive a university degree afterwards because their primary educational goal at any of such institutes was to become well-prepared for family life and for the worid. 7. A system of social security for workers. It is important to mention this element because, if there were no systems for social security, the elderiy, handicapped and declassified elements in society would have to seek relief outside the secular mainstream of the society. Consequently, there would be the need for the church and monasteries to take an active part in accommodating as many of those people as they could. In addition, the monasteries would be attracting lower-quality individuals (in terms of educational level, physical ability, and health and wealth). The govemmental social security system appeared only as a result of Stolypin's reforms. It is. however, interesting to note that the state social security came into existence in Czarist Russia, before the famous welfare laws were signed by F.D.R. in the United States. This indicates how ^st Russia was moving forward at the tum of the century, it is also quite amazing to know that every capitalist who owned a factory, every major entrepreneur, was offering the substantial social security opportunities to their hired workers, those for which the owner paid by himself (not requiring the workers to pay for those "benefits"), as well as the broadest educational opportunities for those who had a need or a desire to increase or to improve their educational levels while working at a ^ctory. These ^cts were presented, for example, in the Soviet TV program, 'Do i posle polunochr (1988). It should also be noted that the above mentioned benefits were very much exploited by all kinds of revolutionaries who, for example, brainwashed students to acquire revolutionary ideas through the liberal university system. Sometimes, even members of conspiracy groups and terrorist organizations, sent individuals to complete preparatory work among the workers and to teach them atheistic, materialist and revolutionary principles (Nadezhda Krupskaya, Lenin's wife, was initially one of such "teachers.") 8. There was a system of bogadel'ni (church nursing homes). Practically every church had a nursing home, sometimes a very small one depending on the parish. The home could be established for a dozen, two dozen, or just a few elderiy women or men who could not live by themselves. These individuals did not have savings, income, or relatives to support them. The Russian health care system was free for all poor people and for those who were unable to pay, either because of their social status or low income. Mention is made primarily of zemstvo clinics and hospitals (a zemstvo is somewhat similar to a county or section of a country, but not a section of the govemnrient. rather a fraction of a self-governing system {samoupravleniie), or self-administration). 119

Unfortunately, because of the nature, size, and scope of this dissertation, discussion is limited to mentioning rather than elaborating on this area of Russian life. However, the idea that this researcher wants to stress that all Russian subjects, despite their social status, under Czarism were able to find security and protection whenever they needed it, in order to exist. They were not simply thrown out of the mainstream of society. This fact is also important to know in order to understand that the moral level of the Russian society was very high, and based on Christian principles. That exemplifies, indirectly, the level of moral quality that was exhibited in society, and its people, (on a larger scale) who were attracted, for these or other personal reasons, to monasteries such as Valamo.

Uniqueness of the historical phenomenon of a Russian informal system of agricultural education The purpose of this subsection is to note several interesting phenomena of the informal system of agricultural education that existed in Russia outside any mainstream educational institution regardless kind (outside universities, colleges, or even village church schools). The researcher purports that this is very important to understand of how agricultural knowledge was t>eing spread throughout the country by means of the so-called uneducated class, or peasants. Peasants, undoubtedly, were the main generators of Russian agricultural knowledge. Agricultural science, as a science, began to come into existence in Russia only in the IS*" century, actually, after the reform of Peter the Great. The name of A. T. Bolotov, a famous agronomist of the IS*^, as well as the names of the physiologist and engineer, M. I. Afonin and i. M. Komov, respectively, are well-known as the names of the beginners of the Russian academic science of agriculture {SeyateH i khranityeli, 1992, p. 18). It is beyond the scope of this dissertation to mention all the worid-famous agricultural scientists who appeared in Russia in the 19*^ century. Having initially a higher educational background, myself, in the area of insect pathology, this researcher is inclined to mention the name of A. Jazcewski, a mycologist who is acknowledged worldwide. (He was also an official of Russian Czar Nicholas ll's court. I happened to work with his late grandson at the All-Russia Institute for Plant Protection in early 1980s.) Nevertheless, the most famous agriculturist of the 19"* century is known to every Western agriculturist, Vassily Dokuchaev. He was a soil scientist, and the first to establish the soil science as a special science. Russian soils taxonomy, originally developed by Dokuchaev, still co-exist with the Westem one. Dr. Rahmann, a professor of Muenchen University, wrote in 1991: "It looks like those soil scientists who would want to keep up with the contemporary scientific level [in agriculture] must study the Russian language nowadays.... It is only due to the Russian soil scientists that the soil science in the whole worid became a science" (Seyateli i khranityeli, 1992, p. 7, translated by A. Khomoutov). 120

However, the appearance of agricultural scientists, many of whom were educated in the West (during the course of the 18*^ century), in countries such as Germany and France, and in the Russian universities as well (during the 19"^) was in response to the growing needs of the government. Pomestchiki, or resident landlords and owners of serfs until the abolition of serfdom in 1961 (mentioned previously) and major landowners after the alwlition, were also part of the govemmental structure in the country. They represented the government in many respects during the serfdom era. First, because they were the upper class, the nobles who had themselves served the Czar and the country and, therefore, had certain obligations to continue such service "on a limited scale" after their "retirement," and after settling in their country estates (which were, in many cases, given to them for govemmental service or inherited from their parents or relatives who had also done something significant for the country and for the Czar). The other reason they represented the government in their home villages or estates is because the Czarist administration simply did not have enough bureaucrats and officials to carry out all the necessary local functions of the govemment (especially for such a vast country as Russia, who even now, after her tragic disintegration, has 11 time zones, whereas in the 19*^ century, there were several more, when Alaska, Northern California and Poland were parts of Russia). The system of transportation was not well-developed, especially before the railroads started to come into existence in the second quarter of the 19"^ century. The first Russian railroad was built in 1930 between St. Petersburg and Tzarskoe Selo, which was the Czarist summer residence in a suburb of the St Petersburg capitol which is now called Pushkin. At that time Russia had a very strong centralized system of govemment, concentrated mostly in two of her capitals, St Petersburg and Moscow. It was a very liberal, local system of govemment that was free of rigid structure. After the liberation of the serfs, that system of govemment became a reason why zemstvos, the local self-goveming bodies, sprung up widely and started affecting many aspects of the country's way of life. In ^ct. zemstvos tjecame the local promoters of many kinds of agricultural initiatives. Stolypin's reforms in the first quarter of the 20"^ century were also partially oriented based on the support that he could get from zemstvos, and partially from the m/r (the village administrative bodies elected by the peasants). It is also interesting to note that zemstvos were very people-oriented, and at the same time, very traditional in terms of the way of they tried to serve the country's needs. Zemstvos were also counted on by the Duma in terms of carrying out the "extension" bill which was passed by the Duma in 1909 (during the period of the Stolypin reforms). The main consumers of scientific agricultural information, therefore, the main consumers of the science-generated extension information in Russia during the course of the 18*^ and especially 19*^ centuries, and throughout the first one-and-a-half decades of the 20*^ century, were pomestchikis and zemstvos, both of which were parts of the liberalized govemmental structure under the Czars. 121

However, Russia was a peasant country for more than 1,000 years. One typically refers to Russia as having 1,000 years of history because it was a Christian era. During this time period, Christianity not only influenced Russian philosophy and way of govemment as well as femily life as well, but also Russian agriculture, crafts and construction engineering. It is enough to do a study of the Russian language vocabulary that was used to descrit}e agricultural plants in order to understand that many of them, if not a greater majority, came from Greece (i.e., the former , where Orthodox Christianity was originally based before its acceptance by Russia). Many agricultural and other skills were adopted by the Russians when they officially accepted Byzantine Christianity in 988. Unlike agricultural plants, it is very interesting to note that the situation with the Russian vocabulary related to animal Arming is quite different Most of the words such as korovah (cow), loshad (horse), svin'yah (hog), kozah (goat), etc., have a purely Russian nature. The similar words or roots of the nouns describing such animals, can be found only in other that have a cultural history that is common with the Russians in the very deep past (such as the Serbs, Poles, and many other Slavic peoples). Therefore, we really do not know the origin, thus the length of the history of Russian farming, which has its roots both in Slavic farming (through common cultural and geographical traditions) and in Mediterranean agriculture (through connections with the traditions of the Roman and Byzantine empires). Of course, in a perfect sense, agriculture and farming during this long historical period of time was not scientific. The term scientific generally refers to that which is formalized, or formulated for the consumption of everyone regardless of attitude, knowledge or connection with the experience. Thus the meaning is expressed in scientific terms, or simply, that which is described in universal terms. The majority of people in the developed worid, especially those people who have received a secularized, scientific, secondary system of education, t)elieve that no other knowledge should be worthy of trust and accepfance, except the scientific form. They especially believe that scientific knowledge is also the only form that can be easily transferred across geographical and time boundaries because it has universal applicability, apart from the very fact that, in itself, scientific knowledge has to t>e universally proven in order to become scientific knowledge and produce universally acceptable results. There is not enough time and space (and maybe, even need) to discuss the distinctions among scientific, universally provable and transferable knowledge versus indigenous knowledge, which is claimed to be the only locally existing and sometimes available only to those who are initiated or allowed to enter a higher circle of knowledge. For example, masonry secrets are revealed only to certain individuals who have reached a certain degree of readiness that is recognized by the fellowship and hierarchy who accept the code of secrecy. Outsiders are forbidden to acquire even the lowest level of knowledge. The same can be said of farmers who practice agriculture versus 122 professors who research agriculture. The former produce indigenous knowledge that is very specific and open to those who use it as a practice and spread often via word of mouth, whereas the latter are not interested so much in the physical acts of farming rather they are interested in formalizing knowledge of ferming In a scientific manner by proof of existence (i.e., via hypothesis, theory, law). It is this researcher's belief that the currently existing theory of indigenous knowledge is flawed from the standpoint of its connections to scientific knowledge, especially from the standpoint of its utilizability and transferability by means of extension. In fact, the entire system of interrelationships between extension and indigenous knowledge is exciting but currently is not well-researched. Perhaps this should be considered the focus of another study. The point I am trying to raise is that any knowledge, whether scientific or indigenous, cannot exist without multiplication, roughly speaking. And the latter (indigenous) cannot be possible without a means to transfer it, or certain "structures", or "existing relations" among people and among groups of people that facilitate transferring of such knowledge, whether indigenous or scientific. My purpose in this subsection chapter is to concentrate attention on those structures of relations among individuals in Russian society that facilitated transferring of agricultural knowledge across the continuum of time and space. For the purposes of this dissertation, as previously explained, it is called from a research and discovery standpoint a system of informal agricultural education. Unfortunately, the word "system" cannot be separated completely from the past understanding of "system". According to Webster (1986), a system is a "(1) complex unity formed of many often diverse parts subjected to a common plan or sen/ing a common purpose; (2) an aggregation or assemblage of objects joined in regular interaction or interdependence; (3) a set of units combined by nature or art to form an integral organic or organized whole; (4) an orderly working totality (p. 2322). In conclusion, this research has studied a system of indigenous knowledge of agriculture production pertaining to a certain group of initiates called monks, with the goal of making this knowledge universally applicable for the people of different origins but who have similar needs. Thus, agricultural education, from the conclusions standpoint, is a system of transfemng agricultural knowledge across time boundaries. At the dawn of the Christian era, a Roman writer of agriculture, by the name of Columella, said that; ...everybody can get involved in agriculture because it does not require an outstanding mental capacity. However, there is one thing that agriculture cannot get along with; stupid actions of people who are involved in it A stupid book can be written, and a stupid play can be played on the stage, but there cannot be stupid [i.e., brainless] agriculture in the worid. This quotation was translated from the book, Seyatyeli ikhranityeli (1992, p. 145), which is basically about the history of Russian agricultural science and Russian agricultural education since the reforms of Peter the Great in the eariy 18'" century. 123

Mikhail Ye. Livanov, in his treatise called; "Guidance to General and Practical Agriculture" (in Russian; Nastavleniie k umozrityernomy i dyeloproizvodstvyennomu zyemlyedyeliyu, 1786) said that agricultural historical information not only allows each generation to live through the life of mankind (which already brings the life of mankind closer to the etemity), which is one big advantage of it There is another advantage in learning about agriculture in the past and that lies in the fact that history is a lesson. Wherever agriculture flourished, the nation prospered, as well as that nation's arts and sciences. One interesting observation is that wherever there are only the arts, but no agriculture, there are no true arts, as well as there is no taie science in that country. Ancient Assyria. Rome and Egypt prospered while agriculture flourished. Another example of that is Russia. Another interesting observation is the treatise written by M. Ye. Livanov, which says; "Both agriculture and animal husbandry are so tightly conjugated with each other that one is absolutely impossible without the other" {Syeyatyeli i khranityeli, vol. 1. 1992, p. 145). From the previous descriptions and quotations, one can see that 1. Russian agriculture has a long history, much longer than could be documented by any scientific evidence of agricultural development and agricultural practices; and 2. Russian agriculturists of the past, long before any idea of an extension-like system emerged in the minds of the people and appeared as a bill through legislative tiodies; as well as long before agricultural science became socially established, and long before formal agricultural education (education through specialized agricultural or general institutions of higher education) became available to many people in Russia, long before that, there were ways and means of transferring agricultural knowledge across local communities' boundaries and across time borders. This is to say that, before the existence of what is called scientific agricultural knowledge, Russian peasants knew how to transfer knowledge from one generation to another generation, and from one part of the country to another. What were the ways of transferring knowledge that historically existed in Russia, and what were the means by which knowledge was transferred? First the basic structure that maintained the stability of society and maintained the continuity of generations was the family. Of course, before the Peter the I reforms, the majority of the Russian population were peasants. Peter I reforms changed only the relationship of the peasantry with the other classes of society (some of which came into existence by Czar Peter, such as dvoryanye (landed nobility at the Czar's service), from which some became part of a reorganized military, and some who were uprooted by Czar Peter or integrated into his new class structure of Russian society, such as boyare, (wealthy landowners who were also influential political leaders within their own quasi-parties, putting pressure on the court), and stryel'tzy (semi-irregular but privileged military structure which also had political power) (see Figure 4.7, the first scheme depicting the changes in Russian society following the Peter I reforms). 124

Peasantry

Figure 4.7. Structure of the Russian society reformed by Peter the Great, and the place for the monasteries and the church in it

Before Peter's reforms and after them, the majority of Russian population was peasants, as it continued to be clear through the years of Communist pufsc/i (revolution) in 1917, and until the physical extermination of the peasantry by Bolshevist policies of hunger and collectivization in early 1930s of the 20*" century. There is no exact number of peasants in the country that historians can agree on before the Russian peasantry ceased to exist under Communism, however, some say it was around eighty percent, whereas others say it was over ninety percent. For example. Count S. Y. Witte, was quoted in the Chapter 2 of this dissertation, as saying that there was over ninety percent, what he meant, of peasant population in Russia at the beginning of the 20*" century. The encyclopedic dictionary, Rossiya (1991), mentioned that in 1858, there was over 82.5 percent of the peasant population in the entire country, and in 1870, there was nearly 81.5 percent (p. 86). This is 125 an insignificant fluctuation, in this researcher's opinion, tiecause Russia was developing industrially and, perhaps, due to that fact as well as the lit)eration of serfs that occurred in 1961, part of the peasant population moved to the cities. The ^ct is that Russia has always been a predominantly peasant country, whether under serfdom or after the abolition of it, or even during the revolution and after that, until the years when the Communists waged an open war on the Russian peasantry (see Figure 4.8). Therefore, one can say that before the extermination of the peasantry by the Communists, the entire Russian culture existed because of the existence of peasantry. The Russian peasantry, therefore, maintained the culture of the country.

Figure 4.8. Structure of the Russian society after the Communist revolution until the present, and the place for the monasteries and the church in it 126

Peter the Great reforms, although destructive to the traditional way of life in the country, did not affect the peasantry's way of life. This. mayt)e, is incorrect to say t)ecause Peter I established serfdom in its purest sense in Russia; however, that was primarily and issue concerned with the social position of the class of peasantry as a whole and with the surrounding political situafa'on. Peasants did live after Peter the Great reforms in much the same way as they did before them. Boyarstvo, or boyare, the traditional Russian class of nobles before Peter the Great started giving land to his own servants and to educated people who served him. thus making them a landed nobility, which essentially was a new class of nobles. This boyarstvo class was also a unique phenomenon of the Russian culture and Russian society. They were so tightly connected with the rest of the population in the country in terms of closeness of their interests and in terms of the rules that they followed in their personal and family life that the only thing that made them boyare was their political influence and closeness to the Czar. The Czar himself was. actually, the first among the boyars, and so it is true to say that his life was organized, in terms of the traditions that he followed and personal and ^mily rules, very much like the life of the boyars, and, in turn, like the life of the peasants (see Figure 4.9). Another class, stryeltzy (semi-regular military), was not peasantry and not politically influential by themselves, however, they were politically influential as a group. In ^ct, during peaceful times, at least fifty or more percent of the stryeltzy lived in their homes with their ^milies and had trades or businesses or tilling the land, like the kuptzy (merchants), ryemyeslyenniki (tradesmen) or kryestyanye (peasants). This group was. essentially, if put it in American terms, fanmers who spent up to half a year or more (depending on the national situation) in the National Guard. It was a National Guard! The reasons for mentioning several of the major classes of Russian society before Peter I: kryestyanye (peasants), tmyare (nobles), stryel'tzy peasant military), and the Czar himself—all of these classes: 1) shaped the Russian society in pre-Peter I Russia; they originated from one major class of society, historically, that is to say. from the class of peasantry; 2) as a group represented over ninety percent of the Russian population; and, if one mentions them together, such classes or social groups, as ryemyeslyenniki, (tradesmen) and kuptzy (merchants) represented the neariy all of the Russian population; they had common moral principles represented in their Christian ^ith, and in the Orthodox church way of life; these principles were reflected in their social interactions (for each of these groups) and in their family lives; what is most important is that they affected the attitudes that new generations developed towards the experiences that were accumulated by the past generations; and 3) existed together in harmony; that is to say that the very existence of each, not only in tenns of material well-being, but also in terms of moral aptitude, that was essential for the existence of 127

onasterieS ^obili Peasantry

Figure 4.9. Structure of the Russian society t>efore the reforms of Peter the Great, and the place for the monasteries and the church in it t

the other classes; none could exist without the other, not only boyars, tradesmen, merchants and semi-military could not exist without peasantry, but also the peasantry could not exist without them as well; these classes were united by the way society functioned, and they were welded into one social organism by their common Christian principles that they shared. What Peter I did, essentially, is that he eliminated some of these classes (but not the peasantry) through a forced revolutionary changing of their way of life (and, to a much lesser extent, through the physical executions of some of their prominent members that were in opposition to his 128

leadership). Fortunately, this did not reflect on the traditional uklad (social, moral, and economical structure) of the peasantry. There had to Ije another "revolution" that followed the Communist putsch of 1917, in order to changed the peasantry's uklad (see above) in the country, by, essentially, eliminating it as a class, and establishing a Communist serfdom for the peasants that was much worse than any kind of slavery known in history. Nevertheless, Emperor Peter did much worse things to Russian society. Two of his actions that are the most significant are: 1. He destroyed the "symphony" of the Russian society, the togethemess of the church, of ail the classes in society and of the state with the prevailing moral authority of the church. This does not mean that the church was expelled from Russian society. Russia still remained a Christian state under the new conditions, however, the degree of moral authority of the church, especially among the upper classes of society, was influenced by its drastically changed political position in social life as it was subjugated to the state, and its moral initiative, so-to-speak, was moved to a secondary level. (Rev. A. V. Kartashov discusses the concept of "symphony" in Vossozdaniie Svyatoi Rusi, 1991, p. 78.) 2. He liberated the upper Russian classes from their moral responsibility to maintain traditional Orthodox values embodied in the ^mily principles on which the Russian society based its life and the need to maintain the Orthodox lifestyle that was a safeguard against any kind of freethinking and materialistic revolutionary changes. He, himself, set an example of an extreme sexual liberation which was unthinkable tiefore him in Russian society. As noted before, he changed and liberated the governmental system to such an extent that the government became only formally connected with the church, instead of having this connection based on the type of moral symphony that I described above. In this sense, he was truly a Czar-Antichrist who started the process of moral degradation of the Russian upper classes which eventually opened the gates for revolutionary ideas and the destruction of Russia in 1917. Russia's greatest poet, Alexander Pushkin (1995b), was right in saying; "Czar Peter was the beginning of the Russian revolution that is continuing today!" Thus, after the Czar Peter I reforms, the Russian peasantiy was the only class in society that continued to maintain traditional, conservative, Orthodox values. This continued through the era of Communist revolution and the following destruction of the peasantry in Russia. However, his changes it still influenced the overwhelming majority of the Russian population. It was due to the peasantry that Russia was strong morally and economically. It was also due to the peasantry that the continuity of generations of Russians (in a cultural sense) was maintained. It was also due to the peasantry that the continuity of cultural attitudes towards the land was maintained within society. It was also because of the peasant population that agricultural information was passed on from one area of the country to another, and from one generation to another. Yet I have to say 129 more; it was due to the peasantry that, for thousands of years of Slavic and Russian history, the spirit of agricultural inventiveness and agricultural technological skills were both maintained while "the official" agricultural science was in its infancy and beginning its historical path. START HERE What were the ways that agricultural knowledge was being spread in the country through and by the peasantry class? First, in the Russian society, there was only one basic choice for a son of a peasant in a family of the Russian peasant, as far as his life path: he was to become a peasant The families were large. So, there were usually more than two sons. My grandmother grew up in a city before the Communist revolution. Her parents had four children in her family including herself. They were poor and lived in the city. These two factors by themselves limited the size of their family. However, it was an unusually small family, even for the city. It was very common then, even for the families that lived in the city, to have about twelve children. Russian peasant families were much larger in number. One of the reasons for this fact was that there were no employment restrictions on families in the countryside compared to those in the cities. Every newborn child was quite welcomed as a potential contributor to the family economy. Peasants in Russia lived by their large families which means that, after any or ail of their sons got married, they did not have to move out and sfart their own household, i.e., their own economy. Actually, they remained with their parents, and other married and unmarried brothers and unmamed sisters. A child's life in such a family was organized like a commune (but with no democracy in it). The father, the patriarch of the family, was like the Czar in society. He was responsible for his family to God, and he was the one who also esfablished the manner in which daily life was organized. The father was "the director" of the family economy. The rules that he established for the family, were based on; (a) economical needs and on the need to provide adequate resources for the entire clan to exist; (b) rules and restrictions imposed on each family by the mir, by the village commune, which was ruled by the elected elders (who, as said before, also represented the government, in part); and (c) moral values that the father practiced as a church member and his traditional undersfanding of responsibilities before God. as they were passed on to him txsth formally, through his father's family, and informally, through the social life around him. His wife, the mother of the family, was in charge of women's labor, and she directed the nevestki, the sons' wives, to daily tasks on the farm and at home. She stopped quarrels among them and could also reprimand them for misbehaving. There is a Russian saying: "Eto babskoe dyelo!" ('That is only woman's issue", or "Let women do that!"). Therefore, women had their own place in the family and their own responsibilities which could not be (or did not necessarily have to be) accomplished by men. Naturally, every wife (the mother of the entire family) wanted to have all of her sons get married, and as eariy as possible, so that she could acquire more nevestki, more women - the wives of her sons - to do such work in the family for which she was responsible. 130

On the other hand, giving birth to a female child was considered a loss in the ^mily (although what was said was, "Na vsyo Bozhya Voiya!" - "This is what God wants!°) due to the mere ^ct that the girl would eventually grow up and marry someone else and would leave the ^mily. There was another rationale for peasants to have more children (especially after the liberation of the serfe in 1861). The mir, which was, as I said earlier, a self-goveming local body of the Russian village, gave land to the families (nad/e/y- pieces of land, not necessarily located ail in one place) depending on the number of mouths in the family. They literally called it yedoki, or "eaters". More people (boys or girls, married sons or unmamed daughters, for that matter) meant the obstchina, the commune, would give them more land, and such was the desire of every peasant; to get more land, because that meant wealth. Russian soils were good, and never in the zemstvo's statistical sources or in the Czarist censuses (before the abolition of serfdom), one can see a reference to the "peasants with poor soil". They always talk about malozemel'nyye or bezzemel'nyye peasants (peasants with little or no land) when they talk atx)ut some families that are poor. One of the reasons that Stolypin set up a program on relocation of peasant families from the gubemia-s (governed bodies, or states) of central Russia to Siberia, is the land was more readily available there, and peasant families, with necessary government financial support in order to help them relocate, to acquire necessary equipment and to get land, to till as much land as they could lay their hands on. This was similar to a homestead policy, although I do not think that Stolypin modeled his program after the American homestead policy. It did not offer such vast financial support to peasantry and it did not include the social reform: Stolypin wanted to re-structuralize the peasantry, to make it become independent financially and live independently on khootor-s - Russian version of private farms. More importantly, he wanted to take individual peasant families out of the power of mir which he considered to t)e a liberated, socialistic form of krepostnoe pravo, or serfdom. (The last problem existed due to the fact that mir, the elected body of villages, was quite dictatorial, and without it, peasants could not do much about developing their ^mily economies within the framework of a local community.) Literally speaking, Stolypin wanted to create private farmers similar to American farmers. One of Stolypin's femous speeches in Duma had an expression; "Only the gigantic war can break down the neck of Russia!" In another speech he said; "Let us have twenty years, and you will not recognize today's Russia!" In another speech to the to the Duma, on April 10,1907; "Russia, gentlemen, is not dying out. She has a population increase that supercedes such in all other countries of the world! This amazing numt)er is 15.1 births for 1,000 of the population each year." {Syeyatyeli i khranityeli, 1992, p. 402). Thus, a peasant family was a well-organized community where both economic and moral responsibilities before the family-at-large were knit together by the traditional understanding of its responsibilities before the society-at-large (represented by their fellow peasants, the mir, the landlord 131 and the Czar), and before God (represented by the Holy Orthodox Church). The agricultural skills were acquired by the representatives of younger generations of the peasant ^milies through participation in everyday works of the family household. The ^mily household had a rigid, hierarchical structure which functioned with two main underiining purposes; (a) to serve the Lord through the principles proclaimed by the church and through the traditions passed on from one generation of peasants by another as a result of almost one thousand years of practicing the Christian principles in life; and (b) to provide the means of existence not only to particular ^mily members, but to the whole family as a household economy, and. if needed to support m/r with whatever was lacking at the time of need. Therefore, the peasant household was very strongly ^miiy-oriented and community-oriented economy based on Christian principles and traditions. To say frankly, the economy was so stable—the continuity of traditions, of the ways of life, etc., was so well-preserved (not by its wealth, but by its structure and cultural and moral attitudes to the surrounding worid), that it could function independently by itself when the entire government superstructure, with all upper classes, was gone. (I hope, the readers of this dissertation would excuse me for using a Marxist terminology. In Marxist terms a superstructure means nothing but a kind of a social by-product, an upper part of the society that has been created as a result of an economical development provided for by the bottom, the productive [or producing] classes. Such was the peasantry, of course.) The only way that the peasantry could function as an independent structure in the society, was when it had a connection with land (or when it had land, simply speaking), and when it had moral values that held the peasant families together. That is why Trotzky and Lenin, the performers of the Communist revolution in Russia (as well as Stalin, who was the best student of Lenin, according to the Soviet propagandist cliches), directed their first blow against the Russian peasantry. They directed it in three very specific ways; (1) attempting to eliminate peasantry as a class (in the civil war and during Stalinist raskulachivaniie policies in the 1930s, i.e., during the forced collectivization— taking away the peasant ^rms and household goods and destroying the peasants' traditional household economies); (2) expropriating peasants' land (i.e., doing directly the opposite to what they had promised when they incited the Communist revolution and tried to gain the support of the masses of peasantry, when they promised a good chunk of land to every bezzemel'ny or malozemel'ny peasant, or, more precisely, to every peasant); and (3) destroying the spiritual (moral) basis of peasant households through eliminating the village priests, removing the laws that safeguarded private property (a famous slogan was "steal what had been stolen from you" or "rob those who have robbed you" - the winning slogan of the Communist revolutionary propaganda), and through liberating women, through establishing komsomol lodges in the villages where young members of peasant househopid were forced to participate, especially young women. It was important to destroy 132 women's morals specifically, because women were traditionally the greatest moral protectors of the entire family. I must say that, yes, the Communists achieved their results quite well. The entire peasantry that was kept intact since the times of Peter I, became disarranged, and it stopped functioning as a healthy part of the Russian society to a greater extent Therefore, Peter I destroyed primarily the superstructure of the Russian society, whereas Trotzky and Lenin destroyed the basis of it, the peasantry, from which the best, the most talented people came, and which was the regenerative resource of Russian society as a whole. The Communists, basically, destroyed the very genetic stock of the Russian nation when they destroyed peasant ^milies and irreparably damaged the class structure and traditions of the countryside. An outstanding Russian writer of the Soviet period, a peasant himself, Sergi Zaiygin, wrote his book. The Commission, which is actually a novel that was first published in Russian in the 1970s, about a peasant village in Siberia during the revolutionary turmoil when neither the Red nor White armies were nearby. No previous Czarist administration existed, and there was actually no rule. The community of peasants created a commission, or body to preserve their most valuable natural environment - lentochnye bory (wood belts along river banks) on which their existence was based. It was neither a form of govemment nor a type of an anarchist self-expression. It was a grass-roots organization that functioned to protect families, communities and the traditional way of life. Indeed, it was a complete local replacement of the govemmenfal superstructure. Although it lacked such functions of govemment as collecting faxes, esfablishing police and jailing people, it functioned as an organized form of expression of interests in connection with the environment and was related to the existence of all peasant families in the area. Indeed, it was a form of extension, a way to draw upon all available individual resources (on a volunteer basis) to protect the environment and the way people were able to exist and to co-exist on land and within their environment. One of the heroes of that novel, mouzhik (peasant) was Samsoniy Krivoy (Samson the One- Eyed) said: We have neglected [in the revolution - A.Kh.] the Grace of Our Lord. And the works for the Lord that He obligated us to do! So, let us retum to the tradition that was established for us by God! If not we are those who are to do these works - who is? If not we, people, are the ones who shall faste the fruits of such works - who will? I doubt it would be any kind of a wild beast - one of those that we do not live among and one of those that we run away from hurriedly! If not we ourselves, who will apply their mind, their labour and their efforts to the laws of God? And who will make our earthly life a part of His eternal life? (Zaiygin, Komissiya, 1986, p. 253) Thus, we see now that the very structure of the peasant family had the potential for people to support each other, help each other, and leam from each other - in a structured, but not in a formal way. Adopting values, just as adopting useful practical skills was not considered a part of something that is imporfant to esfablish an independent personal career. It was a natural part of the existence of every human being in a harmony with his family, his community, society-at-large and the environment 133

in which this group of people, or the whole peasantry class, as a matter of fact, lived. There was no obligation to learn, but the peasant children knew that if they went against learning the necessary skills and moral values of the family and society, they would not "fit in", not in a manner of a certain fashion, rather they would not find a way to exist The entire life of peasantry was organized so wisely that it met all the needs of the people: to provide food, create a new generation of people, and conserve the environment in which they lived. At that time, and especially under the system of serfdom, travel of peasant producers, members of the peasantry class, was restricted to certain areas (when we talk about traveling en- masse, not on an individual basis, such as traveling of servants who had a peasant background, with their landlords, etc.). Frankly, before Stolypin's policies of relocating peasant households from Central Russia to the Eastem Russia (the Siberean lands), very little travel was conducted among the peasantry. We now can see that the agricultural skills and the cultural attitudes towards the environnnent that were tightly connected with the very forms of Orthodox spirituality, that existed in the country for centuries and remained unbroken until the first years of Communist regime, were transferred from one generation to another, through a peasant family. How could be the agricultural knowledge spread geographically across the country if there was no travel of active producers, or there was no formalized ways of distributing agricultural information among the pesants? Of course, I do not count individual landlords many of whom (either by experience, or by reading, or both) were quite educated in advanced agricultural methods. (As noted previously, the first t>ooks on agriculture, some of which were translated from foreign languages, were published in Russia in the 18*^ century, which is exactly when the class of educated pomestchiki (landlords) was established in post-reform Russia.) Many of the new and unusual practices tried by pomestchiki were not adopted or understood by the peasantry. A famous writer of the 19*^ century. N.S. Leskov, tells in one of his essays (Ocherki i rasskazy, 1988) a Russian pomestchik (landlord) who decided to drastically and abruptly improve the life of his peasants. He built new houses for them, all household goods, and put them in those houses that were relatively well-equipped for that time and they had chimneys as well. (A typical Russian hut would not have a chimney, in many cases, especially if the family living in it was poor they had smoke going into the sen/ (prikhozhaya, or a passage). (Some of such houses still exist in some parts of Russia, such as the one in Western Ukraine shown in Figure 4.10 which I photographed when I was there on a tourist trip in 1985.) Later, the peasants of that pomestchik moved into a modem (for that time) place to live, and practically vandalized them, destroyed everything that they found no use for, or that they were not familiar with. Eventually, they tumed those new and modem residences into disrepair or conditions in which they were familiar, such as kumyye izby (no-chimney huts). 134

Figure 4.10. A typical Russian hut in Western Ukraine (A. Kh. Is seated)

A similar event is mentioned by the Russian revolutionary Maxim Gorky in his famous book Nesvoevremennyye Mysli, or Untimely Thoughts (1988). According to Gorky, the peasants who were delegated for a congress of peasants in St. Petersburg after the February revolution of 1917 (pre- Bolshevist revolution in Russia that was just a year before the Octot>er coup), happened to have their sessions in the former czarist Winter palace. The Winter Palace has one of the best collections of art in the world. For the peasant representatives, it was just like entering an entirely new world. What remained after the peasants left, was temfying to behold. Instead of using the restrooms, they defecated in the Ancient Greek vases, etc. They damaged anything that they could lay their hands on. Gorky gives it as an example to show that the Russian mouzhik (peasant), is indeed a wild beast. In Gorky's opinion, no progressive reforms or revolutionary changes are possible in such country. Plekhanov, a father of Russian and a teacher of Lenin, had a similar opinion about the peasantry. This researcher fully understands that two ^cts that have been mentioned above contradict to his panegyric to the Russian peasantry. One also has to fully understand that these ^cts represent the negative side of peasant ideology, of going through a cultural shock of a kind. Undoubtedly, the 135

peasants who were sent to the Winter Palace for the peasantry congress were the most de-classified in terms of property and in terms of ideology. That is to say, the revolutionary committees in villages selected the poorest and perhaps landless peasants to attend. Such was the spirit of time! Wealthy peasants who had no need in getting a land issue resolved and who typically were more hard-working and did not have any time to go outside their village, most likely were not represented at the congress. Therefore, in this instance, Gorky talked at>out the lowest quality of peasantry, and unfortunately he used this even to hypothesize that the nature of Russian peasants is t}east-like. I wanted to mention that, and another fact in order to say that any kind of encounter with an unusual or an entirely new lifestyle, on the part of the peasants in Russia would cause a rejection. Peasantry in Russia was so traditionalized that in order to change that b^dition, one would have to eliminate them as a class, by either physical executions and exiles, or by turning them into an entirely new class; a landless proletariat This was one of the reasons why the Soviet industrialization happened to alienate the Russian peasantiv. as much as they could, from the land, and tum them into a landless proletariat It was also the greatest reason why the collectivization of rural households took place under Communism; in order to strip the large portion of peasantry who remained in rural areas, from the land and the household property that they had, to create a rural proletariat that would eventually at the Communist govemment-run industrial rural enterprises. We now realize, after the many decades of the Communist regime, that the Communists were quite successful in their policies. They achieved their main goal; they broke the backbone of the peasantry, destroyed their attachment to the land, violated their traditional uklad, or lifestyle, and (particularly due to massive migrations to Great Construction sites of Communism, so-called, and due to the policies of hunger, and due to the wars on peasantry and external wars) destroyed tiie continuity of traditions through generations. Now vast places in Russia are empty, especially in Central Russia, throughout Siberia, and reaching to the Far East There are no people there. Everyone who could do so, moved to tiie cities. The peasantry in Russia was originally "the thing in itself (using the ^mous expression of the German philosopher Kant). Its life was based on centuries-long traditions which could not be changed overnight, either by positive or by negative experience. "How do we keep the balance?" says a Jewish Orthodox peasant from the village Reb Tevye in the femous musical created after Sholom-Aleykhem's book "Tevye the Milkman'—^"Tradition!" (Fiddler On The Roof, part 1, 1971). The same exactiy thing can be said about Russian Orthodox peasant 136

Informal ways of horizontal distribution of agricultural information during the first historical time period and the carriers of such information An important part of the life of Russian peasantry that cemented their traditional way of living was their spirituality. It was not uncommon for a peasant ^mily to have one of their children, one of their sons, dedicated to God. What that mean was to send him to a monastery to spend his life in works for God. Usually it was just one son from a peasant family, however, there were such young people who really wanted to leave their ^milies and enter a monastery. In many cases they would go there by themselves, walking many long miles by foot, sometimes almost across the entire country. Sometimes they would go there, even if they did not have a blessing from their parents. In many cases they were attracted by the stories told to them by the monks who were coming through their land and who stopped in their villages for a one night stay. Such monks usually were passing through the country villages on their long journeys from one monastery to another where they were sent to on a "business trip", or they were "on leave" from the monastery for other reasons such as collecting funds for the monastery (doing fundraising), etc. Sometimes it was not even the monks who were the sources of such information. There were all kinds of travelers; first, "beggars", usually "blind beggars' (see Figure 4.11), or even kaliiki perekhozhiye (wandering handicapped people), or yurodivyye (God's fools). All these were special categories of people who had a traveling lifestyle. Nobody was sending them from one place to another. They were not transients in an American sense—people who just could not establish themselves in any of the local community for this or another reason. They were not just travelers because they were looking for a tietter place or they were trying to find a place with a possible source of income for themselves, the place where they could stay longer, where they could permanently live. The primary force that was driving members of all those categories of people out of their hometowns (in case they had hometowns) to where they were going, was a desire to visit to holy places, such as where monasteries were located and were there were churches with the most ^mous wonderworking icons located. Indeed, many of those people were either in need of a miraculous cure of their blindness, wounds of diseases, or they were in constant search of the grace of the Holy Spirit. According to one of the greatest Russian Orthodox Saints, venerable Seraphim of Sarov [monastery], who is especially known for his prophesies about the future of Russia, i.e., that after a great revolutionary turmoil and many years under satanic rule Russia will rise up again as an Orthodox monarchy, said that the whole purpose of life of an Orthodox Christian is styazhaniie Dukha Svyatago, or, in English, "gaining the Holy Spirit for your own " (Motovilova. 1996, p. 38). According to N. A. Motovilov's record, St Seraphim said the following; 137

Figure 4.11. Blind wandering pilgrims (1870, courtesy of Obolensky, 1979)

When somebody wants to pray, fast, and conduct a vigil as well as to do all other Christian deeds, it is okay. All of those things are very good to do, however, the purpose of Christian life is not only in performing them. They are just the necessary means to reach that purpose... Anything you do for Christ is just the means to gain the Holy Spirit of God... Our Lord Jesus Christ said: "Anyone who is not gaining with me, is going to lose." (pp. 38-39) 138

Thus, those people who have lost everything in their lives, including their families, wealth and health, were trying to gain the biggest treasure; the Grace of the Holy Spirit of God. They would go from one holy place to another, one village to another one, one town to another one, one monastery to another one, etc., sometimes even reaching the Holy Land (the land of Palestine). However, the majority were average people who had a desire to seek God's truth and who had a call for carrying that truth with them wherever they would go. They were formerly peasants, or they were currently peasants away from their villages, and without their families with them or without them at all (for one or another reason). They could be also townspeople, called in Russian mestchane (literally, people originating from a town; such was the name of their class, or social status officially in the Russian Empire), along with kuptzy (merchants, etc.). They were by no means a kind of a lumpen-proletariat, i.e.. declassified bunch of wanderers that simply, as previously mentioned, could not find a right business in their homeplaces. They were not beglyye or katorzhniki either (that is, fugitives from their landlords or from the govemment or convicts that managed to escape Siberia, or ostrogs (detention forts). They were people who had that lifestyle on purpose—on a very special, spiritual purpose. One such stranniki, or wanderer, is shown in Figure 4.12. If we look at his image attentively, we would realize that he is not a beggar. Not only is he dressed in a very simple manner, but also in a manner that is very convenient for pedestrian travel. He is not visibly handicapped or blind. He looks like a healthy average man for his time who. perhaps, might have lost his ^mily, or decided to go to different places where he could better pray for somebody's need, maybe someone to whom he is related. He does not seem to be a beglyy or a katorzhnik (a fugitive from his landlord or a convict who escaped a fortress where he was put into after committing a crime). If we look at his eyes, we could see a great deal of a spiritual inquiry in them. He is apparently one of those people who have decided to leave their place in order to enlighten themselves and to stay close to spiritual truth. This is indeed, as Chloe Obolensky (1979) says in her book; "...a striking feature of Russia's religious life, which stemmed from the Middle Ages... These 'people of God' included men who collected aims for the building of churches and itinerant bards who sang or recited poems whose origins lay deep in Russia's pasf (p. 189). Unfortunately, Chloe Obolensky (1979) forgot to mention that those people were also a very interesting and had common way of sharing agricultural knowledge, not only transfem'ng it from their home villages to other parts of the country, that they would reach by foot, but also (which is especially important when talk at>out the system of informal agricultural education at the monasteries and the potential for its regeneration under the new conditions in Russia) they were participating in agricultural works of the monasteries with the brotherhood, during their stay. Consequently, they were able to help with some of the daily tasks or 139

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Figure 4.12. Wanderer (1870, courtesy of Obolensky, 1979) they could learn along with the monks at other monasteries and with their home villagers. I will elaborate more on this later in this chapter. It is also important to note that the wanderers and the pilgrims were not identical. The pilgrimage to holy places was a mass phenomenon in Russia's pre-revolutionary spiritual life. There were literally millions of pilgrims from Russia to the Holy Land and to the City of Jerusalem during the verge of the 20*" century. The Russian Orthodox church at that time had at its discretion, the entire support of the Russian govemment system and of the financial and economic resources of the 140

Russian empire. It was not equal to ttie non-Russian Christian denominations (such as protestant and Catholic), as equality was established only after the revolution of 1905.. The Russian Orthodox Church, represented by the Imperial Russian Palestinian Society, had a number of very impressive ^cilities in the Holy Land and in the City of Jerusalem, where it could host those pilgrims who were coming with practically no or very little money to the Holy City. They were given free stay and firee meals. Many of these buildings and churches still remained a part of the Russian Imperial Society of Palestine that remained part of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia - the one that has had no communication with the Soviet and post-Soviet government controlled Moscow Patriarchate in Russia - through the end of the 1940s of the 20'" century, when the State of Israel was established with the support of the Soviet Union, and the Israelis passed on many of these properties to the Soviet govemment The remainder of these properties was held under control of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia until 1999 - 2000, when the "great friend" of Soviet Russians, Mr. Yassir Arafet, sent the Palestinian police who attacked (with the help of Moscow Patriarchate officials), and expropriated semi-vacant buildings of some churches and monasteries in Hebron and other parts of territories that were under Palestinian control. Then they were transferred to the Moscow's post-Soviet govemment One cannot explain the masses of people visiting the Holy land in pre-revolutionary Russia. There is practically no pilgrimage to the Holy land from Russia, under more than modest travel accommodations (they traveled there by foot) by anything else than a desire to gain the Holy Spirit (see Figure 4.13, taken from Chloe Obolensky's book on Russia published in 1979 which shows a crowd of Russian pilgrims on their way to Jerusalem). Of course, the tradition of pilgrimage was completely silenced by the Communists, first because the Russia's borders were closed, and because of the atheistic onslaught on the Russian Orthodox church in Russia. Another reason was that it was part of the raskof—separation of two bodies of the Russian Orthodox Church. The Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia lost its access to the Christian believers in the country of Russia, as potential pilgrims. The Russian Orthodox Church - Moscow Patriarchate - became subjugated to the Soviet govemment, which did not want any pilgrimages. The main contributing reason was, naturally, that the Russian peasantry was liquidated as a class during the couple of pre-Worid War II decades. The Russian peasants became part of the new class of agricultural slaves for the govemment — another and much worse than ever existed form of krepostnoe pravo, of rural slavery. All their time was consumed by wori( in kolkhozes (collective, or government-owned farms, which is de-facto the same thing) for no pay. In addition, former independent peasants - now kolkhoznik-s (slaves on the govemment-owned and government- collectivized ^rms) could not move to any place or even temporarily leave their villages because 141

Figure 4.13. Russian pilgrims in Jerusalem (1898, courtesy of Obolensky, 1979) their internal passports (which Communists adopted quite willingly among some other several worse things ever produced by Imperial form of Czarism established by Peter I) were kept by the Communist administration. Without such passports, moving or leaving somewhere would be equaled to committing a crime and would be followed, if not by an immediate execution (which in many cases had happened), but by internal exile, by incarceration or by expulsion to a Communist KZ (concentration camp - the term, adopted first by Lenin, and then by Hitler, who was not the actual inventor of the idea of the concentration camp). Not only were pilgrimages to Holy Land put an end to by the Communists, but also pilgrimages to holy places in the country. This was made possible because the monasteries were practically all destroyed during two decades of the Soviet regime prior to the Worid War II. Now it is said that the biggest destruction of the Russian churches happened and the largest number of them were closed under Kruschev. It was the time, however, according to a witness of those events, Mr. Dmitri A. Murin (personal conversation, 1977), a Professor at St. Petersburg Regional University of Teachers" Continuing Education, that all the monasteries and churches in Russia were closed. Of course, with the beginning of Worid War II, realized that he needed the church to help him organize Russian people to fight with fescism, thus, he started directing the Communist policies regarding the church in a more positive way, so that in pre-perestroika years, before the radical shift in Gorbachev's policies related to the church, there were eighteen monasteries in Russia overall (compared with, as it 142 was mentioned above, over one ttiousand in pre-revolutionary era — counting the countries that became independent from the former Russian Empire, such as Poland and Finland). What was worst of all. is that the nfiost important centers of Russian Orthodox spirituality were closed and stayed for many decades in ruin. I am speaking, first of all. about the monastery of Sarov Pustyn' (literally, the Hermitage of Sarov), where the Venerable Seraphim of Sarov was from - a famous center of starchestvo, of spiritual guidance. What is also very sad to know is that such most ^mous monasteries as the monastery of Pochaev (the great, or the most glorified monastery of Pochaev - that is what the word "lavra" means) happened to become part of Poland having no connections with Russia. The same ^te happened to Valamo Monastery, which became a part of independent Finland with Russia being so close and the border among both countries so tightly locked. Therefore, a great deal of the spiritual influence of such monasteries was lost for Russia, no communication happened among them and different parts of Russia, and no influx of people from Russia could fulfill the needs of the monasteries in pilgrims' contributions in the monasteries' economies with labor and finances, as well as there were not enough people from Russia who could become prospective monks through visiting the monasteries and becoming attracted by their way of salvation. Not only was the pilgrimage stopped in Russia after the Communist revolution, for several reasons that have been already discussed above, but any kind of traveling was much restricted. In fact, any kind of travel, except for a direct govemment need, was prohibited or not encouraged by the Soviets. The Soviets managed even to turn gypsies (Romani nation, as they call themselves now) into the local settlers (some of them kept horses on the balconies in the apartment homes where they lived - but that is another story, not quite for this dissertation). Of course, there were some key reasons why the people in the Russian countryside could not travel under the Soviet system, even if they wanted to. I already mentioned the situation with the peasantry, that after the Communist revolution, instead of getting the land that they were promised by comissars, they were turned into slaves for the govemment that was in any respect (except their language) alien to them. And I already mentioned the situation with the church, that the churches were destroyed. Those were just two of the biggest contributing Actors, or reasons for that However, even after the revolution, which caused the destruction of peasantry and the church (which I will talk about again later), the pilgrimage did not cease to exist I witnessed in my life one such example. In the 1960s, when my mother was teaching piano at the music college in Simferopol, Russia (now Ukraine), she had a student Tatyana, a giri who was adopted by a woman whose name was Maria S. Kurdybanskaya. M. Kurdybanskaya was not mam'ed. She was already retired (in Russia women used to retire at age of fifty-five), and she did not have any social security, or pension from the Soviet govemment She provided for herself and for her adopted 143 daughter by painting carpets and selling them in the peasants market ("kolkhozniks' marker, using terminology of those days). She was a good, hard-working woman who saved that girl by adopting her because her own step>-^ther attempted to abuse her and the government would have placed her into an orphanage. Now, M. Kurdybanskaya was, of course, practical, and had to sacnfice some of her everyday's morals to the economical needs that she had (she had to feed herself and her adopted daughter and to maintain the house that she built in Simferopol with the help of people that she had to hire - and remember, she had no income from the govemment, for that time, it was unimaginable how she could exist). And so, she was selling "samogon" (a home-made alcohol). And thafs how she built her house and did many other things that were impossible to do without it She was making that alcohol illegally in her house and carrying those huge canisters (about ten gallon each) full of alcohol. One day, when she lived by herself, and her adopted daughter had already grown up and mam'ed someone and was living separately, she lifted one of such canisters and injured her back. She could not lift anything else afterwards. She became very sick indeed. The doctors could not help. The next thing she did was that she sold her house, and put the money in the govemment bank (a weak resemblance of the American bank - an entirely different kind of institution, but where she could store her money). She started traveling - not for pleasure, no, but going from one holy place in Russia and Ukraine to another. She went to holy places where there were wondenworking icons and where there were miraculous healings. She did not miss a single place which was known as sacred. Eventually, when she arrived to visit our family in St. Petersburg back in 1987, she looked quite healthy. She said that only worshiping at those holy places; monasteries, churches and nearby wonderworking icons in them, kept her up and going. In fact she had gotten an idea to settle in one of those convents as a nun. She was planning to give up her money to that monastery in exchange for them accepting her as a nun, or as a novice. The last time when I saw her was in 1988. What was the most surprising for me is that she predicted then the events that happened in Russia in 1991, that is when the alleged anti-Gorbatchev coup was followed by the disintegration of the Soviet Union and by the terrible decline in the economy. She did not mention that, of course. She just simply said; "Andrei, are you mamed? -1 said; "No!" - She said; "Don't marry... We have only got three years left to live..." I thought that was funny what she said. However, exactly after three years, the whole mighty Soviet Union disapF>eared from the map in a blink of an eye, the whole life drastically changed, there started mass starvations, deaths, killings, terrorism, etc. We indeed had only three years of relatively safe life to go by before that happened. I do not think that she could prophesize that herself. However, she was going to the most sacred places of Russia where the most spiritual people being attracted from all across Russia, or all across the Soviet Union at that time. She could speak with them, and there could be those among them that had prophetic revelations from God. 144

This was the most obvious example of a very special place that "strannikis" played in the Russian life, that I was a witness to myself. There were also other examples of that nature. For example, according to another story that I learned from Mrs. Valentina Petrova, a grandmother of another music student of my mother, who was originally from Omsk, Siberia, right t>efore the World War II, there was an old man, a "strannik", coming from one village of Siberia to another, and telling exactly when the war will start, exactly the date, I mean. That was neariy a year before it happened. Naturally, the war to happen was the one called later "The Great Patriotic War" by the Soviets, a military conflict between Stalin's Russia and Hitler's Germany. I could give several other examples, but my whole point was to show that yes, even under the Soviet Union, stranniki-s were in existence, as well as yurodiviye-s (God's fools), kaliki-s (wandering handicaps - actually, to a lesser extent than the first two categories). Those were the people that had special abilities, in a spiritual sense, they also had special callings in their lives. Those were the people that were part of an alternative, non-govemmental system of information delivery under the Soviets, who tried to outlaw that lifestyle completely, but could not be quite successful in that for two reasons: (1) the struggle was t)etween the materialistic power of the Communist govemment and the spiritual power of the Russian nation that was developed for centuries and was accumulated as part of the general Orthodox culture of the country (Communists killed the church hierarchs, but could not eliminate the Orthodox mysticism and the very special pattems of behavior of the Russian people; (2) the inner calling on part of such people to carry the word of God, the revelations that they personally had and the prophecies that they had heard in the monasteries to the people in other parts of the country who needed to hear that word. They were linking and Earth, and were the necessary part [themselves] of the system of the monasteries. They were spreading such news and information "horizontally" that could not be otherwise delivered to anyone or to reach their destination, so-to-speak. They were an organic part of the Russia's rural life that I will have to refer to a little bit later in this chapter, when I will speak about the monastery as a generator of agricultural educational information and about the informal system of delivering such information outside the monastery and throughout the country of Russia. At this point. I want to add that it was due to that very special feature of Russian life: wandering monks, pilgrims, wandering blind people and handicapped people, as well as stranniki, or wanderers, whose names nobody new and nobody will rememt>er that people all across Russia, however distant they were from the monasteries, could hear the truth and could hear the word of God even when there no churches or priests around. It was indeed a system of communication between different parts of the country, a system of informal communication that did not depend on transportation, lodging accommodations or on finances. It even existed, to a certain extent, as we just found out, under the Communism, when the spiritual life in Russia was in its down^ll, and which was and still is a very distinctive feature of Russian Orthodox culture. 145

Environmental aspects of the historical phenomenon of Valamo This is a very unique side of the historical phenomenon of Valamo. What is meant by the environmental side of the Valamo's historical phenomenon is the importance of Valamo—as a monastery, as a community and as an agricultural system—^for the environment of the Valamo archipelago and of the entire region of Karelia, it also meant the role that the environment of the monastery and its unique location played in the agricultural development cam'ed out by the monastery in the past, as well as. perhaps, the role that it played in the spiritual life of the monks. The monastery and its environment were tightly interconnected. The environment was integral to the daily activities of the monks, and the role that the monastery played as an important part of the environment In order to understand better the role of the environment in the life of the monastery and the role of the monastery as part of the environment during the course of the first historical period under study can be understood more cleariy by discussing the inputs made by the environment to the monastery and those that were made to the environment by the monastery. The term "environmenf is self explanatory and is well-understood, especially by Western scholars. In Russia, the term "environmenf sometimes is substituted with "ecology", or "ecological niche" (according to the tradition established by Academician Vemadsky) (Efremov. 1988. p. 119). This is not the same way that the word "ecology" is understood by the West. The environment, as understood by this researcher, refers to the conditions of nature that affect the existence of a certain inorganic, organic, human, social or transcendental phenomenon of daily life. In other words, it is a complex of visible or of sensated components of nature that affect human lives and can be affected by them. It is the opposite side of interaction between humans and nature around them. Of course, there is a great chance that everybody who reads the word "nature" herein would customarily perceive it a sort of a "dead nature" or a "dead, objective environmenf around humans. This is not my understanding, even the word needs to t>e used because there is simply no better word to describe what is given to us by God in order to produce our environment, of which we are a part and that is part of our existence through constant interaction. Without a prolonged delving into the semantic depth of the term "environment". I conclude by saying that I see the environment being not "an objective attachmenf to human society or to the material objects in this worid. Rather, I see it as a infinite area around each human's soul and body that allows a person, or groups of humans to carry out such activities that: (a) provide the necessary means for their existence on Earth; and (b) justify their existence by providing conditions under which they can contribute to God's plan in the Universe (which is not completely known to humans per se. but only partially opened to them through the laws that they must follow that are expressed in the Holy Scriptures and explained in the writings of the others of the church. 146

In addition, the term "environnDenf should only be understood as it can be applicable to all justified human activities Qustifled by the purpose of human existence on Earth which is conveyed by the church). Therefore, I perceive the environment as it (a) has no limits, "on the outside", as it can equally include—depending on the spectrum of human activities—the entire universe that humans can have access to physically or by their minds, or that is even not accessed by them or known to them but can have a reflection of human activities on it in this or other ways; (b) has a very special limit "on the inside", which is the boundary between the human being and the immediate object or subject to which any of the human's activities are applied; such boundary is not clearly identified as it is different depending on the type of a human activity camed out by the human being. For example, it can be as close to the human body as the distance between his skin and a raindrop that has ^llen on that skin. It can be even closer if one talk about spiritual activities, such as a prayer that has a direct affect on an environment only in a very special way. In that case, the environment comes closer to the human self than what immediately contacts the body. Unfortunately, I cannot specifically look at the spiritual life of the monastery in its interaction with the environment as it would infinitely expand the scope and the volume of this dissertation. I cannot avoid, however, mentioning that spiritual life was a very essential part of monastic life at Valamo, and it was tightly connected with the system of agricultural production and informal agricultural education as well. Thus, the meaning of the term environment is constantly changing depending on the type of interaction t>etween humans or between humans and the outside world (outside for their bodies or for their inner spiritual self). A broad understanding of environment under any circumstances (or under any typ>e of interaction between humans and their outside worid), can include the following three components; 1. Nature: In a broadest sense, an organized organic and inorganic life in the universe which provides material resources for human existence. It is everything that is created by God, including humans, but not including God Himself, and not including a particular person who is discussed in terms of his interactions with the nature). Basically, it is an organized (in terms of its independent functioning) combination of all accessible natural resources that can be utilized for human needs). As one can see, nature can be sutidivided in two parts; organic and inorganic worids, or life in all its forms and other resources that include air, water, mineral resources, etc. (i.e., everything that sustains organic life in material terms). 2. Space: The distance between a human involved in a certain interaction with nature and one (or many) accessible resources of that nature. 3. Different forms of organized processes for humart activities, such as agriculture: One can also call it different social forms that are parts of the social environment providing for human activities and at which such activities have been directed. Therefore, different technological processes and their systems as well as, parti'culariy, agriculture, are part of this component 147

Human interaction with the environment takes place along all these three components. What is most interesting is that humans cannot interact with the environment without having all of these three major components involved, to a greater or lesser degree, in such an interaction. As stated before, there is one other important side of the environment that was not included in the description of the three major components above—the spiritual side—because human activities along this side are carried out in a very special way. I would have called it a fourth component of the environment if I intended to talk about it specifically, but this is not the main goal of this dissertation, so it remains separate for this time. This subsection is concemed primarily with agricultural technological interactions tjetween men at Valamo Monastery and their environment, as part of the historical phenomenon on Valamo (i.e., during the first historical period under study). According to the famous (as some say) or Infamous (as the others do say) theory of Malthus; every natural resource will be exhausted some day, and, consequently, every agricultural ecological system is a dying system. The resources of the Earth are of a finite nature; they are not fully renewable (Vorobyov et al., 1977, p. 21). Dr. Igor* Uskov of the Agriphysics loffe Research institute, who was an initiator of environmental research work on Valamo in 1988, in St Petersburg, Russia, however, has a special opinion about that. He believes that, yes, every agricultural ecological system is a dying system because the resources cannot be fully renewed, but the true purpose of a good agronomist or a good scientist is to extend that period as much as possible (I. B. Uskov, personal communication, 1988), supposedly infinitely. This sounds like a ^ntastic idea. How can it be accomplished if the resources that are fully depleted from the land, cannot be replenished? Of course, Kari Marx who was much more in^mous (or famous, if one will) than Malthus, said: "With the development of natural sciences and of agronomy, the soil fertility changes due to the fact that the means by which the soil elements are made available to the immediate utilization, are getting more sophisticated also' (Marx, 1955, p. 783). Marx did not say anything conti'ary to Malthus in this instance (although, he would have been insulted if we told him that). Marx simply meant that, once there is a better means to extract more elements of natural resources from the agricultural ecological system for our needs, the system can supply those elements at our discretion. Marx did not say, however, how long this can take place. Indirectiy, this also means that once some resources are exhausted, one can switch to newer ones and so go on. This does not cure the problem! The "squaring the circle" problem in agriculture is whether the natural resources in an agricultural ecological system can be made renewable or are simply "used up" and that is it. Malthus, apparently, is more honest than Marx by saying that such a scenario cannot go on infinitely. Dr. Uskov (personal communication, 1988) had an interesting idea (philosophically), but, essentially does not offer a more positive solution than Malthus'. The key issue is: Can one make soil, for example, more fertile after the process of agricultural production took place for a certain period of time in a 148

place, or is it not possible? This is a big issue nowadays. It seems like everything goes against agriculturists on that issue: there is erosion, a lack of energy, insects and other pests that are resistant to insecticides and to other pesticides, soil that needs a great deal of artificial fertilization to maintain a desired level of crop production, and, finally, a problem of waste and ground waters pollution. We have a problem with water, in general, in many parts of the world. Can that be solved? Some people say, and the experts from the United Nations Food organization (FAO) are not the least ones to be heard saying it. is that one has to reduce the population, or adjust the consumption level of different nations to reflect the actual resources of those nations. This relates to sustainability in its true sense—^to be able to: (a) satisfy everyday needs using local resources, such as food, materials, etc.; (b) protect the available resources from waste so that they can be available longer. In some countries, such as in nowadays Russia (and even in the United States), there are voices being raised that the world will not be able to last very long if the existing pattern of consumption is continued, such as that in the United States will be spread to other countries of the worid. Thus, can one infinitely increase the well-being of the human population on Earth without making the Earth die sooner while achieving the well-being of every one member of the global society? It depends on our priorities, and on the primary values that we have in human lives. One can find such an answer by looking closely at Valamo Monastery's interaction with the environment in the past Valamo is a perfect example t}ecause its economy was sustainable: It was able to satisfy certain basic needs of the community on the island using very limited resources that were available locally. In addition, it was able to trade some of the products that were made at the monastery, outside of the archipelago, on the mainland. That allowed the monastic community to make its capital grow, and to make purchases that were necessary for the monastery, from outside. That kind of pattern in economic life, which was based on sustainable interaction with the environment, also allowed for providing relief to those who were coming to the monastery for that purpose, primarily to local peasants in the years when the harvest was very poor. Therefore, due to ttiat kind of system of utilizing local resources, the monastery became: 1. A successfully functioning sustainable community; 2. A successful entrepreneur with growing financial strength. The money that was accumulated as the monastery's capital, was used for hiring the necessary specialists to do such works at the monastery for which there were not enough people or not enough qualified personnel, such as architects, engineers, artists, etc. The money was also used to acquire the necessary equipment that the monastery needed and that could not be donated by someone: some agricultural machinery, pumps, femes, rails for the railroad from the dock in Sisdjdn/i Lake (the biggest intemal lake on Valamo archipelago) to the ^rm nearby, etc., plus all the 149

supplies that the monastery could not produce itself: typewriters, paper, different kinds of office supplies, etc. Finally, some money was kept in the bank or traded for securities. 3. An outstanding agriculturist able to preserve the environment and to actually increase the amount of natural resources available for agricultural practices. Pollution was carefully avoided. Following are distinctive features of such an interaction; 1. The application of latxir to the production of material goods was not caused by a desire to improve the material well-t)eing of each member of the monastic community specifically. As known from the history of ValanrK) Monastery as well as from the history of many other monasteries in Orthodox Russia, in order to have a monastery established one needed only a place to live and a place to pray. The growing well-being of Valamo monastery was not the result of a desire of the monks or of the administration of the monastery to accumulate goods, to use them or to sell them and, roughly speaking, to have enough money in order to live independently on the island as a community. The purpose was an entirely different one. The idea was not even that such was the way (the way of hard work) that the kingdom of God can be reached by each member of the monastic community. As the monks noted, "The hard labor is not a high virtue, but the necessary consequence (literally; condition, or provision - A. Kh.) of the virtuous life." (Otryvnoy kalendar" na 2001 god. 2000, p. 352). The latjor was carried out by the monks from dawn to sunset, not because they could not escape it or such was their obligation to stay in the monastery. It was not also the way that they hoped to reach God's forgiveness of their sins in life. It was the result of their conscious understanding of God's purpose in life. They were working for God because such was their destiny in being part of God's plan related to Universe. This last point is a very important concept to understand about monastic life t>ecause without it one cannot understand the monks' attitude towards the environment and the extent to which they considered it possible to utilize the available resources for agricultural production. It would be also impossible to understand why the environmental conditions, in terms of resources, were improving on the island, rather than deteriorating. 2. During the process of agricultural production, a lesser emphasis was made on how much of the produce could be grown on the island. A greater emphasis was made on how to better distribute what they had among the monks and among those in need who were residing in proximity to the monastery and who were visiting Valamo Monastery as pilgrims. Valamo's economic life was organized around its spiritual life, tioth time-wise and space-wise. There was a time for a prayer and there was a time for works. Both were considered equally important to God. Prayer was another form of works, and works were a sort of visible prayer. In addition, geographically, Valamo Monastery, as previously mentioned 150 in Chapter 2, existed not as a single monastery, in customary terms, but as a set of monasteries organized around the main one. There was a Central Monastery Complex and a set of small-and-secluded monasteries around the main one. some in a relatively close proximity, so that they could be reached by foot or by "drozhki" (simple type of passenger horse carriage) or "telega" (horse-drawn cargo camage). Some were at a feiriy good distance from the main monastery, on other islands, to which there were no bridges, so one had to use a boat to travel to them (see Figure 4.14). Several of the monasteries are gone today, yet some have survived. A few . or small-and-secluded monasteries are not shown on this map because they are located on remote Islands of Lake Ladoga, such as the skete of St Herman and skete of St Sergius.The sketes (or small-and-secluded monasteries) are shown with pictures of little towers with numbers, and the names are shown in the legend (in Finnish). There are ten sketes on this map; a) Skete of Alexander of Svir, or Alexander Svirski (survived); b) Skete of Avrami of , or Avrami Rostovsky (gone); c) Skete of Gethsemane (survived); d) Skete of John the Baptist; e) Great Skete of All Saints (survived, see Figure 4.15). This skete is very similar to the Central Complex of Valamo Monastery in its location, surroundings, and even in architecture. This skete has a beautiful environment There are plots of tilled land nearby—the vegetable gardens. The skete is surrounded by a wall which links together several cell houses for the monks. However, it is located on a flat side of the island. In ^ct. one would not notice that it is located on a separate island, not on Valamo. as it is so close to Valamo. It is separated by a small creek with a stone bridge over it It is also the biggest and the closest to the Central Complex skete among all other small-and-sectuded monasteries on Valamo archipelago and in its proximity; f) Skete of the Holy Icon of Mother of God of Konevetz. or Konevsky skete (gone); 9) Skete of the Prophet Elijah (now gone). As shown in Figure 4.16, there are only a couple of small buildings, or cell houses, in the forefront, a church in the back, and the gardens. Each skete had a garden that produced enough fresh fruit and vegetables for the brotherhood that lived in the skete. Bread had to be delivered from the main monastery; ltuUMr«

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Figure 4.14. Map of Valamo archipelago with legend in Finnish 152

Figure 4.15. All Saints Skete in 1931 {Valamo and its message, 1983, p. 157)

Figure 4.16. The Prophet Elijah's Skete {Valamo and its message, 1983, p. 174). 153

h) Skete of St Nicholas (survived). It is just about a mile away from the Central Complex. As shown in Figure 4.17, there is practically no land on the Island of St Nicholas, it seems to be comprised of solid rock with a little bit of space for the church, however, there was also gardening on the Island. A contemporary photograph of that church and a cell house building is shown in Chapter 1. In another view of St Nicholas (see Figure 4.18), The Central Monastery's complex can be well seen about one mile in the distance from it in the back, on the main island. Wooden pedestrian pontoon bridges are stretched from St Nicholas' Island to Valamo's main Island. It is interesting to see the line of the horizon across Lake Ladoga bending down due to the size of the lake. 1) Skete of the Holy Icon of Mother of God of Smolensk, or Smolenski skete (survived but greatly vandalized). j) Skete of New Jerusalem on Mount Zion (survived very well, see Figure 4.19).

Figure 4.17. St Nicholas' Skete on St Nicholas Island (from a drawing by P. I. Balashov who visited the island in1862 (according to Valamo: Histona ja arkkitehtuuri, 1991, p. 38) 154

Figure 4.18 Another picture of St. Nicholas skete (in the forefront) taken in the 1990s from a helicopter (from S. A. Kompaniychenko, 1996, page not given) 155

Figure 4.19. New Jerusalem, customarily called "Red' Skete on Mi Zion, in the southern part of Valamo, several miles away from the main monastery (from Nenashev & Kompaniychenko, 1993, p. "September")

The Central Monastery had its "ustav" (by-laws, or written rules of organization of monastic life so that everybody who lived there knew when to: arise or go to bed; pray in his cell; go to the church service; and join other monks for "trapeza' (common meals). These by­ laws also outlined the status (by rank) of every monk in the monastery. There was a very special form of spiritual organization. The monks had "nastavniki" (or "startzy" - older monks—mentors and confessors, in English), and they had a time during the day allotted to go and talk to them about spiritual problems or any kinds of problems that occured during the day. The monks had time to work, to do their work of penance ("poslushaniie"), as a service to God during the day. In the small-and-secluded monasteries, there were different types of "ustavy", or by­ laws. They were specific for each small-and-secluded monastery. Not everyone was allowed to live in a certain small-and-secluded monastery, away from the Central Complex. Only those who had a special blessing from Father Abbot, who was an elected administrator of the monastery, and whose actions, both in spiritual and economic life represented the needs of the monastery as well as the needs of each monk there, were given the privilege to live there and achieve the best degree that could be achieved by living there. Sometimes Father Abbot had spiritual reasons for sending certain members of the monastic community to stay in small-and-secluded monasteries. He may have had purely economic reasons, such as the 156

need to send someone to fill in for someone who had died and mayt)e the need for a monk with special skills that needed to tie replaced. Nevertheless, life in each of those small-and-secluded monasteries was organized around a very special spiritual purpose. An individual small-and-secluded monastery addressed an individual spiritual need, different from the others. On the other hand, each of the small-and-secluded monasteries, no matter where it was located - on the main island, in a close proximity to the central complex or on some remote island in Lake Ladoga, had its own place in the economy of the main monastery, as a part of the whole monastic community. Not only did each small-and-secluded monastery provide certain types of produce for the nnain monastery, depending on the local resources, and of course, its own basic needs; its purpose was to protect and to preserve the local resources as well. In other words, each small-and-secluded monastery was, on one hand, a place where advanced spiritual life took place for those coming from the main monastery who were ready for that stage of their own development and who were blessed by Father Abtiot' and on the other hand, it was an inalienable part of the economic organism of the whole monastery, providing for some special needs of the monastic organization, such as a certain type of agricultural produce, fish, mushrooms and wild berries (see Figure 4.20).

Figure 4.20. An old monk from All Saints small-and-secluded monastery on the road to the Central Complex with fresh-picked mushrooms in his "lukoshko", a special but very simple type of wooden basket (photo taken before WWII, in Va/amo and its message, 1983, p. 157) 157

3. The Valamo monks not only tried to improve their own spiritual condition to get ready to appear before God, after death, but they also worked to improve the environment that God gave them by treating it not only as a medium within which existed physically, but also as an extension of their own . They had an immediate connection to the environment, not only through the results of their physical work, but also through the results of their prayers which (they perceived) also positively affected the environnnent There was also another side to the interactions between the monastery's community and the environment. This side is concemed with the manner in which the environment affected the monastery. To begin, the exact location of the monastery was not selected by accident There was a very special reason for the monastery's location. Actually, there were several reasons: • Valamo monastery was chosen as a place of seclusion. The founders of the monastery, Sts. Sergius and Herman were looking for a place that was quiet and not connected in any way (social or geographical) with the mainland society of people who lived in the country at that time. In that respect, the location of Valamo Monastery was (and it still is) perfect it is on an island that is connected only to a few neighboring islands (see Figure 4.21). Some of islands, such as Puutsaari (far distant to Valamo, but close to the mainland shore, as well as all the Islands of the Valamo archipelago), belonged to ValanKs Monastery and had small-and-secluded monasteries on them. In order to reach the mainland, one had to make a trip by boat which was quite dangerous in the days when the monastery was founded because of frequent storms, especially during the fall and spring seasons, as well as in the summer. It is still dangerous, even after the invention of the steamer, due to the many undenA^ater rocks, called "luda", that are hidden just below the surface of the water (see Figure 4.22). During the winter season, the island was not accessible by boat, but only by horse sleds which were also quite dangerous tiecause of polynyi-s, i.e., open spaces of water that were not covered by ice. (An interesting and not well- enough investigated phenomenon of nature occurs when the temperature of the water in those open spaces falls well below zero degrees Centigrade, but does not freeze; the water produces bubbles similar to that of boiling water.) One should not forget that only several decades ago, before the Worid War II, the wolf population was high in the Lake Ladoga area, and the islands had a lot of deer, so that the wolves often hunted the deer (and also the human travelers across the lake in winter, if they had an opportunity). As shown in Figure 4.23, the landscape is treacherous during the winter. 158

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According to legend. St. Sergius, who came to the island from Greece (from the Byzantine Empire which was the world's stronghold of Orthodox Christianity at that time) in the 10*" century, most likely, in 960, sent by Great Princess Olga of Kiev who was the first among Russian rulers at that time to adopt Christianity from Byzantium (Makarov, 1977, p. 6). He did not have a way to get there as there was no 159

Figure 4.22. The cargo ferry "Nicholas Roerich' partially sunken on a *!uda' (underwater rock) in the well-known waters of Monastery Bay, right in front of St Nicholas Skete on St. Nicholas Island (Kompaniychenko, 1996, page not designated) 160

Figure 4.23. The shores of Valamo in the winter (fragment of a painting by P. I. Balashov, 1861, from Valamo and its message, 1982, p. 151)

boat. He prayed and a miracle happened in which a great stony "luda" came up from the water on which he stepped and was carried to Valamo. • Vaiamo's location had a spiritual significance for Christianity, because it was a place where the Christian ^ith celebrated victory over paganism. According to the previously quoted manuscript of Makarov (1977, p. 6), before her conversion to Christianity, Great Princess Olga was an active pagan who came once in a while to Valamo to worship the pagan god, , or Volos. (In ^ct, there are some theories that the nanne of that overthrown pagan god reflects on the origins of the name of Valamo, but this is not the only theory that exists about the origins of Vaiamo's name). Another legend says that the first Christian who visited the island was the Holy Apostle Andrew, who was an enlightener of Scythians and Slavs, and he made 161

a long trip baptizing people who adopted the Christian faith from the steppes of Little Russia (now Ukraine) up to the North, to the great city of Novgorod and to Valamo. Thus, the early Christians who came to Valamo many centuries ago, and the monks who selected Valamo for their residence, were not guided by the idea of convenience or even by the idea of availability of natural resources to live by. Their primary purpose was to establish holiness and to grow in holiness, despite the danger due to their contacts with pagans or the questionable issue of their survival in that land, a land that was not convenient for customary agriculture, because originally it was believed to be just a solid rock. As shown in Figures 4.24 and 4.25, there appears to be no visibly convenient places for habitation and for agriculture, even when viewed from a distance. • There was an interesting phenomenon, not customarily noticed by someone who comes to Valamo as a pilgrim, tourist or researcher the role of the environment in the daily life of the monks. There is a famous Jewish greeting; "Next year in Jerusalem." The Jews have used this as a New Year greeting for centuries because it was a way to manifest to fellow believers, the ultimate goal of their ^ith; to gather again in the Holy City of Jerusalem, where God, as they believed, would reign among them. The idea behind the life of every Christian is to be able to ultimately see the "nebyesnyy Yerusalim", the Jerusalem in , that would come on Earth when death or sin will no longer exist ...And I saw a new heaven and a new earth: for the first heaven and the first earth were passed away; and there was no more sea. And I John saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, coming down from God out of heaven, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband. And I heard a great voice out of heaven saying, Behold, the tabernacle of God is with men, and he will dwell with them, and they shall be his people, and God himself shall t)e with them, and t)e their God. And God shall wipe away all tears from their eyes; and there shall be no more death, neither sorrow, nor crying, neither shall there be any more pain; for the former things are passed away. (Revelation to John, 21;1 to 21 ;4, "KJV New Testamenf, 1996) Thus, believing that Heavenly Jerusalem is the end of history, the final goal of religion and the ultimate purpose in every man's life, in their lives, in their services to the Lord, each monk had to have the New Jerusalem as an ultimate goal in his heart, as a place where must reach through doing everything that God wants him to do on Earth—through asceticism and prayer. During a visit to the Karelian Section of the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union in 1988,1 spoke with one of the researchers (whose name, unfortunately, I do not remember). She showed me a hand-drawn map of the biblical 162

Figure 4.24. A close view of some visitor-firiendly parts of Valamo's shores {Valamo: Histoha ja arkkitehtuuri, 1991, page not designated) 163

Figure 4.25. Valamo shores from a distance {Valamo: Historia ja arkkitehtuuri...", 1971, page not designated)

Jerusalem and the map of Valamo archipelago with all small-and-secluded monasteries there as well as with the Central Complex. She had hand-copied it from a printed map. What is interesting is that not only do the geographical names resemble true Jerusalem and Palestine, such as Mount Favor (where the Transfiguration of Our Lord took place) and Mount Olive (under which there was an 164

orchard of Gethsemane—in actual Palestine, but also on Valamo, there was the Gethsemane Skete with an orchard around it), not only Mount Zion with The New Jerusalem small-and-secluded monastery on it (on Valamo). It was also surprising to see on that hand-made map of Jerusalem and Palestine that the places mentioned, as well as other important locations mentioned in the New Testament, were geographically similarly connected to each other and oriented around each other as they are on Valamo. This indicates that the entire geographic and landscape complex on Valamo has a very deep spiritual meaning, that is not noticeable to many visitors. Thus, visiting Valamo is similar to visiting the real Palestine. On the larger scale, Valamo was not designed just for its enjoyment by visitors and pilgrims, it was designed primarily so that people who lived on Valamo, the Valamo ascetics. They would keep in mind the "krestnyy puf lisusa" (the way that Jesus came to His cross in Palestine), because that was the way for every person to reach New Jerusalem (see Figure 4.26). Throughout his life, he must follow Jesus to the cross! Therefore, the environment has a special spiritual meaning through its landscaped design, through the selection of the very places for special types of worship and works in the name of the Lord. • The poverty in the agricultural resources environment of Valamo served as a means of showing God's grace as a response to a daily prayer and to a selfless devotion to Him. And He was passing by and saw a man who was blind from his birth. His disciples asked Him; Rabbi, who has sinned, he or his parents that he came in this worid blind? Jesus answered; neither him, nor his parents, [but this is so] that the works of God can be shown upon him... And after He said that. He spat on the ground, made a clay out of his spittle, and put on the man's eyes, and said; "Go, wash in the pool of Siloe, which means "Senf. He went [as he was told] and washed and came out seeing." (John, chapters, 1; 7, "Ot loanna...", 1991, p. 16). This part if the New Testament reflects very well the monastic attitude towards the land that they lived on. They treated it as a way and as a means for God's works can be shown upon it. And they considered themselves part of such God's works. because their life was making sense, as well as all their works, only if they were carrying out God's will in everything they did. And so, here we see that the very lack of abundance in natural resources was an important part in monastic life. Because there, where nature is poor, could be shown the power of God's works in all its glory. • The environment of Valamo played another important role in the monastery's life. Two of the important principles of monastic life were "postnicheskoe zhitiie' ("fasting principle') and "podvizhnicheskoe zhitiie' (ascetic principle). Commonly practiced in Figure 4,26. Resemblance to Palestine by geographic location on Valamo 166

every monastery, not only in Orthodox, but also in Catholic monasteries as well, the monks did not eat meat or anything of that nature, such as cheese, eggs, etc. Fish was allowed, but in some small-and-secluded monasteries even fish was never used—only vegetables (primarily in St. John the Baptist Skete on Predtechensky Island near Valamo). This kind of lifestyle was conveniently accommodated for by Valamo's environment Valamo's landscape could allow for some small-size truck Arming, but not for any larger-scale agriculture, nor for anything that has a sense of industrialism. At the same time, having large herds of cattle on Valamo's rocks, which were lightly covered by a very thin layer of soil and in the woods (see Figure 4.27), and by a little thicker layer in the meadows at the central part of the island, could quickly ruin the ecosystem of the islands. As shown in this figure, there is a very thin layer of topsoil on rocks of all sizes. The animals shown are not domestic cattle, they are moose. There is a small population of moose on the island that happens to completely disappear and then re-appear once in every few years. In Finnish villages and farms on the mainland shore of Lake Ladoga, it was common to leave all the cattle that a fermer had, on an island somewhere, not far from the farm or from the mainland shore, where there was plenty of grass or shrubs, for the whole summer, so that the ^rmer's wife could travel there daily by boat for milking. On Valamo. however, it was not possible because the landscape was quite different than on the mainland shore. First, the islands along the shore of Lake Ladoga (along its northern shore) are quite flat Valamo itself, as well as many islands nearby, has huge masses of rock that rise from the water. Thus, it was not only dangerous to have cattle roaming freely throughout the summer due to the exposed roots of trees and the very thin soil layer on the rocks, but also to the cattle themselves who could easily break their legs or ^11 from the steep rocks (see Figure 4.28). The monks of Valamo found the way to solve the problem of containing cattle under such conditions of the environment In the middle of the 19*^ century, they built a farm that could accommodate 170 cows. The ^mn was very sophisticated technically. It had been built out of the brick made in the monastery. (The monastery made all of its own brick for construction purposes on the islands.) Feed for the animals was hay which was delivered to the second floor of the farm in telegi-s (horse drawn carriages on a special wooden driveway leading to the second floor from the top of the flat rock that the farm building was located under). The hay was Figure 4.27. Lowland in the central part of the island of Valanno {Valaam - fenomen prirody, 1988, insert page)

then thrown down to each feeder on the first floor through the rectangular openings made for that purpose. There are a number of other interesting points to mention about the monastery's ^rm, but this is a topic for another subsection. It is important to mention also that there has never t)een a hog farm on the island, nor has there been any hogs on Valamo. This researcher believes that the main reason was to protect the environment from possible pollution. Valanno did not have hens or other kinds of birds that are also not considered to be environmentally safe types of Arming. What is most important to understand is that the animals on the ^rm were accommodated for very conveniently in terms of their safety, in terms of the delivery their feed (actually, close to the central part of the island, where the hay collection was done each year), and in terms of transportation of the products of dairy farming (by water to the main dock of the nwnastery in the monastery's bay, from which part of the products could 168

Figure 4.28. Typical landscape of Valamo: steep rocks with forest growth on top (Valamo: Historiaa ja kuvia, 1973, p. 199) 169

go to the monastery for the needs of the monastery—primarily the pilgrims and the remainder would be delivered to the mainland markets for sale. I found no evidence that the monks used milk or dairy products other than milk, or meat The ^rm was

located on the shore of the SisajSrvi Lake. As shown in Figure 4.29, the farm workers' building is a long cell house that accommodated, at different times, up to 30 monks who were taking care of the animals.

Figure 4.29. Valamo Monastery's farm {Valamo: Historia ja arkkitehtuuri. 1991, page not designated)

Creating such a ^rm was also a part of "podvig", of asceticism, as it was an enomnously difficult task in size and anrraunt. A Russian writer, a traveler and a freemason Vas. 1. Nemirovich-Danchenko, who generally was critical about the monastic lifestyle and who visited Valamo in the 1880s, when it was a big construction site, however, says in his book, Reign of peasants (1888, p. 95); The granite stones for monoliths for the ferm are being cut by the Karelian workers who are the specialists...and next to the hired workers you could see a number of monks doing the same tembly hard job. [The ^ther said]: "Some of them are hieronfK>nks [priest monks, in other words - A. Kh.]!" - 'Really, they are doing this job in that rank?" - "So, what? The harder the work of ot}edience is, the 170

more important it is in front of the All-Seeing Eye... You see over there? That old guy? He has t>een a hieromonk (upper rank among monks - A. Kh.) for twenty years already, and he has been in the monastery for fourty years overall, but he took a pick in his hands and went ahead. The Abbott blessed him to cut stones, - and it is yet more joyful for his spirit He works with a meek heart...' The elderly hieromonk was zealous, indeed, not according to his age." The harder the work was, the more important it was before the Lord! • One of the active functions of the environment in monastic life was due to the inner work in the soul of every monk through prayer and through contemplation. The world around them, the beauty of the universe served the purpose of higher thoughts, was a bridge t>etween God and people. Therefore, it was necessary for the environment to be beautified and improved. The environment was considered to be the true temple of God, the temple of higher spirit that dwells in it just like the body is a temple of soul of each man. Therefore, improving nature, making the Islands of Valamo look more tjeautiful, was another way to serve God. Thus, the monks made a numt}er of improvements on the islands. They built industrial ^cilities such as a brick-making ^ctory and different shops to provide for many needs during the never-ending process of construction at the monastery. They also constructed many wonderful roads that still serve the monastery's purpose although they were never improved since the monastery ceased to exist as a result of the Communist onslaught on independent Finland in 1939 - 1940. The agricultural ecological system was an organic part of the environmental system as well, not because it just existed within certain environmental conditions of the island, toeing a part of the ecological niche of Valamo itself, but because agriculture as such is a way for the beautification of nature. For a grateful eye, seeing agricultural fields and seeing the operations of the animal ^rm or people doing agricultural works was not only exciting in terms of thinking of what God can provide for people if they follow His laws of nature. His laws of living. It was also a way to enjoy the harmony of nature in all its manifestations, such as found in agricultural production. Even if a certain environmentally-oriented practice did not have the objective of producing an agricultural outcome, it was deemed important and useful for the monastery if it could remind people (both monks and pilgrims) about something of specific beauty for which a human heart should be grateful to the Creator Such was the idea behind introducing unusual types of trees at Valamo; firs (Figure 4.30), which were introduced by the monastery of Valamo in the 19*^ century, and the oldest of which are approximately 120 years old; larches (Figure 4.31), which were also a new species; and oaks (Figure 4.32). 171

Figure 4.30. Fir-tree alley, eastward from the Central Monastery's Complex (the road to the cemetery) (Valaam - fenomen prirody, 1988, insert)

Figure 4.31. Larch'es alley towards the new cemetery of the monastery (Vafamo - fenomen prirody, 1988, insert) Figure 4.32. Oak alley next to the Konevitza Lakes (close to the Skete of the Holy Icon of Virgin of Konevetz) (brochure, Valanrx), 1989, page not designated)

Such was the idea t}ehind creating a whole composition, literally, an artistic composition of trees—not simply a collection or a botanical gardens nearby in certain places on the islands. The best known such "composition of trees" is that seen by the small-and-secluded nrranastery named after the Holy Icon of the Virgin of Konevets (Figure 4.32). What is amazing to realize is that (as I witnessed it myself, when I worked as a tour guide on Valanrx) in 1988 -1989) the trees change their color throughout the entire green season. The crowns of such trees as oaks are light, and the bark is dark. On the contrary, the crown of fir is dark, but the bark is grey-colored, etc. 173

Near the sketes that were devastated and ransacked during the Communist era, only the trees have survived. As for the shrubs, they have only survived to a certain extent Such plants as flowering perennials, are completely gone, so one cannot imagine the extent of beauty that was added to nature by the monks. It was truly an Eden. As I witnessed by passing through the location of Konevetz small-and- secluded monastery with tourists during different parts of the year, the trees "speak to you.' During the summer period, there is a different combination of colors than in the fell, and this does not mean they remain the same all the time—they literally change colors. It was especially wonderful to notice this phenomenon t}ecause, as I knew. Konevetz skete was occupied by molchal'niki-s—^the monks whose obedience was "not to speak". They did not speak for years to either visitors or among themselves. The same rule was enforced in certain cases at St. John the Baptist smail-and- secluded monastery on Predtechensky Island. In his book, Valaamskiie startzy, Mikhail Janson (1997, p. 9) noted about one monk that he had encountered during his visit to Valamo, and particularly to St. John the Baptist Skete in 1937, schemamonk Father John: ...And afterwords, when he became enough probated, he was offered a priesthood, however, he was challenged a lot by that, and he was not sure whether to accept it or not He was afraid to be directed by his human will either in taking it or in refusing to take. And so he decided to ask the Abbott for a decision. Father Abbott Damascene listened to him and solved his confusion saying; "A priesthood is a great feat If you accept it you should be in your living similar to an angel, and you are weak as a human. Why don't you stay just like this, a simple monk.' Father John took the decision of the Abbott as a direction from God, and his soul became quite. He stayed as a simple monk to the end of his days, so simple, so childlike clear, so full of joy and willing to speak like a child. He loved to talk with brothers about spiritual matters. Father Abbott knew about that inclination that he had. And so he made another decision regarding him; "So. you Father John, make yourself humble enough and feel unworthy to talk to people - just keep quiet YOU CAN SPEAK OR TALK ONLY WITH GOD, IN THE CHURCH. DURING PRONOUNCING THE GLORIFICATION TO HIM IN PRAYERS, OR. IF YOU HAVE THAT NEED. WITH THE ABBOTT AND WITH THE CONFESSOR WHEN YOU OPEN YOUR HEART TO THEM OR DURING CONFESSIONS." AND FATHER JOHN QUIT TALKING FOR 14 YEARS. And after the 14 years. Father Damascene said; "Father John, you are not worthy of carrying such a great feat go ahead and speak again just like you did before.' And fether John started speaking again with all childlike simplicity and willingness.

It is to them, to molchalniki-s, that God was speaking through nature even outside the church. 174

Another fannous example of such a place, where a tieautiful combination of trees, shrubs and plants was planted, is Gethsemane small-and-secluded Monastery. As we know from the Bible, Gethsemane was a beautiful orchard near the Mountain Eleon in Palestine. The beauty of Gethsennane skete is reflected in the beauty of that garden (see Figures 4.33 and 4.34). In ^ct, Gethsemane skete on Valamo is located at the foot of Mt Eleon on Valamo (Oljymaki in Finnish).

'W-. ^

.f-t' ia v/-.-

* "'jfLr .

r«®f f

Figure 4.33. The gardens of Gethsemane near the church and cell-house of Gethsemane small- and-secluded Monastery (Valamo: Historia ja arkkitehtuuri, 1991, page not designated) 175

Figure 4.34. The church of Gethsemane small-and-secluded Monastery (before its restoration in the 1990s; its gardens currently need restoration after heavy tourism {Valamo: Historia Ja arkkitehtuuri, 1991, page not designated.)

Nemirovich-Danchenko (1888) noted in his book, Krestyanskoye tzarstvo, about one such picturesque place called "Nazaryevskaya pustyn", or "the Nazarius hermitage.* (Nazarius was a fomrier Abbott of the monastery who practically re­ established it at the end of the 18*^ century), refem'ng to a dialogue between himself and father Pimen of Valamo; "...Nazaryevskaya pustyn', by our measures, is a real paradise on Earth. We will show such vegetation that you will get surprised! This was a ^vourite place of father Damascene. And even now, when they carry him over here, he becomes so full of joy in his spirit he can't say anything with words, but his eyes say so much" (p. 28). 176

To be able to understand what Father Pimen was saying to Vas. Iv. Nemirovich-Danchenko, this researcher must mention that Father Damascene was an Abt)ott of the monastery for 40 years (since 1859). His birth name was Demyan Kononov (from a peasant family). He was txim in 1795, and, at age 16, he entered another monastery before coming to Valamo. He died in 1881 at the age of 86, but he had been completely paralyzed for a number of years (see Figure 4.35) before his death in 1881. Although the monastery of Valamo existed long before Father Damascene, he was really the great re-constructor of Valamo. just as Peter I was for Russia.

Figure 4.35. Photograph of Father Abtwtt Damascene (monastic name), already paralyzed {Valaamskiy istoriko-arkhitektumiy i prirodnyy muzey-zapovednik Karyel'skoy A.S.S.R. Portfyel'ekskursovoda, 1987, page not designated) 177

Everything that existed on Vaiamo, prior to World War II, had to be credited almost entirely to Father Damascene. He was the one who organized the building of its roads, and the digging of the channels, thereby connecting all the 11 of the internal lakes of Vaiamo Island into a single system that could be used for transportation, etc. He also built a few small-and-secluded monasteries all around Vaiamo archipelago. He changed the monastic lifestyle on the island by abolishing hermitage (solitary lifestyle) and strengthening the community lifestyle. Finally, during his 40 years as Father-Superior of Vaiamo Monastery, he introduced many varieties of trees and shrubs that were unusual for the island. By doing so, expanded the monastery's economic undertakings and improved agriculture (including building of the monastery's ^rm that was mentioned previously). In addition, he maintained, preserved and strengthened the traditions of "starchestvo" at the monastery, i.e. of the individual spiritual guidance, or nnentorship, in daily life of the monks. He was also the monk who did everything possible to do a wide variety of research efforts related to Valamo's history (including the most ancient days history). Vas. Iv. Nemirovich-Danchenko (see Figure 4.36), a writer, who published a book (in 1988) about everyday life of Vaiamo monastery {Krestyanskoye tzarstvo, or The peasant reign, as the title translates from Russian), continues:

Figure 4.36. Writer (and freemason) Vas. Iv. Nemirovich-Danchenko (1888, p. 24) 178

"The Nazarius hermitage began with an alley of wonderful cedar trees. I have not seen such big ones anywhere for years' (Nemirovich-Danchenko, 1888, p. 66). According to Kuchko et al., 1988, p. 56), "The height of Valamo cedars reach 20-25 meters..." [which is about 83 feet, A.Kh.]. Nemirovich-Danchenko continues; Alternately among the cedar were oaks. The oaks were relatively young (only 40 years old), but they gave a large shadow. All were seeded by Father Damascene in the first year of his administration of the monastery. He supervised the growth of both the cedars and oaks from seeds. Further on, there stretched out in front of us thickets of fir-trees, of silver eiaeagnus, American linden trees with broad leaves blooming and sweet-smelling... "Where am I?" - that was the question that I was asking myself unwillingly. "Am I really in the North? What could be done to a poor and miserable nature through just a strong will of one only man!" Nemirovich-Danchenko does not say a word about God, of course, as a representative of the materialistic critical thinking trend in literature and philosophy of life, as a freethinker, as a matter of ^ct (pp. 66-67) Nemirovich-Danchenko (1888) continues in the same passage; Father Damascene liked to spend his time here. Indeed, one could not find any better place The flower t)eds have been strewn with all kinds of flowers. A thick wall of trees stands around. The forest murmurs as if the sea waves roll on the shore at some place ^r away. Right in front of us, a whole bunch of larches quiver with featheriike branches. The wind runs up by the poplar waking up its leaves that went into a daydream. A many-colored butterfly got attached to some flower while nervously trembling with its wings. I did not want to go away from that place, and we had been already called to go to the chapel...(pp. 66-67) Nemirovich-Danchenko was ^r removed from being a monk, but his feelings about Valamo's natural surroundings were bringing him closer to God than anything else. This researchers' belief is that Valamo's nature had a religious effect, so-to- speak, on Nemirovich-Danchenko, who was a freemason (and a romantic, as many freemasons are, or were at that time). Of course, one might be critical about the very type of religious feelings that Nemirovich-Danchenko had experienced or could experience there, in Nazarius hermitage, but even t)eing not a Christian, he had religious feelings while there. What could be felt by the monks who were surrounded by such t)eauty of nature every day and who were combining it with labor and prayer on a daily basis, during their many years at the monastery? The beauty of the nature was live evidence to God's glory shed on everyone who was contributing to God's work on the island. It was educational in a religious sense, and in a spiritual sense as well. • There was yet another very important part of the role that Valamo archipelago's environment played in monastic life, and this relates to the process of agricultural 179

production. Basically, it is how the environment of Valamo formed a specific way of organization of agricultural production at the monastery. One might say, Why is this one the last on my list of types of environmental influences on the monastery's life? There is a reason. I consider the spiritual role of the environment in the monastic life to be the greatest one by its importance. The second by its importance is the aesthetic role of the environment As mentioned previously, agriculture had tjoth its part in the aesthetic significance in the entire environmental complex of Valamo, as well as it had its very special meaning, in spiritual terms, as it provided the conditions for ardent works for God, as a specific form of such works. I consider the productive side of agriculture to be the least important for sustaining monastic life. This is because the idea behind agricultural production as a process is improving the material well-being of the masses of people (not simply feeding single hungry people, as it can be done through other, non-agricultural means of providing food; such as hunting, fishing or collecting wild fruits or berries). Of course, this may sound too primitive. However, if one has a pure idea of the survival of a single individual in mind, it would be more than enough. This is what the environment of Valamo could provide for the people who lived on the archipelago if there was no community, such as a community of nrK}nks—called a monastery. In ^ct, this was exactly what occurred during certain historic periods of time, when the monastery was forced to cease its existence for whatever reason. For example, during the period of Swedish occupation of Karelia in the 17*^ century, the Monastery of Valamo ceased to exist in 1611, when the Swedes bumed it. It was restarted in 1715, according to a decree of Czar Peter I. During that period of time, several Finnish fishermen and hunters lived on the island in their huts, and apparently they had no agriculture, at least on a scale that one can use to draw a distinction between it and small-scale truck-arming. When the community of monks came to existence again on the Valamo Islands, there arose a need in agriculture. There were two main reasons for such need; (a) to satisfy the needs of the community; and (2) to serve as a form of the work of obedience. A third reason came much later—to provide some inconne (when the monastery developed in the 18*^ and 19*^ nineteenth centuries), so that it could either secure the cash necessary for the monastery as an organization in a capitalist society, or trade produce for other goods, etc. When that need arose, one could see how the environmental limitations were reflected in the types of agricultural practices the monastery could have. First, as briefly mentioned eariier, it was difficult to raise cattle on the island. The internal part 180

of the island, which has a richer soil, actually has so small areas accessible for any kind of Arming. Thus it was more advantageous to have these areas used for agricultural crop production rather than as pastures for animals. Although the map shown in Figure 4.37 is of poor quality, one can see how small a percentage of Valamo's island territory is occupied by fields that could be used for any kind of agricultural practices (in yellow). (The map was made by the Finnish military and was available to me from Finnish sources.)

Figure 4.37. All arable land on Valamo prior to Worid War II (grey areas in the central parts of the island) (provided by Kainlauri. 1991) 181

There were only 360 acres of that arable land on the Island of Valamo (the biggest in the archipelago, and the nnost convenient for agricultural production). As mentioned previously, it was impossible to leave cattle in the woods due to the treacherous landscape, where the cattle could break legs, or die falling from a rock. In addition the tiny soil layer in the wooded upper parts of the island of Valamo could be easily damaged by grazing animals and become subject to erosion. There were no meadows as such on the island, tiecause the areas close to the water (to the internal lakes on the island, of which there are 11 altogether) are all marshes. There are no "poimas", or water-meadows near the intemal lakes either. As shown in Figure 4.38, the water ends, and immediately seen are some smaller and bigger granite stones with sparse grass interchanged with the wooded areas close to the water. As shown in Figure 4.39, the grass along the shores of the bay is not on the ground; it is in the water, and the grassed areas a swamps. Areas like these would not be good for grazing cattle. The water in some of the intemal lakes of Valamo is very deep, right along the edge of land, sometimes reaching abruptly nine to eleven meters in depth. Thus, one could visualize how the monks handled the issue of animal farming within an environmentally-safe farming framework: by means of exclusion of environmentally-unsafe animals such as hogs and hens, and by means of confining cattle to a specifically designed cattle farm.

Figure 4.38. A quiet intemal Lake of Valamo (Andreev et al., 1982, p. 48) 182

Figure 4.39. A reproduction of part of the painting by Balashov (1860) showing Skete Bay of Valamo (Valamo and its message, 1983, pp. 152-153.)

We have seen how the monks adjusted their animal fanning to the environmental conditions on the archipelago. Now, let us take a brief look at how the monks developed environmentally safe (what is now called sustainable) agriculture. The agriculture of Valamo will be discussed in greater detail in the next subsection of this chapter. From what was previous discussed, one could make a conclusion about the following forces that influenced on the formation of Valamo agriculture, i.e., a specific type of agriculture on Valamo; • The agricultural production of Valamo was both economically and spiritually driven with spiritual need and spiritual influence being predominant Simply restated: (a) the work in agriculture, as well as the agricultural production itself, served as a form of obedience to God, and replenishing of food supplies for the nnonastic community was only of secondary importance; and (b) the agricultural production process was an "organic" result of living one's life in God's spirit and in accordance to His laws. It was, thus, part of a fomi of a daily prayer, a permanent prayer in monastic life whose purpose was to change a monk's inner life and the life outside him by bringing his inner self closer to God. In other words, the monk was being shaped after God's image (that was indeed, was what they has been said at>out the monks; "upodobleniie angel'skogo obraza", i.e. "having a life in the angel's image", in English). And God Himself is a worker, God's laws and God's deeds are creative. Being perfect in Himself, God wants to make all life that He created as perfect as He is. For this reason, it was only possible for those willing to become a more perfect reflection and resemblance of Him to do His wori(s in the world as well to do them inside their own souls. For this reason agricultural practices were perceived as a reflection—both a result and a necessary part of God's works 183

in the life of every monk. Therefore, agriculture is a necessary part of the monastic life of a monastic community. I said earlier that agriculture, if taken in a pure materialistic, or economical terms, is a social phenomenon. However, if one delves deeper into the spiritual aspects of it, when it is part of the monastic lifestyle of the Orthodox monks, one realizes that agriculture is also a form of obedience to the Lord, which can exist and does necessarily exist even when there is no fully-grown monastic community or even where there is only one monk—podvizhnik (monk- ascetic.) A good example is shown in the lifie of St Herman of Alaska, who is rememt>ered as the person who made the biggest input in the spread of the Orthodox ^ith on the North American continent St Herman was one of the ten Valamo missionaries who were sent to Russian Alaska in 1794 (see Figure 4.40): they were all Valamo monks, and father Herman, who was, after his death in 1837, glorified as Saint Herman, was in Alaska for over 40 years. He was also the one who stayed there the longest among the first 10 Russian missionaries. The rest either died or became martyrs, like father Juvenalius, who was eaten by Kenai cannibals. Father Herman lived in Alaska on a small island called Spruce Island (next to Kodiak where the Russian mission was originally established). He dedicated his life fully to helping the Aleutians. He brought them to know God, educated their children, and even translated the New Testament into the Aleutian language which he learned from them. He was their doctor as well as their spiritual healer (in Christian sense of this word). St Herman worked hard on that tiny island, a piece of land that is much smaller than Valamo, and he lived in a hut He also had agriculture. What is interesting is that he had a vegetable garden which he fertilized with a seaweed (Valaam Khristovoy Rusi, 2000, p. 93). The seaweed he carried to his vegetable garden from shore in a wooden basket was of a great size, not because he wanted to do it ^ster or was lacking time to take smaller amounts In several trips instead of one, but because he was doing this work for God, as a work of penance, and so he was nvsbilizing all the powers that God gave him (see Figure 4.41). It is interesting to note that the mission of Valamo monks to Alaska left a significant heritage not only in terms of education and Christian enlightenment, which were started by St Herman and St Innocent of Alaska among other Valamo monks who had amved with the mission in 1794 (see Figure 4.42), but also in terms of teaching the local people at>out agriculture. Frances Kelso Graham wrote a book. Plant lore of art Alaskan island, in which she studied the flora of the Spruce Island. Many of the plants, shrubs, and agricultural plants specifically (as well as nnedicinal herbs) were introduced on that small island by the Valamo monks. Ms. Graham noted in her introduction to the book that she had problems teaming about the English names of plants which she talked about as the Aleutians on Spruce Island still use the Russian names that came to Aleutian language from Russian (see Figure 4.43). 184

Figure 4.40. A Russian Orthodox painting by Anna Smith showing the first mission of Russian Orthodox monks from Valamo that arrived to Alaska in 1794 (St. Herman Press catalog, 1997, cover page)

• The Valamo Islands naturally have limited resources that are suitable for agricultural production. Therefore, no large-scale agriculture or industrial-type agriculture is possible for this as well as for the previously mentioned reason of the monk's attitude of treating the agricultural production process as more important for spiritual growth than for accumulation of food supplies or capital. A widely-known comprehensive overview of Valamo's economy, including agriculture and forestry, was made by the Russian terrorist "narodovoletz" (memljer of the terrorist political party "People's Will', or "Narodnaya Volya"), Mikhail Novorussky (see Figure 4.44), who spent nx>st of his life in unwilling seclusion at SchlOpelburg fortress ("Oreshek", in Russian, or "Pahkinaiinna", in Finnish). Novorussky was sent there by the Czar for designing 185

- f

Figure 4.41. Venerable Herman of Alaska on Spruce Island next to his hut (seen to the left) that he built himself (a reproduction of the painting by Oblivantzev, 1929, in Valaam Khristovoy Rusi, 2000, p. 92)

and participating in terrorist acts, and who, after being released when terrorist parties were legalized by the Czar Nicholas II in 1905, still had not changed his mind. He went to Valamo, apparently in 1909. and wrote this article, with two things in mind; to attack clericalism (part of the Masonic onslaught against absolutism and clericalism, which this researcher will mention in the discussion section in Chapter 5), because clericalism, according to Novorussky, has its stronghold in Russian monasteries. In order to destroy clericalism, one has to destroy monasticism and ascetic attitudes toward life, particulariy toward agricultural production. Strangely enough, Novorussky considers himself a believer but apparently, he represents one of the possessed, from the novel, The possessed, by Fedor Oostoevsky (1990, p.7). and wrote the study with a feeling of disgust towards monastic communities. On the other hand, this sort of thinking is still active, particulariy among Western liberals, and which this researcher has heard among relatively conservative people in America. It purports that monasteries, as well as ail other kinds of organized Christian communes (such as the Puritans in eariy American history and even first Christians), represent perfect examples of the classless "brotherhood of men' (Communist societies, in which there is no property, no exploitation of humans by other humans and no kind of direct authority except the one from God). 186

Figure 4.42. St. Innocent, as a heavenly intercessor uniting Russia and America in the Orthodox feith (painting by M. Yakovlev, in: Fmm Earth to Heaven, St. Herman Press Catalog, 1997)

In his famous article, "Oushespasyityel'noye khozyaystvo," Mikhail Novorussky (1909) stated; "If the agriculture on Valamo was set up on a rational basis and would be done for profit, and not just for uprooting the idleness, all arable lands on Valamo as well as all meadows should have t}een turned into either orchards or vegetable gardens" (p. 55). He also continued, reasserting his negativity about Valamo Monastery in general; 187

Gulf of Alaska

IDclail Map a< Right

Culf^of AUska

Figure 4.43. Map of Kodiak and Spruce Islands where Valanrw's Orthodox [and agricultural] mission was located since 1794 (Graham, 1985, p. vi)

The economy of Valamo is of very low quality. The technological processes are very elementary, and the size of such economy is very small, as well as the whole infrastructure. The economy serves primarily to satisfy monastery's own needs. The products are not being earned out to the mari

Figure 4.44. Novorussky, terrorist and auttior of a comprehensive study on Valamo's economy published at the turn of the 20*^ century (from Valaamskiy... muzey, 1987, page not designated) growing a variety of crops just to satisfy the essential needs of the monastery, it should have been growing one or two of them on an industrial tjasis, then sell the produce, and buy, in exchange, other needed products and produce for the monastery. Thus, Mr. Novorussky (although he called his article "Dushespasyityel'noye khozyaystvo," which means, "The economy for the soul," or, somewhat ironically, "The soul-saver economy"), indicates he does not understand the main principle, on which Valamo's economy and agriculture were based upon: the principle of "living prayer" through doing works for God, and the principle of "nyestyazhatyel'stvo" (lack of interest in gaining profits, or lack of material interests). Therefore, any kind of industrial agriculture on Valanno is impossible, first and foremost, due to that one basic principle. The other reason is due to the scarcity of natural resources. Agricultural production on the islands had to use every bit of each specific natural resource that was available on the archipelago, and, in order to satisfy the monastery needs, it had to be quite diversified. 189

What kinds of natural resources were scarcely available on the Islands of the Valamo archipelago? In other words, what limitations did Valamo have in terms of agricultural production practices that were possible on the archipelago? First, there was limited space. The islands are rocky and arable areas are very small and not well-located. As indicated in Figure 4.45), part of the arable field is shown in the left comer of the picture (at a distance, in the background). This area is located in the central part of Valamo Island. There are many boulders, like the ones shown in the forefront, in the central part of the island as well, so that the agriculture is possible only on some ^iriy small areas of the central part of the Island of Valamo, as well as on some other smaller islands of the archipelago. As one can see, most of the fields are located in the central parts of the island. The main Island of Valamo looks like a bowl in cross-section, with its central parts lowered as compared to the peripheral areas which are elevated (see Figure 4.46). This scheme is not an actual cross-section, it is provided to give a general idea of the location of the agricultural fields on the Island (see also the map in Figure 4.37, where the actual arable lands are indicated in yellow).

Figure 4.45. The Kukko area on Valanrio (reproduction of the painting by 1.1. Shishkin, 1859-1860, from the book, Valamo: Historia Ja arkkitehtuuri, 1991, page not designated) 190

c

Figure 4.46. The shape of Valamo Isle (the biggest Island of the Valamo archipelago) in cross- section; (a) internal lakes; (b) and (c) denote different shapes of rocks in the central part of the island and along the edges (t>asically, part of the mother rock); yellow color on top of (b) shows the location of the agricultural fields and arable lands on the island.

There were also some arable lands (mostly meadows used for hay collection) on some remote islands that were not part of Valamo archipelago but that belonged to the Monastery of Valamo. such as Pellotsaari (in fact, the word "Pellof means "Fields" in Finnish). The relief of those Islands is quite different from Valamo, due to the geokigical uniqueness of Valamo. Those islands are mostly flat, and they have a much thicker soil layer, although there were numerous boulders in the fields that had to be removed before agricultural practices could be done, including hay collection. They are not very large, either, thus any type of mechanized tillage would be difficult, due to the terrain, a lack of space, and accessibility. The islands are only accessible by water, therefore, it would be difficult to deliver heavy, sophisticated agricultural machinery or equipment The latter is due to the fact that there are no docks that are specifically built for the movement of goods and machinery. Most are shaky wooden docks, or a simple flat rock. Figure 4.47 shows a landscape that is very similar to the Island of Pellotsaari (used by the monks for hay collection) which this researcher visited during a boat trip along the northwestem shore of Lake Ladoga. Secondly, Valamo archipelago and the main Island of Valamo, in particular, has limited resources of soils. Kuchko et al. (1989) noted in his t)ook, Ekosistemy Valaama i ikh okhrana: "There is very little information available about the soils of Valamo archipelago. The soils or Lake Ladoga region shown at the small-scale soil map (1962) that have developed on rich mother rock, are represented as palevo-podzol, or pale-podzol (pale 'ashen-grey soils" (p. 15). According to Obrejanu et al. (1964), they have been classified as podzol soils (page not designated, entry 485 - A. Kh.). According to Kuchko et al. (1989): There are no scientific publications that discuss the genesis of soils on the islands. Such authors as Sluchevsky, who studied the region in 1887, mention that the soils have litUe thickness and high rockiness. 191

Figure 4.47. "Karelian country" (photograph by M. Kashtanov, internet, 1997)

The peculiar features of the fbmnation of soils on the islands are connected with the specific chemical composition of the soil-forming rocks as well as the denudated tectonic relief that is distributed in depth. It is well-known that the relief has a key influence on soil formation. An improved warming of the soils on the southern slopes contributes to the growth of more productive plantations, as well as intensifies the biological rotation of matter and ^vors the development of the process of humus accumulation. Because the islands have a distributed in-depth relief, they also have widely developed processes on the slopes. Such processes manifest themselves through the migration of dissolved matter as well as through hard particle transfer in a form of suspension. The heavy showers that characterize Valamo, are partially the reason why these thin particles often get "washed off the elevated elements of the relief. The accumulation of silty particles of organic matter, mineral nutrition elements, and moisture takes place at the foot of the mountains. The soils in such areas are more fertile, however, they have an overly high content of moisture and they are overiy gleyed. The turf accumulation takes place widely in the depressions of the relief. The nKxjerately cold climate, with an abundance of precipitation as well as easily filtering sandy and loamy sandy break rocks, contribute to the transit loss of soluble organic and mineral matter that have been formed as a result of the transformation of the plant fell which is a part of the process of soil formation. Frequent winter thaws, freezing and thawing of the soil along with daily changes in temperature, intensify the physical erosion, especially in the shallow horizons of soil, and result in the increased content of silt Relatively low temperatures during the vegetation period slow the chemical erosion and formation of clay. 192

The geographic location of the islands at the junction of the southern- and middle-taiga subregions, as well as the high stoniness and the little thickness of mellow sediments have defined the specifics of vegetation which also reflect on the process of soil formation. In rare wooded areas having an abundant grass growth, there is an accumulatksn of organic matter, not only in the forestry bedding, but also in the mineral horizon where humus accumulation takes place. Thus, the denudated tectonic relief along with a wide array of eluvial slide rocks with basic chemical content, as well as the anthropogenic influence on the relief, have provided for a variety of soil formation processes on the Islands of Valamo archipelago. Studies that have been conducted single out the following types of soils: primitive soils,., light brown soils,., brown soils with thick humus layer,.. podzols,.. marsh podzols,.. shallow eluvial gleyey soils,., upper marsh soils... lower marsh soils,., and anthroF>ogenic soils, (pp. 16-17) The quoted passage naming soil types was translated from Russian by this researcher. The names of the soils were directly translated according to their Russian classification. The terms used are supposedly ^miliar to that used by soil scientists, however, they do not have exactly equivalent names in a Western classification of soils. That is to say, one Russian name might mean more than just one soil name in English, and vice versa. This is due to the facX that different soil taxonomy features and different soil properties were used when both classifications were written (Soil taxonomy, 1975, p. 444). The dots after name of each soil in the at)0ve quotation are used when the Russian abbreviation of each specific soil has been skipped.) This researcher's purpose was not to discuss the different types of Valamo soils or to delve into description of the specifics of soil formation processes on Valamo. The reason for providing the quotation is in order to mention a few key details about the variety of soils present on Valamo. As one can see from the description of Valamo soils provided by Dr. A. Kuchko (1989), the soils have the following features: • Valamo soils are not rich; in feet, according to their soil genesis status, they are poor • Valamo soils have been formed mostly by the processes of erosion of the mother rock on the upper parts of relief; • Valamo soils have higher fertility at the foots of slopes, that is in the depressions that nrrastly occur in the central area of the island; • Grass plays a significant role in the soil formation process; • The accumulation of humus depends, to a great extent, on the microclimate of the specific part of the Valamo relief; • The anthopogenic influence became a part of the soil formation process on Valamo. Of course, Kuchko et al. (1989) could not be considered, by themselves, soils scientists. They are forestry specialists. They pointed out a series of key moments that affected the soil formation processes on Valamo. They used the information that was available to them in 1989, when their book was published. Apparently, they relied on some previous publications or information that was available to them from previous years. As fer as this current researcher knows, there were no 193

studies related to Valamo soils that were carried out on the islands prior to Worid War II, or even in the 19"^ century, when there was rapid develcpnrient in Russian soil science. There were also no soil studies conducted by the Finnish military, during their presence on the islands, until 1944. (In that year a separate peace agreement was signed t)etween Stalin's Russia and the Finnish govemment) The first soil studies were conducted during the Soviet period of possession of the islands, after the World War II. They started, in actuality, during a one-year period of Soviet presence in the Finnish territory that was occupied by the Red Army in 1940, and until it was reclaimed by the Finns in 1941 who had advanced into that area as a result of the German attack on Russia. The Soviets then sent their geological survey teams to study the resources of prigranichnaya polosa ("the t)order belt zone"). Nevertheless, data atiout Valamo's soils were still scarce. One can see this from the previous quotation taken from Kuchko et al. (1989), in this researcher's English translation as, The ecological systems of Valaam and their preservation. The first profound studies of Valamo soil formation processes were conducted by the scientists at in Russia during the late 1980s and eariy 1990s. They were conducted by Dr. Inga Urusyevskaya and her co-workers, and by Dr. Sergey Sedov and other scientists from the Department of Soils Geography of the College of Geography at Moscow State University. Part of Dr. Sedov's work was done in collaboration with and sponsored partially by the Agriphysics loffe Research Institute (Grazhdansky pr. 14. St Petersburg, Russia; see Appendix B, Informational Materials about the Agriphysics Institute). That wori( was sponsored initially by the "Syei'skokhozyaystvyennyy koopyerativ "Valaam"" ("Valanrra's Agricultural Cooperative", as translated in English) in 1989. and resulted in a research expedition, in continued joint research cooperation of the Agriphysics Research Institute and the research team of scientists from the College of Geography at the Moscow State University headed by Dr. Sergey Sedov. (It is noted that Moscow State University is a "number one" research institution, as well as a "number one" higher educational institution in the former Soviet Union, now Russia.) The Cooperative "Valaam" (which is the Russian name for "Valamo" that has a Finnish origin, as mentioned previously) was headed by Mr. Yakovlev, and based on Valamo archipelago, where the cooperators rented the former monastery's farm and started some dairy farming. The monastery's complex was not given to the Russian Orthodox Church at thAT time, but rather it occurred when the Karelian State and ValanrKj's local governments were in charge of the archipelago. This researcher realizes that cooperative has not been existence for a number of years (i.e.. the farm complex at Valamo is once again owned by the church, see Figure 4.48). As shown in Figure 4.48, in the background one can see the celt house (or the ^rm workers' house, where the Ag cooperative "Valaam" was located during the years of 1988-1992. t)efbre Yeltzin 194

Figure 4.48. Valamo Monastery's ferm complex at the shore of internal Lake of Sisajdrvi (Kompaniychenko, 1996) signed a decree on the transfer of the entire monastery's complex at Valamo to the Russian Orthodox Church represented by Moscow Patriarchate). Having just a few cows—which is as poor a representation of farming as one can imagine—and practically no crops, the "Valaam" cooperators were, basically, two families who rented the farm space from the local government In addition, lacking knowledge as farm specialists, themselves, and no practical knowledge whatsoever of farming, the cooperators were, nevertheless, able to sell enough milk not only to provide a fair income for their families, but also to sponsor a research project such as the joint research effort among the Agriphysics Research Institute and the Moscow State University. In is interesting to note that no one really knew the source of that money, and it might well be that the cooperators were not the ones who actually paid the money (approximately 10,000 rubles, which was about US$15,00G according to the conversion rate of that time). It is, nevertheless, a feet that they sponsored the project. That joint research effort set up goals to study the elements of soil fertility on the agriculture fields of Valamo archipelago (primarily on the main island), and the micro- and mesoclimatic peculiarities of Valamo's arable lands. The idea behind the study was actually to conduct an 195 agriecological mapping of Valamo's fields and, later, to design a system for optimal usage, i.e., an optimal system of agricultural resource utilization. Dr. Igor* Uskov, who was the Director of the Agriphysics Research Institute, should lie credited for the idea. After the initial stage of research, there was a plan to publish an article or several articles in research joumals, thereby ensuring publicity of this idea and attracting potential sponsors to secure further funding to continue work in that direction. They wanted to develop a scientificaliy-proven plan for agricultural resource utilization on Valamo archipelago, and optimal restoration of sustainable agricultural methods practiced in the past that would involve all potential users of agricultural resources, such as Valamo Monastery, local civilians, the military unit located on the islands (ever-concemed about feeding its soldiers and officers), cooperators from the "Valaam" cooperative, tourist organizations such as the governmental tourist bureaus and the cooperative tourist firms (it was truly a time when cooperative organizations were given a green light by the Soviet govemment), etc. Appendix A contains a copy of the plan of research aimed at development of a sustainable ag system on Valamo, signed by Dr. Uskov, the Director of the Agriphysics Institute). As one can see in the document, shown in the Appendix A (although it is in Russian), the entire program was intended to be completed within three years. It began in 1990 and was supposed to be completed in 1992. That is, provided there was enough funding. Dr. Uskov planned to search for sponsors among the tourist organizations that were interested in the island, such as "Milena- Inform" of St. Petersburg headed by Boris Sobal'di. For this reason, two main directions towards fulfilling that plan were initially undertaken; (1) identifying Valamo's soil fertility; and (2) identifying the microclimatic and mesoclimatic resources of Valamo as they pertain to agricultural fields' utilization. With the money received from the "Valaam" cooperative, it was possible to complete the first part of the initial work by Moscow scientists, i.e., the Sedov Group; and the second part by Agriphysics Institute scientists such as Drs. Kozyreva and Litvina, Mr. Usachev, Dr. Kudryashov, and myself. At the time. I was the managing director of that expedition, and my work was to organize everything, such as obtaining passes through the local representatives of the Ministry of the Interior of the U.S.S.R. (passes to go to the border zone, of which Valamo archipelago was a part). I also had to organize transportation and lodging for the groups to the island, and provide for storage and safety of the research equipment, food, personal goods, as well as all necessary contacts with different govemmental and non-govemmental organizations related to that expedition. I was also a participant in the research. My background was not in meteorology and climatology. I had only minored in these areas during my schooling at St. Petersburg State Agrarian University. Therefore, the scientific aspect of the research was not my main responsibility. The group of Moscow scientists went to the island separately during that year. The first expedition in 1990 was quite successful. The necessary data were collected, and the group was 196 ready to return again the following year, which was 1991. Dr. Uskov was excited about the initial research effort that was made, and he had decided to send me to the United States for one-month training at the Office of Extension, in the Department of Meteorology/Climatology of Iowa State University under the guidance of Dr. Elwynn Taylor, in order to study methods of collection, analysis, and of distribution of agricultural meteorological information (see Appendices A-3 & A-4). Unfortunately, for the initial project design, I had to stay in the United States longer, much longer than Dr. Uskov expected. I eventually entered the doctoral program at ISU, which took more time than was originally intended. While at Iowa State University, I met Dr. Thomas S. Colvin, an Associate Professor of Iowa State University, who is a Professional Engineer and a Federal Employee at the National Soil Tilth Laboratory. Dr. Colvin personally met Dr. Uskov when Dr. Uskov first visited Ames, Iowa, as a member of the Russian Academy of Agricultural Sciences delegation (VASKhNIL) sponsored by CARD (the Center for Agricultural and Rural Development at Iowa State University (see Figure 4.49). Dr. Uskov was a key figure in the project Without him, no work on Valamo (and even this author's work in the United States) could be possible.

lvi»l*ngS«WI*m«s|>-k«»lgi*UrtovfW. <««***

Figure 4.49. Dr. Uskov (right) speaks to Soviet exchange ^rmers during his first trip to Iowa State in 1988 197

Dr. Colvin decided to develop a joint project related to soil studies on Valamo. He sponsored another season of the Valamo expedition work which was carried out jointly by Agriphysics Research Institute and Moscow State University (the same scientists who were involved in the field studies during the first year). As a result of these studies, a report on the scientific-research project was published in 1992; "The Evaluation of Soil Potential of Arable Lands of Valamo Island' (in Russian; "Otzenka potentziala pochvennogo plodorodiya syel'skokhozyaystvyennykh ugodiy osti'ova Valaama" (see Appendix A-5 for the report's front page). The report was 46 pages of typed text (in Russian format, which exceeds the size of American paper). It was later translated into English by this researcher. Or. Colvin, who sponsored the second step of the research project, was interested in the development of a universal systems of soil quality evaluation. Such systems were independentiy developed by American and Russian scientists. In America, the system is called the Soil Tilth Index and involves diffierent physical and chemical parameters of the soil. In Russia, it is called (as a method) soil bonitet (or soil bonition, if you will) which involves different physical, chemical, and. what specifically makes it unique in comparison with the Soil Tilth Index developed by the American scientists, different biological parameters. The term "bonition", as it is used in the Russian language, involves the evaluation of the economic utilizability of the soils. Thus, the primary reason for the National Soil Tilth Laboratory's involvement in the project was to develop a unique and universal (in nature) formula for soil quality evaluation and for its utilizability in agriculture. Naturally, the Islands of the Valamo archipelago were selected for conducting such research not only due to the ^ct that both Russian and American scientists wanted to work together, but also because Valamo's soils have been located in different areas of the Island (of Valamo Island itself, as well as on different smaller islands of Valamo archipelago) with very distinctive features of the micro- and mesoclimate of the agricultural fields. They represent a variety of soils, each of which has very specific conditions of its formation, and each of which is quite unique, as well as the ^ct that Valamo's environment has been uniquely affecting the development of the agricultural practices on its islands. In addition, Valamo's agricultural lands have well-documented records that were carefully preserved by the monks of Valamo Monastery. Dr. Colvin's idea was to include the archival information in the geographic information database that (as far as the future research related to Valamo is concerned) could be used in an artificial intelligence system to optimize the agricultural technological processes on the Island, i.e.. develop a historically and environmentally sustainable system of agricultural technologies accessible for all users of agricultural technologies on Valanw archipelago. What is meant by historical sustainability is such a system based on historically proven information about different types of crops, and different agricultural technological practices that were used on certain fields and that affected the fertility of certain arable lands of application. 198

Such an artificial intelligence system could t>e tied to the Geographical Positioning System Unit and become a part of the unique equipment that would t>e used on small tractors and machinery (such as the one already developed with the similar goals in mind at the National Soil Tilth Laboratory in Ames, Iowa). It would help in carrying out the agricultural restoration works on Valamo's arable lands which were greatly mismanaged during ttie Soviet period, and, as stated previously, lost a significant portion of their fertility which were so thoroughly maintained by the monks of Valamo prior to the World War II by means of organic agricultural practices on the monastery's archipelago. The second idea, which is even more innovative, is the idea that pushed the National Soil Tilth Lab to take part in this joint effort Two scientists from the National Soil Tilth Lab (Drs. Colvin and Radke), as well as several doctoral level graduate students, contributed their efforts to the goals of that project. The studies were done both by the separate group of Russian scientists (those presented in the report mentioned previously) from the Agriphysics loffe Research Institute in 1991, and by the joint expedition of two scientists from the National Soil Tilth Lab who were mentioned in the previous paragraph, and the team of Russian scientists from the Agriphysics loffe Research Institute in 1993. The studies were carried out in such areas of Valamo Island where limited agricultural practices were taking place during the Soviet and the post-Soviet periods of time (see Figure 4.50) and compared with the pre-war Finnish map of the agricultural fields on Valamo (Figure 4.37) shown eariier in this chapter. That joint work between the Russian and American scientists did not lead to a complete understanding of Valamo's soils' formation and the extent of anthropogenic influence on that process. Nor did it result in a complete agricultural soils' mapping of the island, or, according to another idea of Or. Uskov, the Director of the Agriphysics Institute in St Petersburg, to an agroclimatic mapping of the arable lands of Valamo or (according Uskov also) in an agri-ecological mapping of the entire archipelago of Valamo. However, the joint efforts of the American and Russian scientists led to the accumulation of initial data about Valamo's soils' qualities that could become part of future work. That effort provided invaluable information for a better understanding of such basic environmental resources of Valamo archipelago as its soils (see Tables 4.1 and 4.2). This researcher was not part of that joint effort as ^r as the immediate participation in the soil qualities measurements are concemed, but I think that I am entitled to some credit in the results of such work because of my organizational efforts that immediately affected that work. This assistance included communication efforts, assisting both teams of Russian and American scientists in their preparation for the joint investigation of Valamo's soils, and help with interpreting the results as well as collecting materials about the soil quality evaluation system developed by the Russians and about artificial intelligence systems in general. Through that work I did became a part of the larger project of 199

Central Monastery y Fields

Leschevo / Field

Figure 4.50. Research sites during the 1993 joint expedition to Valamo by National Soil Tilth Lab scientists and by the Agriphysics loffe Research Institute scientists (Radke etal., 1993, p. 22)

Valamo agricultural research, and of the special program of Valamo Society of which I was one of the founders. Both the American and Russian members of the Valamo Society (an intemational non-profit organization registered in the State of Iowa whose purpose is the restoration of Valamo's agricultural, environmental and historical heritage) had hoped to be able to obtain appropriate funding to conduct all the necessary experiments on Valamo's Islands within the framework of that initial project which had started as a triangular effort among Ames, St. Petersburg and Moscow scientists. However, the research had to be slowed and eventually halted completely, at least as ^r as the experimental work on the islands was concemed, due to inability as a group, to obtain enough funding to maintain such a research effort (see Appendix E-1, the Proposal on Cooperation between the National Soil Tilth Lab in Ames, Iowa, and Moscow State University in Moscow, Russia). 200

Table 4.1. Physical and mechanical features of study sites on Valamo (Radke etal., 1993)

l« 1. Physical and Mchanical fcAturas of ACudy k Piftld ElCMTlt P«r«nt Soli Taxtura tttlk e£ rallftC •atarial cypa dansitT. Kg."

Mlkonov Soucbern Lacuatrlna dale •an^ 1 1.22 alopa of atratifiad soddy hill of l.b aadlMAta dagraaa acaapoaaa

Nikonov Vaacarn alopa of Mil of 2 1.23 dagraaa ataopnaaa

Nlkonov Flat lowlafid loaa l.)4

Laaehavo Flac bectoa Scraclfiad Laka of vala lacuatrl Clay sandy li 1.23 -glacial toddy aadioanca

Laaehavo Flat lowland

Cantxal Flat Pcodueca Brown aan^y loaa 1.27 Monaatary hl^land of gabbro- aoil -diabase arodlng

Cantcal Flat Konaatary IligM'Bd 1.43

Cantral Cancla Monaacacy auHlC of erase of sandy t 1.22 aouth-vaatam aicpoaura

tClkonov FUc highland a * « 1.30 201

Table 4.2. Infiltration rates measured on Valamo's fields, August 12-14.1993 (Radke et al., 1993)

lofiltraclDn rates •urad on Valasa flalds, 12^14 August 1991.

Lt;« I Sits 2 Sits 3 Slta 4 Sits 6s Sits 6b Sits 6c Sita 7 1• % • ^ •/hr mm/hr mm/hr mm/hr an/hr ••/hr wm/ktr ••^hr

04.4 1.1 30.1 6.0 274.0 202.9 30.8 7.8 46.S 0.6 4.5 9.7 236.7 232.7 77.9 3.7 46.6 0.9 23.7 107.1 26S.4 212.8 47.2 6.0 26.0 31.2 12.9 IS.2 283.7 227.7 66.0 3.7 14.1 0.6 10.4 2.8 313.3 151.4 31.1 32.8 64.3 0.3 13.6 76.5 134.4 169.4 66.6 3.2 98.2 1.7 3.6 164.3 328.6 167.8 63.8 2.3 «!*• 50.3 4.9 2.4 69.2 302.3 158.5 34.7 l.t •I 69.0 37.1 11.4 89.7 299.4 165.7 40.0 2.1 47.6 3.0 2.9 4.0 326.9 135.1 77.7 0.0 6.4 96.7 8.1 11.7 54.5 276.5 182.4 53.6 if? 90.3 13.9 9.3 .7 37.5 33.9 18.9 9.S 2S.5 4.4 2.9 17.6 18.2 10,7 6.0 3.0 93.4 170.4 79.3 102.2 20.8 18.6 35.3 148.4 64.6 9.9 6.7 39.8 41.1 24.3 13.5 8.8

Mean - bbaii oc tb« t«n x—dlng» In oa/hr 8.0. • standard dsvlseion In mm/hr S.E. — scsndard srror In mm/he CV« - ce«fflct«nc of variation In I 9St - 9S% confldanea latorvsl in an/hr

Nevertheless, this dissertation was meant to be (despite its limitations) a part of that broader research effort as well, at least in terms of providing the available historical information, as well as explaining different ways of utilization of the collected data to plan an agricultural education program which would become a part of that project. However, since the funding was not obtained from outside sources (such as the Ford Foundation and Rockefeller Brothers Fund, etc., as we had hoped), the joint effort eventually split and, after several years and as many attempts (see Appendix E-2, Letters from Dr. S. N. Sedov to Andrei V. Khomoutov), it was discontinued. That work, however, resulted in a number of research publications and separate research efforts of each group of scientists. Dr. Colvin from the National Soil Tilth Latioratory, for example, made at least two presentations, one at the international Congresses of Agricultural Engineers in Uppsala (Sweden) and one in Italy. Or. Sedov firom Moscow, on his part, took part in several research publications where his name appeared as an author as well as a co-author. Those publications were 202

basically related to the genesis of the soils of Valamo, with a special emphasis on their geological history.

In one of his articles which was published in co-authorship, Dr. S. Sedov shares an interesting scheme of the geological composition of Valamo Island (see Figure 4.48). Before an attempt is made to explain how Valamo agriculture developed utilizing the soil resources of the island using this scheme, it should be noted that Dr. Sedov made a very interesting comment in another article about erosion of soils in several regions of Russia, and particularly on Valamo (Byelousova et al., 1994, p. 99), "the morphological formation... [of those soils] is going ahead in time of their chemical formation". This is one of the hypotheses that Sedov and his co-authors offered in that article.

The article was basically written for narrow specialists in geology and soil science, of which this researcher is not Nevertheless, it seems to me that this phrase means (if ti^nslated into a more common language) that there are natural conditions that favor the soil formation on Valamo, however, a positive interference of humans in that process is necessary in order to improve the qualities of both soil fertility and soil productivity.

The same point was indirecOy made by Dr. Sedov in an earlier article (Sedov, 1987, p. 79), which was also dedicated to the weathering of gabbro-diabases of Valamo Island, in a statement that remarked that the chemical composition of the weathered layer of gabbro-diabases is not chemically different from the initial mineral composition of the rock. Thus, what types of soils could be used by Valamo monks for agriculture? According to Figure 4.51, those were: (a) boulder-wall moraine loamy sand (which soil type is listed as number two in the picture legend); (b) lacustrine deposits (listed as number three in the legend); (c) zones of saproiythization along the cracks in gabbro-diabases (listed as number four); and (d) debris of gabbro-diabase (numljer five).

CZD' •..ijl H lil Is I rs

Figure 4.51. A scheme of geological composition of Valamo island (Berkhaut et al. 1993 p 4) 1=gabbro-diabases; 2=boulder-wall moraine loamy sand; 3=lacustiine deposits- 4=zones of Mprolythization along cracks in the gabbro-diabases; 5=debris of gabbro- diabase, and 6=boulders of acidic rocks 203

All these soil types could not be used equally well for agricultural purposes. According to a letter from Dr. Sedov in 1992 (see Appendix E-2, Sedov's first letter to Khomoutov): We have discovered very interesting things regarding agricultural fields [on Valamo island - A. Kh.]. It turned out that in overwhelming majority of cases the monks were not choosing uplands, but depressions for agricultural fields... Originally they did not have burozems [brown soils - A. Kh.] (as those described in our joint article with Vasinyova, one copy of which I have passed over to you), but different podzols and wetland soils, formed on lake sediments. Thus, the lacustrine deposits (lake sediments, in Sedov's letter) were the areas which the original settlers of Valamo tried to use for agricultural purposes. Those were not "okul'turyennyye" (cultured) soils, but ones that were naturally rich in organic matter. The second category of soils were podzols (ashen gleyey soils) on boulder-wall moraine loamy sands as well as on the top of the zones of saprolythization along the cracks in gabbro-diabases and on the debris of gabbro-diabase (number five on the picture above). The latter type was the one that was the least convenient for agriculture because of its location (uplands) and due to the microclimate as well as the strong forest cover on the uplands. The thickness of the upland soils on Valamo is also the weakest among all other soils on Valamo. It is an area where active erosion takes place by wind, by water and by the sun, but the actual process of soil formation takes place at the depressions, roughly speaking. As shown in Figure 4.52, a lone pine is struggling to grow at the place where the soil formation process takes an active place as a result of the accumulation of eroded material washed off from the uplands. The Valamo pines (as well as pine trees in general) make very good use of the zones of saprolythization along the cracks in gabbro-diabases (which is the main mother rock on Valamo). They spread their root system into such cracks in the gabbro-diabases. The spruce trees, on the contrary, develop their root system along the sur^ce. That is one of the reasons that during stormy weather conditions on Valamo, many more spruces are damaged by strong winds than pine trees. It is also part of the reason why pine tree forests are the most common on Valamo. The soils of the uplands could also be very easily damaged by a relatively slight influence of different types of economic and agricultural activity such as the grazing of cattle (mentioned previously), and by recreation (such as having too many tourists visiting the island each year and taking all or neariy all of those tourist groups to the same places, as part of their program of visiting the island). One of the popular tourist sites is the top of Mount Eleon (see Figure 4.53) where there is a beautiful view of Lake Ladoga and Valamo archipelago, but where the soils are very sensitive to what this researcher calls anthropogenic erosion (not to be misconstrued with an anthropogenic ^ctor in the soils formation). It literally means carrying off the thin layer of soil on the soles of the tourists' shoes. Mount Eleon is a regular part of the tourist's route on Valamo. The problem with recreation and tourism began in the Soviet era and became a consistent problem for Valamo. During the Soviet period, particulariy in the years of 1988-1989, up to 150,000 204

Figure 4.52. A regular pine trying to grow at the foot of the nrauntain rock {Valamo: Historia ja arkkitehtuuri, 1991, page not designated) tourists visited the Valamo Island yearly, which is too many visitors for a small island with a fragile environment (see Figure 4.54). These were sort of transitional soils—a source of weathered materials washed off and blown downward in the central areas of the island where the soils on lacustrine deposits were being formed under the influence of several processes that were taking place: sedimentation from the lakes, weathering of the upland soils and debris of gabbro-diabases, and anthropogenic influence through fertilization with organic n^terials, such as cow dung. 205

Figure 4.53. The damaged upland soil area on the top of Eleon Mt on Valamo's main island (photo by Mihail Fjodorov, in the article, "Mita kuuluu Valamolle?" Punalippu, 1990, p. 160) • HjHR

m Figure 4.54. A tourist group on a badly damaged trail nearby Igumenskie Lakes, close to the area of the smail-and-secluded monastery of the Holy Icon of the Virgin of Konevetz (Kuchko et al., 1989, p. 162) 206

The soils on the zones of saprolythization along the cracks in gabbro-diabases could not play a great role in Valanno's agriculture because of the relatively very small size of such areas as compared with the overall size of soils that could be used in agriculture on Valamo. The soils on boulder-wall moraine loamy sands were the second type that could t)e used and were actually used for agricultural purposes on Valamo. Without delving much into the differences among podzols and burozems (simply, between grey and brown soils) that were formed in the depressions on lacustrine deposits and boulder-wall moraine loamy sands, I must say that one of the biggest factors that affected the process of soil formation in those areas was the anthropogenic factor. Kuchko (1988), noted "anthropogenic soils" in a specific type of soils (one of several that he listed as being present on Valamo). Perhaps he just meant that, among all soils of Valamo, some can be called anthropogenic, and those had an anthropogenic fector influencing the process of their formation. In addition, the brown soils of Valamo (burozems) were the ones that one can call cultured soils. Such soils were, basically, formed as a result of immediate (and long-term) influence of anthropogenic factors, such as organic fertilization. Valamo has a very small scale, as an agricultural ecological system, however, the history of the agricultural utilization of Valamo soils started a long time ago. According to the "Opoved" manuscript, one of the ancient manuscripts that Mr. Sulakadzev worked with in the eariy 19*^ century' Valamo Monastery was founded in the year of 960. According to an independent study of different ancient manuscripts and the comparison that was made by Makarov (1977), who did not even see the "Opoved'" manuscript that Sulakadzev studied, Valamo Monastery was founded sometime as early as in the middle of the lO"* century, maybe in 950s. or more precisely the eariy 960s (during the reign of Great Princess Olga of Kiev). There is also a legend, that was mentioned previously, saying that Holy Apostle Andrew first came to the island and established Christianity (supposedly, there was already a community of Christians which was started the island after that). Nobody really knows anything about the pagan history of Valamo and who lived there (i.e., how many people and what kinds of agricultural practices they were involved in, if any). Recently, a striking evidence was found to the ^ct that there was agriculture on Valamo archipelago, perhaps, during "the Pre-Roman Iron Age (500-0 B.C.), and "grazing in the area [that] started in the Merovingian Period (A.D. 550/600-800). and cereal cultivation [had started] - in remote parts of the island - in the late 12°' century" (Saamisto & Vuorela, 1996). Such conclusions were made by Finnish scientists who conducted a field study of the palaeoecology of one of the internal lakes of Valamo. Lake Nikonov ("Nikonovskoe ozero". in Russian, or "Niikkananlampi", in Finnish). As depicted in the map shown in Figure 4.55), this lake is adjacent to the largest agricultural field of Valamo (which has not been under any tillage practices, as a matter of ^ct, since at least 1944, or even 1940, i.e., when the monastery was forced to evacuate the island after the Soviet attack. That ' 7. 0UynA^'.l^^ . 'i'lCoQentsaiil^^ ^:'9f,<^jahovi',^7 ^ 10. Johannes 4(kuiia 11. Smolenskin tlwil. 12. Wladimirifl ® Ristrilyliuyl^' ($ ® (» 3.6 ja 9 kn

Figure 4,55. Niikkananlampi is shown as a blue area within a rectangle next to object no. 6 208 field has the same name as the Lake: 'Nikonovskoe polye", in Russian, or "Niikkananpelto", in Finnish). The authors did a unique study of pollen and of charcoal in the Nikonov Lake sediments that allowed them to make such a conclusion (quoted above) (see Appendix E-5; The typ)es of crops grown in ancient times at Vaiamo according to the Finnish scientific study carried out in 1996). The results are based on the pollen of certain plants found in Lake Nikkananlampi (Nikonov Lake) on Vaiamo. Note that this field was one of the fields where the joint Russian-American team of scientists, which included Drs. Colvin and Radke from the National Soil Tilth Lab in Ames, Iowa, did field research as well. Appendix E-6 shows the soil moisture content measurements on Nikonov field in 1993 - field notes by the Agriphysics Institute in St Petersburg. Russia).

Types of agricultural land utilization on Vaiamo during the first hMorical period Vaiamo soils (as a natural resource) were addressed to by the monks of Vaiamo Monastery through the following ways of utilization. There were several types of agncultural areas on Vaiamo during the first period of the current historical study; (a) friiit orchards; (b) vegetable gardens; (c) grain fields; (d) meadows; and (e) a pharmaceutical garden. There were three firuit orchards located in the area of the Cental Complex of the Monastery on Vaiamo Island; the Pharmaceutical Garden, Paisyev Orchard, and Grigoryev Orchard. (The last two were named after the monks Paisius and Gregory who supervised the orchards for a significant part of the 19*^ century). The name "pharmaceutical garden' is somewhat confusing because the garden was not developed solely for the purposes of growing medicinal herbs. Medicinal herbs just took up one part of the garden, which was most commonly called pharmaceutical. The biggest area called pharmaceutical garden was actually a fruit orchard. The other - "obikhodnyye", or everyday - names for those orchards were (as they existed in the 20"^ century and are still being used by the civilians and monks on the Island of Vaiamo); the Upper Orchard, the Medium Orchard and the Lower Orchard. There is no recorded information as to the exact date in which each of those orchards was started. It is very likely that all three were initially started by Abbot Nazarius who was appointed the Father Superior of the Island by the Metropolitan of Novgorod and St. Petersburg Gabriel (Gavriil) in 1781 (Lisayevitz & Duzhnikov, 1966, p. 133), or in 1782, according to Valaamskiy istoriko-arkhitektumiy ipnrodnyy muzey-zapovednik Karyel'skoy A.S.S.R. Portfyel' ekskursovoda (1987, see Figure 4.56). Abbot Nazarius holds a letter in his hands that says (English translation); "Meekness is a consolidation, patience is a protection, love is a cover, and where is love, there is God, and where is God, there is all good.* It is a wonderful monastic teaching! The article, Sadovodstvo i ogorodnkihestvo na o. Valaam (1970), whose authorship is known to be Father Damascene (although it does not bear the author's name), says; "The first apple trees 209

Figure 4.56. Abbot Nazarius (a reproduction of the painting by an unknown author, from Valaamskiy istoriko-arkhitektumiy i piirodnyy muzey-zapovednik Karyel'skoy A.S.S.R. Portfyef ekskursovoda, 1987, page not designated) have been planted on Valamo under Father Abbot Nazarius. However, it remains unknown how the very first apple trees on Valamo did look like and where did they come from to Valamo." The scheme for the Upper apple orchard on Valamo (also known as Pharmaceutical Garden) is shown in Figure 4.57. The location of the apple trees is designated with blue dots. The trees are located mostly in the southeastern area of the orchard, however I do not think that this is an indication of anything (such as the choice of the better area of the orchard in terms of the microclimate for the specific types of trees). These trees are merely the ones that survived after more than 45 years of mismanagement of the orchard in the post-World War II years. The red dots show the location of the cherry trees (which is even a greater rarity for that area of the world, as far as the latitude is considered). The brown dots show the location of the plum trees. The triangular area actually designates the part of the orchard where the pharmaceutical garden proper was located (but it was not only restricted to the triangular area, which still had certain medicinal shrubs growing in the mid 1980s). The grey area is actually a pond. The rectangular-shaped area (or neariy rectangular-shaped area) along the southwestern side of the orchard is a compost pile. A smaller rectangular area in the middle of the orchard is a little wooden shed. During the period of my work at Valanrra (1988-1990) as an agronomist and as a tourist guide, there were also gooseberry and black currant shrubs in the 210

•.tiUMUH

C*A

f JW. Citmutf I C»Vi>W IWAtfVl t* »rryta'

Figure 4.57. Plan for the Upper Orchard, taken by the Geological Survey of the Republic of Karelia (State of Karelia) (the year is unknown) (provided by the Valamo State Forestry of the Karelian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in 1988) 211

Pharmaceutical Garden (all remaining from the monastery). The scale of this plan is 1:500. In this plan, it is designated as the Orchard 3, although it seems more natural to call it Orchard 1 as it is the largest orchard on the island. The size of the Pharmaceutical Garden is 2.5 hectares (roughly 5 acres). It is located on the top of Favor Mountain, adjacent to the Transfiguration of Our Lord Church of the main monastery's complex. An aerial view of the Central Complex of Valamo monastery is shown in Chapter 1. The garden is located behind, "at the top or the monastery's guest house, or a hotel which is a clearly- seen building that is separate from the monastery's rectangular-shaped cell house complex, with the main church in the middle. Figure 4.58 presents a view firom the other side, or northwestern side. One can see the Upper Orchard right behind the main church. Apple trees can also be seen (with lime- painted stems, as a method to protect the trees from insects). The pond in the central part of the orchard is also clearly visible. One can also view the orchard from the western side (see Figure 4.59). This picture shows the Upper Orchard as well as the alley of fir trees guarding it from the east (and continuing along the

Figure 4.58. The Central Monastery's Complex with the Upper Orchard (Kompaniychenko, 1997, page not designated) 212

Figure 4.59. The Upper Orchard behind the dome of the Transfiguration Cathedral of the nnain monastery's complex and fir tree alley (the "lonely monk's alley' protecting it from the eastern winds {Valamo: Historia ha arkkitehtuuri, 1991, page not designated) road to the cemetery (see also Figure 4.60). The fir trees were introduced by the monks and played a dual role: as part of the landscape of the architectural complex, and as a natural protection for the agncuitural area from the strong winds during most of the year. It was especially important to have such an alley on top of Favor Mountain, which is exactly where the Upper Orchard is located and is open to all winds, especially those from the north. The orchard is well-protected from the east by fir trees alley, and from the west by the huge mass of the Transfiguration Cathedral and the Central Monastery's quadrangle of cell-house buildings. It is also well-protected by the horse bam and "rabotny dom" (hired workers' house), a building made of red brick (see Figure 4.61). It is 213

Figure 4.60. The lonely monk's alley (stretched in the south-north direction) (Valamo: Historia Ja arkkitehtuuii, 1991, page not designated) protected from the south by the huge guesthouse (seen previously in the upper right of Figure 4.58 and in Figure 4.62 (the northeastern side), as well as on the aerial picture in Chapter 1. The location of the Upper Orchard is amazing, especially if one looks at the "rose of the winds", or the "wind-rose", a chart showing the relative "frequencies" of winds in that area (Figure 4.63). 214

Figure 4.61. Photograph taken in 1942 of the Upper Orchard with 'rabotnyi dom' at the northern side {Valamo and its message, 1982, p. 278)

Figure 4.62. The northeastern side of the phamnaceutical orchard (Upper Orchard) {Muistoja Valamosta, 1980, p. 59) 215

Figure 4.63. The wind-rose of Valamo archipelago and of the main Island of Valamo; one can clearly see the domination of the northem and of the westem winds (Kuchko, 1988, p. 8)

In order to identify the location of the Upper Orchard, as well as any geographic site on the island, one must look at the main cathedral, or at any church. The altar of the church (the one that is opposite to the belfry) is always facing the east. The belfry with the entrance under it is in the west. This is a very important rule for building any Orthodox church—it must be onented in an eastern- western direction, with the entrance from the east and with the most sacred part, the altar, in the east. This is why one can see exactly the location of each side of the Upper Orchard (see Figure 4.58). Fir trees alley is also called "the lonely monk's alley' ("alleya odinokogo monakha') because it has two rows of the fir trees that have been planted so close that only one person can walk along the path in the middle (Figure 4.60). The double row of firs also served the better protection of the Upper orchard. Figures 4.61 and 4.64 show pictures of the Upper Orchard. The first one taken dunng World War 11, and the second just a few years ago. Both pictures show the northem side of the Upper Orchard where the Pharmaceutical Garden is still located. (The same view is shown in Figure 4.62, which is another picture of the northem part of the Upper Orchard where the Pharmaceutical Garden used to be located prior to Worid War II). As mentioned previously, the Upper Orchard is protected on its northem side by the "rabotnyi dom' (a hired personnel's house, which is a two-story building made of red brick) (see Figures 4.61 and 4.62). The Middle Orchard (Paisyev) and the Lower Orchard (Grigoryev) are located around the Central Monastery complex. The Middle orchard occupies the southern slope of Mount Favor (see Figures 4.65 and 4.66). In Figure 4.65, one looks towards the south with the southern entrance to the main monastery's complex and with the Church of Saints Peter and upon the gates. 216

/

Figure 4.64. The location of the Upper Orchard (east from the main church of the Central Complex of Valamo Monastery) (fragment of a photograph, Kompantychenko. 1997, page not designated) 217

Figure 4.65. Paisyev orchard (Middle Orchard), as seen from the Transfiguration Cathedral's belfiry, (photo by B. Kudryavov, Pravda [newspaper], 1991).

As depicted in Figure 4.66, one can now see the Middle Orchard from the south. On top of Favor Mountain, one can see the southem side of the outer cell quadrangle of the monastery with the old church of Transfiguration of Our Savior (see Appendix E-9. the old Church of Transfiguration of our Savior) that was replaced by the new and greater in size cathedral right by the end of the 19*^ century. The Middle Orchard (or Paisyev Orchard, as it was more commonly called in the pre- revolutionary period and until the beginning of Worid War 11) is situated on the southem slope of Favor Mountain that is reversed towards the viewer, in the right side of the picture (farther away from Monastery Bay. One can also see the guesthouse on the top of Favor Mountain to the right of the monastery (which is its eastern side). The Middle Orchard can also tieen seen on a pre-Worid War II aerial picture of the bay area of the monastery (see Figure 4.67). It is stretched right along the upper edge (and towards the right) of the photograph. The aerial picture shows the bay area of the Central Complex of Valamo Monastery, supposedly taken by the Finnish military (who were the only ones using planes at that time). Neither the monastery nor any civilian companies would use planes for any kind of transportation at Valamo archipelago prior to the World War II. If one looks at an old print of Valamo Monastery by Shelkovnikov (1837-1851) (see Figure 4.65), all three orchards (Lower, Upper and Medium) or the main monastery can be seen very cleariy. This author took the liberty to frame them in the boxes indicating their respective names. Figure 4.66. Middle Orchard on the southern slope of Mount Favor 219

Figure 4.67. Pre-World War II aerial photograph of the bay area of the Central Complex of Valamo Monastery {Valamo and its message, 1982, p. 265)

As one can see in Figure 4.68, the Lower (or Grigoryev's) Orchard is located at the foot of the Favor Mountain's southwestern side (note the main church's belfry position relative to the rest of the church as it clearly shows the westem direction). The Lower Orchard is literally "sitting on the fbof of the mountain. From the northern side, it is protected by the Pokrovskaya Chapel and another alley of fir trees (Figure 4.69). The Pokrovskaya chapel and the larches protect the Lower Orchard from the northern winds. The row of fir trees has a gap that is the result of a fire that consumed the original chapel and several nearby fir-trees in mid 1980s. It was restored a few years later. One can see the area of the Lower Orchard with Pokrovskaya chapel under the rock of Favor Mountain in Figure 4.70, to the right of the ship that is anchored in Monastery Boy. The rock played an important role in the microclimate of the Lower Orchard as the orchard has a southwestern exposure. It is a solid granite rock that accumulates sunshine and reflects it down to the orchard area, acting like a natural heater for the orchard. This painting represents Valamo as depicted by Hieromonk Philadelph in 1827. One can still see the old church of the monastery in the center of the main complex on Favor Mountain. The Medium Orchard had not yet been planted at the time of the painting. 220

Figure 4.68. The Upper, the Lower and the Medium Orchards of the Central monastery's complex at Valamo {Valamo: Histona ja arkkitehtuuri, 1991, page not designated) 221

Figure 4.69. The rebuilt Pokrovskaya Chapel and larches protecting the Lower Orchard from the northem winds (Valamo: Historia ja arkkitehtuuri, 1991, page not designated)

The Holy Icon of Sts. Sergius and Herman of Valamo made in the early 19*^ century is shown in Figure 4.71). One can see the Lower Orchard already with some trees at the lower portion of the icon. It is suspected that the icon was painted from a drawing by von Dreier {Valamo and its message, 1982, p. 209). 222

Figure 4.70. Valarno Monastery as depicted by Hierorrwnk Philadeiph in 1827 {Valamo: Histona Ja arkkitehtuuri, 1991. page not designated)

Finally, if one looks at the contemporary photograph of the Lower Orchard from a distance (taken from the opposite side of the Monastery Bay), it can see that the southwestern side of the rock of Favor Mountain has been overbrushed by shrubbery, etc. This is not normal as the rock is supposed to be clear in order to t)etter reflect the sun to the ground. It should be able to act as a mirror (see Figure 4.72). 223

Figure 4.71. Holy Icon of Saints Sergius and Herman {Valamo and its message, 1982, p. 209) 224

Figure 4.72. The Lower Orchard from the opposite side of Monastery Bay and Spaso- Preobrazhensky Monastery on top of Favor Mountain, under which is the Lower Orchard (Kompaniychenko, 1991 (page not designated) 225

According to the diaries of Edouard Ludwigovitch Roegel (the Director of the Imperial Botanical Gardens of St Petersburg), the Lower Orchard is the oldest one among other orchards near the central Monastery of Valamo. It was founded in the year of 1824. The Medium Orchard was founded in the year of 1843, and the Upper one in 1856. All three orchards have a closed drainage system. When the Valamo forestry opened up a part of that system back in the fell of 1989, in order to repair it, they discovered a very interesting picture. Instead of the conventional tile pipes that many of us were used to see being used for drainage, they discovered the following picture (see Figure 4.73). There were no conventional drainage pipes. Instead, the monks put large gabbro-diabase or granite stones with more or less flat surfaces each on one side, and then they put a flat granite or gabbro-diabase stone to cover them. Naturally, they did not have to lay another stone of comparable size at the bottom, because the mother rock was so ciose to the surface, and as I said before, the main monastery is located on Favor mountain which is a solid rock. 1 am speaking here primarily about the drainage systems of the Upper orchard. I am assuming that the drainage systems at the Lower orchard as well as at the Medium orchard were and are similar. I have never been able to find any details in the archives or in any published previously materials about any plans of such drainage systems. According to some information that I was unable to verify and could not even track down to the original source of it, there are plans of the drainage systems that are available for a researcher, but that are located in the archives of the Uusi-Valamo monastery in Finland (New Valamo Monastery in Heindvesi). I was unable to obtain such plans either personally or through Sari Hirvonen who was hired by the Valamo Society in Ames, Iowa, to copy some of the archival materials that were containing agricultural and land reclamation records from Old Valamo.

Figure 4.73. The drainage system in the orchards (the soil, the mother rock and the granite drainage system beneath the soil [in cross-section]) 226

Mr. Rakhmanov, the Head Architect of the "Spetzproyektryestavratzyya" company (which was a governmental organization; the name translates into English as "The Special Restorational Projects" Group), told me in 1988 that before the Wortd War II, there was a stepped system of the drainage in the orchards. (He probably meant just the Medium Orchard, because it was the only one among the orchards of the Central Complex of the monastery that had - and still does have - terraces, as it has been located on a gentle southern slope of Favor mountain (see several of the previous pictures that are showing the Medium orchard). Therefore, the drainage system was particularly relying upon the natural run of the water.) Essentially, it meant that each terrace had a pond. All ponds were connected through the drainage channels like the ones that I have just described above that were uncovered in the Upper orchard. One of the biggest challenge for the VaianrK} State forestry both in 1988 and in 1989, when they ran Into a problem with standing water in the Upper orchard, was to discover where the actual drainage channels were laid under the ground. They were clogged and needed cleaning, and so the forestry employee had to experimentally find them. They call it in Russian "metod tyka", or "stick your finger into the unknown" method. Basically, the forestry had to bring a "Belarus" MTZ tractor (such as the one shown on Figure 4.74), with a special attachment to it, sort of like an excavator on a wheel tractor. They had to dig the ground until they find that drainage channel. Eventually, they had to try (by digging) following that channel in different directions looking for the clogged area. Quite naturally, they had to use the same tractor or excavator in order to pull up and to nwve away the covering granite stones, so that they could see whether the channel undemeath if free of the stuff that needed to be removed or not. That was a cruel, I would say, a barbaric way of finding the problem. The forestry was actually successful in doing it, but this was a good example of how a historic information could help avoid unnecessary difficulties and to help do certain tasks in such fragile and unique environment as Valamo while having both technological (in this case - almost architectural) and environmental preservation goal in mind. The Valamo orchards were developed on the soil that was literally created by hands. Ye. A. Krylov (1988) said in his t)ook, Valaamskiye mechtaniya: On the bare rock, on the bald ludas [large stones arising from the water-ljke islands - A. Kh.], there were being thrown pebbles, there was put brushwood, forest topsoil and straw on top of that layer of pebbles [sort of like intertwined branches of trees - A. Kh.], there was added then gravel and ash with some lime in it. It was becoming like a pillow covered with a layer of ground with thickness ranging from a half a meter to two meters. That ground was brought in to Valamo from the mainland shore by boats, by barges and even by single pilgrims in their little sacks. In some cases, such plots of artificially created soil were framed from the ends with flat diabase stones that were warming up in the sun and were retaining for a long time that heat that was quite good for the roots of plants, (p. 52) 227

Figure 4.74. Belarus tractor used by the Valamo forestry to discover the directions of the drainage system in the Upper orchard (from the poster, Dogovorna kollyektyivnyy aryendnyy podryad, 1989)

Andreyev et al. (1982, p. 20) says more specifically about the garden-making technology on Valamo; The terraced stony ledges were tieing covered by intertwined branches of trees, then by forest topsoil, by debris, by straw, and then the ash and lime were t)eing added to it. The southern side area of the terrace was being faced with the diabase that was getting a direct heat from the sun and was retaining it and warming up the soil and the roots of the trees that were growing on that soil." Andreyev et al. (1982) said about the soils of Valamo orchards: The fertile soil was either being brought in from the mainland in barges (see Figure 4.75) or made on the spot from the forest topsoil. It is on such boats and due to the efforts of such simple pilgrims that the soil was brought to Valamo and the orchards were built. It was a joint effort of the monks and of the pilgrims. Quite a unique effort, indeed! The depth of such layer of "cultured soil has often been reaching up to a meter. The soils of Valanno orchards that contributed to so successful and to so continuous growth of trees and shrubs have become a nfienxsrial to the human labor (p. 21) 228

Figure 4.75. A galliot with pilgrims leaving Valamo (picture taken prior to the Communist takeover of Russia in 1917 as these pilgrims are dressed like Russian peasants, not like Finnish peasants). (One can see some more galliots in the back closer to the pier. If you follow with your eyes to the left of about ttie middle of the rear mast of the forefront galliot, you can see the Lower Orchard and the fence around it So, this is the picture taken in the second half of the 19*" century, supposedly in sixties or in seventies (I would say. at the end of seventies) - considering the age of the trees in the Lower orchard.) (Valamo and its message, 1982, p. 37)

Naturally, K. A. Andreyev (who even t}ears such a profoundly Communist first name as KIM which deciphers as "kommunisticheskiy intematzronal molodyozhi" or "The Communist Youth International") could not say (and perhaps did not want to say) that Valamo's orchard is first and foremost a memorial of God's works in people's soul, a memorial to Christian ^ith on Earth, and a memorial to a wonderful traditional system of agricultural knowledge that was passed on from generation to generation of Russian peasantry and was finding its reflection in such circumstances as this. Therefore, we should forgive Andreyev for such conclusion that he has made in his book. Andreyev et al. (1982) did not really have any way of cross-verification or of refemng to the original source of information when he was writing a chapter of his book "Rasti'tel'nyy mir Valaama" (1982) about Valamo horticulture. The actual more or less extensive studies of Valamo orchards began in 1986, 1987 and 1988 with the research made by The I. V. Michurin Fruit-and-Vegetable Academy and by the Valamo State Forestry. Therefore, I could not rely completely (and there was no need to rely) on Andreyev's statements about the orchards (at least on some of them, for which I had more reliable source or sources of information). For example, according to the research carried out during the last part of the decade of the eighties of the twentieth century, the thickness of soil layer in Valamo's orchards of the Central complex of the monastery fluctuates between 50 - 60 centimeters [which is equal to 19.5 to 23.5 229 inches - A. Kh.] up to 1.5 meters (which is equal to 58.5 inches, or about five foot in depth - A. Kh.]. This data have been presented by Morozova and Kokunova in their research about soils of Valamo (1987, pp. 41 - 50). According to the same source, those soils are characterized by the high content of humus (up to 10 to 20 percent in the upper horizon which depth is twenty centimeters, or almost eight inches). They are rich in the elements of mineral nutrition and they are highly fertile. "The soil of Valamo is heavy and stony, ~ says the book, Pustyn'ka igumena Nazanya na Valaamye i svyastchyennyya yeya okryestnosti (1890, p. 87), — and so that to bring it into the condition that could provide a good nutrition to a tree, different kinds of debris and woodchips which are supposed to be mixed in ground and to make a humus thereby while producing a good, friable and nutritious soil." The preparation of the Lower orchard soil while using that method, for example, took at)out twenty years (Shmelev, 1897, p. 130). That happened to be under the administration of Father Abbott Nazarius, whom i had a chance to mention eariier in this chapter. The professor of Petrozavodsk State Pedagogical Institute of the Republic of Karelia (Russia) liyina studied the Valamo orchards on several occasions during her trips to Valamo with the students of the Pedagogical Institute of Petrozavodsk. She tokj me, when I met her personally during the winter of 1989 while visiting the Pedagogical Institute there, that she did the excavations of the root systems of fully-grown apple trees in the Lower Orchard of Valamo monastery's central complex. She found out during those excavations that the root systems of the apple trees were massive and strong yet they compact and do not go out of the limits of the projections of tree crowns. Krylov (1988) is saying further on; "Such soil was allowing to develop orchards that were not possible for the Northern region... not only around the main monastery, but also around each of the thirteen small and secluded nrwnasteries that were spread across the whole archipelago [? A. Kh.]. The orchards were giving up to two thousand tchetveriks of frijits per year. [That is equal to 52,478 litres per year. According to the conversion table given in Webster's third new international dictionary (1986, p. 1424), one hundred litres is equal to 2.84 bushels. Consequently, we can calculate that we are talking about the yield of 1,490.375 bushels, or, roughly, 1500 bushels each year. - A. Kh.] Over five hundred apple trees representing eighty different varieties, as well as many chem'es, pears. Five species of currants, 42 different varieties of goosebem'es (every shrub was giving up to sixteen kilos [or about 35.25 pounds, according to the same conversion table given in "Webster's..." dictionary (1986, p. 1424) - A. Kh.) and raspt)erries. There were two thousands of berry bushes. One bed of garden strawberries (seven sazhens in length [which is an equivalent of 84,016 inches, or 7 foot long; we did not need to do a conversion, did we? - A. Kh.] was giving a yield of over twenty kilos [or 44.1 bushels - A. Kh.] of a special variety of strawt)erries called "presidential.' Krylov (1988), who was quoted in a couple of previous paragraphs, mentions five hundred apple trees (without refiem'ng to a specific year that this information is taken from, or even without 230 mentioning the source of it - which, however, does not make any of his statements lacking credibility, in my opinion, because he is not making up those numbers; he took them from somewhere). "The fruit trees were planted also by ainnost every one of Valamo's smail-and-secluded monasteries (except by the small-and-seciuded monasteries of Avraamy, of Gethsemane and of Holy Icon of Virgin of Smolensk)," says A. A. Kuchko et al. (1988, p. 154). I am not sure that he is right either except in the case of the small-and-secluded monastery of Holy icon of Virgin of Smolensk which is indeed located right in the middle of the forest of Skitsky island (the biggest one among the islands of Valamo archipelago that is adjacent to Valamo) across Sisdjdrvi lake from the monastery's farm, and there is no orchard around. I have seen a picture of Avraamy small-and-seciuded monastery where there was an orchard next to it, and. naturally, there was a fruit orchard in the Gethsemane small-and-secluded monastery (even if there were only few fruit trees there) because, as I said, it was symbolic; there was (and is) the Gethsemane orchard in Palestine, and the small- and-secluded monastery of Gethsemane was not only named after it. but it was supposed to be resembling that orchard. Kuchko et al. (1988 continues; "The orchards near the small-and-secluded monasteries were not very big; only about ten to fifteen apple trees and a comparable number of berry bushes. Only the biggest among the small-and-secluded monasteries, Vsekhsvyatsky Skete (the Skete of All Saints) had a bigger orchard. It was a cherry orchard which is still existing now" (154) (see Figure 4.76).

Figure 4.76. The Vsekhsvyatsky small-and-secluded monastery (All-Saints small-and-secluded monastery; unofficial name - the Big [or Suuri - in Finnish] Skete with the vegetable gardens and orchard to the lefL) (from the archives of Uusi-Valamo monastery, Heindvesi, Finland. Picture taken in 1898 by an unknown photographer) 231

"However, the foundation of Valamo horticulture was in the three orchards located at the "usad'ba" [central place estates - A. Kh.] of the monastery. In 1885, there were 530 fruit trees in them" (Kuchko et al., 1988, p. 154). The same number of trees pertaining to Valamo central monastery's complex, i.e.. 530, is given in the archival records of the Department of Agriculture of Russian Imperial Govemment (in 1885). Now we have the highest numtier of the fruit trees in the orchards; 530 trees (it is not listed higher than that anywhere). The largest collection of archival materials taken from Valamo monastery when it was occupied by the Soviet Communists in 1940, is also located in Petrozavodsk, in the State Historical Archive of Karelian Republic. Therefore, although he does not refer his reader to the source of the information, i.e. he does not clarify where such number was obtained from, it seems natural to suppose that the likely source of it is the documentation stored at the State Historical Archive of Karelian Republic where Kuchko had access to, as I realized during a discussion with him back in winter of 1988 - 1989 (see Kuchko, 1989). In 1986, when the specialists of the Michurin Fruit-and-Vegetable institute (now called the Michurin Horticultural Academy) arrived to the island of Valamo, there were only 377 apple-trees, 2 pears, 169 shrubs of currants, 382 shrubs of gooseberries, 20 parterres of raspt)erries, and not very large thicket of chemes - all in the three orchards of the main monastery's complex" (Verzilin, 1988.) According to the Michurin scientists, the total area of the orchards was 3.76 ha (which is almost exactly equal to 9.30 acres) with the Upper orchard size equal to 1.79 ha (against 2.5 ha mentioned by A. A. Kuchko et al. in his book "Valaam - fenomen prirody' and already quoted and against the same 2.5 ha mentioned by Andreyev et al. in the book "Rastitel'nyy mir Valaama" (1982, p. 20), or approximately 4.40 acres, and with the Medium orchard equal to 0.8 ha (or neariy 2 acres) and with the Lower orchard equal to 1.17 ha (or nearly 2.9 acres). Kuchko is saying: "The number of apple trees reduced in 1988 down to 344." According to the inventory of trees in the orchards that was carried out by the Valamo State Forestry in 1986, there were 109 trees remaining in all three orchards of the main monastery. V. I. Chlrkov, who studied Valamo orchards back in fifties, reported the numbers of trees being between 98 and 105 (strangely enough having such a discrepancy). Many apple trees of Valamo OKsnastery's orchards died during the period of Worid War II as they were not taken care of. The history of Valamo's orchards give evidence to the ^ct that even one hundred and fifty years does not impose any limits on apple trees as far as their productivity and survival. That is, if the right varieties are selected and if the trees are planted correctly and are nurtured. After the war, the Soviet Russian horticulturists Nikifbrov and Vinogradov managed to restore those famous orchards to a certain extent, and to extend their lives. Kuchko et al. (1988) says in the txiok, Ekosistemy Valaama i ikh okhrana, (p. 154) refemng to the conditions of the orchards in the late eighties when The Michurinsk Academy specialists started 232 their attempts to restore the Valamo orchards (being directly financed by Mr. Ivan P. Mironov - the director of the Valamo State Forestry on Valamo - out of the funds of the forestry allocated by the State of Karelia): "the conditions of the apple trees were critical. During almost half a century [that is, since the time of initial Soviet occupation of the islands in 1940 and until the Gorbachev period of liberalization policies in the country - A. Kh.] any care of soils or of trees in the orchards was lacking completely; the drainage systems went out of order, and part of the orchards got swamped [I witnessed that myself when I worked in the orchards as an agronomist-horticulturist; that was the reason why the forestry wanted to discover the location of the drainage systems in the orchards and that was the reason why the director of the forestry tried to do that using such machinery as the tractor shown a few pages before this paragraph - A. Kh.]." "The conditions of the orchards especially worsened in the beginning of the 1980s. They were turned into a dump (see Figure 4.77) said Samigullina (1990, p. 94).

Figure 4.77. The part of the former nursery of Valamo Monastery that was turned into a dump by the local Communist government in the 1980s (Sokiran, 1992)

Kuchko et al. (1988) continues: "Due to the lack of protection of trees or any kind of care for them, the number of breakages of tree branches and the number of nriechanical damages to tree stems etc, has highly increased. The result of all of that was in the decrease of the number of apple trees in the orchards of the main monastery's complex down to 344 by the summer of 1988." On the other hand, one of the reasons for the continuous ^ll-off of trees in the orchards is their old age (see Table 4.3). 233

Table 4.3. The age and fiall-off of apple trees in the Valamo Monastery's orchards in 1988

BospacTHot cocT«B aepenet sftjioini N NX otiuA (AaHHMe ILiOAOOMmNoro MtfctirryTa MM. ii B. Mmypmu)

100 X do.iee 50-99 jeT 2..I—60 .tCT roi •ITT. lUf. tCT.

19S6 181 4S 47 12 151 40 1937 h'iS 45 45 n 15 J 42 T98.S 155 4.5 •4o I4n 12

KEY: Col. 1=year of measurennent; Col. 2&3= numt)er of trees 3100 yr and % of total; Col. 4&5=60- 90 yr and % of total; Col. 6&7= 20-60 yr and rel. % to total in orchards. Source: Kuchko et al. (1988, p. 155).

According to the results shown in the table t)elow, 60% of the apple trees were older than 60 years in 1986. That included 48% of those that were actually older than 100 years. Separate trees had an age of 140 to 150 years. Verzilin and his colleagues from the Michurin Fruit-and-Vegetable Academy believed that that was practically an upper limit of the age of apple trees anywhere, not to mention a place that far in the North like Valamo. It is located, what they call, beyond "the boundary of guaranteed horticultural production' (Kuchko etal. 1988, p. 154). Andreyev et al. says (1982, p. 22), on the contrary, that "the history of Valamo orchards give an evidence to the ^ct that even one hundred and fifty years is not an age limit for an apple tree. Of course, when the varieties are selected correctly, the trees are correctly planted and a good care is taken of them. During such prolonged period of time, the apple trees in conditions of Karelia not only grow but can bring fruits..." The selection of the right varieties did, indeed, play a great role. Naturally, the beginning of every orchard is seeding the seeds of the right varieties. The monks who were starting Valamo orchards initially chose the wrong way: they brought the seedlings from Moscow and from St. Petersburg and planted them. However, the success came only when the two-year old seedlings grown from the local seeds were grafted with the oldest Russian varieties of apple trees. As a result, there had been grown trees with high winter hardiness. Those were very productive varieties of trees, and the apples on them were of excellent quality. Chirkov (1950s, page not designated) who, as I said before, studied Valamo monastery's orchard back in 1950s, realized that the basic varieties that should be used for the new orchards at Valamo must be taken from both the most resistant and lasting varieties of Valamo apple trees such as "Anis polosatyy" ["Striped Anise" - A. Kh.], "Grushovka" ["Peariike" - A. Kh.], "Titovka" [named 234 after Mr. Titov - A. Kh.], "Borovinka" ["Forest-grown-like apple tree" - A. Kh.]. Some other varieties that can have a great potential for Valanno are: *Antonovka yarovaya' pAnthony's, or Anton's spring apple tree" - A. Kh.), "Aport", "Arkad krasnyy" ["Red Arcade' - A. Kh.], "Korichnoye polosatoye" ["Striped cinnamon-like" - A. Kh.], "Kal'vil' krupnyy zimniy" ["Big wintry Calville" - A. Kh.], "Korolxjvka" ["Box-like" - A. Kh.], "Plodovitka" ["Fertile one" - A. Kh.], "Miron sladkiy" pSweet Myron" - A. Kh.]. By the year of 1987, The I. V. Michurin Fruit-and-Vegetable Institute discovered 11 varieties of apple trees in central Valamo orchards, 6 varieties of goosebemes, 3 varieties of red currants and three varieties of black currants, two varieties of white cun^nts, one variety of pear trees. Naturally, it looks weird when someone tries to translate the local names of the varieties into a different language (I just did that attempt in the previous paragraph). Therefore. I would like to refer to Table 4.4, which represents the names in Russian and some biological peculiarities of the varieties that have been discovered on Valamo. 1 was part of this work, through my involvement in the work of the I. V. Michurin Fruit-and-Vegetable Academy's expedition on Valanrio in 1988 (as the forestry's agronomist and horticulturist). Therefore, although I am not the author of this particular table, it reflects the joint work of the expedition and of the forestry, of which I was a part of during the years of my actual work at Valamo State Forestry. In order to replenish the orchards with new trees and berry shrubs, the monastery had created nurseries. It was interesting to discover that the grafting was not only done in order to prepare the necessary planting material, but also in order to achieve certain decorative and experimental goals. According to tiie book, Opisaniye Valaamskogo monastyrya i skitovyego (1904, p. 87), "some apple-trees have up to ten different varieties grafted onto one each stem, and it looks very beautiful when so many different varieties are ripening on the same tree". The Michurin Fruit-and-Vegetable Academy developed a system of measures to take care of the orchards. In 1987, a nursery was created from the seedlings that were supposed to be used for replenishing the orchards. The grafts for the nursery were being taken from the stems of the remaining trees which gave a chance to multiply the local varieties that have been fully acclimatized. The Michurinsk team also wanted, as far as I can recall, to bring back to the island some of the old Russian varieties of fruit trees and of berry bushes that existed before on the island but disappeared due to the ^ll-off. They had a plan of making Valamo orchards a sort of a base for growing seedlings of the cold-resistant varieties of fruit trees and berry bushes in order to move horticulture further north or along the same latitude in Russia. The success of Valamo's horticulture was based on a very high level of agrotechnics. First of all, the agrotechnical practices used by the monastery, were taking into account different microclimatic conditions of the separate parts of the island. The "horticultural priorities" were being given to the slopes of southern and southwestem expositions. If there was not enough of natural protection of the orchard areas from the northern 235

Table 4.4. The Russian names and biological varieties of the fmit trees and berry bushes in Valamo's orchards

CepTseeljcectM u mmimpm teoi isrmceuK ecafcaMcni t0fT9» IMMMfC lUiVJIWW m. M. 1. Mmvphmi, 1M7 r.) noi^psaima ap«MciiiiM. 6ax« Kox-mo Cp«iiiiiA icpe»kc» •OSpacT 06itiec rocTOC- Oteiaa Bhau • copn pAcrciciia (CTCT09) iepcu««, oA«o* MtonucT- lueio- cmwMb • C'UX jicr fia^M jicn

JI&MMUI Ahhc 33 125 2.3 0.8 0.9 1,5 1.5 rpymoBKa Hoocoacicaii \A 105 -\6 <>.8 0.8 1.6 1,1 rianHpoBKa 7 93 2.9 I.O 0.5 2.3 2.0 Thtodk* 4 9D 2.7 2.2 I.-i 1.8 2,2 AllTOHOBKa 9 72 2.8 1.0 0.7 1.7 KopHMHoe 12 70 2.6 1.5 1.0 1.9 2.0 ^opoBUHKa 13 60 2.9 1.0 0.9 1.7 1.6 AlHpOH 52 56 3.0 1.0 2,0 2.3 2.0 lljtpeli4»flimr 7 40 3.5 1.0 1.0 1,9 1.2 9 29 2,7 1.9 2.0 2.3 2.3 cxphixl-anejib 10 26 2.5 2.3 1.7 2,0 2.a CMOpoxim BpacBU

SaMOK XavTOHa .... S — 2.6 — — — -

ro.iJiaiijicxait Kpaciiasi 76 — 2.G — — —

— Kpaciiua KpecT .... 2 — 4.0 — — CMopoARm

- roLSHait) 23 — 2.5 — — —

.Thsj n-ioAopoauaH . . . 55 - 3.0 — — -

— KewT ...... 4 4.0 — — - CMopoAMU 6cjia«

BepcajbCKaa fiejtafl . . 2 - 4.0 — — — - r(vnAaKiiCKaH Gcjait . . 2 - 4.0 - - - KpUXOBNIW

- 260 — 2.0 — —

- AHraHiicKMH 6ejiutt . . . 9 3.0 - — — AHr.itiftCKHH )Ke.iTbih . . 54 2.1 — — — —

— AiirAHHCKHH seieiiufi . . 4 2.0 — — — _ AMiiapiifc 5 — 2,0 — —

XavTOH 1 - 3.0 — —

KEY: Col. 1=name of tree/bush; Col. 2=numl)er; Col. 3=age; Col. 4=; Col. 5-8=apple trees by variety winds, there were added dense bands of trees (such as spruces and fir trees), or high walls made of brick or of stone (at the All Saints small-and-secluded monastery or at Nikol'sky Skete). An exceptionally high importance was given to a very thorough care of the orchards. That care included a multiple watering during the summer season, a cultivation of tree circles, an input of 236 mineral fertilizers, a forming of crowns of fruit trees, a protection from frosts, a control of pests and diseases, a pollination of flowers with bees, a trimming of dried in branches of trees etc. A water piping line was built in the Upper Orchard in 1865. Before that water was brought in by buckets from the lake (which was an Egyptian latx)r, one might be assured). Regular watering played a critical role in cultivating orchards on the artificially created soil and provided for high yields. Every apple tree, as well as any fruit tree in the orchards of Valamo Monastery, during the vegetation period, had several people (including pilgrims and monks) who were taking the daily care of it. According to Reznikoff (1987, p. 38) Father Damascene himself was selecting the right monks who were to take care of the orchards. Samigullina noted (1990. p. 93) that the high productivity of Valamo orchards (up to one hundred kilos of apples from one tree [an equivalent of approximately 220.5 pounds - A. Kh.]), as well as the large size of fruits and a good ability to be stored allow to make a conclusion about a very high level of agrotechnics in the orchards. Below is a summary of the information that I found from the archives of Valamo monastery that are located in New Valamo (Heindvesi. Finland), and that were made available to nne. This information refers to the period of the 1920s when Valamo's economic condition was steadily (but not abruptly) worsening after the breakdown of Russian Empire. According to the information that was found in Valamo's archives in Finland, during the period between two worid wars, and particularly in the late 1920s, the orchards of Valamo were in good condition (that is to say, despite a lack of many things and with many problems). There were three largest orchards. The Lower Orchard is located on the shores of the ship hart>or (as we already know, but here I reworded the archival information). This orchard on the shore rocks was originated by Brother Gabriel who was interested in fruit trees, and the brother monks worked with him for twenty years, accruing good soil to cover the bedrock which was originally a quarry, until there was enough for fruit trees to grow well. Today's master is monk Cyril, who has occasional helpers when seasons demand. In this orchard, there are 200 apple ti'ees of various names, several pear and cherry trees, a couple dozen prune trees (which fruits also get ripe during the summer), and a number of different types of berry bushes (red and blackcurrants, gooset)erries, etc.). In some years, the apples do not succeed as most of many apple trees, which actually grow, are getting affected by caterpillar worms. The size of the crop differs in different years, and a rough estimate is that an average crop of apples would be at least 250 hi per year (which is exactiy 710 bushels - A. Kh.) (see Table 4.5, as an example). The Upper Orchard is located directiy to the east from the main monastery, along tiie road and across from the hotel (guest house). Its master is nnonk Nektariy. This orchard is nearly as big as 237

Table 4.5. Archival records from 1904 of crops from the Upper, the Medium and Lower Orchards of the main complex of Valamo Monastery

CucoSMC-

./f wot/

^nmffia/irncti/T\ -. / )• MH.J/mmafii.r Wt\q l/.\ . - j, i^<, I : ' ,k/If

^cff. y/'(c/^rri/ly-\J20\'V/ 31-J if ) \3^,' n 7. ! i ' ' .I tepf€. I

I Jfic(ic^A('6c/L(u/i

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KEY: Col 1.=Three main sections represent Upper, Middle, & Lower Orchards; Col. 2=respective crops of apples: remaining columns show the crops of bemes, i.e., strawberries, garden strawbemes, raspberries, currants (both red and black ones), goosebem'es, chemes, and what's the most amazing: grapes - none of them in that year particularly, but leaving a space for them means that they were present on Valamo); totals are given in different units. For each berry and fruit, except apples, it is given both in pouds and pounds. (One poud is equivalent to 16. 38 kg which is an equivalent of just about exactly 36.1 American pounds. One pound is equivalent to 409.6 g which is, in its tum, almost an exact equivalent of 0.9 of American pound, according to txjth Webster's table (1986, p. 1424) and to "Domashnyaya kladovaya' (1992, p. 417).) The apples are measured in tchetveriks (1 tchetverik = 26.2391; 11001 = 2.84 bushels). The apples crop was 870 tchetveriks in 1904; consequently, it was: ((870 tch. * 26.2391 lAch. )l /100 1/1] * 2.84 bushels = 648.32 bushels. (Which makes it about 1.25 bushels per tree, if my calculations are correct and if we take into account 530 trees.) Source: Department of Agriculture of the Russian Imperial Govemment. 238

the Lower Orchards and it is in similarly good condition. There are more l)erry bushes there than in the Lower Orchard. The third orchard is next to the hotel, on the southem slope. It is the smallest one. Its master was Monk Parfeny. It has many different fruit trees and berry bushes like the other two... Water was brought to each orchard through pipes and ditches in order to water the trees and berry bushes. In addition, in the third orchard (the Upper one), there was a reservoir pond that was dug by the monk assistants throughout the years. In addition to the main orchards, each small-and- secluded monastery had its small orchard (Figure 4.78 - 4.80). Figure 4.78 shows St. Herman's small-and-secluded monastery (named after one of the founders of Valamo monastery) with the fruit orchard in the front This skete is located on the remote Island of Putsaari, tthat is to say it is remote from the main monastery, but not from the mainland's shore, to which it is relatively very close. I have never visited that island myself. This photo has t>een taken in 1902. Figure 4.79 shows St Nicholas' small-and-secluded nnonastery with the orchard on the tiny rock island of St Nicholas at the entrance to the Monastery Bay of Valamo archipelago. This monastery was passed by many ships with pilgrims and everyone who came to the monastery from the mainland during all years of monastery's existence and even after World War II. The name was given after St Nicholas who is the Heavenly Protector of Travelers, especially of everyone on the sea. This photo was also taken in 1902.

Figure 4.78. St. Herman's small-and-secluded monastery, photographed in 1902 (Archival photo collection of Valanrn) Monastery, Heinflvesi, Suomi-Finland) 239

Figure 4.79. St Nicholas' small-and-secfuded monastery with the orchard on the tiny rock island of St. Nicholas right at the entrance to the Monastery Bay of Valamo (photographed in 1902, Archival photo collection of Valamo Monastery (Heinavesi, Suomi-Finland)

Figure 4.80 is an eariy 1990s photograph of New Jerusalem, or Resurrection of Christ (named by the Upper church). It is customarily called Red Skete. One can see the remaining parts of the orchard and pond that was used to water the trees and berry bushes of the orchard. The drinking water supply was provided by the well. The skete was built in 1909. During my initial period of work with Valamo Museum, I lived in both the largest residential building next to the church and in the wooden one that is away from the skete's complex, outside the walled area. This latter one is actually a Finnish military barrack built in the 1920s. In general, it can be agreed that most of the fruit ripens on Valamo islands, including the prunes in the Lower Orchard. All the apples become ripe, wherever they are grown. The latest ripening time for apples is on Vossinansaari Island (approximately 28 km [which is 17.3 mi. - A. Kh.]) west of the main island. During the twenties, the apple trees on that island were in blossom in mid- July. During most summers, the monastery gets a rich harvest from the orchards, as the apples alone bring a total income of several hundred of Finnmarks ("Suomen markkaa", in Finnish - A. Kh.). Although the orchards were in good condition, the fruit trees lacked professional care. Some of them were old and getting mossy, whereas others were too old to produce. The lack of experienced laborers was the biggest problem prior to World War II. Figure 4.80. New Jerusalem, or Resurrection of Christ (named by the Upper church), customarily called Red Skete (Nenashev & Kompaniychenko, 1993, p. "September")

An Overview of Valamo Monastery's Agriculture (besides Orchards) during the First Historical Period The following overview is based on material found in the Archives of Valamo Monastery at Uusi-Valamo in Heindvesi, Suomi-Finiand. Prior to Worid War I, the agriculture on the Valamo Islands did not receive much attention as it was basically conducted according to the old customs. All kinds of grain were easily available in St Petersburg from where it was transported on the monastery's own ships. Much was also received as gifts. There was enough hay available on the islands' own meadows, and straw was bought cheaply from Olonetz (Aunus, in Finnish - A. Kh. - east of Lake Ladoga) which is at the southern end of Finnish Karelia in Russia. During the summer, the straw was shipped to the monastery on the monastery's own sailships and stored in the storage sheds on the main island. After the revolution, that grain could not be obtained as easily as before that, the people on Valamo suffered (during the bad years) great shortages of food, even to the extent that some monks' brothers died from hunger. In that light, new attention was given to efforts to grow grain on Valamo. That was the main reason for the revival of agriculture on Valamo in those post-revolutionary years. Although in those 241 years the population of Valamo was only one-third of what it was before the revolution, even then Valamo's crops covered only part of the need. Most of the grain was thought from mainland Finland.

Rye, oats and bariey The overall land surface of the main island covers about 3,115 ha (equal to just about 7,700 acres). The cultivated fields totaled about 210 ha (519 acres). Most of it is natural meadows, of which up to 60 hectares (148 acres) on some years stay underwater. Oats and barley seemed to be mediocre. Rye was good, especially in places where it was seeded in plowed grassy soil and was well fertilized with manure that was abundantly available at Valamo, but which was not always completely being used as manure and was being discarded as waste. Rye stems were 2.4 m on average (which is equal to 94.5 inches), up to 2.63 m tall (103.5 inches). Later in the summers, droughts could reduce the size of a crop. In 1923, for example, about 20 hi of rye was seeded on 9 - 10 ha area. That is equal to 56.8 bushels of rye that were seeded on the area of 24.7 acres (see Figure 4.81). In 1922,16 sacks of rye were seeded resulting in a crop of 244 sacks equaling an average of 15.2:1 yield of grain. It is a significant number even if we do not know what the size of the sack was. However, the usual amount of oats seeded was about 80 hectoliters (227.6 bushels).

Figure 4.81. Suomalainen field (Valanfion Ystavat ry, Muistoja Valamosta, 1980, p. 45) 242

In 1923, there was a large portion of grain fields under water, and therefore, only 24 hectoliters more of oats was seeded (68 bushels). Oats were also seeded with feed hay. That was 1,300 kg (just about 2866 pounds) that was seeded. Clear oats produced only 115 hi (326.7 bushels) of crop. That was amounting to 6.5:1 seed grain yield. In that year, there was also seeded 26 hi (74 bushels) of barley which resulted in a crop of 188 hi (534 bushels). That equaled to a harvest of 7.3 grains per each seed grain. The following types of crops were used: 'Toivo" rye seed had been selected for cultivation in 1923 to replace the earlier type. Apparently that was a Finnish variety replacing the earlier Russian variety that might have been available previously when the Russian Empire existed, and the monastery had connections with the selection centers of main Russia). "Gold" barley seed ("Kulta", in Finnish) was being used in the 1920s and 1930s, mostly because it appeared to be the best for the climate. "Gold-rain" oats were used for cultivation and "Diamond" wheat was also used. They were all Finnish varieties.

Seeded hay and natural meadows The natural meadows (see Figure 4.82) were covered with good hay. There were enough cutting machines at Valamo, but in large areas of natural meadows, scythes were still being used. The scythes were sharpened by a wet stone wheel. The cutters and hay-rakers usually consisted of 120 monks and 50 paid workers.

Figure 4.82. Natural meadow at Valamo (Andreyev et al., 1982, p. 58) 243

In 1923, for example, according to the notes of the Father-Superior of Valamo Monastery, there was a total of 15 day laborers, and in 1924 there were 33 of them. All the monks who were able-bodied and not needed for something else, took part in hay-making, including the Father- Superior himself (see Figure 4.83 - 4.86). Haymaking was done according to the old way—spreading the hay on the ground to dry. If the summer was dry, it was a successful practice, but in rainy summers the hay might be spoiled. Hay staves were used infrequently. The monks seemed to think that they were not useful. When built, they were about 10 foot tall, and about 4-5 inches thick with wooden poles about 3-^ feet long and thin cross-pieces that were inserted through the holes to support the hay as it was piled on them.) In 1920s, the experts recommended that the monastery administration make several thousand hay staves available. The monastery decided to try but obtained only 300 pieces of staves to be used experimentally. There were enough hay bams at Valamo. They were all in good condition and purposeful in those years, as were all the other Valamo household buildings. The Island of Valamo itself supplied enough hay for the monastery, with the balance brought from Syskysalmi farm and Puutsaari (from St Herman's small-and-secluded monastery on the Island of Puutsaari) or from other islands of Lake Ladoga. It was necessary only a very few times to buy hay for the monastery's economy. Straw could be easily obtained from Serdobol' (Sortavala), Salmi and other Finnish towns and places on the mainland.

Figure 4.83. Hay collection at Valamo (Photo Archive of Valamo Monastery at Uusi-Valamo, Heinavesi, Suomi-Finland) 244

Figure 4.84. Haystacks at Vaiamo (engraving by Alexy Avdyshev, Valaam, 1971, p. 7)

Figure 4.85. Vaiamo monk-agriculturist with a stack of rye, photographed in the 1930s (Vaiamo Monastery photo archive at Uusi-Valamo [Heindvesi, Suomi-Finland]) 245

Figure 4.86. Some of Vaiamo's agricultural tools (These are the more traditional ones that were used on individual basis. In the 19"^ and 20*^ centuries, the lat)or at the monastery was reasonably mechanized [exhibit of the Finnish National Museum, Karelian collection, in Helsinki, Suomi-Finland])

In addition to the main island, agriculture was practiced by Valamo monks on Syskysalmi Fann, and hay collection was made on Puutsaari Island. About 50,000 kg of hay (equal to 110,230 pounds) was usually brought to the monastery from Syskysalmi ferm. A Finnish extension agent who visited Valamo in 1932 (Valamo Monastery photo archive at Uusi-Valamo (Heindvesi, Suomi-Finland)) gave an extension report on Vaiamo's agricultural economy in 1932, and noted; "Mixtures of hayseeds should contain atx}ut % part red clover mixed with timothy grass. A good domestic type of red clover is to be selected. At)Out 30 - 32 kg (66 - 70.5 pounds) of hayseed is used per hectare of seed developed at home. Annually 450 kg (279 pounds) of timothy grass seeds and 150 kg (93 pounds) of red clover seeds are needed.' 246

Syskysalmi farm The Syskysalmi farm was located at Impilahta' Parish, about 30 km from the monastery by water (about 18.5 miles). The farm was about 10 km (around 6 miles) from the church village, and 9 km from the Pitkdranta cellulose factory, by water and 15 km (around 9 miles) by land. The closest highway was at a distance of 4 km (2.5 miles), thus, during the summer transportation was difficult The travel to the monastery was by boat during the summer and by horse-drawn sleds in the winter. According to the txx^kkeeping of the monastery (Monastery bookkeeping. 1922-1939), the farm had 51.64 ha (125 acres) of cultivated fields and 32.06 ha (82 acres) of natural pastures. The fields were in several pieces, and the farther ones were 2 - 3 km (1.2 -1.9 miles) from the farmhouse. Transportation was nnade difficult by the fact that some fields were separated from farmhouse and from each other by waterways. The quality of soils was mostly clay in fields separated by rocky areas. That was usual along the shores of Lake Ladoga, but generally the soils were of satisfactory quality. Near the farmhouse, the fields were even better. Most fields lacked drainage ditches. (Even at Valamo, the fields did not have perimeter ditches, as it became clear in my study.) The farm buildings were maintained in a very good condition throughout the post-revolutionary and pre-Wortd War II years). The fields were used mainly for oats and hay. The hay pasture was long-age, from 10-13 years without seeding. Near the farmhouse, there was a potato patch for home use of the farm folks, and some spring wheat. There was no record of the size of crops. The excess that was not used by the farm itself was transported by barge to Valamo. For example, in 1932, 35,000 kg (77,161 pounds) of hay plus 6,150 kg (13,558 pounds) of oats were shipped to Valamo, and in the summer of 1933, 39,000 kg (85,979 pounds) of hay were shipped. In 1932, for example, the farm had: 5 cows, 9 bulls, 2 heifers and calves, 4-6 horses and 16 sheep. The bulls were raised for the use of Valamo and for sale. No figures were available for the income from the cattle operations. The numt>er of paid laborers during the winter was 2 men and 1 woman. During summers, the temporary latjor force was increased to 15-40. There were enough farm implements and tools. It was also noted that good mud soil and dry peat was ample and available. A Finnish extension agent, who visited Syskysalmi Farm in 1932, suggested the following improvements (Finnish extension agent report on Valamo's agricultural economy, 1932); The rotation agriculture should be scheduled in two systems. For the fields near the farmhouse, system "A' would cover about 9-10 ha (25-26 acres). This would be divided in 6 sections with the following rotation; (1) oats; (2) potatoes and beets; (3) bariey and spring wheat; (4) hay; (5) hay; and (6) hay. The second, or "B', system, would include all other fields, about 42 ha (105 - 110 acres). This would be divided in 7 sections, as follows; (1) rye; (2) oats; (3) hay; (4) hay; (5) hay; (6) hay; and (7) hay. This proposal is made without the benefit of any map of the cultivated areas, only by personal observation, but by following it, there should be obtained 247

considerably better results that at the present The plan includes rye which is not being used now. According to the farm's foreman, rye had been discontinued because of poor crops, and it had been assumed that rye could not be cultivated successfully. Despite of that belief, rye should t)e started again, at least to the amount of home use. By cutting enough ditches for good drainage, particularly the perimeter drains, and by fertilizing with phosphoric manufactured fertilizers, rye should tum out as well as anything else. To further improve the soil quality, more mud should be brought during winter time and spread on the fields or stored with manure in piles until spring. Because of the small number of cattle (20 - 25 units), more mud should be spread to improve the soil. Peat would also help and should be provided for cattle sfalls. The domestically available manure should be used as follows; Rotation "A"; full coverage for oats, and thin manure for rye at spots where the soil is weakest. Manufactured fertilizers should be used more, but only more mud is made available on the fields. They should be used in the following manner. • Wheat - 200 kg/ha (178.6 pounds/acre) of superphosphates; • Rye - 300 kg/ha (267.8 pounds/acre) of superphosphates; • Oats - 200 kg/ha (178.6 pounds/acre) of superphosphates, • Pofato - 200 kg/ha (178.6 pounds/acre) of superphosphates plus 100 kg/ha (89.3 pounds/acre of 40% KCI kg/ha), plus 100 kg/ha (89.3 pounds/acre) of ammonia salt (saltpeter); • Beets, tumips, rufabagas - 300 kg/ha (267.8 pounds/acre) of superphosphates, 200 kg/ha (178.6 pounds/acre) of 40% KCI, plus 200 kg/ha (178.6 pounds/acre) of ammonia salt (saltpeter). It should be noted that manufactured fertilizers confaining phosphoric acid, should be selected by price and suitable purpose for each crop. No plan has t}een made for the care of domestic animals, as the farm is used only for some additional benefits, with the excess going to the monastery. When the monastery does get an experienced manager, he should make a feasible plan for agriculture for the farm, and have the monastery administration direct its realization and following. As the success of the farm is imporfant to the monastery, adequate records should be kept about the results, milk production, wages, etc.

Cattle The type of cattle that was used by Valamo monks, was called "Holmogorskaya", or "Hoimogor". The extent they had been crossbred with other types is not known. That was a purely Russian breed. As there did not seem to be any more of them available in Finland prior to Worid War II. it was necessary to use the available bulls. In 1932, an Ayrshire bull was purchased.

Dairy economy Valamo's dairy operations were formeriy well-known for its famous big cows (Figure 4.87). and their plentiful production (Figure 4.88). During the pre-Worid War II years, this was no longer true. The cows were "still big" during the period after the disintegration of the Russian Empire and before WWII, and they were good looking and well-fed. Each cow. however, used to eat three times as much as the average Finnish cow. The summer milking was producing then only 260-270 liters of milk (which is equivalent, on average, to about 700 gallons of milk). That actually meant another average of 7.5 liters (2 gallons) of milk per cow per day. 248

Figure 4.87. Milking monastery's cows (taken in the 1920s, from Valamo Monastery's photo archive at Uusi-Valamo [Heindvesi], Suomi- Finland])

Figure 4.88. Milk coming to the monastery's trapeznaya (dining room) of the central complex (photographed in the 1920s, from Valamo Monastery's photo archive at Uusi-Valanno [Heinavesi, Suomi-Finland]) 249

There were 16 men working in the dairy, which meant that each man took care of only two cows. The water ran directly to all the cows. Valamo's dairy cows appeared both enormous and top- heavy, according to the notes of Finnish extension specialists who visited the island during the pre- World War II years. The cow bam was at its present site, i.e., west of the monastery, about 6 kilometers (3.72 miles) along the road, on a bay of Lake Ladoga (which is called Sisdjdrvi Internal Lake). It was built during Father Superior Jonathan ll's administration in 1881. Nearest to the bay, was a brick building (still standing) that was equipped with many machines of all kinds to make the work easy. In the basement there was a small steam engine that was made at the monastery's own smithy. It operated a pump to lift water directly into the building and to the main cow bam, at 120 meters (roughly, one yard is at)Out 0.9 meters) up the hill, to other building. It provided water to the butter chum, the potato flour mill, and the feed slicer. Water tanks were placed on the top floor of the building. The pump lifted water from 4.2 meters deep and 2.1 meters wide well into the bedrock. The well received its water firom the middle of the bay through a pipe which, near the well, was 2 meters below, and continued another 6 meters by an open ditch cut into the bedrock. A kitchen and rooms for the processing of milk and its by-products, separators, etc., was located on the first floor of the building. On the second floor were living quarters for the daily workers (Figure 4.89). % i

Figure 4.89. A contemporary monk near the dairy bam; the breed is definitely not the one that Valamo was ^mous for prior to World War II (photo obtained from a Valamo visitor in 1996; it is the same picture published in Kompaniychenko, 1997, page not designated; apparently Kompaniychenko is the author of this photograph) 250

On the north side of these buildings, a two-story ice-cellar made of brick was located. Ice was cut during winter and placed on the upper floor which was sealed airtight In the ceiling of the lower floor, small holes were cut through which cold air descended from the ice-locker to the deep cellar downstairs where the milk and other dairy products were stored. This indigenous arrangement enabled the deep lower floor to be kept even cooler than the ice-locker itself. From the front of the downstairs door, a narrow railroad led to the nearby shore and the dock, to which the milk and other dairy products were transported for shipment by boats to the main monastery. The stone dock that was built in 1901 was equipped with a small crane that lifted the loads onto the boats. Uphill from the shore, and 120 meters from the processing building, there had t>een built a wonderful brick cow bam, big enough for at least 100 heads. In the middle of the bam, stalls for 48 milk cows were located. Those stalls were equipped with cast-iron drinking basins for cows that were chained to them. The water was piped directly to the basins. At each side of the stall arrangement (as the center isle was used for milking), there were rails, on which the feed, usually made by mixing cabbage leaves and vegetable greens also with warm liquid and flour, were rolled in barrels on hand carts from the kitchen. Hay was stored upstairs in the bam building, and the roughage was dropped through openings in the floor directly in front of each cow. Additional stalls were located along the outer walls, but they were without drinking basins, as in the old days. The stone floor was covered by heavy pine planks, which were lifted up to dry during the summer. The manure was shoveled into storage, but urine was piped out into ditches and wasted. The younger cows and calves were separated into their own area. A two-part open cellar made of bncks was located near the cow bam. Cabbage leaves were stored in it, as well as vegetable greens and tops of k)eets, to be mixed with the cows' liquid feed during the winter. Another open cellar, which was used to marinate t}eet tops for cow's feed, was also located at the side of the hill. In 1924 there were 35 cows on Valamo giving milk, all of them big Holmogorskaya cows with horns, a remainder of the type especially known for ValanrK). As mentioned previously, they ate about three times as much as the Finnish farm cows. Their milk, however, did not have much ^t, and so, by comparison, less cream. After calving, the best cows used to give up to 20 liters (five gallons) of milk per day (usually 16 to 17 liters, which is just about four gallons). According to a Finnish extension agent who visited the Valamo Monastery in July of 1923, the total milk obtained in mid July was 130 liters. The milking of cows at Valamo was done twice a day. Ten special milk containers were shipped to the monastery every other day. Only the milk that remained at the monastery was separated. Not all the cream was churned into butter a portion of it was soured into smetana (a sour yogurt which, essentially, is a type of coagulated cream). Skim milk was used as a cold drink among 251 the brotherhood, especially during the hot haymaking b'nne. Butter was usually churned every two weeks, but more often during Pascha (Orthodox Easter). However, according to the reports from the monastery, there was barely enough butter in 1920s, and that was one of the complaints among the monks during that time period. In addition, there were specific problems related to Valamo's dairy fanning in the 1920s and 1930s. For example, all of the bulls had t)een raised on Valamo and were part of the same herd for generations. Therefore, each new generation of calves and cows were of a weaker stock than previously. Apparently, there was a need for new bulls to be brought from outside. Another problem was the use of urine. It was being wasted, when it have also been collected, stored and transported to the fields as fertilizer. Some Finnish specialists who visited the monastery t}etween the two worid wars, realized that it would be good for an experiment if Finnish farm cows could be obtained, as they woukj be easier to handle and maintain, as on average they gave as much milk as the indigenous Valamo milk cows used to give, but ate only one-third of the anraunt of feed. In addition, some Finnish specialists recommended the Finnish style of management employing a professional (usually female) dairy manager and providing her with women helpers. It would have required only four or five experienced women dairy workers to take care of the cows. Then male workers could t>e used for shepherding or as helpers, especially for lifting. The pastures at Valamo were quite good and were used in two sections. First, the cows were taken to the middle of the main island, where they were remaining from the spring to the beginning of July. From there, they were moved to the east side of the island, where there was a small cow bam, similar to the main one, from which the necessary equipment was transferred to it until the ^11. In the fall, the cows were then led back to the main cow bam. Those nnoves were important events in the life of the cows, and each time would require a good number of monks as "cow boys'. The "master" of the cow bam between two wars was monk named Filaret, and he had 16 helpers as mentioned previously. Three of the oldest monks: Sawatiy, Victor and Feodor, were the ones that were experienced in processing and handling milk. Besides the main monastery, some cattle were also held at Syskysalmi Farm, where there were two Finnish type milking cows. The bookkeeping records of the farm (and pretty much of any other agricultural "unit" of the monastery) were rather simple and lacking details. The Finnish extension agent who had visited the Valamo in 1932, said: "Test-milking should be continued in an orderiy manner, as there is no opportunity to belong to an inspection-organization. Bookkeeping of the test-milking should then be consulted when calves are selected to be kept alive.' He also suggested the following plan for feeding the cattle (Finnish extension agent report on Valamo's agricultural economy, 1932): 1. "Hay -140,000 kg (308,644 pounds) - 65,600 feed units - 7,708 kg (15,604 pounds) of protein; 252

2. Oats - 14,000 kg (30,864 pounds) - 11,666 feed units - 1,708 kg (3,765.5 pounds) of protein; 3. Turnips -125,000 kg (275,575 pounds) - 10,000 feed units - 500 kg (1,102 pounds) of protein; 4. Straw - 30,000 kg (66,138 pounds) - 7,500 feed units - 300 kg (661 pounds) of protein; Totals: 94,766 units - 9,586 kg (21,133 pounds) of protein. From the monastery-owned ferms, additional feed in 1932: 1. Hay - 40,000 kg (88,184 pounds) -13,300 units - 1,200 kg (2,645.6 pounds) of protein; 2. Oats - 8,500 kg (18,739 pounds) - 7,083 feed units - 654 kg (1.442 pounds) of protein; Totals: 20,383 units - 1,854 kg (4,087 pounds) of protein. This would make available 115,149 feed units and 11,440 kg (25,221 pounds) of protein). The indoor feeding season contains 260 days, requiring thus: 480 kg (1,058 pounds) weighing full size cow requires 890 feed units — 63 kg (127.5 pounds) of protein; 8.7 kg (17,62 pounds) daily cow's average for milk production requires 904 feed units - 125 kg (253 pounds) of protein. Totals: 1,794 feed units - 188 kg (414,5 pounds) of protein. With this amount of feed units, there can be: 115,149 :1,794 = 64 heads of cattle. Protein amount: 11,440:188 = 60 heads of cattle. Recommended numt>er of cattle: • Cows - 56 = 56 cattle units; • Bulls -2 = 2 cattle units; • Heifers -8 = 4 cattle units; • Calves -8 = 2 cattle units. Totals: 64 cattle units. Any shortage of protein can easily be corrected, for instance by soya feed, of which it would be necessary to buy about 1,900 kg (3,848 pounds) annually. In addition, it should be noted that by buying oil-based feeds for cattle feed, the production of milk could be increased. Their economic use must, however, be carefully evaluated and the relevant purchase prices be compared with the prices of cattle products. The number of cattle should be gradually increased by raising more calves each year. As the cattle feeds at Valamo are generally from outside comnrran markets, it would make to have as many cows as could feasibly be taken care of.

Pasturing plan The Finnish extension agent who has visited Valamo in 1933 (Finnish extension agent report on Valamo's agricultural economy, 1933), said: "It does not appear to be very important to develop a specific plan for pastures now, as for instance, this summer the daily production of milk has reached as much as 500 liters (132 gallons), and it seems to prove that the natural pastures are quite good. Should there start to be a need for additional feed during the summers because of a larger herd at the time, it would then make sense to start planning." 253

Gardens The main garden of the monastery (Figure 4.90) was located along the road leading from the harbor (Monastery Bay) to the monastery's central estates, on the right side of the hill. There was also a house for the main gardener, Brother Pimen (Figure 4.91) and the greenhouses. Red beets were grown along the road leading to the housing of the workers (Figure 4.92), on the right, next to the grain magazine, oil storage and the photography shop. When I lived on Valamo under the Soviet civilian regime, this field used to t}e called the tumip field. The potato grounds were here and there near the main monastery. In addition, each small- and-secluded monastery had its own vegetable garden. In 1924, for example, there were 294 hi of potatoes planted (835 bushels) producing 1,000 hi (2840 bushels) of seed potatoes, or approximately 3.4:1 yield. About 24 kg (53 pounds) of red beet seeds were sown on 234 "banks" resulting in a crop of about 400 hi (1136 bushels). The cabbage was grown in an area of 1.5 ha (about four acres). For the winter, there was usually reserved somewhere around 1,300 cabbage heads. The rest of them was hacked and sliced for sauerkraut Large crops of onions were also grown. The cucumbers did not succeed in certain years. The notes of brother Pimen (the chief gardener at that time), said that the vegetable gardening was not very successful at Valamo's soil because of the poor soils and of lack of experienced help.

Figure 4.90. Part of Valamo's garden (from the photo archive of Valanx) Monastery, Uusi-Valamo, Heinavesi, Suomi-Finland) 254

Figure 4.91. The main gardener, brother Pimen (from the photo archive of Valanno Monastery at Uusi-Valamo (Heindvesi, Suomi-Finland)

Most of the monks used to assist at the time of harvesting. They also helped one another in making sauerkraut

Medicinal (herbal) garden There was also an herbal garden in connection with the vegetable garden. After the revolution of 1917 in Russia, in 1919, a fanrraus merchant, F. J. Sergejeff, donated a large sum of money in order to start a medicinal garden (in addition to the pharmaceutical garden's part of the Upper orchard that existed at that time). The herbal garden was located along the road leading from the hotel to the workers' housing (see Figure 4.93). It was between the road and the red beets field. Rhubarb, cumin, mint, saffron, salvia, marjoram, etc., were grown for purely medicinal purposes. The herbal garden was maintained during that period of time (between two worid wars) by the hands of the master of the hospital and pharmacy. Father Andrei. 255

Figure 4.92. The so-called red beets field was a part of the monastery's gardens in the 1930s (from Valamo Monastery's photo archive [Uusi- Valamo, Heindvesi, Suomi-Finland])

Fishing and the fishery The fishing was very active at Valamo waters. A large number of fish was being brought to the monastery while still alive, and they were kept alive in a special building built for that purpose that was located on the Westem shore of Monastery Bay (Figure 4.94). In the 1930s, that building was no longer in good condition nor it was used for holding fish. In addition, each year, the monastery's fishery developed 40,000 hatchfishes of whitefish and of other species that were let into the water when ready to survive. In thirties, the old fishery facility was not being used to its full potential because of the lack of appropriate personnel. 256

Figure 4.93. The road by the monastery's central estates, along which the herbal garden was located (from Valaamskiy, 1987, page not designated)

Figure 4.94. Cleaning the fish for the brotherhood's trapeze (dinner) (from Valamo Monastery's photo archive in Uusi-Valamo [Heinavesi, Suomi-Finland]) 257

Forestry economy According to the forestry information (Finnish extension agent report on Valamo's agricultural economy. 1933). Valamo Monastery owned the Valamo Islands, with a total area of 5,563.72 ha (about 9, 250 acres). That territory included; • Building grounds, buildings and fields - 279.5 ha (765.8 acres); • Fuligrown forests - 2,862.5 ha (7,070.4 acres); • Poor quality forests — 75.25 ha (206.2 acres): • Roads and waste areas - 200.7 ha (550 acres); • Water (island's lakes) - 146.7 ha (362.3 acres). The total would be 3,563.7 ha (8,954.7 acres). According to the survey made in summer of 1927, the total wood inventory totaled 486,319 cubic meters (637,08 cubic yards). Of the 6 m (20 ft) or taller valuable evergreen trees, the estimate was; • 22 - 28 cm ( 8.5 -11 inches) diameter trees -138,173 trees; • 28 - 34 cm (11 - 13.25 inches) diameter trees - 85,279 trees; • 34 cm (13.25 inches) and larger trees - 45,030 trees. Total; 268,482 trees. The annual growth of the forest was estimated as 5,912 cubic meters (7.745 cubic yards) in the well growing area, plus 40 cubic meters (54,4 cubic yards) in the poor area. Annually, about 9,100 cubic meters (11,921 cubic yards) of wood was cut firom the forest This amount included, at the most, 5,514 softwood logs. For home use, the average cutting during the years of 1923-1932 had been 5,300 cubic meters (6,943 cubic yards), of which softwood logs included 930 logs. As the annual consumption included about 500 cubic meters (655 cubic yards) woodpiles on the ground, the cutting of standing trees for home use amounted to 4,330 cubic meters (5,672 cubic yards) and 930 softwood logs (equal to 430 cubic meters, or 563 cubic yards). During the five years of 1927 - 1932 the valuable evergreen trees that were cut totaled 17,700 trees. During the years of 1932 -1937, about 6,550 trees were made available for sale (3,300 cubic meters, or 3301,31 cubic yards) and smaller woodpile products about 1.470 cubic meters (1,925,7 cubic yards). The latter amount was composed of the following; • Firewood - 880 cubic meters (1,152.8 cubic yards); • Papenvood - 370 cubic meters (484.7 cubic yards); • Pinepoles - 220 cubic meters (288.2 cubic yards). Total; 1,470 cubic meters (1,925.7 cubic yards). The Finnish extension agent who visited the Island ofValanrra in 1933 (Finnish extension agent report on Valamo's agricultural economy. 1933), said; 258

Although from the point of view of practical forestry operations, it was preferable to continue cutting the salable wood products by the Monasteiy and bring them to the shore as ready made lumt)er. The fbllowing annual sales estimate is based on "stump-count" It is possible that cutting for order would increase income. • Evergreen trees - 6,550 at 40 Finnmarks per tree - 262,000 Finnmarks; • Paperwood - 492 cubic meters (644,5 cutiic yards) at 25 Finnmarks per cubic meter -12,300 Finnmarks; • Pinepoles - 308 cubic meters (403,5 cubic yards) at 15 Finnmarks per cubic meter-4,620 Finnmarks; • Firewood -1,320 cubic meters (1,729 cubic yards) at 8 Finnmarks per cubic meter -10,480 Finnmarks. Total - 289,48- Finnmarks. Regarding the valuable evergreen trees, it is noted that, although the annual cutting may equal the average, the marking of trees for cutting will meet the planned numbers within the 5-year period. The actual cutting period of the valuable lumber usually takes place at the end of the growth period, for two reasons; first, that the forests on the islands demand selective cleanup cutting, without adding to the storm damage possibility; and secondly, at the end of the seasons, it can be seen how much the storms have damaged the trees or how much has t)een cut, and the remaining balance of cutting plan can be performed by marking additional trees. The prospective expenses for forestry operations are annually as follows: • Reforestation after storm damages, 25 ha (61.75 acres) - at 750 Finnmarks - 18,750 Finnmarks; • Cost of developing seedlings - 2,500 Finnmarics; • Wages of the markers for trees to be cut - 4,000 Finnmarks; • Drainage ditches for the forests - 1,500 Finnmarks; • Cleaning up the cutting areas - 5,000 Finnmari^s; • Sales and miscellaneous costs -1.000 Finnmart^s; • Fence maintenance (pastures), tool maintenance - 500 Finnmarks; • Salary of the For—^23,000 Finnmarks; • Incidental expenses, travel and meals - 4,000 Finnmarks. Total: 60.250 Finnmarks. Income: 289.480 Finnmarks; Expenses: 60,250 Finnmarks. Net Income: 229.230 Finnmarks. If the monastery would have to pay taxes on the income, that would change the figures somewhat."

Evaluation of Valamo's AgricuKure prior to Worid War II by Finnish Extension Specialists Finnish extension agents (agricultural specialists), who visited the Valamo Islands for agricultural inspection in the 1920s-1930s, generally, left very similar ideas about the types of improvements that, in their opinion, Valamo needed at that time. These suggestions could be summarized in a general quotation from their reports that were sent back to the monastery and are now located in Uusi-Valamo in Finland: The lands of the Valamo Islands are generally not very suitable for agriculture and are subject to droughts which reduce the growth of the plants. But there are still quite excellent areas at the many locations of the island where new fields could be opened and older clearances could be improved. 259

The older fields are often in poor condition. Even the seeded hayfields in large areas suffer for the reason of the lack of drainage ditches as well as of the blocked drainage. The fertilization is inadequate for the crops, and weeds have taken over the large areas. The lack of necessary professional competence and knowledge and of work force makes it difficult to have proper agricultural operations. Consequently, agriculture is performed in accordance with antiquated customs and by untrained people. Also, the numt)er of monks, i.e., brothers has been much reduced, and many of those who have remained are old and less able to work. Therefore, the results are only part of what it was previously. Besides, the monks cannot t>e expected to have to work as hard as the paid workers. As a result there is much unhappiness among the brotherhood when ^e monks are overworked and even when the old ones are unable to have time for prayer and ascetic exercises for which they actually had entered the monastery. Another factor is that the monastery has many riches and money which really belong to monks collectively and which could be used to hire more workers to replace them from most of the work. They are also afraid that this collective amount that rightfully belongs to them will t)e used for other purposes without benefiting them at all. Obedience and sacrifices do not nnean to the monks as much as before, and this must be understood. In 1923, there were only 29 day laborers, and in 1924 - 47 day laborers. Overall, there is not a single experienced person at Valamo who would comprehend the total extent of the agribusiness and could practice it in all its many details. Therefore, it should be mandatory to organize Valamo's agriculture in a new and better way than it has been organized until now. There should be hired an experienced and professional manager and there should be employed a maximal number of lat>orers. There are enough agricultural machines and implements. However, even this situation could be improved by purchasing, for instance, a tractor. This would make it more expensive at Valamo than normally on large farms, and it would surely make it worthy of it The same theme is shown in the report of Finnish extension agent who had visited the islands of Valamo in 1933 (Finnish extension agent report on Valamo's agricultural economy, 1933). He said in his report:: To begin with, an agricultural manager should t)e hired, one who has had some managerial experience and not just school knowledge. He should be directly responsible to the monastery administration. And he should be able to speak Russian, in addition to Finnish. Among his duties, there will be included the overall management of the domestic animals care - catUe and hogs. To assist the general manager, there should be two experienced supervisors who would be able to direct the wort( groups in agriculture and animal care. For permanent laborers, the monastery should hire 7-10 men, of whom one would serve the cattie bam during the winter. In order to maintain and keep the managers and supervisors, there should be provided good housing, so that these people could have homes, kitchens and, perhaps, a small garden for their own use. For summer time, additional temporary laborers could be hired. That would be the responsibility of the nnanager, with the advice of the monastery administi^tion. Most of the work should be done by work contracts or completion agreements. This would include such tasks as digging ditches, picking potatoes and turnips etc. For the dairy cattle, a paid dairy-catUe specialist should be hired, preferably a man, as there are so many large animals, and for him three assistants. If the 260

operation of the milking is directed by the specialist four assistants would be better, in addition, there would be the t>am man during the winter and a shepherd during the summer. In order to make the most applicable use of the farm labor, that group should be considered separately from other tasks, such as lumbermen. One good result would be that the elderly monks would recognize that they were taken care of, and they could enjoy their old age and could rest and that would be very important to the current brotherhood. Besides, they could be offered such easier work as gardening in the large gardens and orchards, which also needs some better care and improvements. The forests of Valamo receive much care. Unfortunately, because of the lack of scientific knowledge, the saving of the trees result also in that large trees, that are beyond their normal growth, become overaged, and then deteriorating and rotting. Only during the Worid War I, when the monastery could not get good income and during the revolution, the monks started looking for some new sources of income and they realized that there was much of over-aged forest that could be harvested for export sales. There was a plan that was prepared than for the Valamo forests which may have been legally approved by the Finnish government or by the Finnish Orthodox church administi^tion (which was also part of the govemment in Finland - A. Kh.). The Ministry of Education did give a 10-year permission for some wood­ cutting for sales (?- A. Kh.)

Special suggestions of Finnish extension agents regarding the animal and poultry breeding In summary, the suggestions of Finnish extension agents on innproving of Valamo's animal and poultry breeding can be divided into three sections; horses, hogs and chickens. The suggestions on cattle improvements have already been outiined in the dairy economy section above, therefore, it will not be touched upon in this sub-section. Horses: According to the Finnish extension agents' reports, in earty 1930s, there were atjout 20 working horses needed for main agricultural uses. If the cultivated fields were all in one area, only about 15 would t}e enough. According to an official counting, there were 14 horses for 100 cultivated hectares (260 acres), and on experimental ^rms, only 11. (One should think that 20 would be enough at Valamo.) The Finnish extension agent (Finnish extension agent report, 1933) suggested that the general manager of agriculture should have 10-12 horses available at wintertime, and 18-20 during the summer. "The horses may t)e raised at home, and there would be profits, if some horses would be raised for sale. The feed for horses can be easily grown domestically, possibly utilizing as much pasturing as possible." The following is an example of feed based on work for horses (seeTable 4.6). The Finnish agent further noted that during tiie in-between days of no work, the feed should not be as much as during work days. Horses should receive timothy grass. Clover should be saved for the cattle. During the indoor feeding, the 20 horses would need about 50,000-55,000 kg (110,230- 121,253 lbs) of hay (for the 250-260 days). In addition, there would be needed 7,000-8,000 kg of oats (15,432-16,637 lbs), and about 1,000 kg (2,205 lbs) of barley. 261

Table 4.6. Estimate of workload and fieed for horses (from Finnish extension agent report 1933)

Kg (lbs) Kg (lbs) Kg (lbs) Kg (lbs) Kg (lbs) Type of work of hay of oats straw of oats of bariey of potatoes

Idle horse 11(24.25) — — — —

Light work 10(22.04) 2 (4.409) 2 (4.409) — —

Medium/heavy work 10(22.04) 2 (4.409) 2 (4.409) — 5(11.023) Heavy work 10 (22.04) 2 (4.409) 3 (6.614) 1 (2.205) 4 (2.205)

Hogs: Because the monastery's household produced edible waste that was not usable for the 450 people nowadays at the monastery (vs. in the early 1930s, of course), it would be economical to direct such waste to feed hogs rather than cattle, according to Finnish extension agents. In addition, it would take less labor to feed hogs in a facility near the kitchen, rather than use nfiore time and effort to transport the waste to the cattle bam and to the pasture during the summer. It is true that the monastery itself did not use pork in its own household, but there would be some local market, according to the Finnish extension agents, by selling some to the military personnel on the island, as well as to the wood cutters or by taking to the coastal city of Sortavala, to where there was a regular transit except during the spring break. There was no facility at present (again, we should remember that this was the eariy 1930s) for hogs. However, no new buildings could be needed, as the hogs could be kept in a separate area within the horse bam. There would be a plenty of room left for horses. The Finnish extension agent said in his report (1933): To start raising hogs, first there should be purchased two pregnant sows, on 8-month old boar and 10-15 piglets of 2-3 months old. The recommended type would be "Great Yorkshire", from any reputable hog supplier. The closest breeding ^cility would be at Elisenvaara School Farm. Since the sale of piglets could not be profitable, because of the distant location to markets, they should keep 3-4 sows that produce 60 - 80 piglets for raising each year, concluded the Finnish extension agent in his report (1933). For hog feeding, the food waste from the monastery would be the main source, because of the large amount of waste. To quickly increase their weight barley flour and com could be used, as their prices usually were low enough. As soon as the piglets were to be separated firom the sows, they should be given skim milk (2-4 liters, or up to one gallon) daily, for a couple of months. Potatoes, turnips and rutabagas were also recommended, but they were supposed to be cooked. The economics of pork production would limit the size of the piggery to as many hogs that could be easily fed with the available food waste and using bariey flour as a supplement Another economic factor for raising hogs would be the availability of an outdoor pasturage during the summer, as the hogs could well supplement a part of their feed from a pasture. Thus, the north area between the piggery and the shore of the lake could be fenced in to make an acceptable pasture. The feeding and care of hogs should be organized in a sensible manner firom the beginning. As the monastery was already employing an agricultural technician, he should be able to provide adequate directksn. The profitability of pork products in the 262

19305 was considered better than those from the cattle. It should be almost mandatory that the monastery start raising hogs as part of its agriculture. Chickens: Having chickens should t)e also considered by the monastery, according to the Finnish extension agents' reports. Poultry products and eggs would provide attractive items to the menu of the monastery's restaurants and for its household, and provide additional income by sales. At least the own household requirements should be satisfied from the monastery's own chicken coop. A new building may not be necessary to build, as there were several existing buildings that could be converted to the use.

Recommendations of Finnish extension agents ragarding agricultural machinery on Valamo For transportation of manure and mud, it was recommended to obtain two horse-drawn sleds, as the distances on Valamo are quite long, and it would improve work efficiency. For field-drying hay and grain, sharpened "hay-poles' with two cross-bars should be used, at least on the larger fields. There should be obtained: • New-Cambridge rolles (1,2000 Finnmarks); • Holsten Heag potato picker (2,300 Finnmarks); • Hayseeding machine (750 Finnmarks). It was also recommended that a smaller threshing machine be purchased for the use of the farther-out fields, to avoid the need to transport the bulk of straw to the main thresher at the monastery. The small threshing machine could be located in any hay bam in the fields, as they are adequate size and easily accessible. The straws would be then transported directly to the cattle and horse bams for use, at a shorter distance. As an example of such a small, mobile threshing machine, either an ESA, Sampo, or Tarmo machine, with the 5-6 hp motor already owned by the monastery, to provide power. The approximate price of a small threshing machine is about 5,000 Finnmarks. Regarding the smaller tools needed, it was recommended to buy some some Bilnds shovels to replace the small and breakable shovels then used. Some practical "ditch-shovels" were also needed.

Elements of an Informal Agricultural Education System on Valamo during the Existence of the Monastery prior to Worid War 11: Clarification of the historical periods under study In my study, I intended to deal primarily with two historical periods; one that includes the years after 1917 (the Communist coup in Russia that separated Valamo from the rest of the country, and that essentially, preserved its culture clearly until the t)eginning of World War II); and another one, which is, essentially, a contemporary period of history. It is not a period of history, so to speak, in a pure sense, because it has not yet ended. It began about ten tears ago. I consider its beginning to have started in 1988, when a more liberated policy of the Soviet government had started in temis of developing Valamo as a tourist attraction, therefore, its general development. In more absolute terms. 263

this last historical period of time tiegan in 1992, when Yeltzin signed a decree on the transfer of Valamo's ^cilities to the Moscow Patriarchate of the Russian Orthodox Church. However, the first historical period of my study cannot t)e exactly squeezed between the years of 1917 and 1940, for the simple reason that if we refier only to the period between those years, it means that we would try to look at the political history of Vaiamo. Politically speaking, the situation of Vaiamo Monastery as well as of ValanrK) Islands was quite well-defined between those years. Simply speaking, it was a Finnish territory, which definitely reflected on its economy and even on the spiritual life of the monastery itself, at least on the organization of the worship services and their language (through affecting the calendar as well as the citizenship status of the monks). However, if we want to study the distinctive features of the monastery's agricultural or economical system in general, or its educational (especially agricultural educational) methods, we cannot avoid looking at the longer historical period of time, during which all those principles that existed when Vaiamo (as an archipelago and as an independent monastery) was part of the independent Finnish Republic. Simply speaking (as previously stated in Chapters 1-3 and in this chapter particularly), I had to be constantly referring to the events or to the beginning of certain practices on the island that actually started long ago, much longer than the first historical period selected for the study can embrace. I did not plan to conduct a detailed historical look at Vaiamo Monastery's life in the 19*" century (not to speak about the ancient times) or even the first decade and a half of Uie 20*^ century. However, it tumed out to be necessary, to track certain events or practices, that became part of my historical analysis, back to the previous times.

Types of informal agricultural education on Vaiamo prior to Worid War 11 and prior to the revolution in Russia in 1917 Vaiamo Monastery did not have (in modem-day terms) any formal agricultural educational systems, either before the Communist revolution of 1917 or afterwards. Before 1917, Valamo's agriculture was considered to be very unique by itself and for its specific geographic zone. The orchard and vegetable gardening as well as crop Arming were quite unique (not to mention the dairy farming). After 1917. there was a sti'ong tendency on part of Finnish extension agents to by to suggest different "improvements" of Valamo's economy which were, indeed, unnecessary. According to the archival report of the monastery monk agriculturist to Father-Superior of the monastery that was written in eariy 1930s (Archive of Vaiamo Monastery in Uusi-Valamo, Heindvesi, Suomi-Finland), but neither signed nor dated (it was attached to the report of the Finnish agricultural specialist written after visiting the monastery; such visits were taking place once every several years between two world wars): 264

The management of field works and the organization of hired labor, as well as the labor of the monks, belong to the people whose experience has been tested by many years of carrying that obedience. In general, the agricultural productivity of the monastery has always been higher than such of the neightxiring ^rms that are located on the mainland. Everybody was always getting excited about our winter crops, as well as about spring crops, from time to time. If the spring crops, during the extension agronomists visits, were not looking great, there was certainly a reason for that not related to the level of experience of those in charge of that branch of the monastery's economy, but rather a late and a cold spring, and then a dry period that followed it Right now, after the warm days and the rain, the fields have recovered so much that they do promise not only a satis^ctory harvest but a great one. In the monastery, almost every monk is a peasant, and so hiring an extension specialist [literally, in translation from Russian, "an agricultural instructor and manager" - A. Kh.] would be extremely humiliating for the monastery. In addition, that would be an unproductive wasting of money on a salary for such person which would amount up to 30 or 40 Finnmarks per year. Next, there is a dairy economy to be mentioned. The person who is being placed in charge of the dairy farm has to be always someone who would be maintaining the interests of the monastery and who would be watching that the dairy products that are t)eing produced would go for common good, and would not disappear where they should not go. Such is the manager that we have now, and he is completely justifying his position. [Of course, another suggestion of the Finnish extension agents was] breeding the cows of a different breed, i. e. smaller ones. That was actually practiced at the monastery already. However, the results of those attempts were extremely negative. Yes, indeed, our cows require more feed, however they do give more milk. According to the calculations that we have, the smaller cows give about *** (illegible), and our cows give *** (illegible). Also, it has to be taken into account that we are feeding cattle more moderately during the winter seasons now, and so the milk that is t>eing produced is also somewhat less than before. As such, the above passage not only presents the position of the monastery regarding the possible changes in agricultural practices that were suggested by the Finnish extension agents in the late 1920s to eariy 1930s and regarding adoption of new types of farming organization on the island and new breeds of cattle. The passage also notes a very important ^ct at>out the life of the monastery that explains why agriculture was so successful before World War II, i.e., before the neariy complete devastation of the monastery after the Soviet invasion of Finland. There were two main contributing Actors that provided for the successes of Valamo's agriculture prior to Worid War 11: (1) the agricultural background of "neariy every" monk who worked in Valamo's economy; and (2) constant prayer to God. In contemporary words, it was experience and high goals. These two great contributing Actors could maintain Valamo's agriculture on a decent level, even if we remove (in our thoughts) the monastic community on the island as a whole, and if we remove the existence of the great country with a healthy economy (such was Russia prior to 1917) or small country with a healthy economy (such was Finland prior to 1940), which actually took place in both cases. 265

Even if these two factors could continue their existence, even after the whole monastery itself stopped to exist, agriculture would have survived on Vaiamo Islands. The main blow against agriculture that was incurred by the Communist system was that Communism simply physically eliminated tens of millions of skilled peasants in the country and turned the rest of the rural (and city) people into slaves, into mechanical robots that were only entitled to work but not to pursue a high spiritual goal as part of their work aspirations, it alienated people from the land (and consequently from an interest in accumulating and in maintaining agricultural knowledge). It also removed the church from society, which resulted in the people's lack of any sense of sacredness in their attitude towards the Earth, not to mention the special way of handling agriculture through "podvizhnichestvo" (as a part of lifelong obedience to God). Before the revolution of 1917 and before Worid War II. the monks of Vaiamo Monastery had the following ways of spreading agricultural knowledge (despite lack of any formal agricultural school on the island, or a school or training place to attend elsewhere to acquire specific knowledge at}Out agriculture, according to the monastery's need); 1. The system of daily obedience of which the agricultural practices were a part. This system, which is explained below, took into consideration the agricultural experience, abilities and knowledge of each monk. 2. The system of missiorts of the Vaiamo monks. These missions also involved some intemational programs, such as the mission to Alaska that started in 1974 and lasted for the entire 19*^ century. 3. The pilgrimages that were conducted to the monastery on a daily basis. These pilgrimages were voluntary as they were only partially controlled by the monastery. The monastery provided conditions for such pilgrims' stays at the monastery during church holidays and the pilgrims' participation in the daily works of the monastery of which agricultural practices were a part. Many of these pilgrims were peasants (primarily peasants). After leaving the monastery, they spread the knowledge they teamed at the monastery about advanced agricultural practices to their home places. 4. Long-term stays at the monastery for straightening (one's life) sake. These were the semi- voluntary (often made against the pilgrim's will) long-term stays (several months to one-half year) of rich people (nrastly contributors of the monastery) and the not necessarily rich (or their relatives) in order to change or rid oneself of certain bad habits (such as alcoholism) through works and prayers at the monastery. The agricultural works were a part of their lifestyle at the monastery. 5. Extension efforts of the Monastery of Valamo's to target civilians of the neighboring communities of both Finns (which includes Karelians) and Russians on the shores of Lake Ladoga. These could be called extension efforts, although the term was not used nor exist in 266

Finland. The monastery was helping the peasants with better ways of agricultural practices, with information through the dennonstrafa'on of its own practices for visitors, many of whom were the peasants from the nearby village communities. A part of this extension effort was also in the form of relief: the nnonastery was providing seeds and agricultural produce for the people in hungry years (see comments below). 6. The monastery was serving as a testing field (what Russians call a 'a polygon") for the comparison of traditional, religion-based agricultural practices by its roots from previous centuries, and modem practices (in the 2(f century, under the Finnish sovereignty). The Finnish extension agronomists and Arming specialists frequently visited the monastery in order to observe and comment on its practices. They were not directly interfering in the process of agricultural production at the monastery as Valamo Monastery had an independent status in terms of its economy and internal way of organization that was independent from civil authorities (that is, with certain limits, of course). 7. The monastery had a school for the children of Karelian and Finnish peasants who came from the Finnish mainland shore. The school provided a scholastic education. A great part of it was practice: the children assisted the monks in their agricultural practices and some other economic works (although it was not the main goal of the school). 8. The monastery provided a place for special groups of visitors. Although they were not pilgrims, they were other groups such as scouts (e.g., Russian scouts, basically 9-13 yrs of age) who took part in the monastery's daily works and became acquainted with monastic life through works. 9. A part of the informal educational efforts of the monastery in the agricultural area was by reading books during the monks' free time (which was. essentially, only during trapeza, the

dining time). These t)OOks included the writings of the Holy Fathers of the church, and also (on a daily basis) some agricultural textbooks and extension publications (what I call extension publications are actually some popular publications about agriculture). 10. The monastery published t}ooks about Valamo. In these txx>ks, one could find some interesting and useful references about agriculture on the island. These books contributed to spreading the interest about Valamo's life, economy in general and agriculture in specific, among those for whom they were intended. They were distributed among the (so-called) poor folk, as well as average people who were mostiy peasants in Russia at that time. 11. The monastery maintained direct communication with many outstanding scientists and research centers in Russia. These were institutions such as the Imperial Botanical Gardens of E. L. Roegel in St Petersburg, the Main Geophysics Observatory (now called The Voyeykov Main Geophysics Observatory) in St. Petersburg, Russia, as well as with many libraries. 267

12. The monastery participated in agricultural exhibits in Russia and even in Pans. One such example is that in the World Exhibit in Paris at the end of the 19*^ century, the monastery managed to eam fifteen gold medals for its agricultural produce. In sum, agriculture was one of two main practices of the monastery, apart from prayer. As mentioned previously, agriculture was considered to be a sort of a living prayer. It was the only economic activity conducted on a large-scale at the monastery. All other activities were subordinate to it; such as the different shops, even brick-malcing, etc. Mikhail Novorussky (1909), who was quoted in the early portion of this chapter, was very critical about the monastery's practices to shut down their works after they produced enough of what they needed, such as nails, for example, or -iron. He hoped that the monastery could t)etter succeed if it became more highly specialized and got involved into a trade. Thus far, this researcher has seen three major opinions of the opponents of the monastery's system of agricultural and economic practices (during the period of time prior to the Worid War II); 1. The monastery does not look like a perfect capitalist enterprise. It does not have a market- oriented economy that is supposed to be highly (or to a certain extent) specialized. It has practically a natural economy (self-sustaining and self-linked, in other words; the economy that is targeted to satisfy only the monastery's needs and is not aiming at expansion) (Mikhail Novorussky, 1909, at the beginning of the 20*^ century). 2. The monastery has outdated economic and agricultural practices that needs to be replaced by a newer ones, that should match with the modem achievements of intensive Arming and agriculture of the country around them (Finland, in that case). The monastery needs to exploit hired labor (almost exclusively replacing the monks on obedience with hired personnel) and to re-structure the system of management by hiring a professional manager with agricultural background (Finnish extension agent's report in 1924). 3. The monastery "nestchadno expluatiroval' (tembly exploited) the free labor of rank-and-file monks being a huge capitalist enterprise by itself (Soviet authors during the post-Worid War II period, such as Lisayevitz & Duzhnikov, 1966; Reznikoff, 1987, 1990). These three opinions are related to the time period when the nrranastery was highly self- sufficient and able to sustain not only itself but many people nearby who were in need or living at the cost of the monastery, such as hired workers, numerous pilgrims and long-time residents, and generally people in need among the peasants on the mainland. The monastery not only gave them shelter and food, but also provided them with necessary medical efforts (traditional medicines made by the peasant pharmacists [who were monks, but not certified pharmacists as no certification existed in those days] from the herbs grown at the monastery). It seems that the main reason for such misunderstanding was that everyone who looked at Valamo's agricultural system as an independent evaluator, so-to-speak, not only was from the outside 268

(which is not a problem in any case), but was totally outside the monastic community and, as a result, did not have an understanding of the guiding principles of the I'rfie of the monks. These evaluators treated Valamo's agriculture as a kind of capitalist farm (whether in a positive sense, as Finnish and Russian pre-revoiutionary people who had left their notes about it, or in a negative sense (as the Soviet writers). The main idea behind Valamo's agriculture, and the very fact that Valamo monastery did not have a formal system of agricultural education, was that it was not a capitalist economy. It was neither a socialist nor a communist economy (as Mikhail Novorussky (1909) ironically called it). The idea behind Valamo's agriculture was not to produce just enough food for people to live or just more than enough for them in order to sell it and get convertible currency in exchange for trading for something else that would spare them from having to spend their time and energy to produce it The idea was to serve God and get closer to Him through putting the needs of God's works on Earth above the needs of survival as humans. In other words, the monks had created a special culture of attitude towards the Earth that honored it (i.e., tiie sum total of their existence, including works) as a creation of God upon whom God's Spirit bestowed His special Grace. It was a tool for their spiritual growth and an object through contributing to which they could become a part of God's works. In other words, the attitude of n)onks towards the land was that they were full of gratitude. They were trying to contribute to the Earth rather than receive from it For this reason neither capitalist nor communist types of attitude towards the land was possible on Valamo nor in any Orthodox monastery, as a matter of fact. That is why no intensive agriculture was possible on Valamo. It is why the monks, although they employed the best technical achievements of their age, never wanted to expand their agricultural practices to adjust them to market needs or make them highly specialized to create a cash-crop economy. The philosophy of agriculture was different in the monastery and, tiierefbre, the agricultural system cannot be measured by common measures. In feet, this [monastic] philosophy was even different from the philosophy of Russian peasantry outside the monastery. The peasants revered the land and they had high religious morals of an Orthodox nature that were passed on from generation to generation through their families. However, outside the monastery, the material needs of the peasant community or of peasant families were put as a comerstone of their existence. That is why it was only in the monastery where a high degree of reverence towards the land was combined with a high degree of spirituality. Finally, that is why agriculture in this sense was considered to be part of the Temple of Heavens on Earth that was being built by every member of this community throughout his life in his soul, in his body (a temple of soul), and in the worid around him (a Temple of God). 269

Connections between different ways of informal agricultural education on Valamo: Was there a system? As Stated previously, the nv^nastery would tie impossible, as a social organization, without the principle of obedience. All of areas of life at the monastery were based on that principle; its economic activities, spiritual exercises and growth, agricultural works, and all leaming [education]. The principle of obedience meant that any action in the monastery was done for the common good and was an activity for which an individual was fully prepared. For example, living in a small-and- secluded monastery was considered a special form of ot>edience. However, an individual whose desire was to live in the smail-and-secluded monastery had to demonstrate his ability and readiness to live there. Because the nrK>nastery was a communal enterprise and a spiritual community, the will and desire of a particular individual was insignificant unless they could fit into the needs of the monastery as a community of people. This made some outsiders come to the erroneous conclusion that the monastery was a communist type of society. The key distinction between a communist commune and a monastic community was the ^ct that, in the communist organization a will and a desire of the people really does not mean much either, however, individuals really have no value for society. In a communist society they are valued only inso^r as they can contribute to the well-being of society as a whole. This is a conclusion one can make if that person is taking communism mildly, just as a philosophical principle [A. Kh.]. In the monastic community, since it is a spiritually or religion-based community, individuals are considered to be important for the community not only as producers (a secondary kind of importance, as a matter of feet). A society or community such as Valamo Monastery is also concerned with the spiritual growth and spiritual well-being of every member who is a part of the monastery. This includes the monks and all individuals associated on a part-time or full-time basis with the monastery (i.e., pilgrims, neighbors, correspondents, even those in opposition, etc.). Such a philosophy is formulated as that of reaching an angelic image through growing spiritually as a part of a community modeled after Heavenly Jerusalem, as a fraction of Heaven on Earth and built completely on principles created by God for His people. In fact, in such community, a human being is the main target, the ultimate goal of communal efforts to reach God's image on Earth. A human being is also considered to t)e the least perfect part of the Universe, compared to other parts of creation (the least perfect one, due to man's sinful nature). For this reason [the sinful nature of man], the monastery created a sophisticated system that offered an individual a way of progress in terms of spiritual growth and in terms of maintaining his body in such condition that was fevorable for that spiritual growth. The monastery attempted to eliminate everything that was unnecessary to such progress (including every individual's desire to establish his own way of life) whereas it thoughtfully maintained everything that would fevor such [spiritual] growth. Daily agricultural practice was considered to be part of spiritual growth. 270

The system of obedience was a cornerstone of monastic communal practices, as mentioned previously. The system of daily obedience ranged from the everyday agricultural works assignment to more complicated practical and spiritual tasks in the lives of the monks. The agricultural practices conducted at the monastery, if one takes into consideratk)n the indivklual monks who were participating in them or rather doing them, were a part of the system of obedience under the leadership of the startzy (elder monks). Every new monk (novice) who entered the monastery went through the initial forms of obedience that were not necessarily coinciding with his will, whether expressed or not, with his desire and with his expectations from the life in the monastery which he might have had tjefbre entering it Sometinnes that kind of obedience, that kind of assignment was very difficult For example, novices could be sent handle the manure or, on the other hand, to make dough in the bakery (which were tioth difficult jobs when done manually). Depending on their abilities and how they denranstrated their desire to complete the assignment (which was an obedience), such novices could be doing this work for years tjefbre they were actually allowed to enter the monastery "for good*, before they were allowed to wear a monk's robe, thus t>ecome a ryasophomyy monk (robe-bearing nrx^nk). They could be also shifted firom one such obedience to another on a daily or monthly basis, depending on the needs of the monastery. At that point, if they did not do well, and the monastery was not satisfied with their works, they could leave it and never become monks. They could also leave the monastery if they realized that this is too tough for them; the work is too hard or they do not like the way they were treated. The main goal of such initial ot)edience of a novice was, however, not to test their "compatibility with a collective' or their level of skills, or to make them leam something (while doing it) that would be helpful for the community should they decide to enter it "for life". The main goal of such assignments was to test the individual's ability to subjugate his own aspirations to the needs of the community, and his own will to the will of God which was expressed in daily life of such a community that was built upon God's principles. Sometimes such initial testing was organized in total contradiction with an individual's background and educational skills, not due to a lack of consideration, as mentioned previously, but for a very special purpose. During that pen'od of testing, the novices would not be left on their own with their inner life. They would be part of the spiritual life of the monastery. They would be assigned an ispovednik (confessor), a staretz (elder) to whom they would confess their deeds and thoughts on a daily basis and who could give them advice on how to t)etter fight their temptations. The elder could also be the one who would recommend that Father Abbott to give the novice another (usually more difficult) assignment as Father Abbott himself was a personal confessor of all startzy (all mentors) of the monastery. In fact being a mentor was considered also an obedience for the monks who were deemed appropriate for the role. 271

An elder monk or a novice could have more than one obedience on a regular or temporary basis. For example, during the hay collection tinne, even Father Abtxjtt worked in the field with the monks, just like a regular monk, which was also one of his methods of t)eing ot}edient Father Superior also assigned every monk or novice to an obedience for the monastery. He could move novices and monks around from one place to another and from one job to another, sometimes at their surprise and against their expectations, but always taking into account the needs of their personal salvation, the needs for straightening of their souls and their physical abilities, with the needs of the monastery as secondary. Therefore, as previously stated, novice practices could lead the novices either to become a part of monastic community or to leave the monastery. That usually happened after several years (two to five). However, even when they would become ryasophors monks, they could be assigned anytime to do the most difficult job, even if they would not like it The same thing is true about any rank at the monastery, including regular monks (the next step upward from a /yasop/ior monk), hiemmonk, or Father Abbott himself (he was responsible in doing his obedience to all monks, just like an Emperor is responsible to all people in the society). When the individual will was broken and that person would be ready to do any job that they were assigned to, they could t)e given an otjedience according to their level of experience or education. For example, Hieromonk Juvian (see Figure 4.95) was a pis'movodyityel'(bookkeeper) of Valamo Monastery. He died in 1957 in New Valamo in Finland. In his civilian life, before entrance to Valamo Monastery, he was a country schoolteacher. Apparently, he was a good typist and a good caliigrapher, therefore, he was assigned to be the monastery's bookkeeper. That was his obedience for the remainder of his life. Father Juvian was the Valamo nnonk who corresponded with the boy Alexiy who later become the Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia). Another example is Father Jacinth (Bichurin) who was a member of the Russian Orthodox Christian mission to China sent by the Russian govemment in 1805 along with the Russian ambassador. He remained in China for 14 years and learned Chinese firom scratch. He studied a great amount of Chinese literature and became the foremost expert on China whose research publications are used by the Orientalists woridwide. Father Jacinth was sent to Valamo later in his life, where he worked for three years as a librarian and translator of Chinese literature into Russian (see (Figure 4.96), according to Krivtzov (1988, p. 79). Such was his obedience (and such was his expertise). One should be reminded that Father Jacinth was not an ordinary monk who lived on Valamo. He was actually there in internal exile due to some problems he had with the church administration. Even so, he was given an ot>edience that took into consideration his background and experience. As an exile, he could have been sent to do the "dirty" work (e.g., muck the stables). However, the policy of the monastery was to place people in appropriate places where they could benefit the community. 272

TO

Figure 4.95. Monk Juvian, the Valanno bookkeeper (from his autobiography, Valaam Khristovoy Rusi, 2000, p. 382)

An outstanding smithy, horse breeder, mechanic, or anyone with special skills was assigned, usually, after the initial testing (which, as previously stated, depended on the individual and could last from two years to a longer period of time), to a place where his skills would benefit the monastery. Of course, almost every monk was a former peasant and (as such) an agriculturist, and agriculture was the main business of the monastery. Thus, the monastery was not looking for somebody with special skills in agriculture. Everyone had some level of experience with agriculture, and there were enough people coming firom Russia to the monastery who were good agriculturists at that time. 273

Figure. 4.96. Father Jacinth (Bichurin), Valanrio librarian and scholar of Chinese history, geography, language and culture (from Valaamskiy, 1987)

Nevertheless, when it came selecting someone for a foreign mission (of which a relatively very small percentage of the monks living at Valamo became a part), such as the mission to Alaska in 1794 or missions to other countries, the monastery selected people who were the most prepared for universal tasks. They could t)e linguists, educators, or know medicine and agriculture as well as enough theology to represent their church, their country, and their culture overseas. Such was Father Herman of Alaska who was a good agriculturist, educator and translator of the Bible to the Aleutian language. He lived on a small Spruce island where New Valamo Monastery is located in Alaska (see (Figure 4.97). (Father Jacinth was an exception to that rule because he happened to become a part of the mission to China only by chance and, later on, joined the monastic community of Valamo against his will [but who really knows, indeed].) A pilgrimage to the Islands of Valamo was also an essential part of monastery life. That occurred for several reasons. Contemporarily speaking, it was a way to: 1. advertise the monastery's agricultural and economic practices, and lifestyle; 2. draw attention to the monastery among the prospective nnembers of the community at-large; 274

Figure 4.97. New Valamo Monastery in Alaska (from The Orthodox Word, 1989)

3. deliver information about the monastery, including its agricultural practices and the whole lifestyle to the most distant parts of the country (when there was no such communication means as television or computers); and 4. acquire a temporary work force to join the monks during critical periods of the year, when there was a need for more people to t>ecome involved in agriculture. On one hand, the pilgrimages were sort of an initial step for those people who were considering to adopt the monastic lifestyle, and it was a part of an informal system of recruiting prospective members of the monastic community among the peasantry and, therefore, good 275

agriculturists. On the other hand, it was a way for the monastery to deliver information about itself to the Russian community at-large or to Orthodox people in other countries (such as Estonia, Finland etc., especially after the Revolution of 1917 when Valamo became isolated from Russia). The monastery was interested in spreading agricultural information and the information about its agricultural practices on the island because it would be making prospective recruits interested in joining the community, and it would also contribute the glory of the monastery as a model community on earth in terms of spirituality as well as living a simple, economical lifie. What is important is that the monastery provided conditions for active participation in agricultural practices and for spiritual healing as part of the process of daily obedience, both for the regular community members—^the monks, and for the visitors—whether pilgrims or extensran agents (if they so desired) from the Finnish government, or people staying there "for straightening sake" (alcoholics, etc., who were sent there against their will for a sort of forced retreat). The monastery, itself, was a model community for the people who visit it. Many approaches it practiced in its economic activities and in its social organization, as well as its informal educational practices, were quite different and quite unusual for people from the outside worid. The monastery required active participation, learning through doing (but not necessarily by doing of which there is a diffierence), in order to understand not only what was being done technologically, but also its related meaning spiritually. Another practice promoted by the monastery in the infomnal system of information about agriculture was schooling. The monastery had a school for children of the peasant fomilies of Finns and Karelians from the neighboring villages of Lake Ladoga's shores (see Figure 4.98 -100. The school had 30 children during the 1930s. It was not an orphanage as the children had parents. Nevertheless, their parents took advantage of free education and free living for their progeny at the monastery (plus, free food and clothing). In a way, the nnonastery was taking advantage of raising a new generation of people who would understand and appreciate the monastic lifestyle and who could spread word about their experiences with monastery's agriculture and economy, in general, to the places where they would live. Apart from that, there was a general idea to raise potential candidates for the monastery as the monastery was not acquiring enough memtiers during the period following the revolution, when all connections with Russia were closed. In addition, the idea of such education that the peasant children were receiving at Valamo School, was a combination of spiritual and practical knowledge. The largest part of it was agricultural knowledge combined with the spiritual Orthodox Christian culture. The reverse side of the informal agricultural educational system on Valamo (if one can call it a system, which I think we can) was Vaiamo's connection with Finnish extension agronomists and agricultural specialists who were visiting the archipelago in the 1920s and 1930s. Apparently, there was no cooperation between the monastery and the extension agricultural specialists from Finland. 276

Figure 4.98. The first school at Valamo Monastery (picture taken between 1903 and 1905, from Valamo and its message, 1982, p. 44)

Figure 4.99. School for peasant children at the Red (New Jerusalem) small-and-secluded Monastery on Mt Zion, 1933 (from Valamo Monastery's photo archive at Uusi- Valamo (Heindvesi, Suomi-Finland). 277

Figure 4.100. Schoolchildren, the residents of the monastery during haymaking. Notice the monastery's ferm (cow bam) in the background (Valamo Monastery's photo archives, Uusi Valamo, Heindvesi, Suomi-Finland)

The reason (as previously mentioned) was a lack of understanding of the specific purposes of Valamo agriculture on the part of Finnish extension agents and their somewhat hostile attitude towards the Russian monastery. On the other hand, the monastery already had an informal system of extension (which was a combination of types of informal agricultural education that have been listed in the beginning of this subsection). Therefore, the nwnastery could not find and did not want or did not need to find any lines of cooperation along which the Finnish extension and the monastery's agriculturists could work together towards the fulfillment of the same or of similar goals. One of the purposes of extension is to enable the most advanced and innovative practices in agriculture to reach the consumer—a place where they can be applied or demonstrated to other people who might be interested in using them. Valamo was exactly such place. Valamo Monastery maintained permanent contact (for decades) with the research centers such as the Imperial Botanical Gardens of E. L. Roegel in St. Petersburg, the Main Geophysics Observatory, and with the Imperial Horticultural Society. It published books that informed others about the agricultural practices of the monastery. It also educated rank-and-file monks during trapezes (dining time) by reading some useful agricultural publications to them aloud.

Valamo archipelago, with all its branches of agriculture, could be termed as a nrKXlel demonstration center for innovative methods of agricultural production and of dairy farming. However, 278 it did not have any specific agricultural training center or school, for the simple reason that agricultural education was a part of the everyday life of the monastery.

Changes needed for Russian agricuttural education today The concept of extension is new to Russians. First, extension involves a free flow of information between the consumers and the producers of such. The word "free" means unregulated. There are certain advantages, but in order to visualize how it might work, one should understand who are today's consumers of such information and who are the producers. Under the old Soviet system (as mentioned previously), the agricultural producer (a peasant in a collectivized farm or a state farm laborer) was not interested in the quality of agricultural information being received. The entire process of production was under the rigid control of the Communist Party and everyone else in the chain of agricultural production was merely a performer. if the Communist Party deemed it necessary, it could consult with agricultural sp)ecialists located in scientific research organizations, such as experimentation or research institutes. The system of such institutes in Soviet Russia was quite wide and also highly centralized. There were several different academies of sciences whose functions were to coordinate efforts of the respective research institutions under their supervision in order to fulfill the needs explained in a five-year plan that was adopted on the next in turn Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. There were, for example, such academies as the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union which organized in it a networic of the research institutes that were conducting fundamental research, and the otraslyevyye-s academies (sort of "branch academies') that were embracing different practical research-oriented institutions (e.g., the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of the Soviet Union, the Academy of Agricultural Sciences of the Soviet Union and the Academy of the Medical Sciences of the Soviet Union). These academies functioned as merely the departments of the centi^l Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, which was a part of the Central Communist government and which was directed (formally and informally) by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Thus, on one side there was, essentially, one producer of any kind of research information because any new idea and any kind of innovation (whether in agriculture, education or any other area) could only go to the consumer through the pyramid of the Soviet government, in accordance with the general political line expressed in the recent five-year plan program adopted by the Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. If, for example, an agricultural scientist or an agricultural educator would want to propose something that, as he realized, would be helpful for someone involved in education or in the process of agricultural production (e.g., any kind of innovative practice, method, or technical idea), he would have no chance to be heard even if he could go directiy to a consumer and to demonstrate the advantages of the practice that he wanted to offer them (for free)! 279

He had to go to the government, and not to the local, but to the Central Soviet Govemnnent through every step of the pyramid. It would involve reaching his boss, and then the boss of his research institute, and then the Branch Ministry (at least a certain department of it). Now, if he could manage to get approval of the Ministry (and that was not a simple process, as there was much corruption), then the Ministry would pass it down to the respective production branch of the government and, hopefully, it would eventually reach the "consumer" of the agricultural information (the lowest production level of the govemment, such as kolkhoz—a collective farm, or sovkhoz—a state farm). In a manner of speaking, the govemment itself was playing the role of an extension link within itself. Of course, under the Soviet Union, there also were independent producers, such as people growing vegetables, etc., in their small personal plots (600 sotok, i.e.. 600 square meters). Although the produce grown on such plots was very essential for the country's peasants' markets (where most people could get everything they wanted even in the hungriest years), the producers of such agricultural produce were not really consumers of agricultural information in any organized form within the Soviet system, if they were not agriculturists, themselves, traditionally (because of the peasant background of somebody in their families), or by education, they had to satisfy their need for agricultural infonmation by reading some popular brochures and other literature that was not very abundant at that time. As such, the govemment that was functioning as an extension system, was not considering them as a link in the chain of extension information production and consumption. Naturally (or to say otherwise, quite unnaturally), there was no such thing as non- govemmental communities of producers. For example, all the lands were taken away from the monasteries soon after the Communist Revolution, and the monasteries themselves were destroyed. What remained was a totalitarian govemment and its slaves. After the breakdown of the Soviet Union (and already during the perestroika years), an array of diverse consumers of agricultural information appeared. The types of consumers of such information could be classified as follows: 1. Private farms. The farming movement was very promising in the first perestroika years, however, since 1996, or maybe even eariier, it was on a downslide. 2. Different types of independent agricultural associatkjns. Such associations were: tovaristchestvas and kooperativys (cooperatives), kommunys (communes), aktzionyemyye obstchyestvas (shareholding companies in agriculture), kolkhozys (collective farms), and monasteries and other types of religious associations and churches (non-Orthodox and Orthodox). 3. Adult agricultural schools. These schools were for prospective ^rmers, the people who could not find a place in the mafia (a.k.a. market) economy, according to their education and wanted to have some security for their ^milies and themselves. They were former engineers from the factories that were sold or closed, former military discharged firom the armed forces. 280

former scientists, medical doctors and educators. These professions were not needed in present-day Russia or such people would not get paid enough to sustain their ^milies and to be able to exist themselves. 4. Middle and high schools. These school are located in the countryside and are feced with the necessity to leam new and unusual things about agriculture (much more than just how to operate certain types of agricultural machinery and how to calculate trudodnis - a form of payment when the people in rural areas formerly received day-units per person of labor spent in their collective famn throughout the years. The Soviet govemment (read: Collective farm) allocated some produce and some money to them in the end of each year, after the collective ^nn sold the produce to the governmental bodies in charge of such purchases). They now needed to leam diverse business and marketing skills, something about agricultural credit, and certain basics of agronomy and animal husbandry if they wanted to run a ^rm or if they wanted to survive practicing agriculture in whatever capacity. The biggest problem with Russia's agriculture now is not even the fact that the land sales are forbidden. The land can only be rented for an extended period of time. The biggest problem with this system is the fact that people, especially the young generation: • Lost their interest to Arming, and what is most important, the belief that Arming can provide a secure income and one can make a living by farming; • Lost their knowledge of Arming practices that formeriy was passed on firom generation to generation of Russian peasant ^milies, before the Communists started their policies of decimating agriculture as a system, eliminating peasantry as a class, and of shifting the rural population around the country; and • Lost their feeling of sacredness, not only for land on which they live, but of the Orthodox traditions and the pride in their country. Therefore, I should say, there is a bold need in extension and in agricultural outreach, not to mention the greatest problem of the upbringing the new generation of Russians who would find their place in this worid through re-establishing their connections with Orthodox traditions, with their land, and with their national culture. Who can provide such information? When one compares the current status of extension in Russia with what it was under the Soviet Union, we can see the following situation: 1. The chain of Russian research institutions has disintegrated. Many were cut off from Russia with its current borders and have fallen behind the boundary of the so-called newly independent states. Many institutions among those that have survived are involved in trades, and in non-research related activities, etc. 2. The Soviet govemment was transformed. Nevertheless, the current govemment is run by the same types of people as under Soviet Communism. A good example is the so-called 281

President Putin, who is a former KGB officer and whose grandfether was a personal cook for Lenin and Stalin. The Russian govemment no longer has a goal of providing a means for consumers and producers of agricultural information to communicate. Therefore, the highly abbreviated function of extension that the Soviet govemment had through its command- administrative system, has now been totally eliminated. The govemment is concemed with its own survival, or as ex-Colonel of KGB Stanislav Lunev said in his presentation to the Prophecy Club in Kansas City in 1998, "I don't know how to explain that, but the Russian govemment absolutely does not care about its own people!" Lunev's (1988) speech can be accessed on the videotape, A Russian defector's invasion warning. 3. A number of diversified agricultural associations came into existence. These formed in place of the formerly existing two types: the kolkhoz (the collective farm) and the sovkhoz (the state ^nm). In the current situation, and especially taking into account the fact that the land in Russia cannot be bought or sold, there is no universal organization or channel of communication that can deliver agricultural information to the consunner(s). On the other hand, there are many possibilities that came into existence after the changes that took place in the former Soviet Union during the last decade. These possibilities include; independent radio stations, newspapers which number has increased significantly, computer communications networks, improving networks of telephone communications in rural areas and cell-phone networks etc. Of course, Russian roads continue to be bad, but I do not think that this would be critical for delivery of agricultural information in any country unless one considers the delivery of relief goods. it is very likely that under such circumstances it is not possible to develop a centralized or, let us say, centrally designed system of communications for extension purposes that one could actually call extension. The idea of extension is in the air, but who will start it? The Russian govemment does not have any money or at feast does not want to spend any money on social projects such as this. There was an attempt made by the USDA to sponsor a $25,000,000 project on developing the system of extension in Russia. Vice-President Gore was supposed to sign it, but when the carrying the fomner Russian Minister of External Affoirs Primakov was on its way to Washington, D.C., the U.S. bombed Serbia, and the plane went right back to Moscow without landing on U.S. soil. As a result, the project was never started (Novotorov, 2000). The contemporary govemment of Russia would be involved in something like setting up a nationwide extension system in Russia, if somet>ody would fund it If there is no money up front, they are not interested in anything that can help to move the country forward. They are interested only in their own pockets. This is quite a different attitude from what we had under the monarchy! Thus, practically speaking, the contemporary govemment of Russia simply has no authority over the country that is presently controlled by different mafia groups. They have guns, for sure, and 282 they have territory that they can keep awhile with those guns. In addition, they have money that they keep borrowing from Westem governments and they have money that they stole from Russians (through different forms of illegal privatization that followed perestroika and the alleged "coup' of 1991). That is all they have—they have no moral authority over the country's future and they have no responsibility for anything that is going on in that country. They are only concerned with their own survival.

The Role of Monasteries as a Prospective Nucleus of a Russian Extension System The monasteries in present-day Russia have the following important features that provide hope that they can substitute the government of Russia in terms of developing the key elements of an extension system: 1. The monasteries are self-organizing entities that are government-like. They are self- functioning units that have; production, administration, population and protection (defense) features all combined within them. They are not as large as the state government (e.g., the govemment of the Karelian Republic), but if one looks simply at their organizational side, and not their spiritual side (i.e., religious side), they function similarly to that of a govemment within its own territory. They are sovereign entities, to certain limits, that control their own members and the population located on their temtories and adjacent to those territories. 2. With future developments, the monasteries can have their own finances, their own lines of communications and their own supplies, as well as their own research units that would be independent from the govemment of Russia and not directly connected with it (other than through the Central church administration in Moscow). Their primary goal is not only to take spiritual care of themselves, but also to take care of the people that live nearby. It is according to the Orthodox tradition (I am not talking here about the actual situation). It is important to understand that the monasteries would not substitute the govemment but will take over some of the functions of the local govemment. In addition, their number has increased drastically in the last ten years, and it appears that Russia will eventually be covered by a whole network of monasteries like it was before the Revolution of 1917. 3. Historically, the monasteries were cultural, spiritual and educational centers as well as centers of technological development With their influence and their numbers increasing presently in Russia, they could resume their previous roles in the society, irregardless of the position of the Russian Orthodox Church relative to the govemment of Russia. (There is now a trend of continuing political compromises between the church and the govemment on many grounds.) 4. The educational aspect of the monasteries is especially important, as they are the centers where practical education in agricultural and other areas of technologies can be combined with experience and can be tied to a high spiritual goal of selfless devotion to the Lord and to 283

the country. They can be centers for agricultural education and for demonstration of agricultural practices, even if this would not be formalized as any kind of extension system (monastery-based). It is very hard to say whether the development of a system of monasteries will eventually push the development of an extension system that is independent from the government, or whether the monasteries can completely substitute the govemment in many aspects on local level, especially when it comes to the dissemination of agricultural information. There are several uncertainties that confront Russia: economic dilemmas; the catastrophe of Russian research and educational system; and the fact that many problems that cannot be solved on a governmental or on a local level, such as the problem with land ownership—it is still not people's, as it is owned, without exception, by the govemment. Most likely, it would be appropriate to say about certain elements of an extension system that would be monastery-based due to the fact that Russian Orthodox Church, as an organization, is now progressing faster than the Russian govemment.

Emerging Elements of a Monastery-Based Extension System in Lake Ladoga (Karelia) and in Ingennanland Regions and the Transfer of Agricultural Technologies in Time The current situation in Russia is that there is no extension. There is no extension as a system and there is no extension as a form of communication between a producer and a consumer of agricultural infonmation, whichever way one might interpret it What is worse than that it would not be too extreme to say that there are no consumers of agricultural information, although there is a need for them. The entire country is currently in turmoil. The position of the farmers is not secure (i.e.. let us not call them farmers, but independent renters of land). Nobody knows what is going to happen in the country politically, and nobody can guarantee that anyone who dares to get involved in agriculture will have their land. Therefore, we are not talking about building an extension system in Russia now. It is not very smart to say that this can be accomplished in today's Russia. What is more important to think about (as well as realistic) is to think at)out setting up an example for farming—for such farming that is based on methods that are sustainable, that are (what are more commonly called in Russia) environmentally pure, and that are using minimal resources and funds. Then, once that model of an agricultural system is made available, one can hope that this knowledge will be spread and delivered to potential consumers using different informal methods of delivery of agricultural information, particulariy those that can later become the part of a local system of extension that would ennerge from a local initiative (and not necessarily connected to the govemment). This problem cannot be solved in the entire country at once. It has to sfart locally. Valamo Monastery is a perfect place where such initiative can start Here one has a community that: • is organized; 284

• is, to a certain extent, independent from the outside world politically and, what is most important, economically; • has an interest in establishing good ties, both economic and "political', with its neighboring communities, as it cannot survive in complete independence on the island; and • is (or at least, supposed to be) a religion-based economy; therefore, should have an interest in developing a human-oriented economy and a human-oriented system of informal agricultural education; nevertheless, it should not be looking into the profit as a primary motivation for the agricultural production system that it is trying to recreate (develop) on the Island of Valamo. Some specific problems are related to how the elements of such communication and the local organizations, farms and groups of civilians should come into existence. First, Valamo monastery is not a single organization on the Island of Valamo. There are others such as the State Forestry of Valamo, the military unit, the Historical and Natural Museum-Refuge of the State of Karelia, and the independent groups of people such as permanent civilian residents of the island and the hired employees of the museum who reside there during the summer season, not to mention different other small groups of people. Those entities are not under the jurisdiction of the monastery, and the monastery has no vested interest in helping them to survive or to continue living on the island. Nevertheless, the monastery has to find the way of, if not cooperating with these people, integrating their activities into the activities of the nx>nastery on the island, or maybe just co-existing with them. This is a task that requires a great deal of communication skills by itself. Of course, the most natural way of solving the problems of the island would be to let all civilians and non-monastery related organizations leave the archipelago and let the monks take care of their own problems and the problems of the island. But this is not how it is going to tie. The monastery is the most powerful organization on the island now, but the monastery is not the same monastic organization that it used to be. This is not only because of its economic situation, but also because of the quality of monks currentiy inhabiting the monastery. The current monks were brought to the island by the Soviet govemment, many having no previous experience with a mral existence and agricultural-related matters. The monks at the monastery have themselves to leam about their own mission which they do not have quite a feeling about yet They also have to develop that special kind of attitude towards the land and environment that has a sense of sacredness in it (not to mention their spiritual and ecclesiastical problems at the monastery, which we do not have any reason to discuss here). They have to find a good example for monastic lifestyle themselves. They have to develop an ascetic feeling for the work and life habits that existed on the island before the previous monastery was forced to evacuate. This is where history can help. They can use pre-Worid War II Valamo Monastery as an example for spiritual life as well as an example for agricultural production. 285

Everything that transpires at the Monastery of Vaiamo currently has to be re-evaluated, first against practices that existed at the monastery prior to Worid War II. This brings up the importance of access to archival knowledge (that was reviewed for this dissertation). In addition, they need access to all kinds of information that can be made available to them, and that can t)e obtained from txxsks or from previous research efforts. Without knowledge of the past, they have no future. Nevertheless, what is most important is to t)ecome a "light in the lives of others." What I mean by this statement is that the Monastery of Vaiamo can become a great model for various farming enterprises in the area of Lake Ladoga, primarily in Karelia and in Ingermanland. It can become a center to advance agricultural knowledge and to move the unique agricultural practices suited for that area of the northern region to other areas in the Russian north (regions of Karelia and all across Siberia). There are two main goals that such a center would have on Vaiamo as it pertains to agricultural education; • To develop an agricultural educational center that would be similar to a living history farm; it would be a center for demonstrating agricultural technologies that can use minimal resources but is also is oriented on producing enough food for the area; • To design the center so it would not only allow pilgrims to Vaiamo to take part in the process of agricultural production and learn the technological side of it, but also acquire the spirit of the right attitude towards the land, that is to say, a non-exploitive attitude. The Monastery of Vaiamo has practically infinite opportunities in terms of helping local people in the area in such a way. It would be important to have such a center even now, when the agriculture on Vaiamo has not yet been completely restored. It would be something similar to the agricultural experiment station at Iowa State University, only with the idea that it would be part of the monastery, not of the university. The idea behind American land-grant institutions is a combination of practice, theoretical teaming and availability of both for the broader population. This is exactiy what can happen in Russia with the extension system that would be based at the monastery. First, the networic of universities (considering the large spaces of Russia) is not as wide as in America. On the other hand, as previously mentioned, there were formeriy more than 1,000 monasteries in Russia prior to the Communist revolution. If every one of them has a littie economy and (most likely) agriculture, because under the current conditions in Russia the monasteries have to be self-sufficient in food, than one can imagine a whole network of agricultural experiment stations based at the monasteries. It would not prevent, in the future, linking them together or connecting them with major central or local research institutions or with higher educational institutions. On the other hand, each monastery is usually more than just one entity, as one can see using the example of Vaiamo Monastery. It is a set of small and secluded monasteries, churches-in-town 286

and remote farms. Each monastery is also a network of communications between those entities that are a part of it. It is possible that the monastery could send to each of these places at least one monk who has previous training at the central location at Valamo. One must take into consideration the fact that the majority of the monks that are coming to the Monastery of Valamo now are former townsmen or intellectuals. Many, if not all, do not have a prior experience in agriculture, before entering the monastery. The function of such representatives in each local outlet of "Valamo Monastery" would be to gather the information about the needs of the local community of residents of the area and to help them in obtaining information about low-input sustainable agricultural practices that are used on Valamo. It is also essential to create a data bank of information on indigenous technologies which will incorporate all the available information from the archives (similar to the one that had been created by late Dr. Michael Warren at the CIKARD center at Iowa State University). Such an informational database would not necessarily serve solely the purposes of improving agricultural production only at Valamo. but it would also contain available information on sustainable technologies, or, in other words, on ecologically pure technologies. Such centers would establish close relations with farms, local schools, educational institutions, and government offices. In fact, involvement should only be to a necessary extent with the latter ones, as they are not involved in agricultural production, themselves, and cannot be considered consumers of agricultural information. The monastery would have an advantage then to attract a large enough workforce to help with the restoration of the agricultural system that existed prior to Worid War II, because the people who would come to receive any needed information related to agriculture. They would arrive at one of the monastery's outlets, such as the ones listed above, would naturally be interested to see the place where such practices (at least, a certain portion) have tieen already been carried out On the other hand, such practical pilgrimages would also serve the idea of developing a spirit of Christianity in people en masse, mainly a spirit of Christian attitude towards land. They would be sort of internally functioning in the country on permanent agricultural missions. Therefore, the proposed system has a few components that can function currently because monasteries, such as Valamo, already have an available network: • A demonstration farm on Valamo based on the restoration of pre-Worid War II agricultural technologies on Valarrm; • A set of agricultural experinnent stations in those places where there are "outlets" of Valamo Monastery, such as small-and-secluded monasteries, churches-in-town. monastery farms on the mainland, etc. 287

• An informational data t)ank of indigenous technologies involving not only the information about the agricultural practices of Valamo Monastery in the past, but also information about

any "resource-protective' technologies that can be adopted and used in any area; • A system of agricultural education through the extension efforts through the monk agents on site at each location of the monastery and its outlets; • A plan to involve visitors in daily agricultural activities of the Monastery on Valamo during pilgrimages or during the visits to the demonstration farm.

Conclusion The main features of such a system of agricultural technologies transfer through the extension efforts of the monastery would be: • Openness to all kinds of people interested in practical aspects of agriculture; • Availability for everybody (as the monastery could house them free and feed them for free in exchange for their efforts contributing to the agricultural works of the monastery - during the visits to the experiments farm); • Low need for financial input (as the system has been practically existing already, except for the database and the demonstiation farm on Valamo Island; it just has to be "turned" with its right side to the people). Overall, it would be a perfect combination of a Russian grass-root development effort based on empowering monks and civilians who are willing to become independent farmers, with the agricultural technologies that were already used in that area in the past, that were successful, and that were forgotten, and of the American experience in setting up a successful extension system. In other words, it would be a combination of democracy (Western style) and spirituality (Russian style) that can bring about the successful faiits, in terms of restoration of agriculture and recreation of an agricultural class through the monastery-based extension efforts, in modem Russia. 288

CHAPTERS: DISCUSSION

Upon review of the philosophical statement in this dissertation, the preceding chapters, and the results of the study, it might t)e reasonable to conclude that education is a system of acquisition of moral values that are proven through knowledge and experience that ultimately enable any human being to attain such a level of decision-making in life, that comes from a direct order from God, or understandings based on God's will in our lives. I think that this definition should have a slight addition for the purposes of this chapter. It is important to note that education is not a substitute for directly following God's will. It is a way that we can master ourselves by putting ourselves in conjunction with God's will. One other important part of education is that it is more successful when it is guided by more experienced people, the people who can pass on that mastership to other novices. Consequently, the essential part of education is communication in both directions: from leamer (novice) to teacher (master) and vice versa. God created education as a tool for self-improvement, spiritual growth, and growth in understanding of His will through systematic study of His laws dealing with the inner and outer essence of a human being's soul and the Universe. Any kind or amount of progress does not need to be sp)ecifically noted if one takes this term in its positive sense, both spiritually and materially. Progress is impossible without education, i.e., without passing on knowledge and nnastership from one human being to another in order to help in the gradual process of self-improvement According to Martin (private communication, 1996), extension (one form of agricultural education) is not a system. It is a communication. It is a system of communication; nevertheless, in a pure sense, it does not have to be a system. Besides the ^ct that the statement above is an interesting and unusual definition of the term of education, it also represents a deep thought, not because the nature of the word "extension", so-to- speak, means to extend [a hand] to someone. On the contrary, I think this definition indirectiy describes the conditions under which an extension can exist There always has to be two partners, or two participating sides in an educational process, particulariy in the process of extension (theoretically there could be more sides than two). Extension helps those who benefit from learning at)out new and unusual information, whether or not the access to knowledge is provided. It also helps those who have shared this knowledge to generate new knowledge for themselves and for the others. It is indeed a process of mutual empowerment through structuring or constructing a more comprehensive vision that can be shared with others. 289

Educational Systems and Prasent Day Human Upbringing Influences of Freethinking, and the Survival of Church Influence Today, one important factor is missing in secular educational systems (i.e.. in secular elementary, middle and high schools as well as in colleges, universities and in other educational settings, such as in extension). It is a factor of human upbringing. In the past, practically all educational institutions were tightly connected with the church. This was true in the Middle centuries in Europe and practically in any country before the era of the French Revolution, before the age of so-called enlightenment and technical progress that continues to the present; before the age when human societies started their "democratization* process (i.e., the process of alienation from God's principles, from Christian laws in govemment and in practically every aspect of social life), and before the idea of secularization and anti-clericalism proclaimed by the freemasons who organized French Revolution, took over the majority of human minds. Of course, one does not need to do an in-depth historical analysis in order to understand that the culture of both Western (European and American) and Eastern (Greek and Russian) civilizations, that dominate the whole world now, is Christian. Christianity played a key role in developing civilized society as we know it today. Leo Tolstoy, who studied many religions of the worid, including ancient and , made a conclusion that Christianity is the highest step of culture (E. A. Andreeva, private communication, 1985). It was not a purpose of the current study to bring about evidence of a strong influence of Greek and Byzantine Orthodox culture on the development of Russian society (Kievan Rus). The development of Russia—its growth as a country and as a unique culture, t)eginning from her adoption of Christianity in 988, to the present—was possible only because Christianity formed her spiritual life for more than one thousand years. This is an axiom that does not need to be proved because church influence in Russian life historically is so great and so widely known, even to the Western scholars who are in many cases biased against Russian cultural and educational tradition. They often deny the uniqueness of such a tradition and prefer to overemphasize the influence of the Westem line in the history of Russia, especially after the Peter-the-Great reforms at the turn of the 18"* century. St. Prince Vladimir, who adopted Orthodox Christianity, made a wise choice over several other religions that were "offered" to him at that time and that were intended to replace paganism of Kievan Rus (Russia); Orthodox Christianity, Catholicism, and Mohameddanism (). As a result of this adoption of Eastern Orthodox Christianity, Russia grew stronger, she developed a national govemment structure that was based on the highest moral principles. She later expanded to become both the greatest (influential) and largest (territorial) Empire on Earth, and she developed an inimitable culture that, according to Gibbs (cited in an untitled church brochure. 1951), was an absolutely unique one. Mr. Gibbs was a Brifa'shman, who worked as a teacher and a mentor of the Russian Emperor's son. Alexiy (later bloodily executed by the Bolsheviks). He was saying that the Christian 290

Emperor's Russia was such a pearl in history that nothing could tie compared with her. "Russians," he he stated, "took all the best from both East and West Now that pearl is gone forever. And we should study it as we, perhaps, do study Roman or Greek cultures* (untitled church brochure, 1951.) Generations of Russian people were nurtured by the Christian govemmentai system, Christian way of doing business, and the Christian system of education. Russia was fortunate to have a Christian society until the beginning of the 20"^ century until 1917. This enabled Russia to oppose the atheistic revolution and protect itself from the destructive influences of secular humanism that was bom in the revolutionary tumrKSil that had t}een spreading over Europe from the inception of French Masonic Revolution of the 18**' century and throughout the 19'" century. Education played an important role in Russian society. When this researcher talks about Russian society, I assume it is the way it had been in the 19°^ century. Although my dissertational research was centered around the educational phenomena that existed in the first part of the 20*" century, and Valamo Monastery as a location from which the data were collected, it is important to note that the agricultural education system of Valamo Monastery and of other parts of the Russian Empire (such as Finland, Poland, etc.) had formed in the 19*" century being a part of growing economic and spiritual organism of the Russian Empire. Finland and Poland remained independent from Bolshevism until 1940 (i.e.. until the de-^cto beginning of World War II). Worid War II tiegan the second major evolutionary step in the 20*" century that changed the traditional ^ce of Europe, similar to the effects of Worid War I had on the destruction of the Russian Empire. Czar Peter I (the Great) made many changes in the educational system in Russia. He secularized it while making it more Westem-like, both in its structure and in Uie formation of principles of education. Even though educational institutions in post-Peter I Russia were still sti'ongly based on Christian philosophy at all levels, secularism began to dominate. The idea behind education in Russia, particulariy in the 19*" century, was not only to develop a specialist who would be ready for a technical or professional career, but also to create a worthy member of society. Worthiness for the society was considered as readiness, according to Pobedonostzev (Russian Minister of Education and a strong proponent of Christian principles in education and govemnnent)—readiness to serve the Lord, the Czar and the Motheriand (Huntentierg, 1909). However, as previously mentioned, after Czar Peter I's revolutionary changes in the Russian government and society, that affected the degree of influence and the position of the church in society, the role of the church in the Russian culture still stayed the same. It remained the same, although there was a strong influence by Masonic secularism as the Russian educational system that steadily grew throughout the IS*" century when she opened her gates to the West Secularism was being propelled by the Masonic connections of prominent Russian nobles who were educated in the West and supported by the efforts of well-known freemasonic publishers. Many of these publishers 291 such as Novikoff, and rosicrucians, such as I. Ye. Schwartz, established their printing works at the universities. They spread French Masonic revolutionary thinking through the publication of the works of such freethinkers as Voltaire and Russeau, and Russian native revolutionaries such as Radistchev (who. according to Empress Catherine the Great was more a rebel than the infamous Pugatcheff, an executed leader of the bloody army of brigands who was a pretender of the Russian throne under her rule) (Radistchev, 1995). This role of the Russian Orthodox church stayed the same during the course of the 19*^ century, after the abolition of secret societies and Masonic lodges by Emperor Nicholas I (B. Bashilov. year unknown), followed the ^iled attempt of Russian freemasons to cause an uprising similar to French Revolution in 1925 (so-called 'Decembrists uprising") (Downar-Zapolski, 1906.) According to Boris Bashilov (year unknown). Marquess Paulucci. the Governor of the Baltic Provinces of Russia, said in his report to Emperor Alexander I, a predecessor of Nicholas I and his brother. "The French revolution is not like anything that people had seen in all previous centuries. It is time now for the govemnnents to understand that the principles that pushed forward that revolution cannot be stopped othenA/ise than by the principles that are directly opposite to them" (p. 6). On the other hand, but still addressing the same point, these principles of revolutionary materialism are expressed in the "Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion' (Protocol # 4): But even freedom might be harmless and have its place in the State economy without injury to the well-t)eing of the peoples if it rested upon the foundation of ^ith in God. upon the brotherhood of humanity, unconnected with the conception of equality, which is negativated by the very laws of creation, for they have established subordination. With such a ^ith as this a people might t>e governed by a wardship of parishes, and would walk contentedly and humbly under the guiding hand of its spiritual pastor submiting to the dispositions of God upon earth. This is the reason why it is indispensable for us to undermine all faith, to tear of minds out of the [masses] the very principle of Godhead and the spirit, and to put in its place arithmetical calculations and material needs. (Protocols, 1934) (The "Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion" were originally obtained through the Russian Secret Police (Czarist okhrana) by General Rachkovsky, who was a resident in Paris, France, and published by the Russian Orthodox writer, Serge Nilus. in 1905). The "Protocols" are claimed to be a set of lectures presented on the program of obtaining world control and creation of one worid govemment by a prominent Zionist economist or leader. It was represented in this manner, however, there are a number of authors who claim they are a forgery. One is a retired Iowa State University history professor. Dr. Don Rawson. On the other hand. a number of researchers say they are geniune, e.g., Henry Ford (1920) in his book. The international Jew. The world's foremost problem. Naturally, one cannot rely on either opponents or proponents of their authenticity, because their origin is truly unknown. Henry Ford's bias can be discounted because he was one of the well-known financial supporters of Adolf Hitier (Pool & Pool, 1978). 292

There is also another group of researchers who purport that the Protocols are original in content but a forgery in authorship. What is meant is that the content of Protocols does reflect a plan of world domination that indeed exists, however, it has little to do with the worid Jewry. Instead, the alleged Jewish origins of the Protocols were exploited by the most secret organization of llluminati who wanted to sfr up anti-semitism in Russia during the First Russian Revolution of 1905. (A.Kh., 1999.) The Protocols appeared in hands of Serge Nilus in 1905, but he never announced the source. The content of Protocols is actually an exact reflection of the message of one llluminati group to another which was discovered on the body of an llluminati courier killed in Bavaria by lightning at the end of the 18*" century (Syelyaninov, 1911). Thus, when one talks about the statement quoted from "Protocols" that says: 'it is indispensable for us... to tear of minds out of the [masses] the very principle of Godhead and the spirit, and to put in its place arithmetical calculations and material needs." we really can see that this is part of the llluminati plan (the secret society founded by Adam Weishaupt in the IS*" century) to achieve worid domination and overthrow Christian governments. Christian Czars and Christianity itself, and to substitute it with a religion and the power of the Antichrist in a globally controlled society (Epperson, 1999.) Another point about that group is the feet that the llluminati is the group, that apparently controls many, if not all, secret societies of the worid. According to Epperson (1999), they are above Freemasons, and according to the former satanic priest, Wamke (1972), they are also above the Satanic organization. It is now known that Kari Marx was a satanist As Epperson stated in his book The unseen hand (1990), "It was no coincidence that his change in his basic t)elief came after he joined the highly secret satanist church... By 1841 his conversion was neariy complete as a friend of his observed; Marx calls the Christian religion one of the most immoral of religions. Not only did Marx attack the Christian religion, but the Jewish religion as weir (p. 18). Being from Communist Russia myself and having been through such organizations as the YCL (Young Communist League, or Komsonrwl - Lenin's Communist Yourth Organization) and The V. I. Lenin All-Union Young Pioneers Organization etc., i.e., having the first-hand experience with how youth are being recruited for Communist organizations in Russia, I can say that this exactly reflects the system created and maintained at the universities by the church of satan in the U.S.A., according to Wamke's recollections. When there are two diferent organizations with similar or identical goals, when both their structure and the way that they attract new members are the same, it is reasonable to assume that they are fulfilling the same goals, and even that they are controlled by the sanrie interest groups or supporters. Such, I believe, are txith satanist and Communist organizations that are controlled by llluminati. Apparently, the role of the llluminati can be shown on the following scheme: 293

COMMUNISM

ILLUMINATI FREE­ MASONRY

SATANISM

Figure 5.1. The connections between llluminati, secret societies, freemasonry and Communism (note: the dollar sign in the middle means that the llluminati organization and the international bankers are essentially the one entity; or, in other words, that the whole system of secret societies is maintained by the international banking system; (this, of course is a special topic — not the one that I can explore in this dissertation)

The reason for this passage in regards to the llluminati was to explain why the goal of materialism and anti-Christianity was so central in the Masonic organizations that influenced Russian society in the 19*^ century, when the political, military and educational models that formed the basis of Czar Peter I's society were instituted. According to Marquese Paulucci, in the book by Boris Bashilov) that was quoted previously (year unknown), in 19*^ century Russia "Masonic lodges... [were] comprised primarily of military officers, especially those who had retired from the military, and of many govemmental officials. It was a danger for society at that time.'... This perhaps explains why the educational system in Russia at that time, when church was part of the government (during the 294

18*" century when freemasonry flourished, and during th 19"* century, when freemasonry was abolished), was so much influenced by secular ideas and free-thinking. A famous Russian Christian philosopher of the 19*^ century, Ivan V. Kireevsky (1806-1856) (1996) said in his diaries that were found after his death: An ancient Russian, Orthodox Christian educational culture [literally, 'educatedness' - A.Kh.] that laid the foundation of all social and private ti^ditions of life in Russia, a culture that has shaped a very unique character of Russian mind striving for inner integrity of thinking, and that created a very special type of native Russian nwrals and manners that are imbued with constant remembrance of relations among all that is temporary with all eternal and all that is human with all divine—that educational culture... [is] still found among our people. However, Kireevsky (1996) continues, "...there is a different educational culture that prevails on the sur^ce of our life. That culture was txsrrowed and grew up from a different root' He meant Westem culture, the culture of liberal and revolutionary thinking (A. Kh.]. Kireevsky (1996) concludes; A contradiction of the basic foundations of such two antagonistic educational cultures is the most important reason, if not the only one, of all evils and shortcomings that could be noticed in our country. Therefore, a conciliation of both educational cultures through such thinking that woukJ have, in its foundation, a very root of ancient Russian educational culture, and would incorporate, in its development, a recognition of all achievements of Westem educational culture, while allowing it to have its implications [to our life] in the light of predominant Orthodox Christian philosophical thinking, — such conciliatory thinking could give birth to a new intellectijal life in Russia - and who knows? - maybe it could also hear some echoes among sincere Westem thinkers, those that are constantiy seeking tixith. This author feels strongly that Kireevsky accurately described the situation in education in post-Peter I Russia and, especially, in the 19*^ century. Russia in the 19"^ century was tiecoming westemized. The existence of Westem influence in Russia in the 19*" century manifested itself through official channels of the government as well as through unofficial channels of freemasonic organizations (that, according to Syelyaninov, existed throughout the 19*" century as hidden lodges, after the official abolishion of the freemasonry by the Czar) and throughout the educational institutions; public, vocational, agricultural and theological (spiritual). The church (if considered a purely Russian tradition) influenced the govemment and education also, but it had to struggle and co­ exist with the westem influences in society and in its institutions, including educational institutions.

Russian Native Educational Culture and the Role of Church Educational Traditions in Russia of the 20*^ Century and Today, with some Parallels to the Catholic Church in Westem Society

What was Russia's native educational culture, of Orthodox culture in education? His Eminence Anthony, the Meti'opolitan of Kiev and Galichina, states in his Russian pamphlet entitled \/Vhat is the difference between Orthodox Faith and the Westem Confessions: "It is evident that our contemporary theology that was created by Westem patterns, although being firee firom Westem errors, is still so far away from the real spiritual life of Orthodox Christians; it is so unrelated to it that it 295

is not only unable to direct ttie latter, but it cannot [even] reflect the latter" (Metropolitan Anthony, 1990.) Metropolitan Anthony continues in the same pamphlet "Orthodox ^ith is an ascetic ^ith. Orthodox theological thinking is one that does not maintain a lifieless heritage of scholastic research. It influences life itself and it is spread throughout the people. It is the study of ways of spiritual perfection." This is an important point Orthodox Christianity exudes asceticism, which is, as the Gospel says, "...our wrestling... not against flesh and blood; but against principalities and powers, against the rulers of the worid of this darkness, against the spirits of wickedness in the high places" (Ephesians 6; 12, Holy Bible, 1989). Thus, monasticism, in which asceticism is essential, is an integral part of the Orthodox ^ith. For this reason, when the Orthodox church in Russia flourished, Russia had so many monasteries where people asked for spiritual direction or for advice in family matters as well as in everyday life. One might say that the Catholic church also has influential monastic orders. This is not to deny the role of Catholic monasticism in Westem cultural development and upbringing of the masses of people. However, it is indeed sad, but true that the Catholic church became increasingly politicized while trying to survive in medieval Europe, through playing on interests of some potentates against others. This is best exhibited in the book of Zoe Oldenbourg (1966), The crusades. Freemasonry has conducted its undermining work against the Catholic church for centuries, and now has an undeniable influence in it, especially after the Second Vatican Council which has been called by some conservative Catholic scholars; "A French Revolution in the Catholic Church," when altars were literally destroyed in the churches and church life was re-organized based on the principles of liberalism and freedom of mind (Vennari, 1999). According to St Maximilian Kolbe, "The Freemasons follow this principle above all; "Catholicism can be overcome not by logical argument but by corrupted morals." And so they overwhelm the souls of men with the kind of literature and arts that will most easily destroy a sense of chaste morals, and they foster sordid lifestyles in all phases of human life..." (Bro. Charies Madden, 1995). The other problem that the Westem church experienced in its latest development, was a mix of secularization and ecumenism that affected the Catholic Church, especially in the 20*^ century. The result was, as the Greek priest Father George Lardas of Houston, Texas, said in a private conversation with this author, a loss of the idea of "pordvizhnichestvo", of asceticism, when the eternal goals in life would be prevailing over the immediate needs to satisfy the flesh and over material interests in life. Recently, this almost led the Catholic Church to become (although it is still strong as a church and still expouses uncompromized Christian thinking in life) a more social than spiritual (ecclesiastical) organization. The idea of a Holy Church is gradually being eroded, as depicted by David Yallop (1998) in his book atiout Pope John Paul i's murder (although this book itself and a story it relates it is questionable). 296

This is the way the Western mind is buiit Wtestemers naturally try to find a reasonable balance between satisfaction in their spiritual needs and satis^ction in their niaterial needs in their lives. This type of thinking, if related to spirituality, in general, does not place a predominate value on human life but rather serves as a convenient tool to justly organize everyday life, especially material life. This type of thinking (I believe) has as emerged and formed historically and has affected Western church confessionals. Perhaps, there is something in it that we do not understand, how it came into being. One thing is true, though, and that there is a diference, sometimes a directly opposite difference in the Western spiritual culture where there is a very high level of material progress (I have to use this word again), but the spiritual progress is sort of being dragged behind it In the Eastern culture, on the contrary, and particulariy, in the Russian culture, when there is a long history of cultivated belief in spiritual absolutes, and the things that are produced by material progress are not so religiously revered by people in their lives. Metropolitan Anthony (1996) continues, "Christianity is the teaching about gradual expelling of passions, about means and ways of gradual assimilation of virtues. The conditions are both intemally secured through feats and externally provided through dogmatic beliefs and sacramental rites which have only one purpose: to heal the sinful nature of man and to raise us to pertrotion." Such was the underiying idea of Russian traditional educational culture since the inception of Christianity in Russia, and until Peter the I reforms at the turn of the 18"* century which revolutionized the Russian state and subordinated the church to it This culture remained during the 18*^ century, when the ideas of the liberal thinkers and freemasons of France started putting their roots in Russian soil. It continued in the 19*^ century when society became increasingly secularized. Nevertheless, the Russian Orthodox culture and Christian values still prevailed in govemment and in society. It even prevailed after the Communist Revolution in Russia in 1917, when the church leaders and outstanding or simply good pastors (i.e., priests) were tortured and put to death for openly following their beliefs (i.e., the traditional Russian Orthodox culture). According to the txx)k, Russian Orthodox Pastors (19f and the beginning of 2(f century), published in Russian in Harbin, China, in 1942; In 1917, there were 360,000 clergymen of different denominations (primarily Russian Orthodox priests, bishops and deacons) in the Russian Empire. Two years later, in 1919, there were only 40,000. Where has the rest disappeared? The answer is, bluntly, they were tortured and mass-murdered. Civil war was raging (1917-1921) in Russia, and none (of those clergy) had left the country at that time. Russia was not the only country where Communism showed its true ^ce by tiving to expel the church from and alienating it from its traditional role in the system of govemment and education. Another good example in the 20"* century history is Spain. During the Spanish Civil war, terrible atrocities were committed in Spain by Communist Intemational forces guided by Stalinist Moscow. Leo Tolstoy mentions in his ^mous epic novel. War and Peace, (which is also a documentary) that 297 when the Ambassador of the Russian Emperor, Alexander I, arrived with a diplomatic mission to Napoleon Bonaparte, but was not successful in negotiations with the French Emperor, Napoleon mentioned, at some point, that Russia is a very religious country that has a lot of churches and monasteries. The Russian Ambassador replied; "But, Your Majesty, besides Russia, there is also the country of Spain out there where there are also a great number of churches and monasteries!" The Ambassador's point was that Napoleon lacked complete military success in his war in Spain; at least he was unable to subjugate the Spaniards' (Tolstoy. 1985). It is interesting to note that Spain has historical parallels with Russia, due to the role that the Catholic Church played there for centuries. The Spanish Church (similar to the Russian Church), had been the cradle and center of the educational system in Spain for centuries and generations in the past. The Spanish Church was the primary target of Communism during the Spanish Civil War (prior to World War II) similar to the Russian Orthodox Church as the primary target of Communist freethinkers in Russia during the Revolution of 1917, which was set up by Communist terrorists. They were prime targets because the churches in txjth countries raised and educated national patriotic intellectuals and leaders. Communist leadership in society could not be accomplished unless the new leaders could overtake the education of its future leaders, and unless the influence of the church in education and society was destroyed. The song of Communist Intemationale says, [author's translation from Russian] (Pesni rossiyskogo proletariata, CD, 2000): "We Will the New Worid Order Build, Our Leaders Will Be Scum of Earth!" The former German Minister, Or. Joseph Goebt>els. said to the Congress of National Socialist Workers' Party (NSDAP) in Nuremberg in September, 1936. about Communist policies in regards to the church, in relation to the Catholic Church in Spain in this case (translation from Russian edition); The details that we (earn about murders of priests and about ourages upon nuns are undescribable. Here are some examples. The Archbishop of Tarragona and the Bishop of the city of Lerida were killed (according to the Journal de Geneve). American Henry Harris corresponded that he witnessed the killing of 150 monks (according to the French newspaper, Matin)... In Piedralaves, a leader of Catholic workers, Don Dimas Madariaga, was murdered (according to the Journal de Geneve). In Tarragona, five priests were shot to death, one monk was trampled on his belly and tortured, and afterward he was shot (according to correspondence from German Heintz Hausmann). We receive news all the time about priests being beheaded and their heads being hauled along the streets. In Valencia, there were many rows of nuns executed and their bodies bumed. The priests from Adrero, las Kasao and Torrez were tormented in a most tem'ble way (according to Deutschland periodical). This list goes on..." 298

Goebbels continued in the same speech; The irreplaceable art treasures have been destroyed, the spiritual and intellectual elite of that country [of Spain] is eliminated. These people were executed: the Nobel Prize laureate Benavente, the famous play writer Alvarez Quintero and the artist Zuloaga (according to Daily Mail newspaper). Only in Barcelona, according to information from Professor Walter V. S. Cook, the Cathedral of Santa Anna was burned along with all other churches except one that was saved by chance. Famous iconostases of the 15** century in Vemnejo have been completely destroyed, the church of Santa-Maria-del-Mar was totally destroyed also. The church San-Pedro-de-las-Puelass built in the 9*^ century has left remaining from it only some walls. There Is nothing left from the famous monasteries of Barselona and from the Palace of Archbishop there. There we see a real face of Bolshevist Atheism which dares to say to other countries that it is ready to do a cooperative work with the church! [When we hear that], a picture of corpses of nuns that were thrown out of their coffins in Barcelona come to mind as a symbol of the violation by Bolshevism of everything that there is sacred on Earth... If Andres Nin, one of the main instigators [of Communism] in Spain and the former secretary of Bolshevik Tomsky, says: "We have solved the church question by not leaving a single church building to stand on the ground', - we have to conclude that such is the godlessness incarnated! That is how the true ^ce of Bolshevism looks like!" Despite this author's distaste for Dr. Goebbels, he quoted the European press of that period of history, a press that was terrified by the events of the Communist Revolution in Spain. Perhaps, he quoted only articles that published information that was readily available; such infbnnation and authencity could be verified at that time. The actual scale of the destruction of the church by the Communists, t>oth in Spain and in Russia, was hardly known to the European public at that time. For this reason, I have provided those lengthy quotations, as a part of the introduction to this chapter, not because I wanted to analyze Communist policies versus Nazi policies or the role of the llluminati and freemasonry in the present time as well as in the 20*" century, but to show that the goals of Communist governments, and consequently, the goals of the educational systems created and nurtured by Communists, were directly opposite to those proclaimed and maintained for centuries by the church, both Orthodox and Catholic. It is also disheartening to read in liberal (i.e., freemasonic by spirit) publications such articles about the role of the church in the history of society and education as, for example, Higgin (1904) states in his book, Spanish life in town and country: The evils that have been wrought in Spain by the terrible incubus of the Inquisition, and by the domination of the Jesuits and other [nnonastic] orders, who obtained possession of the teaching of youth [my italics - A.Kh.], have been a little less than disastrous, t>ecause their power has been deliberately used for ages past to keep the lower classes in a state of absolute ignorance! - A.Kh.], slaves of the grossest superstition, and mere puppets in the hands of the priesthood...

Nothing like this could tie farther from the truth about what both the Catholic and Orthodox churches and the monasteries, in particular, were trying to do with the educational system in their countries! 299

However, this prejudiced statement made by Higgin would not t)e so surprising to us if we rememt>er what Protocol No. 17 says (in the same edition of Protocols... quoted above); We shall set clericalism and clericals into such narrow frames as to make their influence move in retrogressive proportion to its former progress.... But in the meantime... we are re-educating youth in new traditional religions and afterwards in ours... [satanic godless religion of Atheism and Communism A. Kh.] Although Communism has destroyed many churches in Russia (as well as in Spain), it failed to achieve its main goal; to substitute Christian spirituality with its own, dark anti-Godly spirituality. There has always been a number of people, or even a majority of the members of society-at-large, particularly in Russia, who, according to Kireevsky (1996) "..were striving for inner integrity of thinking," and who were living by ancient church traditions, constantly seeking God's truth. It is because of such people that this researcher can positively say that the church's influence continued in the Russian society throughout the Communist era. It continued existing in the Russian educational tradition and in Russian educational culture, although the church organization in Russia was strangled to death. This happened because the historical roots of developing Russian minds under church traditions have been embedded in society during many previous centuries of Russian Christianity, before the collapse of the Russian Empire in 1917. It is also because of such people that the Orthodox traditions in education in Russia prevailed, although clandestinely and covertly, throughout the era of Soviet Communism in Russia, when even the very name of the country was abolished (called U.S.S.R. instead of Russia). The Orthodox mindset of the Russian people, even during times of a lack of direct church guidance, continued to instill ideas about what is right and wrong, enabling survival of the church in the souls of the Russian people. Many educators in Russian Society during the Communist era have actively preserved and maintained such principles that were being developed by the church for centuries. Sometimes they did it subconsciously, without any formal association with the church, or even without paying much attention to why they were doing it that way. The idea of God is what they had in their souls, and passed on to their students and followers even when mentioning the name of God was prohibited by the Atheistic govemment. My mother, Nina Andreeva, is such an example. Nina Andreeva had once mentioned the name of God (circa 1980), in a private conversation at the children's music school where she was worked in the U.S.S.R. She simply said; "God knows what is going to happen with this child!' or something similar. It was an usual idiomatic expression meaning; "Who knows what might happen to him if he does not study well or else, etc." Another female instructor of music who was present during their conversation, immediately raised her voice and said; "Why God? Why do you say God? Do you believe in God or something?" My mother was actually terrified by these questions because she knew that the other lady could go and report it to the Secret Police Department at the music school. (Every organization in Communist 300

Russia had a Department Number One where a K.G.B. representative collected information on every person in the particular organization). If that happened, my mother could be expelled from her position as piano teacher at that school and, eventually, banned completely firom any teaching job in the future (professionally disqualified and morally discredited; it was called "to give someone a wolfs pass") (N. Andreeva, personal communication, 1992). Fortunately, my mother was not expelled. As a teacher, she always worked with students' souls, molding the character of the children to which she had taught piano. She accomplished it through music, using the latter as a universal tool of communication. She was anything but a religious woman during that period of her life. She simply had it in her culture. Of course, she had her own teacher as a role nnodel in her life, a Russian-Armenian woman, Mrs. Merimanova, who embedded such principles in her soul as honesty, loving the truth, and faithfulness to the highest moral principles irregardless challenges that are given by the lifie. She also had her very first music teacher, Baroness Natalia von Spiegel, who believed and practiced the same high moral principles as she had also taught to my mother. Baroness von Spiegel was from a noble family and a survivor of the Russian Holocaust during the Communist Revolution of 1917. She had taken those principles from the Russian Society of Czarist Russia, the way it was before the revolution, when the church had no restcrictions as far as its influence on educational system in society was concerned). The same principles came to my nrrather from her mother, my grandmother, Eugenia A. Ivanovskaya, who was raised in the church, literally, and whose initial education came from attending church services, listening to the sermons of Russian Orthodox priests and singing in the church choir. She never subjugated her morals to Communist principles, and even during the worst years of Communist rule, she lived by her Christian principles: the principles of love, hard work, forgiveness and faithful hopes to follow God's will. Of course, she attended the church without widely announcing it but she was always afraid of mentioning something about her foith to anybody that she knew, even to my own mother. The previous examples were provided to illustrate that, even during the Communist era (when it seemed, Christianity in Russia was eliminated completely, as evidenced by the fact that the church was put outside the law, approximately 80 percent of church buildings were destroyed, and the great majority of clergymen and of active parishioners were executed), people continued to live by church principles pass them on to new generations of Russians through formal education (without announcing it publicly) and by teaching their children fa'aditi'onal moral principles (sometimes without mentioning the name of God). This signifies that the ancient Russian philosophy of education and culture t>oth stood firm in the minds and in the souls of the Russian people. The attempt of Communism to destroy the Russian Christian spiritual culture had ^iled. Russians did die by the millions, but they took these principles 301

with them to their graves. It is an amazing phenomenon of Soviet life. This is well shown in the memoirs of former Deputy Supervisor of the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church Prince Zhevakhov (Prince Zhevakhov. 1993). Prince Zhevakhov, who happened to stay in Communist Russia for a few years after the revolution and was lucky to escape execution, noted that Russian society after the revolution: ...fell on such a low moral level, when a non-human, beast-like existence turned it into a semi-savage, blindly obedient animal. All is finished with it in moral terms [italics by A. Kh.]. If you go to the cities, you could see a society that is all dressed out and is wearing some golden jewelry, — those are the wives and the mammas of all kinds of Communist leaders in the govemment. There are sometimes taking place parties and dances also, — among the same group of people, that is. The rest of the country - everybody else - goes about semi-naked while covered with rags and being badly malnourished white suffering indignation to an extent of being unrecognizable, at the same time being greatly intimidated and barely pulling their feet They are obtaining their daily bread through a temble labor that is beyond one's strength. Prince Zhevakhov was exclaiming about the moral (and physical) degradation of Russian society after the Communist Revolution. He was also quoted in the Russian-language in the Supreme Council of Monarchists IVee/c/y editorial article entitled [translated from Russian "Sum Total of the Revolution," which was published on March 6 of 1922: Every kind of spiritual life in Russia has been destroyed. The population, which has been terrorized with unjust and monstrous mass executions, is afraid to express their thoughts and sincere feelings, even to their very closest relatives. The youth and the children are purposefully being depraved by the enemies of Christ [italics by A..Kh.] who are trying by all means and using all available resources to destroy Christianity in Holy Orthodox Russia.

Prince N. D. Zhevakhov, however, remarked about the steadfast stance of the people in relations to the situation that the church was in right after the revolution: "Religion stood [against it] to the end. The masses [of people] supported it [the church], and everything that happened there as it used to be." This comment was written in one of the letters from Russia that was published abroad in a Russian periodical. The survival of Russian Church culture in the soul of the Russian people and the communication of Christian principles from one generation to another, even in the absence of church leadership in society, as well as the moral upbringing of Russians in the traditional Russian culture during the Communist era—these almost invisible remains of that unique culture, the remains that did not go away from the masses of people in Russia, could not be termed otherwise than as a miracle. Indeed, Jesus Christ once said that the Church that He created will stand, even against the gates of . This phenomenon of the continuity of the Russian ancient educational culture in the context of the Russian church's survival under Communism was, especially, unique in world history. It was absolutely amazing for those who look at it without prejudice against Russia, when one is reminded 302 about the foremost goal of Communism, as it was designed by the inventors of the destruction of Russian civilization among whom were Gelfand-Parvus and bankers Kuehn and Loeb with Jacob Schiff (according to information found particularly in such published studies as. The Red Fog over America, by Carr (1968) and The Secret Powers behind Revolution, by de Poncins (year unknown). The powers of the entire world went against Russian culture and the Russian Church. Revolutionaries were sent from different countries around the world (e.g., America, Switzerland, &Germany). One can read about it in the documented, but biased, book Behind Communism by Frank L. Britton. The money of the world, the military powers of Germany, and even the Entente which prevented the White Armies from succeeding over the Communist Red Army by refusal to send adequate supplies and ammunition or interfere in the Communist massacre in Russia. Some of these accounts are based on factual information given in the memoirs of General Baron P. N. Wrangel (1969). The enemies were both intemal and extemal. The photograph displayed in Figure 5.2 was taken from a photographic album entitied: Blood­ stained Russia, by Capt. DonakJ C. Thompson (1918). It represents a revolutionary meeting in St Petersburg, the capitol of the Russian Empire, in 1917. The text under this photo and in a few previous pictures in the same album states exactly; A "down-with-the-govemment...' [meeting] financed by Germany. German money was spent right and left—ten rubles was paid to each man who was willing to march and shout, "Down with the Government! Stop the War!" Speakers becanne bolder and, prompted by Beriin, gave expression to even more radical views. Those who spoke for Russia had no financial backing. "LitJerty" was the watchword...Germans... foresaw the chaos that would result Yet Russia remained standing throughout the Holocaust that was happening to her people! She stood with her church and ti^diti'onal values. She stood because the principles of the Russian church and Russian values were morally right The thousand years of Russian Christian culture and the thousands of years of Slavic culture that preceded what is called Russian culture proper, could not be uprooted even through genocide, through the Russian Holocaust organized by the Communist International. Someone named Grossman (Rostchin), a Russian revolutionary anarchist, in his memoirs about the assassin of prominent Russian Minister of Interior under the Czar, Peter A. Stolypin, recollected about a giri at the meeting of revolutionaries who was saying that "...the whole system of exploitation and violence [meaning in the capitalist, or in Russian society, [A. Kh.] is supported only by the foundation of the religious consciousness of masses [italics by A.Kh.]. If you kill the idea of God in the mind of working agricultural class [of the peasantry], no one and nothing will enslave them with the fetishes of laws and property [italics by A. Kh.]" (Grossman-Rostchin, 1924.) 303

Figure 5.2. Groups of Russians listening to the pro-Genman arguments in St Petersburg, Russia, in 1917 (the prologue of Communist revolution)

In paragraph 20 of his encyclical, "Humanum Genus," Pope Leo XIII remarked profoundly about such people trying to destroy traditional morals; "For since generally no one is accustomed to obey crafty and clever men so submissively as those whose soul is weakened and broken down by the domination of the passions, there has been in the sect of the Freemasons some who have plainly determined and proposed that, artfully and of set purpose, the multitude should be satiated with a boundless license of vice, as, when this had been done, it would easily come under their power and authority for any acts of daring" [italics by A. Kh.].

Reasons for Russian prosperity before 1917 The governmental, as well as the economic systems were based on three major principles; • Orthodox Christian ^ith; • Patriotic rule of the Monarch; and • Democratic public institutions. Monasteries, such as Valamo, were centers of ^ith, education, and agricultural research and Innovations because; • the monks devoted their lives selflessly to God through prayers and works; • a majority of the monks had prior agricultural or industrial production experience, whereas others were highly educated; and 304

• every monastery maintained dose connections with different areas of Russia through economics, pilgnmages, and political support

Reasons for Russia's decline after 1917 and to the present After Russia was overthrown by international Communists; • the church was eliminated as an institution and Christians were mass executed; • the Communist govemment promoted world revolution and used Russia only as a resource; it was not patriotic and was established by force; and • more than 60 million farmers were executed and agriculture was purposefully destroyed. The main purposes for destroying Russian agriculture by Communists were to; • rid Russia of its free, independent class of farmers and force everyone to depend upon governmental food supplies; • keep the population hungry so that people would not think about political struggle; and • eliminate support for the church among the rural population in order to destroy the morals of the country.

Contemporary Russia Today, Russia; • is not independent economically from the West* • does not have a govemment elected by the people; • continues Communist policies in agriculture; and • tries to use the church for political and diplomatic purposes.

Contemporary Russian agriculture Today, in Russia; • The agricultural class is neariy absent; • the church plays a greater political and economic role than ever before (since 1917); and • with governmental financial support, the church is renovating its monasteries to once again become centers of ^ith and economic life.

Monasteries as the Backtione of Russian Society and Generators of Knowledge The phenomenon of the monastery has always been an organic part of the Orthodox culture of Russian society. Monasteries in Russia were (throughout the centuries prior to Peter the I's reforms, and after the secularization of the church mechanism in society, i.e., merging church institutions with govemment entities following those reforms) the t>ackbone of Russian society. As such, the monasteries were not only a necessary part of both clerical and ecclesiastical systems of 305 the Russian Orthodox church, itself they were also part of Russian society that was morally and spiritually united and organized by the Russian Orthodox Church. For centuries, monasteries in Russia had several functions: 1. Church function: It served as a special tool of salvation, or a special way of organization of life of Christians who decided to dedicate themselves entirely to serving God and reaching salvation by means of ardent works for God and through prayers. It was a special form of cleansing of souls in their preparation for the Day of Judgment; 2. Elementary social function: The monasteries were small and well-integrated communities (spiritually, structurally and economically) that reflected society-at-large. They were independent functioning parts of society, even during great turmoils, such as in "smootnoye vryemya" at the turn of the I?"* century. Even during the 240 years of the Tartar yoke over Russia at the dawn of her history, the monasteries were able to remain functioning parts of society (as geographical areas, as institutions that could regenerate a renewed system of government from the ashes of a ruined country, and as shelters for those who sought refuge from the great turmoils over Russia). A good example is Vygoretzia, an old-believers monastery that existed throughout the IB"* and 19"* centuries after the Peter I reforms, in the North of Karelia, after all the other monasteries and church institutions of Russia were converted to Nikoniane-s (a reformed system of Orthodox rites established by Patriarch Nikon, prior to Peter I and the only one that was legalized by Peter I who initiated terrible persecutions of the old-believers of the followers of ancient Russian piety); 3. Defense function: Because many of the monasteries (especially the most ancient ones) were usually located at critical strategic areas, religion in Russia, for centuries, was an integral part of society which sought to defend its territory, people and ^ith against aliens and invaders. The idea behind establishing monasteries at such critical points was generated by the understanding that spiritual combat would t)e eventually continued in the fonm of physical defense of Christian values fixim hostile tribes or from organized forces of alien non-Orthodox powers. At the same time, it is important to understand that monasteries were not designed for large concentrations of military personnel. Their primary function was to provide shelter to the nearby Orthodox population and to defend those families who were subjects against hostile actions or foreign invasion. 4. Economic function: The monasteries were indeF>endently functioning parts of the economic organism of the country of Russia. They were able to maintain their existence through such economic activities as agriculture and trade industrial works. They were also centers for selecting the most available, inexpensive and simple technologies that were promising and progressive for their time. These technologies, whether in agriculture or in non-agricultural works, were oriented to minimize labor and financial inputs to better provide for the monastic 306

community. At the sanne time, it is important to note that the monasteries had spiritual economies, wherein their purpose was not to develop large cash-crop systems in agriculture or highly industrialized manufactures, but to provide a means of spiritual development It was not, what one may term (in the modem sense) a market-oriented economy in which the main goal is gaining profit through making 'bigger and better" investments and achieving a high degree of mechanization and specialization of labor. 5. Educational function: This ftincton of the monasteries in Russia can be subdivided into three parts. The first one was to educate people about the monastic lifestyle in order to bring in more potential members for the monastic community. The second one to provide for the spiritual education of each monastic community member throughout his entire life. The third was to assist people outside the community to improve their lives by providing examples of. (a) a life in Christ; (b) principles of organization; and (c) technological practices, particularly agricultural technological practices. This last function was tightly intertwined with the first two, yet. at the same time, the primary functions of the monasteries that were of interest in this dissertation. 6. Regenerationai and leadership function: This was the most important historical function of the monasteries. Throughout the different periods of Russian history, the monasteries were starting points for Russian civilization. The monasteries produced great teachers of Russian Orthodoxy. They influenced politicians, especially to straighten their ways. Monks such as St. Serghius of Radonezh inspired and blessed the Russian leaders and armies to fight against foreign invaders and oppressors of Holy Orthodox Russia. It was due to the monasteries that Russian society could stand against • non-Orthodox changes in life and turmoils in society, and even in the church; • all oppressors and invaders; and • those who would not support or maintain the traditional values of Russian society. The monasteries were truly the backbone of the Russian society. Their goal was to help the Russian people to be what God wanted them to be, and follow (spiritually and morally) in the footsteps of those of previous generations. The monasteries in Russia could t}e likened to spiritual universities whose purpose was to save people's souls, their minds and bodies to achieve the status of balance with the Universe and its Creator. They had an obligation (from God) to improve society in terms of moral achievement and spiritual education for contemporary Russia as well as generations to come. At the same time, the monasteries were innovators of technological development due to the fact that many talented monks lived there and worked among the peasants as well as city folks (even minor and important dignitaries). Innovations were ways to improve means of survival, as most communities were self-supporting without much funds. It was only after the Peter I reforms, and more 307

precisely, after Catherine II reforms in the latter part of the IS"* century that monasteries received state funding by category of nx)nastery.

Rationale for Monastery-based Extension The late Academician Dmitri Likhachev, a prominent expert on the history of , once said that a society can lose all its functions—govemment, territory, people, etc., but there is still a potential for regeneration of the same culture if its libraries have survived. Today, the main library collections in the worid are located at universities. Therefore, one might also say that a society can regenerate itself if its universities have survived. Of course, this might not be applicable to Western-style universities because the purpose of Western universities is not to accumulate culture and serve as a means of transferring this culture in an appropriate format to new generations. The majority of Western universities today lack the function of human upbringing - of bringing people to God. In fact, the majority of knowledge that is concentrated in Western universities today and passed on to most students is extremely elementary (in a sense that this is knowledge at>out elements of culture, not at}out a certain culture itself). Such elements can t)e built into any culture, either Christian or non-Christian. They can serve the promotion of atheistic ways of life and. ultimately, lead to disintegration of societal culture and society itself. The Russian university tradition is different It can be equaled to what Likhachev said at)out library collections. Unfortunately, it is different inasmuch as the culture of Russian "educatedness" (defined by Kireevsky as educational culture) is present in Russian universities by tradition. That is, the Russian spirit has made Russian universities function much more as institutions of human upbringing (i.e., character-building) than most Western universities. Unfortunately, the Russian university tradition was also formed in post-Peter I reformed Russia. As a system. Russian universities were modeled after Western universities, although the dehumanizing spirit of Western civilization was not present in them to such an extent as it was present in the Western universities. Such a tradition of human upbringing (character-building) even survived and existed throughout the Soviet era, in the universities that were established and maintained by the Communists. On the other hand, Russian universities were not the main depositories of Russian library collections. For example, the biggest and one of the oldest universities in Russia, St Petersburg State University, has a great library collection. The same is true of Moscow State University. However, the two main library collections in Russia are; Rumyantzev (Lenin) Public Library in Moscow and the Saltykov-Stchedrine Public Library in St Petersburg. The words "public library' in Russia do not mean the same as their American counterparts. In Russia, public library has a special meaning. It is a gigantic collection of books wherein every published book in the country and every periodical is sent (at least one copy). In the past (in pre-Peter I Russia), university education in Russia did not exist as a system. All education was tightly connected with the church, and published books were of a church nature. 308

The first secular books on history, geography, etc., many of which were published by Masonic authors or such authors who were under Masonic influence, came to Russia only with the Peter I revolution. The libraries in Russia at that time were owned by the monasteries, by boyars (Czar's officials) or the Czars themselves. For example, Ivan the Thunderous (Grozny, or 'Terrible") had an outstanding library which remains hidden, even though there is proof of its existence. The libraries that were available to ordinary people were at the nx>nasteries. One must recall that literacy was a special skill that was not enjoyed by most ordinary persons. Thus, if anyone was going to connect his life with the church, the literacy and knowledge in nx)nasteries' libraries was available to that person. On the other hand, through teaching moral principles based on Christian values to the people, and by setting an example of a Christian community wherein life was of deprived, selfless interest, and totally dedicated to God, the monasteries promoted a higher level of knowledge among other people. This refers to the ^ct that any knowledge to which people had access, because of the systenn of nnonastic libraries and the nature of the literature as being church- related or church-connected, people were only given the opportunity to absorb such information that was based on Christian principles. Their primary purpose for utilization of such knowledge was to serve God's glory and their own salvation. What changes came about when the Westem-like university system came into existence in Russia? First, the university education did to the Russians (as it did to any other nations) is that it killed ^ith in God, and allowed for the acceptance of any kind of knowledge, whether it sen/es good or bad. One should be reminded that the nuclear bomb as well as bacteriological weapons were invented at university latx)ratories. It is beyond this author's understanding to imagine that such a technology could be designed or developed at a monastery or spring up from monastery-based research.

Thus, if we compare a university-based system of education with a nrK>nastery-based system of education, we can realize the following atxjut a university-based versus monastery-based system of education: • A university-based system is dehumanizing. It alienates the souls of students and researchers from God. On the other hand, the monastery-based system developed people's spirits through teaching them how to restore their connections with God in their everyday lives; • A university-based system allows for access to knowledge by those people who are morally unprepared to receive it since they are unable to put it to good use, according to God's plan. On the other hand, the monastery-based system allows only those people to have access to knowledge who love God and who have demonstrated the ability (through their previous works of penance) to assume the burden of knowledge and to put it to good use, according to God's plan; 309

• A university-based education promotes self-interests of people who acquire education while the monastery-based system of education promotes selfless devotion to God through acquiring the ability to better work for Him. One is perhaps able to point out several other features along the same line of comparison between a university-based education and monastery-based education. However, it is important to note that, currently in Russia, due to obvious reasons, a university education is on its down^ll whereas the monasteries are in an upward trend as to satisfying their original intentions. The causes of this downfall among Russian universities are due to the following; • Financial support from the central govemnnent of Russia has become insignificant after the disintegration of the so-called Soviet Union; • Russian universities have introduced a paid system of education and many commercialized research services which, by nature, have decreased the quality of education and of research provided by them, as well as the limited availability of the education and of research products to wide groups of the population throughout the country; • Russian universities now have a strong connection with foreign sources of grants (e.g., Soros Foundation) which are changing the principles on which the operation of Russian universities have been based for centuries. The implications are; (a) The universities are opened now more than ever to the influence of Western freethinking. (b) Dangerous ideas of democracy [the term manifests itself differentiy in Russian society] are penetrating educational thought (c) The Masonic network is penetrating the universities. (d) The universities are becoming less nationalistic. This occurs in different forms, particulariy through physical extermination of nati'onalisti'cally-thinking professors and their families, such as I. Ya. Froyanov, whose 32-year-old son was assassinated recentiy because of his Other's publications about the role of the Secret Worid Govemment in Gorbachev's reforms in subjugating Russia). (e) Textbooks are published with funding from international (Worid Govemment) organizations such as the Soros Foundation. George Soros is a member of the Council for Foreign Relations, which is naturally a part of the Worid Govemment. The Worid Govemment denies the very principles of Russian culture, particulariy its Orthodox foundations. This year, Berezovsky (2000) said in a speech in New York addressed to immigrants from Russia that; "We are talking about the genetic transformation of Russian culture" (p. 6). The universities in Russia serve a counter-cultural purpose as Uiey are part of the genetic transformation of Russian culture that was designed in the West. 310

The reason this author perceives that Russian monasteries are ascending in their importance are the following; • The Russian Orthodox Church has gained a relative independence in her decisions as a result of the post-Gorbachev transformation of Russian society, and it is actively restoring its ^cilities that were damaged by Communists. Among these ^cilities, many monasteries are being restored; • The church in Russia today is an infonmal part of the government due to two main factors; (a) It is an organizing force in society which the government is attempting to use for purposes of pushing its political agenda and keeping the masses of its population under control; therefore, the church does get a political support of the government in Russia now, and sometimes even financial support (b) The current top hierarchs of the Russian Orthodox church (Moscow Patriarchate) are former Communist and KGB officials. The same is true of the current top officials in the Russian government Thus, both govemment and the church in Russia are controlled by the same people and with the same agenda in mind, although the administrative and hierarchical framework of the Russian Orthodox church is different now from what it was before its destruction by the Soviet Communists. The infrastructure (as far as its facilities, church buildings, and monasteries) are being restored to their original structure prior to the Communist Revolution of 1917. The monasteries are an important part of this infrastructure. • The economic situation in Russia is tragic, as Russia does not have a healthy economy as it did prior to the Revolution of 1917. The country does not have an integrated economic organism of which the monasteries used to be a part; however, the economic role and importance of the monasteries have been increasing dramatically during the past decade for two reasons: (a) their struggle for their own survival; and (b) gradual restoration of their historical economic connections with the territories nearby. The attempts to revitalize the economic life of the monasteries have positively influenced the economic revitalization of the parts of the country wherein the monasteries are located. The monasteries are becoming the nucleuses of the economic rebirth of the surrounding regions. • The spiritual role of the monasteries in Russia currently is insignificant compared to its prior status. It primarily serves a political role, as political and economic manifestations of the presence of the Russian Orthodox Church in different parts of the country. The spiritual role of the monasteries will increase greatly as soon as the nrK>nks rededicate their lives to "podvizhnichestvo" or asceticism. The quality of monastic communities will be restored to life as the educational role of the monasteries once again extends to the surrounding 311

communities. However, this process may take time, even a matter of decades or a century, in this author's estimation. • Although the central administration of the Russian Orthodox Church is tightly connected with the KGB and the government, as well as with Masonic organizations such as the Orthodox Knights Hospitaller (see Appendix E-10), and with the satanic World Ecumenist movement, the monasteries are not subjects of such influences. Due to the nature of the asceticism, the monasteries cannot be influenced by these forces unless they become Orthodox only in name, and not by their tradition. New Valamo Monastery in Finland follows the Western Gregorian calendar and, therefore, technically cannot be called an Orthodox Monastery. It has not produced any ascetics throughout the years following Worid War II. An example of this is exhibited in a recent letter written by the Orthodox monks of Valamo Monastery in Russia to the Russian Patriarch Alexty II against ecumenism (Pravos/avnaya Rus, 2000, p. 16). This author devised a scheme for using monasteries as a future basis for extension development in Russia for the following reasons: • The idea of Christianity is at)out sharing, and sharing requires communication. At the same time, the Christian way of life, whether in the monastery or in an open society, assumes a selfless devotion to God through works that benefit one's own soul as well as the souls of others. Therefore, any kind of educational, technological and agricultural development based at the monasteries should have an underlining greater spiritual goal. • The monasteries in Russia (if one can imagine their former network that existed before the Communist Revolution of 1917) cover a greater area of Russia than its universities and even its cities. In pre-revolutionary Russia, monasteries dotted the vast spaces of the Empire, even in scarcely populated areas. They were elementary units or single economic organisms of Russia similar to other enterprises, t>oth industrial and agricultural. Nevertheless, they were more diverse in nature and tightly connected with the neighboring economic regions through trade. • The monasteries were a part of the single chain of pilgrimages that served purposes of Christian upbringing of the population, as well as an information delivery system about monastic lifestyle and achievements. They were closely connected with the peasantry and with the population, in general, in their area through serving their spiritual and educational needs, and providing relief at times of disaster, such as weather cataclysms (i.e., food, drought, etc.) and hunger. • The monasteries are the only currently existing network in Russia that can potentially serve the purposes of selfless serving of people's needs while, at the same time, maintaining their independence of govemment (that is anti-Russian in nature) and the church administration in 312

Moscow (that is pro-govemment). The monasteries themselves would benefit from their contribution to building stronger communities around them, both spiritually and economically. • The monasteries can set up examples of agricultural development through achieving a balance with nature by utilizing a minimal amount of the available resources. They can become models of a healthy economy, particulariy, of a healthy agricultural economy for the rest of the country. There are several specific advantages for a monastery-based system of extension in Russia today. 1. The greatest idea behind a system of extension in the United States is openness of the available practices and achievements in agriculture, that is. openness of information to all people. There is no entity in Russia that can serve this purpose better than its monasteries, which would also benefit by gaining from the process of sharing the acquired information for their own development as well. 2. The greater idea behind nrxinastic communities is the bringing together of heaven and earth. In agricultural educational terms it means becoming a model of agricultural practices that are pure in nature and that help people, who are involved in it, to purify their souls. Therefore, we are talking about such practices that serve both the inner balance of a human being as well as the balance among humans and the environment. 3. The monasteries are relatively politically and economically independent entities from the rest of the country. As such, if they are allowed to exist independently as communities of believers whose only law is the will of God expressed in the Bible and in Orthodox traditions, they have the potential to develop strong economies (although, initially with local significance only) at times of great turmoil in the country or in other regions of the worid. Once again, I want to stress that the idea of monastic extension is the idea of selfless communication and the sharing of available information (pertaining to agricultural and many other aspects of life) with the people who need it and who might not have a chance to see it being used unless they are provided with such an example as a monastery before them, as well as for those people who cannot afford to purchase such information or to acquire the (often rudimentary) education that is needed for a particular purpose. Therefore, in terms of agricultural educational development in Russia, the monasteries cannot be substituted by other means. Their purpose should be in revitalizing Russia after the years of Communist revolution and throughout the democratic chaos of today. This function cannot be performed by a govemment organization, mainly because the current Russian govemment is anti- Russian in nature, and secondly t}ecause any attempt to create a government-based extension system in Russia will need to confront several obstacles that may thwart or prevent such attempts from successful outcomes: 313

• The Russian post-Soviet government will attempt to turn the idea of extension into a system, not into a network of mutually t)enefiting (for the generators and for the consumers of agricultural information, or. in other words, for the government or for research institutions, such as universities and research centers, and for the ordinary citizens) participants. It would be designed according to the old Soviet pattem of top-down totalitarian administrative hierarchy, with the sole purpose of such a hierarchy to extract available development funds for their own benefit • The Russian government would attempt to make universities and research centers a part of such a system. Currently, the universities are very democratic (therefore, anti-Russian) in nature and pro-Westem, with very low numbers of nationalist faculties that would not tie inclined to make extension a part of the system of spiritual education and a tool of salvation through selfless work in agriculture. They probably would not even want to include the church as a part of such an extension; • The Russian government is totally corrupt and, therefore, would not even try to create a practically viable system of extension. It would merely imitate this process in order to extract funds from the West Frankly, this author is glad that the $25,000,000 project on extension development in Russia, that was originally designed by Iowa State University, was not funded due to the U.S. bombing of Serbia and the negative reaction of the Moscow government It would have become a big waste of money for the U.S. government if such a project was started. There is no doubt that the Russian government alone would not be able to create a good extension system because it is not people-oriented, and it is overty bureaucratic and corrupt There is no doubt, also, that the Russian Orthodox Church, particulariy as it is represented by the monastery system that is being restored, would t>e the only altemative to the future human- oriented economic development and the development of a human-oriented agricultural extension system in the country. Now, the question is; Can these two systems be combined or somehow integrated? In order to reach people with their needs, one needs to develop an entirely separate system that exists apart from the secular society extension system. When we ask that question, we need to talk about such thing as the leamer-orientation principle in agricultural extension education. There is also another important issue that needs to be considered in order to answer that question (but it is. perhaps, beyond the immediate scope of this dissertation); What are the possible ways of such an integration among church based extension and other, different extension forms in the future, particulariy those that are govemment-based? 314

Learner-Orientation in Education and a Marxist Educational Heritage: Can they be Combined? This subsection presents ttie current researcher's understanding of some problems related to agriculture with the educational heritage of post-Communist Russia. The learners' needs seem to be the most important consideration in agriculural education (and in education, in general). Why are they important? More importantly, who said they are important? Vladimir Lenin stated in his book, Matyerializm i empirioh-crititzizm (1962, p. 18): "It is not that important what is the nature of any phenomenon as it is who (and what acting forces) are standing behind that phenomenon." Restated from another aspect; the events themselves do not happen to be good or bad for anybody. The consequences of what is happening are completely dictated by who uses these events and for what purposes. Marxism discovered that whatever happens in society and in human thinking is connected to the moving (or acting) forces created by this society. Actually, an understanding of the nature or of the acting forces of life phenomena led Marxists to establish a concept of how every society is built (or constructed). There are two main parts in any society, no matter whether it is feudal, capitalist, communist or slave; the basis and the superstructure. Although idealists might agree with that way of understanding of society, it is primarily a materialistic concept the basis is created by the labor, and it is an actual and direct product of human activities (either on an individual or on a societal level). The actual wealth of a society (and each particular human member of it) is built that way. For this reason Marxists plac labor and the working class as the focus of their interests. They actually thought of creating a real workers' state where this important class of society would be given all fireedom to create and design new things that are needed by the society. (Whether the Marxists created such an idea! society or not, is a separate question). There is also, from the Marxist viewpoint, another part of society—real, but rather imaginable than actual, which is called the superstructure. In thinking this way, Marxists did not try to disprove themselves, or to fill the "spiritual vacuum" that was created by their concept of a totaly materialistic society of production. This part does not exist without basis, and its "amount" and quality are completely dictated by the workforce. In ^ct, everything that has other than a physical nature; mental activities, the government, cultural events and philosophy itself, are considered to be parts of that superstructure. According to Marxist philosophy, the basis can exist without a superstructure, although theoretically it is impossible; every human physical activity reflects on the mental activity or creates other parts of a superstructure. However, the superstructure cannot exist without a basis as it drives all its live forces from it. Destroy the system of production (in its absolute sense, not just as a particular form of it), and there will be no government or someone to perform in the drama theatres or to go there to watch those performances! There will be no way to realize personal needs and abilities\ At the same time, Marxists think that the superstructure can regulate and control the system of 315 production in society, or the basis, but it never goes that far as to change it artificially; it affects it within the limits provided by the basis itself. Everything develops, and the basis changes (depending on how many goods society has accumulated, and in whose hands they are, according to Marxist historical materialism), and hence the superstructure changes. That is how we acquire changing social formations, and society evolves (or revolves) from a slave society to a feudal system, and further on, to capitalism and socialism, and in the future, supposedly, to communism, providing better conditions for the functioning of the basis, i.e., for the system of production. Where is the place for a human being? For this reason it is said that Communists worship the society, and, in a broader sense, the king of this worid. That is why, in the so-called Soviet Union and in other Communist countries (which are supposed to be more appropriately called Socialist), the needs of society were put as a comerstone in the system of education. One of the greatest deviations of practical Marxism (i.e.. ) from the original Marxism was the fact that in building an educational system, the needs of society are evaluated not according to the actual needs of production (of the basis), but according to the needs of the government (of the superstructure). If applied appropriately, the Marxist theory of an educational system would have helped to build a very effective educational system design (in a social sense, contributing to the development of society, and, in a personal sense, enabling individuals to use the advantages of social progress). Originally, immediately following the Leninist Revolution in Russia, a great deal of experimentation took place throughout the country, and many new and diverse educational systems were instituted. The attempts made had a trifold purpose; (a) teach basic reading and calculation skills which the disadvantaged classes did not possess to the needed extent; (b) teach vocational skills to the declassified groups of society (lumpen-proletariat, young criminals, and former "bourgeoisie"); and (c) oven^helm all classes of the society with Marxism by politization and indoctrination (in a Leninist manner). Lenin, himself, was saying (according to Annenskiy. 1993. p. 8); "Do you think we need for them to leam how to read in order to be able to think? No. we are only concerned with their ability to understand our decrees and orders!" Was this learner orientation? Yes. but only to a limited extent (i.e., the extent that was limited by the Communist government). A great Russian educator (or pedagogue, according to Soviet terminology), Pyotr Makarenko, in his book, The pedagogical poem (1978, p. 22). wrote atiout his experiences in creating a youth camp (a colony for homeless teenagers who lost their parents during the revolutionary turmoil in Russia). He created a system of education where all three main goals of education selected by the Soviets were combined effectively. The main emphasis was made on productive labor. It was very important that the lat>or had a collective character. Although the participants (members of that colony) were allowed to develop their individual preferences and talents, they were nevertheless indoctrinated 316 that work is moral only if it improves the life of society (not simply their personal wealth, which is worshipped by bourgeois society). The collective that was established in Makarenko's colony was used as a model for such a society. In a way, any labor was considered useless if it did not benefit society. Makarenko's system of education was not oriented on creating silent slaves. This was proven by the number of outstanding memt}ers of Soviet society that came out of his colony; many scientists, educators, governmental officials and officers had started there. Makarenko's system overwhelmingly supported the development of an individual, including his character and professional qualities. However, this individual character was raised as part of society, not in contradiction with it. Some educators may say; well, this is impossible. One can either cultivate individual abilities and character properties of a person, or one can make him a ^celess part of a collective. They would not understand that really, Makarenko's system was a perfect combination of those two. Indeed, the qualities of an individual belong to him only, but he can only realize them in the collective, in society. On the other hand, societal needs are nothing but a combination of the needs of its individual members. Society cannot realize itself as such without having its members fully prepared to realize their potential, whether "spiritual" or "vocational". Yet, one can develop a fully-skilled individual with a strong character who will harm society by acting in contradiction with it Therefore, where does one start? The "failure" of many Communist educators (and probably, of Makarenko himself—pemaps the reason his educational system died with him) was that they were starting from society. From grades K-12 (10, in the Russian case), schoolchildren were supposed to associate themselves with their own collective. Their individual talents were nurtured only as part of collective activities. Is it a learner-oriented system? Certainly not! Was Makarenko a leamer-oriented pedagogue? In this researcher's opinion, he was. Then, how does one draw the line between the learner needs' orientation and the society needs' orientation, especially in a system where the needs of production are places as the cornerstone of the educational system? Is it possible in such a society? Makarenko's experience provides evidence that it is possible, however, only on a "subjective" level. Objectively, in such a society, even a well-nurtured, a well-educated individual will serve the primary needs of industry (iespecially war industry, in militaristic societies like the Soviets). Society might support nurturing his individual's skills and character qualities, but it makes all his activities subordinate to societal priorities; it enslaves them, and there is no escape. In other words, one can be a very effective "genius", but only within limits put up by society. Indeed, the Soviet system cultivated a "closed gates" science like the secret town of Arzamas-13 (where many bright nuclear scientists lived without any rights to leave that town or even come out through the gates). Nevertheless, they were not considered to be under arrest or under any kind of punishment 317

Thus, from a Soviet standpoint the Communist system of education was a perfect application of Marxist philosophical theory (perfect in Makarenko's case, and with slight deviations, in many other cases). However, it is amazing that in the Soviet Union, some areas of applied and fundamental science dealing with industrial production and with engineering succeeded while others (humanities and agriculture that required more independent thinking) were underdeveloped! Following the "perestroika revolution", attempts were made to change this system, which was essentially corrupt. Did they succeed? To this author's knowledge, they did not. Indoctrination in schools is prohibited, and students are not taught that the society has an absolute priority over their personal needs. That is the approach that is t)eing taught. Nevertheless, is the same approach rea/ty being practiced by educators in designing systems of education? No, because, they still do not know what the needs of their students are. More importantly, they do not know how to combine societal needs and needs of the students in the educational process. Is there a way to escape from this situation? No. there is not. The key point is that learner needs do not nnean anything by themselves. Whether one is practicing Marxist materialistic philosophy or is an idealist, one can measure the practicality of student needs only by the extent to which society can accept the products of individual changes in behavior that are based on adequately answering those needs via the educational process, and support the realization of these changes. Sometimes even the learners (if allowed to formulate their needs) do not see these limitations imposed by the social nature of humans. For this reason it is often said that students do not know what is good for them. There is much less contradiction tietween learner needs and the needs of society as it seems to be. and the needs of industries deserve to t>e supported through the educational process just as desirably as the needs of the learners. The only principal issue here is that we (as educators) must pay attention to how to t)est combine them through educational systems designs. This is the only way to be leamer-oriented while keeping in mind the needs of society of which we are all are part This is a key principle that must be kept in mind when building a new extension system in Russia.

Why Valamo Monastery was selected for this study Valamo monastery was selected for this study because of the following reasons; • This author's close personal experience with Valamo archipelago and Valamo Monastery through living and working there from 1988-1990; • Valamo monastery has very well-documented historical records pertaining to all spheres of life of its monastic community, including its agricultural records. These records are located primarily in Finland and (about one-third) in the Russian Karelia Province (Karelian Republic). These records could be used as part of a database of historical information about ahgriculture that could provide implications to the process of restoration of sustainable agricultural technologies on the island in the post-Soviet era. 318

• Valamo Monastery was a primere monastery in Russia l)efbre the revolution of 1917 in terms of its sppiritual importance, its economic power, and its political significance for the capitol city of St. Petersburg, it also had a very important geographic location on the crossroads between three cultures: Russia, Finnish/Swedish and Orthodox Karelian, as well as a cultural importance. In ^ct, UNESCO was planning to include it on the list of World Civilization memorials. (I am not positive if that has been actyualiy done, but i knew at)out such plan at in the late 1980s). • Valamo is one of the first monasteries that was retumed by the Bolsheviks to the Russian Orthodox Church during the course of the Gorbachev reforms, and it was the first in which restoration work was begun. My personal interest in the studies of Valamo Monastery's former agricultural system and informal agricultural educational system was instigated due to the ^ct that the data were readily available, unlike many other places. However, those data were not easy to acquire. This will be discussed when problems and limitations are covered later in this chapter. The follow article illustrates the complexity of the problems currently existing on Valamo Island and the many different opinions related to solving them. A Brief Overview of the Current Situation on Valamo Archipelago; Valamo. the island of world storms, by Tatiana Tyumeneva [translation A. Kh.] Valamo has experienced much throughout its history. Today it is experiencing some worldly storms. A conflict t}etween the newly opened monastery of the Transfiguration of Our Savior and the local civilians is taking place. Actually, for about a thousand years, there were no civilians on the island. There only was an Orthodox monastery. (According to the legend, Apostle Andrew, The First-Called, had established a cross made of stone on the island, as a Christianity symbol). Until the 18th century, the monastery was attacked by Swedish invaders. The main constructions were burned and the monks were killed. However, the monastery was gradually rebuilt to become one of the biggest in the Russian North. In 1918, the Valamo archipelago and the monastery became part of Finland; however, in igi40 the territory was retumed to the Soviet Union. In the same year, the monastery closed. The good quality of the residential facilities of the monastery attracted the attention of the government of the Karelian Republic (Valamo is still under its jurisdiction). A decision had been taken in 1949 to open a nursing ^cility for handicapped veterans of Great Patriotic War on the island. The first residents of this facility anived on the island in 1952, and they were placed in a most beautiful building, the so-called Winter inn (that was used before by wealthy pilgrims to the monastery). The handicapped veterans needed good care, so service personnel had to be recruited. These personnel were housed in former cells of the monastery. Thus, a civil settlement emerged on the island comprised of civil residents. A natural migration also started at that time: some people retumed to their home places on the mainland, while new people am' and acquired residential permits to live on the island. There were many restorators and construction workers among them. The regular passenger ferry line between Valamo and St Petersburg had opened in 1957. The islands were visited by the tourists in the summertime. It seemed that Valamo was bound to have the fate as one of the main tourist attractions in the country. Therefore, a decision was made to transfer the ^cility for 319

handicapped to the mainland. This decision was enacted in 1984. However, the civilians on the island remained. "Perestroika" finally changed attitudes towards religion. The first monks retumed to Valanrx) in 1989. The monastery of Transfiguration of Our Saviour was functioning again. The locals and the monks were forced to become neighbors of each other. It is not commonly accepted to talk about the living conditions of people on the island to the visitors. Of course, they do not live in paradise. There are no homes normally seen in the countryside. The locals live in the two- or three-story buildings of the monastery that are cold and wet and in need of much repair. The corridors are long and dark reminding one of casemates. The rooms are located on both sides of them. There are no separate kitchens (the monastery's architect did not design kitchens for the living cells). The stoves are used for heating as well as for cooking. No one had considered central heating or such a hi-tech thing as gas. Sometimes little electric cookers are used for cooking borscht Same cookers are used for heating water to wash clothes. Of course, water has to be brought in a pail from the street (where there is a faucet) and carried up a steep flight of stairs. The outhouse- type sewage system is located both on the first and on the second floors. Part of the sewage water runs into Lake Ladoga, not far from where the drinking water is being taken. This has led inavoidably to the whole array of infiectious diseases. Just this past year, there were heavy forms of dysentery, some cases of hepatitis, a pediculosis. All this transpired on an island that is so distantly remote from the mainland (about 40 kilometres)! The health care is a problem. There is only one physician who lives on the island. If one gets seriously sick or is on delivery (the island is known for femilies with many kids), or if one wants to do some medical tests or to go to the dentist, one would have to travel 40 kilometres to reach Sortavala. Incidentally, dental services are the most needed: poor rations combined with ainrast complete lack of dairy products leaves very few chances to have healthy teeth. If one wants to buy groceries, a trip must t>e arranged to Sortavala t>ecause there are extremely limited choices of products in the local shop, and the prices are much higher than on the coast of Lake Ladoga. However, there are times when it is not easy to reach Sortavala. Lake Ladoga is often stormy, and the ferries cannot make it there many times, especially in the winter season. On the other hand, if the weather is good, one can fly to the mainland by helicopter (helicopter flights are available two times a week in the winter). Although there is a school in the settiement, it does not have junior and senior classes. Every teenager who wants to complete school and continue his education must leave the island. Finding a job on the island is a problem. Of course, there have never been plenty of work opportunities there, but, when the nursing home was closed and the monastery reopened, many people lost salaried positions. Nowadays it is hard to find even a janitors' job. How do the people provide for themselves? Only God knows. Of course, a little private business florishes during the tourist season: selling smoked lake fish to the toun'sts, as wed as the "gifts of forests" and little self-made souvenirs. The elderiy t)eg daily for the tourists to put something in their hats. Foreign tourists are often followed by crowds of kids asking for money or anything. A special problem is alcoholism. There is a lot of drinkers in the settlement which itself does not support establishing good relations t)etween the locals and the monastery. There is a lot of concem about these relations. Some people say: 'There is a real war going on here." It seems to be ridiculous: What kind a war? Just non­ significant little conflicts. However, when one hears statements such as: "We'll hire a cossack platoon and they will not let monks on our territory," it really makes one feel 320

there is a war. The monastery already has its militia (okhrana). Is is possible to let the locals have another one against that? Life on the island was going slowly and steadily during the nursing home's existence. Different services provided for the nursing home more or less effectively. The government used to take a pretty good care of the handicapped veterans of war. There was enough good foodstuffs tieing imported to the island. The tourists in those years always used to visit local stores. Of course, some of the in^mous reforms like Kruschev's ban on owning cattle and other animals did not bypass the island. The whole settlement's herd went to the slaughterhouse. However, it was a long time ago. Generally, the life on Valamo was not that bad. When the monastery came here in 1989, the attitude towards the monks was quite positive on the island. Everybody hoped to get good help from the monastery. The Govemment of Karelian Republic issued a decree in 1991 on returning the whole complex of cult and administrative, and economic buildings to the monastery of Transfiguration of Our Saviour. According to this decree, the monastery was given not simply the church buildings and small and secluded complexes, but the places where the local population resided and had the right to live. Nevertheless, there was a point in the text of the decree; "As far as they are being voluntarily vacated by the Valamo residents and as far as these residents are provided with the modem living ^cilities, they have to be provided with these ^cilities by the state administration and organizations, by the Russian Orthodox church on Valamo island and beyond it" This same decree banned privatization of dwellings on the archipelago, transfem'ng land into private hands or leasing land (although there's been allowed private Arming on little plots of land). The dwelling question for the brothers was solved very easily at the first glance, as well as without any seeming problems for the local population. The monastery occupied the intemal quadrangle of cell houses at the central estates. The people who lived there before were moved to the relatively more comfortable rooms of the Winter Inn that were freed after the nursing home was relocated to the lake shore. Certain l^milies were provided with apartments in Sortavala and even in Ingermanland. However, the outside quadrangle is still being occupied by civilian residents. And so, the brothers found themselves right in the middle of the settlement, surrounded by civilians. There happened to be a gigantic communal apartment with 700 tenants in it (now about 600 locals and more than 100 monks). And everyt)ody knows what happens in communal apartments; fighting and endless arguments. As a result of this new situation, Valamo inhabitants collectively wrote a letter to the mayor of Sortavala which was signed by slightly under 200 people. A copy of this letter was sent to the govemment of the Karelian Republic and to the govemment of Russia. "We, the residents of Valamo Island, resent the complete transfer of all the buildings, lands, forests and state resident ^cilities along with their residents to the complete ownership of the Russian Orthodox church represented by the Monastery of Transfiguration of Our Savior... Due to agressive policies of the monastery, the state acts of Russia and of Karelia on privatization, land ownership, freedom of trade, entrepreneurship and so on, are being prevented from being carried out or are slowed down. Being based on the experience of joint living with the monastery on the island since December 1989 up until now, we can say that all the promises given by the church representatives as well as by the monastery to the Valamo residents, are ^ke. The monastery is carrying out an even more aggressive policy against us year after year. It is practically an annexation policy. The church representatives made a lot of promises back in 1989 about building a village for us, providing work places and starting joint work on the restoration of the architectural and natural menx>rials. All these promises were either not fulfilled or forgotten... In fact such organizations as 321

the natural and historical refuge museum, the local construction company, the restcrators' group, the construction cooperative, and dozens of people were left without work... One can also see a lot from the experience of living in the dwelling ^cilities that belong to the monastery. The people are being psychologically pressured... Right now the monastery wishes to take possession over the remaining dwelling places." Atx)ut a year after that, another letter came, called 'The protest of Valamo residents." The content is atx^ut the same. The people are demanding to leave the dwelling places in municipal property, and they are insisting on the arrival of a special commission of the government of Karelian Republic. Besides that, they are demanding the "restoration of the local government administration on the island to solve questions of life support and social protection systems for the local population." They are demanding changes to be made in the Central Government program of development of Valamo Monastery and Valamo archipelago that would recognize the fact of the existence of the settlement with civil population on the island. One of the reasons such letters were written, was given by a sad case when the representative of the monastery accompanied by his bulldogs (hired cutthroats) threatened citizen Andrei V. Safrin, who was living in the Gethsemane small and secluded territory. Although an apology was brought by the monastery, a rumor about this case spread widely around the neighborhoods. The population now believes that everybody eventually will be thrown out without any delay and with the assistance of the monastery's special forces. Alas. Safrin's history did not end with the apologies of the monastery. The monastery submitted a petition to the court to evict Safrin without giving him and place to live in exchange for the one he is supposed to vacate. This really made Safrin a hero of our days. Everybody will tell you proudly his history on the island. Although the people protested, there a new decree has been issued (in August 1995) signed by the Karelian Prime Minister,Victor Stepanov [Karelian-A. Kh]. According to this new law, the monastery was given still other "culf constructions and, what is more important, the buildings of the outside quadrangle on the central estates. We shall remind you that there are civilians who live in those. After this law has t}een signed, a new commission swept through the apartments of the outside quadrangle. A new outburst of activities has started on the island. The local people did not know the real truth, or what to believe. Unfortunately, the rumors on this island are very serious. The people complain atxsut ever^hing; in one case the brothers stole a haystack. Whoever steals anything—it is the militia's business, but the very existence of such complaints should make us alert There should be noted one more piquant moment many people have telephones on the island, but they are all afraid of using them for business because there are rumors that the monastery is wiretapping them. So, people prefer to talk tete-a-tete. There was the only village power on the island before the monastery. There was a Village Soviet with its chairman. All major problems were solved by the administration; bringing diesel fuel to the island, foodstuff, taking care of transportation. Once the brothers came, another power emerged; the monastery's. After that a third one even emerged; the direction of the Unique Territory of Valamo, - whose purpose is to resolve conflicts between the monastery and the locals. And so, to solve a problem everyone now has to go to all three of them. The former chair of the Village Soviet, Anatoli Svintzov, who is now the Director of the Department of Municipal Council in Sortavala, said the following; "Everybody comes to me as they used to before the change in my status. I cannot help them as much as I could before. I am not even a notary public now. If they want to notarize some papers, I send them to Sortavala." 322

Anatoli Mikhailovich thinks that the August decree of the Karelian President is illegal and goes against the Act of 1991 by the of Karelia. The questions of dwelling funds on the island are administered by Sergei Grigoryev who is the Director of the Village Commune Apartments and Utilities. As it turned out, his organization has a lot of problems with the monastery, too. "First the monastery liquidated the fire department. - Sergei Victorovich told us, — then fires started spreading, so it had to be restored. Then the time came for both the local construction company and for the restorators' group to go. Three years ago the roads were transferr^ to the monastery, but the monastery did not take care of them. Now you cannot get through certain places even if you have a tractor. The papers have recently been prepared to transfer the roads back to the municipal property." Sergei Victorovich complained that the monastery does not pay for the utilities it uses. There was even a letter to the Patriarch about that Also, the monastery does not make a certain part of the money it takes from the tourists to enter the holy place for social needs (as it was agreed upon). In addition to that, there are complaints about sewage coming into Lake Ladoga from the nrionastery... Alexander Stcherbakov, the head of the Vaiamo constructors and consumers society, thinks that the monastery and the civilians can coexist This society has 35 families who have joined it (about 100 people overall). It seems that some of the ideas they talk about are reasonable. They talk about building a village separately from the central estates. The people will gladly help to do that Then the outside quadrangle could be transferred to the monastery and spared from civilian residence. And then everybody could say: this is ours and this is yours. However, there is a problem in funds and in finding the right place. They actually applied to court to get the land necessary for construction. Nobody knows what is going to be decided upon in that case. Vladimir Alexandrovich Vysotzkiy, the head of the Unique Territory of Vaiamo administration says that previously the main organizing factor was the nursing home (all services were created to support that operation); now the factor has become the monastery. "Now we are in the process of putting our administration together, — said Vladimir Alexandrovich. - We look into the possibilities of cooperation between the local authorities and the monastery. Afterall, we all live together in the same place on the island." By the way, they would have to live together for, at least, fifteen more years. Relocating people to the mainland is an extremely costly and tinneKXjnsuming enterprize. In the future, the government is expected to construct a 60-apartment building for current Vaiamo residents. Of course, it is not enough to have 60 apartments. And how about those folks who want to stay on the island? (According to the words of the local administrators, the last poll said that about one-half of the population does not want to go anywhere else from the island.) The abnomal situation in the settlement has practically split the island people into several groups. Some are friendly to the monastery, while others are extremely agressive, still others are indifferent they just don't want to t>e touched by anybody. There are many people who think about everything that is going on philosophically; no way that the monastery can step back off the island so if s better for us to move to the mainland; we just want to wait until they get new apartments built for us there. We don't have to forget that the monastery also helps people on the island. The elderiy sometimes are given money. Someone received some amount of money to bury his relative. A little computer room was opened for the kids. It is cfeariy seen, though, that the flow of complaints on the monastery cannot t>e stopped. If we take a little closer look at that, however, the brothers also 323

might have reasons to complain about the locals. When the youngsters turn up their boomboxes to the extreme during the worship service or when some comrade who has had a few drinks is calling a novice to have a straight talk outside. It is not good for the monastery to live among the lay people. They just have different things in mind. They would not understand each other. The only thing they have is to somehow peacefully coexist until they separate their ways to escape this this communal flat where they all live now. Sure, it's easy to say; the government is the reason for all troubles because it was the government which put the monastery in an already populated place. It should have taken care of people there, help them move to another place, create the necessary living standards for them, and only then give the island to the monastery. Mayt)e, that was supposed to be the way. But what use does it make to talk about it now? And nowadays it does not make sense to count on the government too much. If something like that happened in some other country, there would have been a special rehabilitation program for the people due to a major disaster the whole population losing jobs and moving to a new place of habitat. In our case, however, the situation on the island does not seem to be much different from the general situation in the country. Unfortunately, many people do not understand that the monks are ordinary people from an ordinary world. And they demand a special "holiness" from the brothers that is to be supported by their ideal and meek behavior. They forget that Valamo today is not like it was hundreds of years ago. Since the cloister had tieen closed for many years, the connection between generations of the monks with their traditions has t^n broken (unlike Pskovo-Pechory Monastery). There are no famous elders (startzy) who had lived several dozens of years on Valamo, and to whom even non-t)elievers were coming up to listen to a word of wisdom and to ask for some good advice. The contemporary Valamo Monastery has many difficulties — not simply material ones, but also in a spiritual sense. The resident Abbott of the monastery. Archimandrite Pankratiy, is saying that there is no monastery in Russia that would tie free from the worid. People have been coming here who have not been able to team yet how to hold their temptations and their temper. These things have to be overcome, in order to bring light to people then. We participate in a very strong combat of two opposite forces. A human can be either with Christ or without Christ. Those who are without cleariy see an enemy in the monastery. As for the practical questions of coexistence. Father Archimandrite made it clear that anyone will be relocated to the mainland only according to that person's will. The plan developed by the Stcherbakov group is considered to be absolutely unacceptable. If the construction on the island is allowed, the whole island will become just an ordinary dacha settlement As to the restoration works that are supposed to be conducted at the monastery, they have to be done by the specialists, and there are no specialists of that kind available now locally. The great expectations come from the Federal program of renovation of the island. If it is accepted, and if the government gives enough money for it, most of necessary works on the island will be carried out without delays. However, they cannot be done without governmental support. Probably, there are no right or wrong people in the entire history with Valamo describ^. Naturally, one can either try to protect the local civilians or the monastery itself. Cleariy, both sides of the conflict need help. The most important in this is that there are live people on both sides. As for myself, I liked what the Chief Valamo doctor, Sergey Alexeyevich Antoshin, said: "Everything must be built on love. But the love has to come from both sides. Love, light and good will take victory over darkness!" 324

The Nature of this Research Due to its nature, any research dealing with Valamo must be complex. For example, if one studies agriculture, he has to leam atxiut how to use it in solving social problems of the island or even property-related issues, or there would be no practical outcome. On the other side, if one approaches agricultural research from a purely technological standpoint, they would also run into trouble, because one cannot avoid the environmental issues of the Valanno archipelago as a whole in which the ecosystem is very fragile. If one is not an agriculturist, but a nneteorologist and climatologist for example, or he is studying ways of solving the island's energy problem, he cannot avoid taking into account the need to know how the agricultural system operates. On the other hand, if one wants to solve political problems anrwng the different types of people or social groups represented on Valamo archipalago, he has to conduct research on how they make their living, what kinds of production and employment interests they have, what will it take to make them cooperate willingly (and that includes the monastery, the military unit, the civilians and the many other smaller social groups represented on the archipelago permanently or temporarily (during the summer season). Because I had a close experience with Valamo (as an employee of the museum (see Figure 6.1) and of the forestry, not just as a temporary resident of the islands), I could say that I had a spiritual experience unlike anything else prior to that in my life. This experience literally changed the direction of my life. In conducting this research, i initially wanted to think globally while working locally and contributing to the complex regeneration of the pre-World War II community on the island through helping to restore the agricultural production system that was so successful prior to World War II. It was, naturally, a task far t>eyond the capacity of an ordinary person such as me. One has to consider a vast and profound ecological, climatological, agricultural technological and educational study of the island's community, economy and environment prior to Worid War II and today (see Figure 6.2). Therefore, lacking initial supporters of that idea, I realized that I would have to deal with agricultural technology transfer issues in time. In 1988 the monastery had not existed on the island as a functioning community for over 45 years. However, because of the growing influx of domestic and foreign tourists on Valamo, which peaked in 1988, the government of Karelia had decided to begin a complex restoration project of Valamo archipelago that would include architectural complex and, possibly, environment. It was more liberal and open to changes during the last period of Gorbachev's perestroika policies which found their reflections on the local govemments level. The first person who expressed a deep interest in such plans regarding the restoration of environment of Valamo and, perhaps, its agriculture, was Ivan P. Mironov, the Director of Valamo State Forestry. He was a Karelian who loved his land and was feeling very sad about all the devastation and genocide that occurred as a result of the Communist system. He hired me as an 325

Figure 5.3. A group of touring Georgians (now an independent country) visiting Valamo in 1988, with the author as their tour guide horticulturist-agronomist to initiate some organizational and historical work related to the renovation of Valamo orchards. At that time, the selection work had already been done by specialists of the Michurinsk Fruit-and-Vegetable Institute, a primier research center on Horticulture in Russia. My purpose was to assist them. At the same time, I had received a number of letters from Mr. Mironov (e.g., Figure 5.4) to organizations in St. Petersbiurg that were doing some landscape restoration work and that could assist Valamo in helping out with our project on orchards restoration not simply for production purposes but also so that they would become once again a part of the landscape architectural complex of Valamo, as designed initially by the monks in the 19*^ century. Later I made contact with the Agriphysics loffe Research Institute whose head was a prominent Russian Scientist in Climatology, Dr. Igor Uskov. Dr. Uskov expressed a deep interest in conducting a broad project on agricultural ecological restoration involving studies of the sustainable agricultural methods practiced by the monks in the past, and on the climatic history of the island. Dr. Uskov was a romantic in his heart and, perhaps, wanted to do more than the Russian Orthodox Church was inclined to let him do. as they had just started returning to the islands. As a result, Dr. 326

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Figure 5.4. Letter to the Director of the "Special Restoration Projects" organization [in Russian, Spyetzproyektryestavratziya] in St Petersburg, signed by the director of Valamo State Forestry, Ivan P. Mironov, and requesting help with the restoration of Valamo's orchards to become a part of the former monastery's landscape-architectural complex on the Islands of Valamo

Uskov and I had to focus on the purely agricultural aspects of the project that he and 1 were conducting, and expand it to include climatological data (which was his field of expertise). The project resulted in my trip to the United States to leam in-depth atx)ut the system of analysis of meteorological data across the state of Iowa. In the meantime, I managed to contribute to the creation of the Valamo Society of Ames, Iowa, that was comprised of individuals who were interested assisting the restoration of agricultural technologies on Valamo. Several people affiliated with Iowa State University expressed and interest, including Dr. Tom Colvin of the National Soil Tilth Laboratory, who is a member of my graduate committee. Dr. Mike Campbell, then a graduate student of Dr. Robert Martin, Dr. Betty Wells, who is also my committee member, the late Dr. Michael Warren from the Center for Indigenous Knowledge and Rural Development, as well as many other people of different backgrounds and ways of life. Although, as a group, we did not succeed in obtaining the 327 necessary funds required of such a vast project, we were successful in obtaining some preliminary data for our research. These data came primarily from Russia and Finland, with some from the United States and even a small protion from Sweden. They were initially supposed to be included in my dissertation, but were excluded when I made the decision to limit the focus to agricultural education. Nevertheless, it was considered as a small step towards the major goal of agricultural and environmental restoration of Valamo Monastery's complex of technologies that existed in the past and were successful in providing the monastic community and those who lived on the island with the necessary means of existence. Due to financial limitations and my own limited capacities as a researcher, I changed from the original broader focus to concentrate on agricultural education issues. Another nnajor reason for this decision was the ^ct that I consider agricultural education to be a key issue in such a restoration process because it can benefit both sides (i.e., the people and the environment). It could benefit the monks who used technology successfully in the past to provide for the material means of existing while they incorporated their unique spiritual existence to conduct ardent works for God, thus providing for a means for individual spiritual growth of every monk in the community. As such, they provided a means of establishing harmony between the community and each individual, and the natural environment which God had entrusted to them. It could also benefit those whose desire was to have Valamo Monastery once again as an example of such existing spiritual and sustainable technologies, i.e., the consumers of agricultural information. Nevertheless, information transfer is not possible unless there is communication. Communication helps meet the informational and educational needs of people, as well as removes and/or minimizes social tensions; therefore, it contributes to harmonizing social relations t)etween people belonging to different social groups through their common interests and goals. It was very specific in this case, however, because we were planning to talk not about communication in one time plane only, that would be limited by the technical means of communication and of information delivery, but in a historical plane as well, which has its own specific limitations related to the types of information tiiat we want to transfer across the time boundaries. It also has very specific difficulties because we must deal with the myriad and complexity of the issues in the country, and historical issues among the countries which have gates to such information of interest. If such information is made available, there are also sonne issues with adoption of a scheme that must be mentioned. Let us consider them by using Valamo Monastery as an example.

The Adoption of New Technologies in Russia After 1917 the Russian economy shrank. The population of the monks on Valamo were reduced to one-third, and the monastery lost all of its capital that was in the Russian banks. It resulted in the need to refocus some areas of the monastery's economic system. They had to abandon growing some types of labor-intensive crops that required common field work and simplify the 328

rotations of crops. Whereas in the past they employed 8-year and 4-year rotations, now they were forced to adopt a 4-year rotation. As a result, the overall diversity of production suffered. This is a very good example of how social and political change can lead to a drastic change in a once abundantly productive and prosperous community. After World War 11, when the local Soviet government was created and the original population was forced to vacate the island, the entire economy of the archipelago collapsed. Agriculture ceased as a means for existence. The people who were forcibly settled on the island were not encouraged to participate in agricultural practices. However, the land was so productive, that even the lack of knowledge about appropriate ag technologies for that place, the new people were able to grow vegetables with high yields on their little personal plots, so that they had a big surplus which they sold to the mainland. Nevertheless, the soil was not well-maintained, tiecause there were no cattle (the monastery had left a significant number of cattle, but the majority died due to the lack of care). This gradually led to a decrease in fertility, and eventually no agriculture practices were possible. This is a classic example of the effects of social and demographical changes on technological change. In this case, production based on a previously successful system carried on briefly until the lack of technical or even indigenous knowledge (of agricultural practices) resulted in declined and eventual ruination of a once highly productive agrarian economy. This also points out the fact that a progressive technological system that existed on the island provided for the self-regeneration of the agricultural ecological system, which was one of its main impacts. Since the return of the monastery to Valamo and the restoration of the Russian Orthodox Church on the Islands (in 1988, the year when Russia celebrated 1,000 years of Christianity), there is an urgent need not only for cultural revitalization, but also for a restoration of the basic economic self- sustainability and independence from the mainland. A great deal of the knowledge about the technologies of the past has t)een concentrated in the Finnish archives which have been not accessible to researchers. There is also little knowledge of agriculture or technological experience posessed by the contemporary monks. Literally, the current situation is direcUy opposite to what it was in the past Where there were technologies available to the monastery and the social conditions were ^vorable for the monastic community, now there are very limited technologies (if any), and almost no knowledge or favorable social conditions to even sustain a community. What is the solution? One cannot repair the social conditions at this time. The change can only come from knowledge: from the data bank of information on successful technologies of the past and the integration of those archival data with the results of recent field experiments. Primary attention must be paid to prior successful practices, and readapting them to that which fits the present capabilities of the monastery and its environment. One must integrate the "ecologically pure" (i.e., that which will not damage the ecology of the environment) technologies of the past with the nnost promising sustainable technologies made available to the agriculturalists after WWII. Adherence to 329

this mandate might bring about a positive impact on the sustainability of the present monastic community as a whole as well as provide the necessary food for the civilian residents of the island. The term "might" is purposefully used t)ecause there is a greater need to educate the current inhabitants of the monastery at)out agriculture and sustainable practices because even basic knowledge is lacking. Thus, agricultural technologies and education could combine to make the process of technological restoration of the island successful and positively influence the social development of the island communities. The Valamo Society, a group of enthusiasts created to support the technological renovation of the Valamo Islands, has put its main goal to develop such an information system of technologies that will t>e needed by farming practitioners. Simultaneously, there is a plan to develop an educational center to make this knowledge available not simply to the monks and the islanders, but to other farmers as well. The greater purpose is not only to prepare the inhabitants for adoption of successful agricultural technologies, but also to promote social change to better the lives of all inhabitants of Valamo. This researcher feels that the role of technology in social change can be great only if the social change process has t)egun. Technology cannot be the major tool for social change. In a society such as Russia, where every good initiative develops into the opposite result, no good technology can save the situation. At the same time, technology can result in change only if the people in the society are prepared to accept it in terms of their cultural and educational background. Even if the social conditions are generally ^vorable for a change to occur, it cannot ensure that a promising technology will t)e adopted. It is through the comlex interplay of different social and psychological Actors that provides for the success of the role that technology can play in social change. Nevertheless, if the first adoption is made because the conditions were made favorable, the adoption of the next technology shall come much faster, and the impact of that technology will be much greater on the society. Success of such proportions can accelerate exponentially, and the higher the educational and technological consciousness of society, the greater will be the positive impact of each new invention, and new adoption and its progress. I am not alone in thinking that consciousness of the need for change precedes technological change. In the article. Economic development, progress and culture, Henry (1987) states that Culture has been defined as a relationship of man with the nature surrounding him taken as a whole, in a conceptual and spiritual framework which enables man to act as a relatively autonomous agent in relation to ecological and social constraints- New consumption models are conceivable and indispensable. But they can only be conceived as a function of cultural models which have been renewed on the basis of traditional cultural models... in the modem worid, there cannot be viable development without a neo-culture which dynamically links the past with the future, (p. 14) Therefore, every attempt to introduce a new technology is t>ound to fail if careful consideration is not paid to the social environment and the technological traditions of the particular 330 place. The longer every specific group of people has managed to survive in a particular place, the more sustainable its development was in the past The purpose for introducing exogenous technology is to speed up development without disrupting the sustainability of the human ecological niche. On the other hand, the increasing number of human beings in different parts of the world make it simply impossible to follow traditional ways of production without changing them, and, therefore, change in people's culture. Nevertheless, something will be sacrificed; either the people, the land, the ecosystem, or some parts of their culture may vanish or t)e modified, etc. 331

CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

The Original Problem that Initiated the Research for this Dissertation The original problem that initiated the idea about carrying out this research was the lack of knowledge of the current inhabitants (the monks and town folk) about the historical agricultural practices of the past and the past system of sustainable agriculture in the Valamo archipelago, it led to the idea of conducting a possible renovation of the sustainable agricultural system of the monastery complex on Valamo archipelago in Russia. The purpose of such a renovation was to; 1. restore both societal and ecological sustainability of the unique spiritual, agricultural and environmental microsystem of Valamo; and 2. create the initial framework for a system of extension in the Northem part of Russia that would serve the Valamo archipelago and its neighboring communities. The objectives of the original research design that were formulated to meet the purposes of such a renovation were to; 1. locate and gather pre-World War II archival records made by the Valanrio Monastery; 2. transform those records into an informational database to support a plan for optimization of management decision-making by all arable land-users in that area, including the monastery and the local civilians; and 3. integrate the database into a management decisions-support computer program. The original implications were to: 1. achieve social, environmental and political stability on the islands and in the entire region of Karelia; 2. achieve sustainability and preservation goals for the monastery's community and environmental niche: and 3. create a plan for a nucleus for the agricultural extension in the region.

The original program design Originally, a scientific project was to t}e conducted on the agriecological division and the climate of Valamo Island in the northem part of Ladoga Lake (in Karelia) with a plan to restore Valamo to a functioning acricultural complex. In 1989, the Government of the Karelian Autonomous Republic decided to return the Spaso-Preobrazhensky Monastery to the Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate). However, Valamo Island not only represented a unique architectural-historical and landscape complex, but also a unique agricultural-economic system with its own specific ecoclimate. Valamo's economy was based for a long historical period on the monastery's existence on the island. The economy was characterized by high productivity and water resource management 332 which enabled the monastery to be completely self-sufficient in providing its necessary foodstuffs as well as to export surplus to the mainland. In the past several decades, however, the island ecosystems in Karelia were subjected to decimation due to mismanagement and the absence of a common system for agricultural area utilization. Many of the arable lands lost their original habitat were invaded by shrubs, drainage systems were destroyed and the soil-vegetation balance was upset In addition, the Valamo Monastery's gardens were in a deplorably neglected state. The destruction of the drainage system brought about the death of many fruit trees. The absence of soil cultivation practices created conditions in which outbreaks of diseases and infestation by insects took place resulting in the general decline of the fruit-ti-ees and berry-bushes. A renewal of the functioning monastery on Valamo Island should combine the revival of a single agricultural complex with the productive potential of the Island's ecosystem as an entity. This will enable Valamo to develop and retain its primary ecological purity in conditions of intensive agricultural production. This plan must be developed on a scientific basis which includes: 1. studying the unique characteristics of agricultural management on the island during 19'''-20''' centuries using archival data; 2. conducting a systems analysis of the weather and climatic conditions during the period since the middle of the 19*" century (both climatic data and data obtained through dendroclimatological indices); 3. studying the soil conditions in the past and present including soil nutrients, elements and dynamics (possible ways to utilize agricultural soils and the recommended cultures; and formulation of technological processes to ensure the rationalized soil-climatic potential utilization in each ecological recess (niche); 4. carrying out the agriecological division into districts of agricultural lands on Valamo Island, that will identify locations with similar microclimate and soil conditions to determine the potential for growing either established or other agricultural crops with consideration of the established natural, ecological balance; 5. conducting the necessary investigations to enable the creation of a mathematical model, the basis of which will lead to a forecast of the possible consequences of management agronomic and economic decisions; decisions taken while using ecologically pure technologies will result in a differentiated and highly productive management system. The following stages of investigation were planned: 1. Appointing a historically composed agriecosystem; the mapping of Valamo agricultural lands; 2. Conducting experiments to study the microclimatic features of each system within the bounds of ecological recesses by establishment of instrumented sites and with portable meteorological stations; 333

3. Completing laboratory physical experiments using special information and measuring systems to ^cilitate the creation of physical models of heat and moisture transfer to enable the characterization of such plots which are impassible to investigate them fully in natural conditions; 4. Completing numerical (computer) simulations to generate data that will help to delineate unique characteristics of observed phenomena and their properties of interdependence; 5. Searching for long term climatic fluctuations in the past through the usage of (a) meteorological data; (b) oblique indexes reflecting the climatic influence on the state of thin structure of annual tree rings; (c) methods applicable to the accretion of lichens; and (d) a series of phytoindicafa'onal methods evaluating regularities in flora changes in the past including data extracted from monastery sources (all materials concerned with agriculture and indirect information); 6. Dividing Valamo into agriecological districts with the objective of rational utilization of its agricultural lands according to the investigation of their present state, the microclinnate, and trends of long-term climatic change; also inventorying the characteristics of their historical utilization (because the agricultural lands on Valamo, in addition, implemented a landscape role); and 7. Developing technologies for each type of plot and conducting simulation initiation modeling on personal computers while taking into account all the available data. The purpose of these studies were to enable the creation of new management technologies, soil fertility management methods, and the formulation of a microclimatic database. The banks of information and technologies would contribute to a management decisions-support system. It must be noted that the study of an island agricultural system is unique. The opportunity to study a complex system and establish an ecologically sound sustainable system is also unique. The problem of restoration of Valamo's agriculture in its historical form is not only concemed with the idea of a creation of a technological museum under open air, but it also has a strong intemational emphasis because of the historical linkages between the Finnish and Russian cultures on one hand, and the American culture on the other hand (including agriculture) which has a basis in the inclusion of Old Valamo in the list of world memorials created by UNESCO. The necessary investigations were to be conducted by a complete archival data search. The archives of Valamo Monastery are located in the following institutions in Finland: 1. New Valamo Monastery Archive (Uusi-Valamo, Heinavesi); 2. State Archive of Finnish Republic (Valtionarkisto, Helsinki); 3. Agricultural Archive in Mikkeli (Mikkelin maakunta-archisto, Mikkeli); 4. Helsinki University Library (Helsingin Yliopiston Kirjasto, Helsinki); 5. Meteorological Institute in Helsinki (llmatieteen laitos, Helsinki). 334

The archival work would fiacilitate the development of a relationship between the historical culture of the Finnish and Russian nations, as well as the development of the agricucuitural technologies of Valamo Monastery. The original intention was to combine the necessary investigations in Agronomy, History and Agricultural Engineering in order to implement a project for restoration of the traditional agricultural systems on Valamo Island. Thus, the original plan included an investigation of Greek Orthodox Churches in America, Finland and Russia to explain the changes in the technological systems of monasteries throughout church history. The project was to include the following parts; 1. Improvement of microclimate and biological productivity of the ecological recesses in which the monasteries were located, by means of agricultural practice development. 2. The influence of the history of climate and of natural changes in the ecosystems on the development of monastic communities throughout their history. 3. Their interrelationships as depicted in Figure 6.1.

Community

Technological level

M • History of society, technology and climate, including MitiUMOtion of natural resources

Figure 6.1. Historical research as part of the larger Valamo agricultural restoration project

Agricultural records were kept by the monks including rotations, yields, cultural methods, etc. These records are located in archives in Russia, Finland, and the USA. A decisions-support system would be developed based on those records as well as on current climatic and plant measurements. A soils investigation found extremely variable conditions on the agricultural fields. Work would be needed to align modem weather observations with climate records t)ecause equipment locations have changed. Soil Tilth and Bonition methods of soil capability understanding would be compared. The Valamo Society of Ames, Iowa, would develop long-term plans to assist in the development of a Sustainable Education Center on the island based on information developed through this and related projects. This would provide knowledge for food production. Production and distribution of food in the St. Petersburg area was shown to be a problem during the Winter of 1991-92. This project was aimed at production in a sustainable manner based on historical and new technology. People with a secure food supply can think and plan for the future in an orderiy manner. 335

The purpose of the Valamo agricultural project was, primarily, to recreate the successful pre- WWII sustainable agricultural technologies that would: 1. enable Valamo Monastery to, once again, become self-sustained; 2. minimize capital investments for machinery and new technologies; 3. serve as an example of the harmonic existence of a hunman community in a fragile ecosystem; and 4. be used as a basis for an informal education and extension system in Northern Russia.

Implications of the Valamo Project Development in the Future The original plan for the Valamo project on agricultural and educational development was based on the following implications: 1. Achieving social, environmental and political stability on the islands and in the entire region of Karelia. 2. Achieving sustainability and preservation goals for the monastery's community and environmental niche. 3. Creating a pattern, a nucleus for the agricultural extension in the region.

Agricultural Technology Transfer and Two Schemes for Informal Dissemination of Agricultural Information The Chinese believe that there are no problems in the outside world; there are only problems inside oneself. Once they are resolved, the outside worid can tum its better side to [in this case] China. 1 realized several years ago that, essentially, natives of India have a same belief. A former graduate student of Dr. Tom Colvin. Dr. Kanchan Singh, remarked in 1991: "In this country you have no problems. The only problems that you have are your problems." I want to point out to two specific but distinctive issues that reflect on how my research was shaped. One issue is my own attitude and political and philosophical perceptions of the educational problem that I was trying to resolve (i.e., a social problem). This first issue has a subjective nature whereas the second is objective in nature as it is a product, or reflection of a combination of Actors that limited ways in which I could look at the societal (or educational) problem that I was trying to solve. This combination is expressed through the types of information that were made available to me. through the means by which the information was made accessible to me. and through the methods of study that I selected for my research. This is a problem, essentially, of external limitations for my study. These problems are explained in greater detail as follows. First, let us agree that when we talk about agricultural education we are referring to a way of technology transfer in time. According to the Technology transfer primer of the U.S. Federal Highway Administration (T174.3 S32x, 1985, p.1) The adoption of new ideas and techniques does not occur naturally, but results from hard work, trial and error. It is important to recognize this fact and to make an effort to develop information that is concise, readable and to-the-point and to make sure that 336

the information reaches people who can use it... One of the fundamental rules to follow Is to use multiple channels of communication when trying to promote the adoption of an innovation. Never expect one report, one presentation, one telephone call or one conference to accompliush this extremely difficult and delicate maneuver. Successful transfer programs need to be conceived with thoroughness and vision. There is no easy or even clear path to successful technology transfer. Human contacts are the mosty critical ingredients, but they need to t>e used along with good written and visual materials. Such materials, however, are useless without an understanding of the needs, limitations and problems of the user. Change agents must make a sincere effort to make technology transfer worit for the user... The term "technology transfer" refers to all the activities leading to the appropriate adoption of a new product or procedure by any group of users. "New" is us^ in a spedal sense; it means any improvement over existing technologies or processes. NOT NECESSARILY CHRONOLOGICALLY RECENT ONES... Technology transfer is not simply information dissemination; that is, it is not simply sending out information - whatever the form - and then passively awaiting its use. Technology transfer is a more active term. It implies interaction between technology sponsors and users and results in actual innovation. According to Or. Lynn Jones (1996) of Iowa State University, agricultural technology transfer is, "...a process, by which formal and informal agricultural and extension education influence the introduction and acceptance of agricultural technology and strategies for technology transfer...' (p. 20). Dr. Jones also noted that the selection of an appropriate technology, as a process, is a fundamental alteration in the procedures whereby technologies are selected and implemented to give greater weight to social values such as decentralization and individual control and less weight to the operation of market forces. The background idea of the current study purports an understanding of the fact that the agriculture on Valamo was successful in the past because of the system of transfer of knowledge that existed (both in one separately taken historical plane, and across the boundaries periods of time), as a result of continuation of history and as a result of continuation of tradition of Valamo tieing one economic organism. In addition, it existed particulariy because of the system of mentorship (elders and works of penance) at the monastery of Valamo. The main generators of Valamo agricultural knowledge, in a historical retrospective, were the monks (as single individuals, many being Russian peasants in their previous life before joining the monastery) and the monastery as a community organization. The main consumers of Valamo agricultural knowledge, again, in the historical retrospective, were novices who had just entered the monastery (who were not necessarily coming from a peasant background), pilgrims visiting the Island monastic community, peasants of coastal villages of Lake Ladoga, and those who lived on the outlying islands of Lake Ladoga. This plan is exhibited as the First Scheme in Figure 6.2. Currently, there are no generators of agricultural knowledge as such on Valamo Island. This dissertation represents a first and unique attempt to provide a starting point for future researchers who would become such generators, whether monks or civilians, and who would be (larticipators In 337

THE BODY OF AG KNOWLEDGE

Figure 6.2. First Scheme: The historically-existing system of informal ways of communication of agricultural information at Valamo Monastery the process of agricultural technological restoration on Valamo Islands through obtaining, exchange and dissemination of the necessary information while using all channels that are currently available. However, there are consumers of agricultural information on the Islands of Valamo, such as tourists, pilgrims, the monks themselves, and specifically foreign tourists from the "develop>ed worid" who might be interested in seeing how an indigenous agricultural production system works at Valamo, if such a system is restored or if a functioning "living history farm* and agricultural demonstration and learning center is created on Valamo islands in the future. Furthermore, there will be specific interests in Valamo agriculture on the part of those who will become involved in the 338 proposed system of monastery-based agricultural extension. One extension center could be located on Valamo. There are several other potential consumers of agricultural knowledge in its indirect form, for example those visitors of Valamo and people who live on Valamo Island who are interested in traditional healing methods (herbal medicine). As indicated in Chapter 4. an integral part of Valamo gardening in the past, and of course, the gardening was integrated in the entire agricultural production system. There are people who would especially be interested and would benefit from learning about the underiying spiritual goal of the monastic agriculture. And finally, there are scientists who would be interested in using Valamo's restored agricultural system based on historically successful technologies as an experimental base. Thus, there is a purely scientific and investigative aspect of the agricultural technologies transfer in time. This is depicted in the Second Scheme in Figure 6.3). The first of the two schemes shows the selected elements of the informal agricultural education system that were, to my opinion, the most important for the transfer of agricultural technologies in one historical plane. There one can visualize the basic consumers and producers of agricultural knowledge at the monastery; the monastery itself (as a social and economic entity), the individual monks (as carriers of the indidgenous knowledge), and the pilgrims who visited the monastery on a long- or short-term basis. This term "pilgrims" in this scheme also includes hired personnel at the monastery, for simplicity sake. The ag extension agents in the first scheme were Finnish agents visiting the monastery on a yeariy basis during the period after the Communist Revolution, prior to Worid War II. They were not a part of any formalized system of the monastery-based extension at that time (which, as such, did not exist at that time). They should be considered as sources of extemal (non-indigenous) agricultrural knowledge for the monastery, but because their visits were so regular, they should also be considered as a part of the informal system of agricultural education at Valamo monastery prior to Worid War II. They were leaming about monastic agricultural practices and were making that information available to consumers outside the monastery. (This researcher is one such consumer, because I used their reports in my work.) The main body of historical ag knowledge (shown as a box) exists as a result of the informal educational efforts of all of those entities. The directions in which the information was transferred from each one of these entities to another are shown by arrows. The arrows also point to the extemal communities. These communities were; peasant communes nearby, on Lake Ladoga's shores and across the country, research centers such as E. L. Roegel's Imperial Botanical Gardens in SL Petersburg, and International Exhibits such as the Worid Exhibit in Paris etc. In addition, pilgrims and monks (as well as, to lesser extent, extension agents) are the main generators of indigenous agricultural knowledge influx to the monastery. At the same time, pilgrims, the monastery itself and 339

the body of ag knowledge

Figure 6.3. Second Scheme; Development of a possible system of infomnal ways of communication of agricultural information at present-day Valamo Monastery

the extension agents who visited it. were the main sources of information atxjut the agricultural technologies practices at Valamo Monastery, for the outside world. In the second scheme, the accents shift the indicate how the information is obtained by the monastery and communicated to the outside world. This scheme deals with the current situation (and with the future situation that will be taking place while the sustainable ag production system on Valamo is being restored). No knowledge comes to the monastery from the pilgrims and from monks. Currently, the pilgrims and monks are basically not peasants, and they are not earners of indigenous 340 knowledge. At the same time, the role of the monastery (as a model spiritual community with an agricultural production system) has been greatly increased in the current period of time, and the plan Is to revitalize this system (if such a system of production is actually restored, i.e., if the agricultural technologies are transferred across the boundaries of time) as the main source of agricultural information. There are no other channels that can be used by external sources (such as farmers, etc.) in order to leam about the successful sustainable practices of Valamo Monastery than the monastery itself, with its projected ag education and demonstration center (see the following subsection of this chapter). In addition, currently there is no extension system in the country of Russia, similar to the system that existed in Finland prior to World War II. Thus, there is no independent information delivery channel at)out the monastic agricultural practices that could be available to the potential consumers of agricultural information in the country. Instead, I have depicted ag scientists (researchers) on this scheme who could t>ecome consumers of such information, themselves. However, their function cannot be substituted for that of the Finnish extension agents prior to Worid War 11. Their primary interest would be in using Valamo as a research base.

Establishment of a Model Agricultural Education and Demonstration Center on Valamo Archipelago in Russia that Employs Diversity and Openness For decades Russia was a closed society. It was so after the Bolshevist coup of 1917, and it is so now. Under the Czars, the majority of the population were peasants. When the Bolshevist coup of 1917 occurred, it mobilized the most destructive potential of that nation. As a result, the social fabric disintegrated, and the economy, including agriculture, was ruined. Seventy-four years later, the system created by Bolshevists disintegrated once again. The Gorbachev reforms resulted in the overall criminalization of Russian society which potentially constitutes a great danger for the outside worid. Russia is still unable to build a good agricultural system as the mafia structures and the government do not want people to exercise their right to be independent food producers, which fonms the basis of any other kind of independence. In this situation, perhaps only education might assist Russians to build a politically stable society that would t)e based on peaceful competition among her subjects, and to a larger extent, a member of the intemational community. After the political disintegration of the Soviet Union, new problems arose in the educational system in Russia. Education in the USSR was oriented on preparing narrow spedalists in diffierent areas of industry and agriculture. Little was done about providing future professionals with a vision of humanitarian knowledge that would enable them to better understand society and their role in it The entire educational process was highly political and Soviet ideology indoctrination saturated all levels of public [synonymous with government] education. Independent thinking, even in the respective professional areas was not supported. Moreover, scientists were prepared to function in a society with a planned economy in which all significant decisions were made on higher hierarchical levels. 341

Consequently, the education in the U.S.S.R. was govemmentally funded, and the students were assigned to the jobs after their graduation. Under the current conditions, the goals of education have changed: it has to survive in itself since its budget is minimal, and to reorient educational process in response to nnarket needs, so as to enable students to learn how to predict the unpredictable, how to solve problems that they have never experienced. Most likely the biggest constraint is that the economic system in Russia currently represents a strange mix between the old-type communist system, when unprofitable enterprises were subsidized by the govemment and a gangster-type mari

Purpose The purpose of this study was to assist Russia's small-holder and tenant farmers develop and implement an appropriately scaled agricultural system that is able to provide food and contribute to a modem and comfortable life style for the rural people, while at the same tinrie safeguarding the fertility of the land.

Objectives The following objectives were outlined as important in developing a small-scale, sustainable agricultural system for Lake Ladoga and nearby areas such as St Petersburg: 1. Assess the food needs of rural people in Ingermanland and Karelian areas of Russia. 2. Access the indigenous agricultural knowledge and skills of rural people in the area. 342

3. Assist in the development of a comprehensive land use plan for the above mentioned area. 4. Assist in the development of a flexible but reliable food source for common people in the area. 5. Assist in the development of agricultural research and training progranns, on VaianrK) Island, for the Russian, Karelian and Ingermanland people of the Lake Ladoga area. 6. Assist in the design and construction of a combination as research and teaching farm on Vaiamo island, will include training in: a. Principles of science. b. Principles of agriculture. c. Principles of agribusiness, including marketing. d. Prindples of cooperation and leadership. e. Principles of agricultural and extension education. 7. Locate, copy, and translate the archival materials pertaining to Valamo's agricultural history. 8. Develop a computerized "decisions-support system" for predicting outcomes for various soils and weather patterns for the area. 9. Train sodal and agricultural researchers to work on the needs assessment 10. Stimulate information flow and good will between Russian and American citizens, farmers, students, and scientists; and 11. Assist agricultural developers from making tiie same mistakes in Russia that have been made elsewhere.

The Process

Phase One - Year 1 Needs assessment. The purposes of the needs assessment will be two fbU. Initially, it will be used to identify the various Russian stake-holders who will participate in or be affiected in some way by the Project On Establishment Of a Model Agricultural Educational System In St Petersburg Agrarian University And On Vaiamo Archipelago In Russia. Once this is established, the agricultural knowledge, wants and needs of the stakeholders will be assessed, particulariy of the rural people and those communal farm workers who might be displaced by the modemization of the collectivized farms. An extensive review of tx3th English and Russian literature pertaining to agricultural developnrient will also be conducted. Both quantitative and qualitative assessment techniques will be used in order to gain a broad based consensus of needs and to compile as much relevant indigenous knowledge as possible. The assessment instruments will be developed by the Department of Agricultural Education and Studies of Iowa State University, wiUi the help of the Center for Indigenous Knowledge and Rural Devetopment (CIKARD) and of the Vaiamo Society in Ames, Iowa. Russian workers will be hired and trained to perform the assessment and to translate the results into English for analysis. 343

Research of Archh/af Material. There is a large body of dimatological and agricultural records from the Valamo archipelago, which are being stored in several locations in Russia. Rnland and Sweden. The existence of these records makes Valamo a valuable scientific site and an excellent research and training location. Assessing this information will take place in two parts. First the various sites must be located and the quantity and quality of the records must tie checked. Second, the material will need to tje translated and thoroughly studied so that relevant material can be sent for inclusion in the decision support system. Decisiof) Support System. The opportunity exists to combine informatton on Valamo's historic crop production with modem scientific production technology to develop a dedsion support system for crop production in the Lake Ladoga region. The historic information is in the agricultural archives in Finland and must be organized and developed for inclusion in a data t)ase of timing, technique and result It is necessary to begin this work at Valamo, where the original records were made. After the decision support system has been completed and tested on Valanx), the information can be nnade available to farmers in ever increasing circles out from Lake Ladoga. As the information is made available to a wider group, it will be necessary to modify it to suit kx^al climate, soil and farming conditions. Land Use Planning. An important part of tiiis project will be the development of a land use planning process, including the devetopment of Environmental Impact reports for Valanno Island itself and a careful study of soil conditions and contamination in the region. This will be done in conjunction with the Institute on Urban Development in St Petersburg and Moscow State University. Development of Research and Training Programs. Classes would include the whole gamut of horticultural techniques applicable to the northern latitudes, as well as classes in ecotogy, agribusiness and marketing, leadership and education. (This could possibly be expanded into a year long program which would include other rural youth development programs such as 4-H, FFA, and supervised occupational experiences (SOEs)). In addition to the normal six-nmnth program, an additional apprenticeship program could be also established for training instructors and researchers for small-scale sustainable agriculture. In this way, some students can gain a deeper understanding of either the agricultural education process or tt^e research process. They can also assist in teaching and research, thus reducing overall costs.

Phase Two - Years 2 and 3 Development of Research and Training Facilities. The focus of the project will be the development of a nrxxJel small-scale, sustainable agricultural system along with an appropriately scaled research and ti^aining facility on Valanx) Island. This system itself will operate along the lines of a "farming systems" research project An adjunct to this will t)e the devekipment of a variation on the ti^ining and visit (T&V) system of extension, which will be used as a means of dissemination of information. 344

The training ^lity should accomrrxxJate about twenty five to thirty students per year. The class session would last approximately six months, from mid-April to mid-September. Facilities to house the staff and students, as well as the equipment and classrooms, labs, greenhouses, etc. would need to be lease or built Designing these structures along with the training fann are a major part of the project Dissemination of infbnnation. Dissemination of Information will be dealt with in several different ways. One is similar to the way the state extension services in the U.S. have traditionally dealt with this problem that is, through the use of newsletters, and press releases to local papers, radio and TV outlets. Since these are all up and coming media in the St Petersburg area, they should work with a certain amount of efficiency. Another method of dissemination will be through the graduates of the program. The students will be trained to do on-^nn research and to pass the information on to their neighbors at regularly scheduled "field days". This variation of the T&V system will be taught as a component of their agricultural classes. A third method of dissemination is that once the details for developing a snr^ll-scale, sustainable agricultural system, and its research and training components are worked out the whole process can be moved to other areas with minor variatk)ns. Ideally, some of the graduates of the initial brining periods can be hired to staff these new training centers. Also, as the basic components of a sustainable agricultural system are similar in all environments, it is possible that the model will have application in areas other than the far northem climates. Capacity Building. There is concern in the development community today about the ability of native organizations to sustain themselves after the donor organizations leave. It is the belief of the initiators of this project that the small-scale agricultural program proposed here will be self-sustaining for the following reasons: 1. The system will be based on indigenous knowledge. As such, it will expand practices the people are already practicing and be based on materials which are locally available and proceed for the local economy. 2. The system will be based on technology which is appropriate to the size and economics of small, family operated farms. 3. Because Russia has a sti'ong bureaucratic history, NGOs and PVOs are already developing organizations to organize and administer the kind of brining centers that are suggested here. 4. Teacher and extension education will be part of the cumculum, so instiuctors will be available. Project Evaluation. The best evaluation process for this project will be to combine two alternative approaches to program evaluation, namely an objectives-oriented style and a naturalistic/participant oriented style. The purpose of the former is to create a checks and balances process, so as to insure steady progress towards pre-detemnined goals and objectives, and to give the management team a 345 means of providing the project as a whole, with a feedback mechanisnfi. This part of the evaluation, in other words, will be for the sake of the project team and the funding agencies. The purpose of the latter evaluation process is to insure that a holistic view of the project is maintained, that the stakehoklers views are solicited and used as evolutionary tools in constantly updating tiie project's processes and procedures, and that a record of the sti^ngths and weaknesses, from tiie participant's viewpoint is compiled and used in designing similar projects at other kx:ations. This part of the evaluation procedure will be used in capacity building, and in creating ways for the participants to expand and improve the initial development model. Creation of Valamo Botanical Gardens: The View of Ag Entrepreneur (of Cooperator) The gardens will be a constitutive element of a Valamo scientific center in the future. They would have the fblk>wing purposes; • Provide for scientific research; • Provide for cognitive meaning for tounsts and pilgrims; • Serve educational base for schoolchildren and students; • Raise produce for nourishment and provide for medical ti^atment of islanders, tourists and pilgrims; • Design and introduce the nrxjst advanced agricultural technotogies; and • Host symposiums and conferences, etc. Planning Works and Measures • Conduct soil and climatic investigations. • Develop a landscape project design, taking into consideration the principles of plants' growing compatibility (creation of artificial biocoenosises). Creation of crop rotation, of protection links and so on. • Improve the soils, humus accumulation (utilization of biological manures produced from niti'ogen- fixating bacteria, spedal strains of tiie earthworms, for example, Red Califomian sti^in, biotogical reactor for the processing of organic and so on). • Purchase equipment (a small tractor and a horse). • Design and introduce of the advanced technologies for caring of plants, including • agrotechnics, • utilization of music, • watering with bioactivated water and so on. • Conduct a comparative analysis of the chemical structure and the medical properties of different plants, both cultivated on the island (intixxiucents) and grown within the limits of their natural habitat • Build contemporary greenhouses for raising both vegetables and medical herbs. • Computerize study programs for botany, ecology and phytotherapy. 346

• Create a phytopharmacy - phytorefectory. • Create a nursery forest and a shrubt}ery. • Create an apiary - nursery for raising queens, bee fannilies, getting honey, propolis, flower pollen and mother milk and for carrying out the apitherapy. • Study and introduce ecologically pure sources of energy: • wind generators, solar power engineering, bioreactor, refrigerator "inside out" and so on. • Create additional plantations of medical herbs (by Konevskije Lakes). • Conduct ecologically pure economics and obtain the corresponding produce. • Improve apiculture forage base by means of planting trees and shrubs and also by sowing additional grasses. • Create a meteorological post taking information daily, forecasting yields and so on. • Establish botii scientific and business relations with botanrcal gardens in Russia and abroad, and exchange with infonnnation and seeds and so on with different firms. • Create a capital fence made of brick posts and wooden sections in imitation "the nrranastery". • Purchase processing technk^ues and technologies (a dryer for herbs, a plant for collecting of essential volatile oils, a laboratory with dishes and reagents and so on). • Advertise. Livestock Development at the Monastery: View of the Heifer Project Intemationaf Professor The Monastery of Valanx) was traditionally involved in agriculture, including animal production. Excellent buildings for cows and horses still exist and are in relatively good condition. The following development plans of Valamo Monastery have been included as a part of the information received through the U.S.-based Heifer Project Intemational. At present according to the information received from Heifer Project Intemational (that information was collected a few years ago), the monastery has three cows, three calves, seven horses and about 100 chickens. The current population of the nnonastery is approximately 300 people; both monks and those pilgrims who are temporarily living at the monastery. In addition, there are atxiut 500 permanent civilian residents of the island who are not part of the monastery in any capacity. In accordance with its tradition, the nxjnastery plans to organize its own agricultural production system including animal hust)andry (mainly for self supply). Their goal was to have 40 cows plus offepring, 500 hens and 10 horses (see Figure 6.4). Professor Jaworski (1996) said in his report to the HPI: The monastery has excellent facilities to keep even larger numt}er of livestock. but the sufficient feed production can be developed only gradually. Therefore, it has been agreed that Valanrx) Island wouki ask HP! (Heifer Project Intemational - A. Kh.) for twenty cows or pregnant heifers (ten heads in 1995 and ten in 1996) and 500 chickens. Since the monastery is one of the biggest in Russia with a ti'emendous Russian Orthodox Church tradition with many pilgrims and tourists coming to visit it it has been agreed that the delivered cows and chicken shoukj be kx:al old Russian breeds, so that 347

in the project the modem animal production can be combined with the indigenous animal genetic resources preservation and development Both Russian Holmogorskaya breed of catUe and Yurkovskaya breed of poultry have been proposed. The prepared Project request will be sent to HPI shortly. It will ask for the initiation of tiraining of the nx>nks in 1994 with the budget $ 4,500. Ten heifers and 300 chickens would be purchased in 1995. which together with training and equipment would come to $ 13,100. in 1996, other ten heifers and 200 chk:ken would be purchased. Therefore, including the training, the budget woukj come to $9,400. The total budget for the project for 1994-1996 would be $ 27,000. The monastery agreed to pass on the gift to the surrounding peasantry and expressed hope that the cooperation with HPI will go beyond 1996. (p. 3) Professor Jaworski (1996) continued in his unpublished report refem'ng to his visit to Valamo and SL Petersburg in 1995: When I was in St Petersburg, I visited the Research Institute of Genetics and Animal Breeding wheh bekings to the Russian Academy of Agricultural Sciences and to the Headquarters of that academy for the Northern Zone of Russia. After the three-party discussion (including the nxinks), the Institute agreed to take a responsibility for both training and necessary technical consultation within Valamo Monastery's project when requested. 1 was informed, that in St Petersburg area, the Academy of Agricultural Sciences agreed experimentally to put part of their Experimental Station land at the disposal of agricultural resbuctijrization program. This term means the program of the establishment of private farms. There are 40 of such farms already established.

(Major Stakeholders of Future Agricuttural Restoration and Extension Development on Valamo Archipelago In order to understand what types of problems one will encounter on his way to try to help the people who reside on Valamo archipelago and in the region near Lake Ladoga, where the archipelago is located, we have to take a look at what types of sodal groups, organizations or individuals that person will be dealing with. They are the ones who would be involved in the process of agricultural technologies transfer in time and in dissemination of information about them through different infomnal channels today. The organizations and different groups of individuals that are currentiy existing on the islands of Valamo (some - permanently, some - temporarily, only for a period of tourist season each year, which is May through October): 1. Stauropegion Russian Orthodox Male Monastery of Transfiguration of Our Savior (Moscow Patiiarchate) of Valamo. 2. Valamo State Forestry of Karelian Republic (which is a state within Russia). 3. Valamo's State Historical, Architectural, Natural and Landscape Museum-Refuge. 4. The Executive Council of the tocal govemment 5. The Military unit 6. The "Valaam" ag co-operative. 348

. 4-

Figure 6.4. Shoeing a horse at Vaiamo Monastery (Kompaniychenko, 1997) 349

7. The "Mir" ("World") co-operative. 8. The Co-operative "Sady Valaama" ("Valamo's orchards"). 9. The co-operative "Panacea" ("Cure-alP). 10. The co-operative on bikes and boats rental. 11. The student ecological camp "Koryaga" ("Snag"). 12. The meteorological station. 13. The expedition of Agriphysics Institute. 14. The group of photographers. 15. The sailors from tiie large tourist ferries coming from SL Petersburg. 16. The crews from three OM-type ferries (local ti^nsportation). 17. The tourists (from Russia and from other countoles). 18. The civilians residing at Valamo settiement 19. Yachtsmen and yachtswonnen. 20. The helicopter pilots. 21. The pilgrims. 22. The hired personnel of the nrx>nastery. 23. The group of restorators from Karelian Republic govemment 24. The Hydrological expedition of the Karelian Academy of Sciences. 25. The scientists of tine Michurinsk Fruit-and-Vegetable Academy. 26. Different informal groups that are helping the nrxjnastery to restore its facilities. 27. The b3de co-operative sodety. 28. The communal distiict (section). 29. The tour guides of the museum that has been mentioned above. 30. The tour guides of the nwnastery. 31. Parishioners of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia. 32. The former director of the museum and the temporary reskjents of the island that however, are staying over-winter.

Explanation of the Researcher's Outlook of the Problem of Valamo's Agricultural Technologies Transfer as Part of the Social Regeneration Issue The task of agricultural technologies transfer-in-time on Valamo ^ces problems that complicate it. What I am trying to say is that it is not only important to have such a great idea (as I think it is), in its conceived form, but also to take into account different forces of the real worid that might promote or oppose it, such as specific problems with adoption, related to social composition of the island's population, to the interaction of social groups there. Another great problem is the problem of communication, and that one is the one that extension is specifically intended to solve. There are different political and economic forces that affect the region of Karelia which Valamo is a part of in 350

both geographic and administrative sense. There are also forces of different nature that manifest themselves in the whole country of Russia and that affect Valamo territory and people, as well as there are forces of global and cosmic nature that do the same. My purpose here is not to discuss all of such problems, as they are related to the nature of my research only inso^r as they can be shown to demonstrate what kinds of issues I had to think of in trying to find better ways for the extension communication, or better yet to say, trying to optimize some elements of monastery-based extension communication that can be critical in avoiding potential problems that would oppose solving the island's economic, developmental, agricultural and social problems. First, the Islands of ValanrK) currently represent three types of conflicts: 1. Social; 2. Environmental and economical; and 3. Political. By Environmental and political conflict, 1 mean the Valamo's role in the local system of agricultural production, as well as food supply problem and the problem of restoration of Valamo as a functioning agricultural complex to benefit an island community of monks and other groups of people who live on the island. It also involves the task of restoring the historical connections between the economy of Valamo Monastery and the regional economies of Karelia, Finland and Ingermanland as well as the problem using agriculture as a part of ecosystem of Valamo islands for the purposes of their preservation as an environmental memorial. This is essentially a task broad enough for the initial Valamo restoration project that this dissertation was supposed to be a part of. By political problem, 1 mean the global role of Valamo as a spiritual, missionary and cultural center, and as a very significant part of Russian culture. The process of restoration of spiritual and of cultural influence of Valamo to its historical scale of importance is being opposed by the forces t>oth inside Russia and outside it The current Orthodox hierarchy of Russia that is ti'ghtiy connected with the government of the so-called Russian Federation and with the Secret Worid Government directiy and indirectiy (through the Russian govemment) is attempting to control Valamo monastery's spiritual life to the extent that it can be directed into the stream of political needs of Russian and Worid govermnments. To say it in other words, it would be dangerous for the enemies of Christ to have such a mighty spiritual tradition as the one of Valamo to be restored and to spring up to such an extent that it can influence the life and especially the political situiation in Russian and spread the Christian message throughout the whole worid. The purposes of my disertation do not allow me to go into detailed explanation of these political kinds of problems. I must only say that essentially, after the desintegrati'on of Russian Empire, different forces that were putting the reflection of their policies on Valamo, such as Communist Intemati'onalist Govemment of Russia, Independent Masonic Govemment of Finnish 351

Republic, and Ecumenist (read: Loyal to the World Government) administrafon of the Russian Orthodox church (Moscow Patriarchate), were trying to achieve the same result; they had the same agenda: eliminating the true spiritual influence of Valamo monastery and substituting it with the purely cosmetic type of restoration of the monastery's life on the islands. At this point, Valamo has no support in the worid community, in Russian govemment or even in the Russian Orthodox church hierarchy (see Figure 6.5). One could say the same words about Valamo's spiritual power as the Russian Emperor Alexander III "Peacekeeper" said atx)ut the whole country of Russia; "Russia has no friends and will have no friends or allies. Everyone is afraid of our vast spaces" and of our spiritual power. Only God can help it restore its previous spiritual glory. So, only God can help Valamo to achieve the inner glory similar to the one it had in history, not just to cosmetically bring it into a decent shape reminding of its historical look. And, of course, achieving such result would depend on each individual, each monk who will have to be living not by lies; "Zhif nye po Izhi" (using Alexander Solzhenitsyn's term). The cluster of social problems on Valamo is actually the one that my dissertation addressed to help resolve, through contributing to establishing a vision for some elements of a monastery-based extension system on the Islands of Valamo. Nevertheless, I understand that no complete restoration of the agricultural production system on Valamo based on historically existed technologies can take place unless the following major political problems related to the islands are resolved; • Valamo, as a temtory, is duly retumed to its owners - Finns (see Figure 6.6); • The whole territory of Karelia is retumed to Finns (see map Karelian temtory), as well as the temtory of Ingermanland is given an autonomous ethnic status within Russia (see Figure 6.7, depicting a map of Ingermanland and Figure 6.8, its brief history); • Russian Orthodox church officially denies ecumenism and withdraws from collaboration with non-Orthodox churches and organizations as well as recognizes that its hierarchs are and were memt}ers of the secret police and of secret Masonic lodges (denies the "Serghianism" policies); it has to undergo cleansing. The three major conflicting groups on Valamo today are: the nnonastery, the civilians and the local govemnnent (part of Karelian administration). The process of Valamo's renovation as a landscape and architectural memorial, as a system of sustainable ag technologies aimed at satisfection of needs of local inhabitants and at demonsb^ti'on of how people can live in harmony with nature. My study attempted to conduct a preliminary investigation of the opportunities for establishing such system of sustainable production based on historically successful technotogies used by Valamo monastery prior to the Worid War II. I employed the historical method in ttiis study for the folk>wing reasons: • Availability of historical records in original format and in published books format that could be used to describe a profile of agricultural education on Valamo prior to the Worid War II; 352

russian secret government, VALAMO world mafia, OFHOLY government forces RUSSIA of destruction

russian orthodox church

Figure 6.5. Model depicting the influences impacting Valamo

• Lack of indigenous knowledge pertaining to agricultural production in the area of Valamo Islands prior to the World War II among the local population and lack of studies that were done previously to secure that kind of knowledge thus making it available to the participants of the process of agricultural restoration on Valamo; • A need to rely more fully on historically existed technologies in the process of agricultural restoration in order to use local, well-established in the past and requiring as less financial and hi-tech input as possible, agricultural production technologies; this would make the process of agricultural restoration on Valamo and in the surrounding region of Lake Ladoga more simple and more effective while at the same time answering the local needs, along the line of the historically existed pattern of agricultural production. 353

Figure 6.6. Parts of Karelia that were taken by the Soviet Union as a result of World War II (in light grey with part of Lake Ladoga, where Valamo is located, shown in white) (from the cover of the Karelian issue of the brochure by Karjalanliitto, Helsinki, Suomi-Finland, 1998)

Summary and Conclusions The purpose of the study was to create a visk)n of some elements of the future system of agricultural extension centered on Valamo Monastery in Russia. The objectives were drawing a historical profile of agricultural production system at the monastery prior to the World War II and exploring some ways of transferring agricultural technologies In time using the potential of the monastery as a prospective center for spiritually-based agricultural education of all people in the areas that Valamo Monastery is located in and in and across other areas of Russia. The study used a method of historical research in order to investigate the agricultural production system's features on the island prior to the World War II as well as for the system of informal agricultural education on the island, and to exptore the potential for diffierent ways of utilizing the historical knowledge today keeping in mind tx>th the ideas of restoration of traditional agricultural production system on Valamo and creating some elements of the future system of disseminatk)n of such information and of agricultural extension (nrx>nastery-based). 354

The ceded Karelia

(WJios- V

Figure 6.7. Karelian and Ingermanlandian territories of Finnish origin that are now in Russia (note the Finnish names of the counties on the areas around Lake Ladoga and St. Petersburg [Leningrad]) 355

Mikg on Inkerimaa? he early Finnish tribes that lived in the area that is now Leningrad Tbecame subjects of Novgorods S U 0 M I — the forerunner of the present Russian nation — around 1000 A.D. LAATOKKA Sweden, finally, after several inva­ sions, succeeded in gaining Helsinki sovereignty over them in 1617. The rrstf (Pkumi) forcible conversion of the inhabitants SUQUENLAHT! to Lutheranism by Sweden causcd ihem — most of whom were Karelians INKERI Elm— vwlte ttl» and members of other Finnish tribes M-LHTTO — to flee because they were followers 100 KM of the Russian Orthodox Church. In- The shaded area is Ingria in 1918. Laatokka is Lake grians (=ln-ke-ri-ldi-si-d) from Fin­ Ladoga (the largest lake in Europe); Pietari is St. land moved into the empty area. So in Petersburg; Suomen vanha reya= Finland's border a sense Finns replaced Finns. 0 before WW 11. Suomenlahti is the Gulf of Finland; It isla known ux,-now that ninety percent and Tallinna is Tallin, the capital of Estonia of the 65,000 people who lived in Ingria in 1695 spoke a Finnish language. Seventy-five percent of these Finnish-speaking inhi^itants were Fmns or descendants of Finns who had moved there from Finland. Peter the Great won Ingria in the Great Northern War (1720-1721). After shipping thousands of Ingrians to distant parts of Russia, he began to build St. Petersburg on the land. In World War n over 63,000 Ingrians became refugees in Finland when the Germans invaded the area. The Fiimish government was forced to return these refugees to Russian control utKler the terms of the armistice. Several thousand Ingrians, however, had escaped to Sweden before the transfer could be made. Others escaped detection. The author's goddaughter near Tampere is the great granddaughter of an Ingrian who refused to return with his family to the Soviet Union.

Figure 6.8. Ingermanland and its brief history {Finn Heritage: The Second ten issues vol 4 no 1 p. 18. 1993)

In conclusion, the study found that ValarTK) Monastery was (prior to Worid War II): • Self-sustainable in terms of food production; • Had highly productive agriculture that served both diverse needs of the monastery and was satisfying the emergency needs of the local population (in times of agricultural crisis or problems with the weather) as well; • The monastery applied a highly developed system of indigenous knowledge in agriculture that existed in the monastery and that was conveyed, according to the necessity, to all people involved in agriculture at the monastery; • The monastery left a very good track of records about both agricultural technologies practiced on the island and much indirect infonmation about the informal ways of dissemination of agricultural knowledge to the members of the monastery, as well as to the local population and to the visitors of the monastery. 356

The study also found that • There is no currently existing extension in Russia; • That nionasteries. such as Valanno, can provide a good alternative to the development of extension in Russia through establishing model farms utilizing local indigenous knowledge; • The restoration of Russian agriculture is a nrwre complicated task than just technoksgical restoration; it involves a whole gamut of social problems as the agricultural class in Russia now is practically non-existent it involves agricultural education that has to be combined with the development of highly spiritually based attitude of the young generatkin towards land; • Valamo Monastery itself is in the position of trying to restore its own agricultural production now, but even though it can t)e a nucleus for future development of the monastery-based extension in the area and linking it with the similar monastery-tiased local systems of extension. The general conclusion is that we have to use local possibilities and to k)ok into indigenous possibilities before designing any kind of communication network or a scheme for an extension in Russia. Valamo Monastery can become a first good example where the creation of database of indigenous agricultural knowledge can be combined with the possibilities of its dissemination via agricultural technologies ti^nsfer in time and via delivering this knowledge to the kx:al consumers. The monastery-t}ased extension idea is important for Russia not only because it can utilize the network of already existing monasteries and the local resources (quite limited financially and technically but very rich in terms of traditions and ttie historically available information), but also t)ecause it is a matter of national pride; because the monasteries have to beconne once again, as they used to be throughout many most difficult periods of time, sources of regeneration of the country's economy and spirituality.

Recommendations The creation of such system of the monastery-t)ased extension can be the only alternative to the conventional system of dissemination of agricultural information that existed in the Soviet era and that was abandoned after the so-called denrxxixatac changes in the country. The govemment of Russia can, but does not necessarily have to be a part of such system. The church (Russian Orthodox church) has to take on a responsibility of popularizing this system having in mind the idea about the benefits that the church might reap from the existing of stiong agriculture in the country and from the re-creation of an agricultural class (not peasants, like it used to be before tiie Revolution, but independent farmers).

Recommendations for future research A joint effort of the church in Russia and of several different organizations in the world, such as the Valamo Society and Iowa State University in Ames, Church of the Brethren General Offices in Elgin, 357

Illinois, Valamo Seura in Finland and Finnish Orthodox Church as well as the University of in Finland, should t^e continued in order to; • Create a necessary data base pertaining to indigenous knowledge on Valamo; • Design a system of dissemination of agricultural informat'on to local fiarmers in Karelia and Russia taking into account the formerly existing ways of informal agricultural education (that is. the ways of informal agricultural education that the monastery used prior to the Worid War II; and • Develop a generalized system of cross-cultural utilization of indigenous knowledge and of infonnal agricultural education practices in order to apply them to other regions of the worid and to other cultures (both Christian and non-Christian).

Implications and Significance to AgricuKunil Education The study offers a unique way to design a vision for future agricultural education in a developing country (I think Russia can qualify for that term now) through kxjking into practices in agriculture that existed in the past in a very particular area of the worid as well as a system of dissemination of those practices. The study offers an alternative way of looking into developing of certain elements of extension in an area of a country where almost no conventional developmental tools cun-ently exist such as finances, expertise and machinery. Instead, this alternative way suggests examining local resources (of which history and technologies in agriculture that existed historically as well as the system of informal delivery of agricultural information of the past). The study is unique not only tiecause it deals with a unk^ue area of the worid and with a unique situation in that area during the current historical period of time. It is also unique because it represents the first study of Valamo archipelago and an Orthodox monastery that utilizes historical knowledge in this manner. It is also important to note that there are many different ways in which the historical knowledge about agricultural production and about informal system of information delivery about such production can be used (see Figure 6.9). In conclusion, I want to add three quotations that show the ultimate goal of education as the means of achieving a balance between humans and nature; People think that God is located in a very special place. That is the place which makes us look at it with awe and humbleness. However, God is where there is joy indeed! That's why every moment in our life is a moment of celebration that is filled with joy. Because in every moment we carry out our mission of bringing divinity into this worid. This is true not only regarding such cleariy joyful deeds as thinking, as studying, as praying, but regarding our everyday mundane life, regarding earning living and all other everyday works—all of them are ways to learn about God and to bring Him into our worid... And where there is God, there is power and joy! (Lubavitcher Rabbi, 2000, p. 2) 358

i

Figure 6.9. Valamo Project (The basic idea is that Vaiamo Monastery can be the first link in the chain of spiritually and historically-oriented ag demonstration centers in Russia that would serve as an alternative means of information delivery to help solve people's problems with satisfying their everyday needs and with satisfying their purpose in life that was set up for them by God [from the top and clockwise, elements in the "flower": Ag demonstration farms, sustainable ag ed centers, spiritual life of each monk, balance with nature, monastery-based extension, retum to historical path, support to local farmers, and ag restoration programs]) 359

An able man is a man who can do things, and his ability to do things is dependent on what he has in him. What he has in him depends on what he started with and what he has done to increase and discipline it An educated man is not the one whose memory is trained to carry a few dates in history - he is the one who can accomplish things. (Ford. 1926, p. 247)

The man and the nature are mutually similar and intemally indivisible. A man must love nature and stay in bond with her, as well as care after her. lead her by making her nwre full of light and nxire complete with spirit as well as putting her spontaneous power and chaofc thrusts on the way of creation. (Fkjrensky, 1987. page not given) 360

APPENDIX A: SUPPORT DOCUMENTS

A-1. RESEARCH CONTRACT This agreement is between "SERNA" partnership with a limrted responsitrility (SERNA Limited, in St.-Petersburg. Russia) and Valamo Society On Ames. Iowa, United States of America). I. VALAMO SOCIETY agrees to carry out a full-scale investigation of the long-term dimatic influences on the agricultural ecological system of the Valaam islands in Lake Ladoga as well as other research, including agricultural archives investigation as related to the project of renovation of the sustainable agricultural system of the . It also agrees to publish the results of the said research and to make the Russian side involved in the project Gnduding Moscow Patriarchy) familiar with them. II. SERNA LIMITED agrees to kx:ate the weather as well as the agricultural records for Valaam archipelago for the period since 1858 until 1993. SERNA LIMITED agrees to provide the results of their research to the VALAMO SOCIETY, induding literature, copies of the necessary data as well as relevant materials of other kinds, possibly induding written (both published and unpublished) materials, microfilmed data, and copies of the original materials and the data on magnetic carriers, relevant to the Valaam agricultural prpject. III. SERNA LIMITED will provkie publictty for the Valaam agricultural project in St-Petersburg area with the goal of attracting project funding in Russia. A spedal bank account will be set up in Russian Federation for the donations made by both private and governmental organizations as well as by indivkiuals there. Succeeding agreements will define the management fiee and ottier finandal obligatk>ns. IV. SERNA LIMITED will function as a spedal representative for the Valaam agricultural projed in Russia. The addresses of the abovementioned organizations and of ttie responsible individuals: VALAMO SOCIETY: Dr. Tom Colvin, R.R.I, Box 185, Cambridge, lA 50046; telephones: (515)294-5724; (515)597-2052; SERNA LIMITED: Dr. Sergei Vladimirovich Avakumov, tovaristchestvo s ogranichennoy otvetstvennostyu "SERNA", d.20, ul. B.Raznochinnaya, St-Petersburg, 197110, Russian Federation.

A-2. VALAMO SOCIETY BY-LAWS. ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION AND CERTIFICATE OF INCORPORATION (scanned copy] The Valamo Sodety. Artide I: Purpose and Function. The purposes of The Valamo Sodety (VS) are to understand and appredate the rich and varied history of Valamo's monastery and to communicate its spiritual and scientific message of hope in today's worid which is so full of conflicts. In that effort, Valanw Sodety will support research and education aimed at the restoration and revitilizati'on of Valamo Island's architectural heritage, ecological and agricultural systems. The Valamo Society sees itself as a catalyst organization working towards the fBnovation of Valamo Island's architectural heritage. Ecological and agricultural systems. As such, it sees its goals and obiectives as falling into three broad categories: understanding, action, and communication. The Understanding objectives of VS are; 1. Valamo Sodety will develop a comprehensive outiine of the history of human habitation on Valamo Island. 2. VS will document all archival records pertaining to Valamo's history. 3. VS will develop an inventory of the existing conditions on Valamo Island. This inventory will indude all aspects of the island's architecture and art, the island's ecosystem and its agri-system. 4. VS will document the island community's sodal, economic, cultural and spiritual relations, as they inter-relate and as they relate to the mainland cultures. The Adion objectives of VS are: 1. Conceming archoval work, VS will; a. Locate archival information relevant to Valamo's past b. Identify the content and quality (i.e.. examine the 'situatedness" and accuracy) of the documents. c. Process the information via a computerized data bank. d. Convert data into a usable form (see Communicating). e. Develop a network of support groups. 2. Conceming planning work, VS will, with the support of appropriate support groups; a. Devetop a historic preservation plan. b. Develop an environmental protection plan. c. Develop a plan for the restoration of the agrt-systems. 361

3. Implementation - implementation will be ab ongoing process. It will consist mainly in research, grant writing and dissemination of information. The Communication objectives of VS are: 1. VS will establish contact with relevant existing organizations. These will indude, but not be limited to; Valamo Seura, Orthodox Church, griphysics Institute, governmental organizations. 2. VS will cooperate with other organizations with similar goals and efforts. 3. VS will create and publish a newsletter. The duration of The Valamo Society shall be indeterminate. Article II: Members. Section 1; Qualifications. Members of The Valamo Society are all those fulfilling one or more of the following criteria; 1. Is employed on the VS payroll. 2. Is a current dues-paying nrwmber of the official Memtiership Program. 3. Is enrolled as a student in one or more of VS's instructional programs. 4. Is a Director sen/ing a term of office on the VS's Board, acc^ing to Article III. Section 2; Classes of Memberships and Voting Rights. Class 1; Employees are voting memt>ers. Class 2; Board of Directors are voting members. Class 3; Memt)ers-at-large are voting members. A) Currently registered oarticiDants in the VS membership oroaram. B) Students currently enrolled in a VS instructional program. Section 3: Duration of nrtember^ip. Membership lasts as long as; Class 1 are currentiy employed with VS. Class 2 are serving a term as a member of the Board of Directors, as duly elected by the membership (see Article III). Class 3 they are "in good standing", as agreed upon by other voting members. A) Are currently up-to-date as dues paying members under the policies explained on VS's membership form. B) Are enrolled in a VS course of study. Section 4; Annual Meeting. An annual meetingof members shall be held on April 15, at such time and place as the Board of Directors shall designate, for the purposes of: 1. Electing Directors for the ensuing year, 2. Considering the manner in which the purpose and function of the Valamo Sodety is being implenfiented by its Members, and to nftake recommendations to the new Board of Directors for the ensuing year, 3. Transacting such other business as may be brought t>efore the meeting to the vote of the Membership. 4. Voting in new, Class 3 members. Section 5; Spedal meetings. Spedal meetings of the memt)ers may be called at any time by the Directing Board. They will be held at the time, date and place specified in the notice thereof. Section 6: Notice of meetings. The Board of Directors or their designated officers shal cause written notice of each annual and spedal meeting of the Members to be mailed to each member. Such notification shall be made at least ten (10) days in advance of the date of such meeting. The notice shall specify the day and hour and place of the meeting. Purpose of meeting and issues to t)e voted upon shall be stated in written notice given. Section 7; Quorum. At any meeting of the members, a majorityof the voting members present constitute a quorum for the transaction of all business that may property confie before ttie meeting. Section 8: Organization. The first item of business at any meeting of the members shall be for the quorum to elect, by majority vote, the member or officer to call the meetirig to order, and that person shall act as a chaiperson of such meetings. Another member or officer shall be elected to act as a secretary at each meeting of the members. Section 8: Voting rights. The voting members of Valanw Society elect the Directing Board. Each voting member (regardless of possible multiple functions in VS) shall be entitled to one vote. Each must be present or send anottier person as his/her proxy, in order to execute this right. If voting members cannot be present to vote, a written proxy (notarized) is acceptable as a valid vote. 362

Article 111. Board of Directors. Section 1: Number, selection, terms of office and responsibilities. VS shall have a Directing Board, the maximum number of which shall be seven voting memtjers The Interim Board stiall continue until the first annual meeting. At the first annual meeting, new Board members will be nominated by the Interim Board and voted upon by the members of VS. The Board of Directors may appoint officers to carry out designated duties. The Board determines the polictes, practices, and procedures of the VS program, including overall budget, determination of executive staff through corwentional hiring procedures, the maintenance of funds required to fulfill tiie annual budget, and all put>lications and public annourKements regarding VS program. Section 2: Place of meetings, etc. The Board of Directors will have their main office at 101 Multserry CL, Ames. Iowa, 50010-8154, where they will keep the books, documents and papers of VS. They may hold their meetings in such place or places as the Board shall, from time to time, determine. Section 3: Quorum and voting. Each Board member shall have one vote. Three (3) Board members at a duly notified meeting shall constitute a quorum for the transaction of business. Wherever possible, however, the consensus of ail members on the Board shall t)e sought and reached. Consensus here means that each memljer senses that the right dedsion has been sought and reached. Section 4. Compensation of Board of Directors. No Board member shall be entitled to receive any compensation from VS. for his/her services as a Director, except as specified in Artide IX. of the VS Artides of Incorporation.

Artide IV: Officers and Staff. Section 1; Officers. The officers of VS shall be President. Vice-President. Secretary and Treasurer. All such officers shall be selected fi'om and by the Board, and have such authority and perform such duties as. from time to time, may be determined by the Board of Diredors. Section 2. Staff. The staff of VS shall, from time to time. t>e appointed by the Board of Diredors as they deem expedient Such staff members shall have authority and shall perform such duties as ntay be prescribed by the Board of Diredors. Section 3. Compensation. The amount, if any. which each officer or staff member of VS shall receive as compensation for his/her services shall be fixed, from time to time, by resolution of the Board of Diredors. Artide V: Monies. All checks, drafts, bills of exchange, acceptance, notes or other obligations or orders for the payment of money shall be signed and countersigned by such officers of VS or as the Board of Diredors shall, from time to time, by resolution, designate. Signature President of the Board Signature Secretary Date 363

A-3. RESEARCH PLAN

[Research plan aimed at development of sustainable ag system on Valamo signed by Dr. Uskov. the Agriphyslcs Institute Director] 364

A-4. NEED TO SEEK EDUCATIONAL TRAINING IN iOWA

[The map of Iowa shown on the front cover of the Agronomy Extension publication in 1988. with the sites in each county where meteorological information is being collected. A part of the extension system in the state of Iowa (and Iowa State University as well). Or. Uskov was interested in creating a similar "information-gathering grid" for the Republic of Karelia and St Petersburg region of Russia] 365

A-S. JOINT PROJECT REPORT

[The Evaluation of The Soil Potential of Arable Lands of Valamo Island. The Scientific-Research Report - Joint project between the Agriphysics loffe Research Institute, of Russian Academy of Agricultural Sciences, Moscow State University and national Soil Tilth Lab in Ames, Iowa. St Petersburg, 1992. Front page (in Russian)]

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[The English translation of the the Vaiamo Research Project (see previous page) by Agriphysics ioffe Research Institute, submitted to the National Soil Tilth Lalwratofy in Ames in 1992]

Russian Academy of Agricultural Sciences. The Order of The Red Banner of Labour Agriphysics Research Institute.

DDK # of the State Resgister Inventory # "Approved", signed by I. V. Uskov. Ph.D. (Physics and Mathematics), Corresponding Member of RAN Academy, Director of Agriphysics loffe Research Institute, 12-01-1993 (seal of the Institute).

The Report on the Contract Research Topic "The Estimation of the Soil Fetility Potential of Agricultural Fields of the Vaiamo Island."

The Prindpal Investigator I. V. Litvina, Ph.D. (Candidate of Technical Sdences), Seniour Scientist of the Agriphysics loffe Research Institute, Laboratory #150 (signature).

Contents. 1. Soil investigation. 1.1. Objects of Investigation. 1.2. General physical properties of soils. 1.3. Physical and mechanical properties of soils. 1.4. Hydrophysical properties of soils. 1.5. Agricultural chemical properties of soils. 1.6. Comparative analysis of the soil potential of Vaiamo island's fields. 367

APPENDIX B: SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION

B-1. AGRIPHYSICS iOFFE RESEARCH INSTITUTE fbv Dr. Alexander Globu«>

The Agriphysics Research Institute of the Russian Academy of Agricultural Sdences has been established back in 1932 in Leningrad (now St.Petersburg). Its founding father was a wortd-famous Russian physidst Abram loffe. His purpose was to build up a link between the "pure physics' and the agriculture. It became a counterpart of a well-known Physical-Technical Institute which, for many years, has been serving as a link between "pure sdence* and industry. It is now a whole complex of buildings located on Grazhdansky Prospekt, 14. in St. Petersburg, Russia. The Institute has a system orientation, and its major goals are developing successful and productive systems of dedsions making and support in agriculture. The sdentists of Agriphysics Institute are practidng systemic approach to agricultural ecological and environmental systems, and to interactions between environmental physical conditions and agriculture. There had been developed original physical and mathematical models of Soil-Plant-Atmospheric system which indude growth models for many crops. The soil physidsts of the Institute have produced the pioneering results in the studies of heat and mass transfer in soils. There also have been designed diverse systems of computer based decisions making systems for farmers The Institute has been a pioneer in such, now broadcasted fields, as cultivating plants under artifidal lighting, using both transparent plastic in green-houses and soil conditioners etc. In the Institute, there had been designed many small types of machinery for agricultural works. The institute also has an experimental production plant fadlity. Currently the Institute has six research laboratories and about 200 employees which indudes 20 full professors and a number of sdentists holding PhD degrees that have full-time research appointmens. The Institute has a strong educational emphasis. Although there are no undergaduate programs at this time, there is a graduate school with accredited Doctor of Sdence and Candidate of Sdence programs. The instutute is also playing an active role in Russian attempts to establish a good extension system. There is a significant interest on part of Agriphysics Instrtute sdentists to develop and implement innovations in the distance education area. The Institute has wide and dose connections with the research and educational institutions in various states of the Former Soviet Union, as well as with the agricultural and industrial businesses all over the former USSR. The staff is experienced in using modem sdentific technology as well as in extending its results over the country and foreign states.

B-2. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH (Andrei V. Khomoutov)

Andrei Vladimirovich Khomoutov was bom on March 1, 1961, in Simferopol, Crimea (Russia). He received a five-year Spedalist degree from St.Petersburg State Agrarian University in Tzarskoe Selo in 1984 and worked for over four years in All-Russia Institute for Plant Protection in Tzarskoe Selo (near St.Petersburg) as a scientist spedalizing in Microbiological Control in Agriculture (host-parasite relationships). Because of the religious persecutions, he had to leave St.Petersburg in 1988 and to start a new career as a tour guide and later on as a horticulturist on Valamo archipelago in Karelia where he lived until 1989. In 1990, he completed the Candidate of Sdence degree program at Agriphysics loffe Research Institute in St. Petersburg majoring in Agricultural Meteorology - Climatology. In the same year he came to Ames, Iowa on an exchange visit. He then, in 1991, was admitted to the graduate program of Iowa State University. He spent seven years at Iowa State University doing the research project related to agricultural renovation of Valamo monastery and islands, in addition to two years that he spent doing it in Russia. He created, together with some professors and graduate students from Iowa State, a non-profit organization called Valamo Sodety that aimed at helping the monastery in Russia with its renovation and delivering Valamo's agicultural message to the world outside Russia. He was accepted as a member of Gamma Sigma Delta Honour Sodety of Agriculture, and he received several research awards. He published several artides related to Valamo. 368

B-3. MY DIPLOMA OF ST. PETERSBURG STATE AGRARIAN INSTITUTE WITH SPECIAUST DEGREE (M.S. EQUIVALENT) IN AGRONOMY/CROP PROTECTION/BIOLOGICAL CONTROL. RECEIVED IN 1984

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APPENDIX C: VALAMO SOCIETY DOCUMENTS

C-1. ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION OF VALAMO SOCIETY We, the undersigned, acting as the inccMporators of a corporation under ttie Iowa Nonprofit Corporation Act under Chapter 504A of the Code of Iowa (1989) and amendments thereto, adopt ttie following Articles of Incorporation; Article I. Name. The name of the corporation shall be Valamo Society. Article II. Duration. The corporate period pf this corporation shall t>egin wtien these Articles of Incorporation are filed with the Secretary of State and shall continue perpetually unless sooner dissolved as by law provided. At dissolution, assets will be given to another 504A non-profit organization. Article III. Object and Nature of the Business. The corporation shall have unlimited power to engage in and to do any lawful act concerning any and all lawful! business for which corporations may be organized under Chapter 504A of ttie Code of Iowa (1989). Article IV. Registered Agent The address of the initial registered office of the corporation is: 310 Mulberry Blvd.. Ames. Story County, Iowa 50010; and the name of the initial registered agent at such address is; S. Michael Campbell. Artde V. Directors. The affairs of this corporation shall be managed by a Board of Directors. The number of Directors constituting the Initial Board of Directors and the names of such directors has not been determined. Any contract or transaction between the corporation and one or more of its directors, or between the corporation and a firm of which one or more directors are members, employees, or otherwise interested, shall be valid for all purposes notwithstanding the presence of said director or the partidpation of said director in the meeting of the Board of Directors and it shall approve of the contract or transaction by a majority vote of the Directors who are not interested parties. The Board of Directors is authorized to make provisions for reasonable compensation to its members for their services as directors, and to fix the basis and conditions upon which such compensation shall t>e paid. Any director may also serve the corporation in any other capacity and receive compensation therefore in any form. Any director of ttie corporation and any officer of the corporation, as a condition of accepting said office, shall be indemnified by the corporation against expenses actually and necessarily incurred in connection with the defense of any action, suit or proceeding in which a director is made a party by reason of having been or being a director or officer of the corporation, except in relation to matters as to which ttie director shall be adjudged in such action, suit or proceeding to be liable for negligence or misconduct in performance of his or her duties as such director or officer. Such right or indemnification is not to be deemed exclusive of any right to which the director may be entitled under the laws of the State of Iowa, bylaws, agreement, or otherwise. Article VI. Execution of Instruments. Deeds, mortgages, contracts, conveyances and other instruments creating, conveying, granting or releasing any interest in real estate and all other instruments or contracts having or requiring the acknowledgement of this corporation shall t)e suffidentiy executed if signed by the Presktent and ttie Secretary or by the Vice-President and the Secretary. The by laws as adopted by the Board of Directors or a spedal resolution may provide for other methods of execution of any instruments referred to in this Article VI. Article VII. Corporate Seal. This corporation shall have no corporate seal. Article VIII. Private Property Exempt From Debts. The orovate prooertv of the Directors and Officers of this corporation shall not be liable from the debts of the corporation and this Article shall not be repealed or amended during the life of this corporation.

Article IX. Incorporators. 371

The names and addresses of the incorporators of this corporation are:

Name Address S. Michael Campt)ell 310 Mulberry Blvd., Ames, Iowa 50010 Eino Kainlauri 1305 Wisconsin Circle, Ames, Iowa 50010 Thomas Colvin R. R. 1, Box 185, Camt)ridge, lA 50046 Betty L. Wells 216 N. Russell, Ames, Iowa 50010 Done at Ames, Iowa, this l" day of July, A.O., 1991. Incorporator. Address. S. Michael Campt)ell (signed) 310 Mulberry Blvd., Ames, Iowa 50010 Eino Kainlauri (signed) 1305 Wisconsin Cirde, Ames, Iowa 50010 Thomas Colvin (signed R. R. 1, Box 185, Cambridge, lA 50046 Betty L. Wells (signed) 216 N. Russell, Ames, Iowa 50010

State of Iowa ) ) ss: County of Story) Be it remembered, that on this 2"" day of July, A.D., 1991, before me, a Notary Public, persortatly appeared S. Michael Campbell, Eino Kainlauri, Thomas Colvin and Betty L Wells, to me known to be ttie persons named in and who executed the foregoing Artides of Incorporation and acknowledged that they executed the same as their voluntary act and deed. Dorinne H. DeKrey, Notary Public in and for the State of Iowa (seal) (Stamp.) Filed 7-5-1991 in the Office of the Secretary of State of Iowa by Betty Wells (216 N. Russell. Ames, lA 50010). Cert. Nb CI 79285. Elaine Baxter, Secretary of State.

C-2. CERTIFICATE OF INCORPORATION (scanned copy)

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of Zova Code chapter S04A. 372

C-3. THE VALAMO AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECT The Valamo Sodety; 101 Mulbeny Ct., Ames; Iowa 50010-8154, USA; Phone# (515)231-8294; (515) 663-9709 [Original text of the Valamo Agricultural Development Project prepared by Andrei Khomoutov and other members of the Valamo Society] It should be noted that this project is supported by His Holiness Alexiy It, the Most Holy Patriarch of Moscow and Ail Russia. The focus of this project will be the development of a model farm and agricultural training center on Valanrw Island, on Lake Ladoga, in Karelian Republic (now part of Russia). Our first objective is to help redevetop Valamo's agricultural system. The second is to establish an educational resource center through which we will access indigenous knowledge, coordinate research, and disseminate information to the surrounding rural communities. The third ot>jective is to help restore and develop the island's infrastructure (grounds, fadlities and buildings) and economic base. A fourth objective is to strengthen the local people's capacity to manage the area's natural and human resources. The whole project's idea is to support the kx:al farmers in ttiat region (and other target groups, as former military and professional people from the dty who wouki like to settle on land) trough education, technologies and indigenous knowledge transfier as well as to help to develop an appropriate infirastructure. In future, there will be a system of model farms and educatk>nal centers kxated in different areas of the country, mainly in Karelia and around St.-Petersburg. I. INTRODUCTION. A great tunmoil in Russia makes its society unstable. Russian society now is in danger of sodal, economical, and political explosion. Not>ody is going to help Russia with its internal prot)lems. Only those people wtw understand the importance of self-reliance in both political and economical life, coukl make a real change in the society. These must be the organizations and the groups of people that clearty see the interdependency of the unique Russian culture and Its technical progress nowadays. This is also important for a proper use of Wiestem technotogies. Only then the West will gain the only profit it should make in Russia: the feedback of stability and progress. One of the organizations which can combine the appropriate technologies and the cultural values of Russia, first of all, in agricultural area, is the Russian Orthodox Chur^. For centuries, it served as a stabilizing factor in the life of the society. Its ability to mobilize people's resources is and was invaluable. During all the wars and tunnoils Russian Orthodox Church was able to give people a good incentive to rebuild what was destroyed. Nowadays its task is going to be much more noble, since the society has never experienced before so large-scaled challenges. The Orthodox church now is one of the only forces in the society which is prepared to support a land reform. It can help those people wtio are willing to settle at the land, and to reinhabit the vastly devastated countryskle territories. The only thing it needs for that, is just the support Besides the support inskle the country it needs the intematkxial support of people who are going to disinterestedly share the information and the Western expertise, to transfer the knowledge, and to provide some funds, when needed. Thus, renovating the agriculture, it shoukl make the whole society more stable. However, throwing techrK>iogy at these kinds of prot>lems sekJom leads to k>ng term solutions. Several development spedalists have indicated that the real essence of development is k>cated in the people ttiemselves. Providing people who live on the land with a knowledge about how to be self-sustained using resources that they have locally, becomes a very keen issue now. In ottier words, there is needed to be used the best knowledge and efforts empowering common people to t)e the major decision makers in their day to day afbirs. With that in mind, we stress here that our attempt is to assist the Russian people in solving their own prob­ lems by lending small amounts of capital and expertise. The purpose of this project is to assist Russia's small holder and tenant farmers in development and implementation of an appropriately scaM agricultural system which is able to both provide food and a modem and comfortable life style for them while at the same time safeguarding the fertility of the land for future generations. At this point there are several major ways of helping to devetop a private fanning system in Russia: 1) education (how to develop incentives to start a farming and to actually do that); 2) transfer of technotogies (both Western and ttiose available in Russia, including the revitalization of the sustainable practkxs of the past, that were indigenous for a chosen area); 3) developing an agricultural credit and banking system; 4) providing the seeds and the machinery to the farmers on a humanitarian basis. The focus of this project will be the development of a model farm and an agricultural training center on Valamo Island, in Lake Ladoga, in Karelian Republk: of Russia. 373

The monasteries in ttie North of Russia and in Karelia had for centuries been the centers of the progressive technological experience, and the main distributors of advanced agricultural practices and of information. They were the links of a single chain, penetrating all parts of the country, wherefrom the economical knowledge had been transferred by numerous pilgrims to their home villages. Valamo monastery became the greatest agricultural center in that chain due to three main factors; 1) it is located ctose to St-Petersburg, which meant, that a significant number of monks who came there from St. Petersburg factories had possessed a technical knowledge, which, in combination with the necesary agricultural experience of the majority of the brotherhood represented by the former peasants, made a steady agricultural progress possible; 2) the prindple of hard work was set up as one of ttie main rules of the monastery, and so the brothers made the t>ad soils of the islands appropriate for the gardening and tillage, no matter how severe the climatic conditions were; 3) the monastery was supported financially by the state and by ttie donations from many rich people in pre-revoluti'onary St Petersburg who were coming to the monastery with other pilgrims. Valamo's economy was t)ased for the k)ng historical period on ttie island monastery's existence. The economy was characterized by high productivity and water resource management which alk>wed to the monastery, although not being self-suffident in food, to produce an abundance of a number of crops such as rye, bariey, and fruits and vegetables that were consumed, at the height of monaster/s existence, by almost 1500 monks and 500 hired personnel at Valamo and by a number of pilgrims. Food and income came fiom 390 acres of cultivated land, 80 varieties of firuit trees and the livestock. Valamo produced some crops that were quite unk]ue for its climate. The monastery had also a surplus of vegetables and dairy products and to sell at the mainland. Unfortunately, with the end of the WWII, the monastery quit its existence for over 45 years. Because of the unskilled management and the absence of a common system fx the agricultural area utilization, isle ecosystems were subjected to destruction. Many of the aratile lands k}st ttieir original habit, were invaded by shrubs, drainage systems were destroyed and the soil-vegetation balance upset Now the monks and 500 civilians living at ttie island are dependent through the whole year on the food brought from the mainland. And so, the reasons we chose Valamo for our project are; 1) it's located ctose to St Peterstxjrg region (Ingermanland) and Karelia, which are our target areas; 2) it has a great sustainable agricultural history, which is well documented; 3) its population entirely changed since WWII, and the agricultural practices were abandoned; 4) if s been returned to the similar owner as tiefore the war (to the Orthodox Church), who would like to make the agricultural system functional again; at the same time, it has a very little knowledge of what Valamo agriculture was in the past; 5) it is, with its architectural and environmental heritage, a worid-famous memorial, where many people coming each year as tourists and pilgrims can gain from seeing and partidpati'ng in the unique agricultural practices as volunteers. II. PURPOSE. The archipelago of Valamo presents itself not only as a unique architectural, historical and landscape complex, but also as a unique economical object with its own specific ecodimate. There appears to be an opportunity to reintroduce agricultural technology to ttie islands that was used prior to 1940 by the monastery of Transfiguration of Our Savior. In 1992, the monastery has been given to the Russian Orthodox Church by the spedal decree signed by Boris Yeltzin. Renewal of the economy of Valamo archipelago must comtiine the revival of the single agricultural complex with the productive potential of the isle ecosystem as an entity. This will permit Valamo to develop and retain primary ecological purity in the intensive agriculture conditions. It is espedally important because the question now is not simply wtiether the islanders would be able to survive through the hardships, but there is also a question of how to devek)p agricultural practices that are in harmony with the nature yet productive there in the area around Lake Ladoga (including Karelia and Ingermanland which is St. Petersburg region). It is also a question about how to feed people in ttie cities and how to tiansfer education, technologies and indigenous knowledge to the farmers in those areas. It is, at the same time, about how to help them develop an appropriate infrastructure. If reintroduced, a sustainable system and the farm using K couM have three major purposes: 1) providing food for the hungry people at the island; 2) becoming part of the overwhelming process of environmental restoration and preservation of the Valamo archipelago; 3) being a demonstrational farm and an educational center for the areas of Karelia and St.-Petersburg. where geographical, soil, and dimatic conditions are similar. 374

Our first objective is to help redevelop Valarrw's agricultural system. The second is to establish an educational resource center through which we will access indigenous Imowtedge, coordinate research, and disseminate information to the surrounding rural communities. The third objective is to help restore and develop the island's infrastructure (grounds, facilities and buildings) and economic base. A fourth objective is to strengthen the local people's capacity to manage the area's natural and human resources. The steps of the project that will be necessary are. first, to document the historical production practices as recorded in the archives of Valamo monastery located in Russia and Rnland. second, to put together a dimatic record to examine the adaptations made for weather and other variables, and third to build a computer model that could be used as a basis for a computer aided agricultural nrtanageriaf dedsions support system. III. GOALS AND OBJECTIVES. A. Assess the food needs and indigenous agricultural knowledge and siulls of people on Valamo islands. - Locate, copy, and translate archival materials pertaining to Valamo's agricultural history. Using archive data, assess the peculiarities of agricultural management on the islands during 19 - 20lh centuries. B. Assist in the development of a reliable and sustainable food source for people in the Valamo area. - Cany out an agroecological division of Valamo islands into agricultural lands districts, which would identify locations with similar soil and microdimate conditions, and determine the potential for growing agricultural crops without destroying a well-established balarKe of the isle ecosystem. C. Assist in the development of a comprehensive land use plan for Valamo area. - Investigate the past and present state of soils, induding the soil nutridency elements dynamics. Develop possible ways to utilize agricultural soils. Carry out the system analysis of dimatic conditions changes during the period since the middle of 19th century. Fomiulate technological processes which will ensure a rationalized utilization of the soil-dimatic potential, and recommend cultures. D. Assist in creation of a differentiated and a highly productive management for Valamo area. - Develop a computerized system of dedsions support, in order to enable non-professional users to forecast the outcomes for various soils and weather patterns and to predict the possible consequences of management and agronomic dedsions. E. Assist in the design and construction of an agricultural research arid teaching farm on Valamo Island. Assist in the development of agricultural research and training programs, on Valamo Island, for the people of Karelian and ingermanland, which will indude: 1) prindples of agriculture; 2) prindples of agribusiness, induding marketing; 3) prindples of cooperation and leadership; 4) prindples of science. F. Expand the gained experience to Karelia, and to Ingermanland. Train sodal and agricultural researchers. Stimulate information flow and good will between Russian and American citizens, fanners and sdentists. IV. THE PROCESS. Background. Valamo, which is dominated by a 1000 year old Monastery, is one of 55 islands that make up the Valamo archipelago. This site was selected because of its tradition of a highly developed and documented agriculture system. Today, however, the ecosystem is quite deteriorated. The transfeir of tlie monastery firom the Russian government to Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) authorities several years ago provides a unique opportunity to reintroduce innovative agricultural technologies. It shouM be noted here that this project is supported by the His Holiness Alexiy II, the Most Holy Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia. However, it is impossible for the Russian Orthodox Church to solve the protHem of the agri-cultural restoration of Valamo by only its own forces for three main reasons; 1) today the monks there are mostly former townsmen, and are lacking agricultural knowledge; 2) the restoration shouM take into account the present state of ecosystems and be developed on a fundamental research tiase; 3) the archives of the Old Valamo are concentrated mostty in Finland, which, due to some political consti^ins as well as jurisdictional differendes, make them extremely hard to get. It is a large task which will require many people with a wide range of expertise. It must be noted, this study of an island complex agricultural system is unique insofar as can be determined. The opportunity to establish an ecologically sound sustainable system is also unk^ue. Phase One - Rrst Year. A. Needs Assessment. The needs assessment and analysis will be used to kJentify the various Russian stake-holders, wtio might partidpate in or be affected by the Valamo Agricultural Devetopment Project, particularty the islanders, the fanmers at 375

the Lake Ladoga shore, arid the monastery itself, and to gain a broad based consensus of their indigenous agricuKurai knowledge, wants and needs. The assessnient instrunients will be developed by the Iowa State University researchers and the Center for Indigenous Knowledge and Rural Development (CIKARD) in Ames, Iowa. Research of Archival Material. A large body of dimatological and agricultural records from the Valanx) Monastery for more than 150 years is being stored in several archives in Finland, Russia, and Sweden. These records make Valamo a valuable scientific research location, especially for the purpose of devetoping an agricutturai data bank with a management decisions support system, after their quality and quantity is checked. B. & C. Sustainable food source devetooment and land use plannino. The opportunity exists to combine information on Valamo's historic crop production infiDrmation with modem scientific information and technotogy to devetop a sustainable food source for people at Valamo and, consequently, in the Lake Ladoga region. An important goal of this wouM be to protect the resource base so that production is not at the expense of the environment. It is necessary to begin this work at Valamo, where the original ag records were made. This part of the program will include several steps: 1) the apportionment of the historically composed agroecosystem, maping of Valamo agricultural lands; also inventory of their historical utilization, including their role in the landscape; 2) carrying out of latx)ratory physical experiments using the spedal infbrmatkMi and measuring systems to facilitate the creatmn of physkal models of heat and moisture transfier (this will alkjw to characterize the plots which investigation is going to be impossible in natural conditnns); 3) carrying out the experiments studying the microdimatk: fieatures of each system into the bounds of ecological recesses by establishment of instrumented sites and portable meteostations; 4) searching long-term dimatk: fluctuations in the past using: a) meteodata; b) oblique indk»s reflecting the influence of the dimate on a state of a thin structure of annual tree rings; c) methods applicable to the lichens accretion; d) series of phytoindicatk>nal methods evaluating the regularities in flora changes in the past; induding e) data extracted fit)m the monastery sources and concerned with agriculture as well as an indirect information; 5) realization of divkiing Valamo into agriecotogkal districts with an object of ratk>nal utilization of its agricultural lands according to the investigation of their present state, the microdimate. and the trends of long-term dimati'c change; 6) the sustainable technologies shall be developed for each type of plot, and the crops and rotations recommended. These studies will result in the creation of new management technotogies, soil fertility management methods and in the formulation of a technok>gk:al and a microdimatic data t>ases. An important part of this project will the development of a land use planning process, induding the development of Environmental Impact Reports for Valamo island itself and a careful study of soil conditions and contamination in the region. This will be done in conjunction with Moscow State University and the Institute on Urban Development in St. Petersburg. D. Dedsion Support System. The banks of historic and contemporary information and technok>gies will contribute to agricultural management dedsions support system. The system devek)ping process will take several different steps; 1) organizing the historic information in the archives of the Valamo Monastery and its developing for indusion in a data base of timing, technique, and result; 2) carrying out studies of soil tilth and quality and their relation to crop growth by a team of Russian and American sdenti'sts; 3) using the dimatic data to put the historic obsenrati'ons (approximately for the period 1900 -1939) in proper context to account for any potential shifts in weather 4) carrying out numerical (computer) simulations to generate data which will help to delineate charaderisti'c peculiarities of observed phenomena and their interdependence properties; 5) carrying out all necessary investigations in order to alkiw creation of a mathematical model, the basis of which will lead to a forecast for possible consequences of management, agronomic and economk: dedsions. After the dedsion support system has been completed and tested on Valamo, the information can be made available to farmers in ever increasing drdes out firom Lake Ladoga. As the information is made available to a wider group, it will be necessary to modify it to suit kxial dimate, soil and Arming conditions.

E. Development of Research and Trainirw Proorams and Facilities. This part of the project will pursue the following objectives: 376

1) the trainees will be able to demonstrate a knowledge of the basic prinaples of small-scale, sustainable agriculture, as they apply to both Russia's agricultural lands and her culture and customs; 2) the trainees will be able to demonstrate a knowledge of basic, modem business principles, as they apply to agriculture, within the context of Russia's economic and social history; a serious part of this section will be to develop a new model of agribusiness which utilizes those aspects of rrxxJem agribusiness which are compatible with the traditional value system of the kxal population; 3) the trainees will be able to demonstrate a knowledge of agricultural marketing. Classes would include the whole gamut of horticultural techniques applicable to the northern latitudes, as well as classes in ecology, agribusiness and marketing, leadership and education. The students are expected to come fit>m all parts of Russia as well as firom other countries, and, upon graduation, to be able to start a Arming business or to manage an agricultural enterprise. The dass session would last approximately six months, from mid-April to mid-Septemt)er. In addition to the nonnal six nwnth student, an additional apprenticeship program can also be established, tToth in training instructors and in training researchers. In this way, some students can gain a deeper understanding of either the agricultural education process or the research process.

Phase Two - Years 2-5. The appropriately scaled research and baining facility on Valanw Island will operate along the lines of a farm systems research project. The ideal size of this facility is estimated to t)e about twenty-five to thirty students per year. An adjunct to this will t)e the development of a variation on the training and visit system of extension, which will be used as a means of dissemination of information. Designing these structures atong with the training farm are a major part of the project Dissemination of Information. The scale of Valamo is small, but its potential significance for food production and resource management is much larger. The Valamo project has the potential to bridge with the present for a better fijture. In linking the public and private sectors, environmental and ecorKMnic interests, and the secular and religious communities in both Russia and the U.S., Valamo can become a model to be disseminated to the shores of Lake Ladoga and beyond. For example, for the city with 6 million population, like St. PeterstMjrg, it is very important to have an agricultural produce available immediately from its area. The wtwle project's idea is to support the local farmers in that region (and other target groups, as former military and professional people from the city who would like to settle on land) through education, technologies and indigenous knowledge transfer as well as helping to devetop an appropriate infrastructure. In future, there will be a system of model farms and educational centers located in different areas of the country, mainly in Karelia and around St. Petersburg (in Ingermanland). Dissemination of information will be dealt with in several ways. 1) One is that once the small scale sustainabte agricultural system, and its research and training components are woriced out. the whole process can be moved to other areas with minor variations. Also, as tt>e basic components of a sustainat^ agricultural system are similar in all environments, it is possible that the model will have application in areas other than the far northem climates. Ideally, some of the graduates of the initial training periods can be hired to staff these new training centers. 2) Another method will tie through the graduates of the program, in that the students will be trained to pass the information on to their neighbors. This will be taught as a component of their agricultural classes. 3) The third method is similar to the way the state extension services in the U.S. have dealt with this, that is through the use of newsletters, and press releases to local papers, radio and TV. Project Evaluation. The best evaluation process for this project will be to combine two alternative approaches to program evaluation. The purpose of the objectives-oriented style is to create a checks and balarKe process, so as to insure steady progress towards any predetermined goals and objectives, and to give the management team a means of providing the project, as a wh^, with a fieedback mechanism. This part of the evaluation will be for the sake of the project team and the funders. The purpose of the naturalistic (participant-oriented) style is to insure that a holistic view of the project be maintained, that the stakeholders views are solicited and used as evolutionary tools in constantiy updating the project's processes and procedures and that a record of the strengths and weaknesses, from the paitidpant's viewpoint, is compiled and used in designing similar projects at other kjcations. This p>art of the evaluation procedures will be used in capacity buikling, and in creating ways f^ the partidpants to expand and improve the initial development model. 377

List of Major Stakeholders. A. In the U.S.: 1 .The Valamo Society (in Iowa). 2.CIKARD (Center for Indigenous Knowledge and Rural Devekspment, in Ames, Iowa). S.Iowa State University On , Iowa). 4.National Soil Tilth Laboratory (US Department of Agrk»jlture - Agricultural Research Servk»). S.Orthodox Church in America.

B. In Russia: 1 .Govemments of Russia and of the Karelian Republk: (part of Rusia). 2.Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate). SAgriphysics loffe Research Institute (in St. Petersburg, Russia). 4.M0SC0W State University. 5.The people of the St. Petersburg and Karelian areas of Russia. 0. In Finland; 1 Joensuu University (Joensuun Yliopisto in Joensuu, Northern Karelia In Finland).

V. BUDGET. The Project is likely to be supported finandally by different intemattonal and national civil and church organizations, if major sponsor is found. We kindly ask your organization representatives to consider the importance of this project and give us an approval of it If necessary, the budget chart can be submitted at your request 378

APPENDIX D: LETTERS RELATED TO VALAMO SOCIETY

Mannerheim Portrait [email protected] on 05.07.97 02:22:24 To: Tasavallan Presidenttl/TPK/FI cc: Subject: Request Dear friends, I'm a graduate student at Iowa State University, originally from Ingermanland. I've t>een writing a dissertation about agricultural history of Vanha Valamo before and during the WWII. I was wondering if you would allow me to reproduce a portrait of RekJmarshal Mannerheim published on your website. I will have only a few copies of this dissertation, and it will not be reprinted or somehow published by anyone. Please, let me know if you would agree. It might be of interest to you that one of my professors is Or.Eino Kainlauri who has been living in the States for about 50 years. He is a Knight of the White Rose of Finland and he, as a Talvi- sodan partidpant, had met with Mannerheim on several occasions. You can answer to me in Fin- nish if you would like. Thank you very much in advance. Sincerely, Antero.

Martti Manninen 21.07.97 10.10 OK by me. Best regards Martti Ahtisaari +++

1 .E-mail letter to the Swedish Prime Minister. Received: from pop-3.iastate.edu (pop-3.iastate.edu [129.186.6.63]) by pop-1.iastate.edu (8.6.9/8.6.9) with ESMTP id KAA19296 for : Fri, 8 Mar 1996 10:57:11 -0600 Received: from pv6d82.vincent.iastate.edu (pv6d82.vincent.iastate.edu [129.186.109.130]) by pop-3.iastate.edu (8.6.9/8.6.9) with SMTP id K/VA10157; Fri, 8 Mar 1996 10:57:10 -0600 Received: by pv6d82.vincent.iastate.edu with sendmail-5.65 id ; Fri, 8 Mar 1996 10:56:56 -0600 Message-Id: <[email protected]> To: [email protected] Cc: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Date: Fri, 08 Mar 1996 10:56:54 CST From: Antero Luostarinen

Subject: A call for help.

Dear Mr. Prime Minister, we are an intemational group located in Ames, Iowa and called Valamo Society. Our mission is to assist the island area of Valamo in Lake Ladoga wKh its ecological, agricultural and architectural restoration. The Valamo islands were located on Finnish territory t>efore the Worid War II, and they were ceded to the Soviet Union after the war. The original population (the monks of from the ancient Valamo, or Valaam, monastery, located on the island) moved to the mainland Finland during the Winter War between Russia and Finland.

The Soviets brought new people to the island whose families still live there. The very fragile ecological system of the Valamo islands was sustained by the skillfrjl agricultural practices of the Valamo monastery. However, for all of the post-war years, the agriculture was abandoned. In 1988, the monastery was returned to the Russian Orthodox church (however, before the war it belonged to Finnish Orthodox church), but the civilians were left on the islands completely abandoned by tx>th local govemment and the govemments of Karelia and Russia. They were promised many times by the government offidals that they will be relocated to the mainland where an apartment house for them will be built. No promises were fulfilled.

Just recently, the Office of the Mayor of coastal city of Sortavala (Valamo islands are under administrative supervision of that town) has made a decision to allocate land to 35 civilians (out of 500 still residing on the island). They are allowed to build houses on that land. Under extremely difficult economical conditions in Russia now, this cannot happen without them having sponsors. However, sponsorship means that they will not be even 379

living in those houses (they already have a poor, but housing in the monastery estates): instead, the sponsors will be building vacation houses for themselves. This will turn this unique island into a 'dacha" (vacation) settlement for the pople who have no connection with it damaging the environment particularly destroying pristine nature all around and habitats of uniques Ladoga seal.

Considering the inique role of the Valamo islands for the ecology of lake Ladoga, and the role of the 1000-year old Valamo monastery for human culture and heritage, we beg you, Your Excellency, to take whatever measures possible to reverse this dedsion taken by the k>cal government in Sortavala. The Valamo islands must be a subject of a special legislation to establish a national park there, to protect its environment from any insdustrial or construction development and to prohibit there what is called in Russia now 'privatization of land".

Of course, the civilians must be taken care of. One of the possible solutions woukJ be to help Sortavala government build a house for them on the mainland, near Sortavala. There have to be taken urgent measures otherwise construction might begin in this coming spring , and the Perle of Ladoga. Valaam (Valamo) could be lost for the whole world community (as we know, it has been on the UNESCO list of Worid Importance Memorials) as well as for hundreds of thousands tourists visiting the islarxls every year from Europe. America and Russia. We have been in touch with several groups acting to assist in renovation of Valamo. such as Valamo Seura (Society) in Finland, but this is a kind of problem that can be solved only on governmental levels. We hope, that Swedish Government would be able to contribute its efforts in order to reverse as soon as possible the deasion taken by the Sortavala office of Mayor and to assist Valamo civilians in relocating to the mainland. Please, don't hesitate to contact us should you need any additional information, materials or references.

With deep respect. Eino O.Kainlauri, Director of Valamo Sodety. Andrei V.Khomoutov. Coordinator of Valamo Society.

P S. Our address is VALAMO SOCIETY. P.O.Box 1006, WAS.. Ames. Iowa 50014-1006. United States of America. Our electronic mail is: [email protected]; our fox/phone is (515)233-6140.

The address of the Finnish VALAMO SEURA (where you can get additional information) is: Puheenjohtaja Niilo KOHONEN. ph#: 0-698-7525. Gunnilankuja 2 "C" 36. 00870 Helsinki; fax#; 0-621-2721; siihteri Irmeli PESONEN. ph#: 0-698-6562. Kirickosaimentie 6 "0" 28. 00840 Helsinki.

The address of Valamo monastery in Ladoga, Russia: 186756 Respublika KARELIA, ostrov VALAAM; ph#(279)24-624. The St.Petersburg church-in-town: 198020, StPEtersburg, Narvskiy pr., 1/29. Ph#(812)252-6859; 252-7700. Igumen (Governor) PANKRATIY. 380

[A formal letter of Patriarch Alexiy II to the President of Valamo Society In Ames, Dr. Tom Colvin. with his blessings to conduct research on the Valamo Project]

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His Holiness PATRIARCH ALEXIY II of Moscow and All Russians, , Danilovskiy Val 22, Moscow 113191, Russia.

Your Holiness:

I am an Assodate Professor of agricultural engineering working on the development of agricultural systems to produce food with little damage to the environment Andrei Khomoutov, who is currently studying in the graduate college of Iowa State University arrived here under an ex-change agreement t)etween Iowa State University and VASKhNIL Aca- demy. Andrei has made me aware of the potential for greatly increased agricultural production on Valaam Island. This is based on Andrefs examination of historical material while he was working on Valaam Island over the last several years.

There appears to be an opportunity to reintroduce agricultural technotogy to ttie Island that was used prior to 1940 by the monastery. My understanding is that the monastery was not self sufficient in food tHJt produced an atiundance of a number of crops such as rye, barley and vegetables that were consumed on Valaam.

I would like to approach international agencies such as UNESCO, Ford Foundation and some others to fund a project to redevelop a productive, sustainable agriculture on Valaam. I respectfully ask your permission to devetop and submit a project proposal for this purpose. If our project is funded, we exp^ to pursue it in cooperation wi^ Moscow University, the Agrophysics Institute in St.-Petersburg and with the Spaso-Preobrazhenskiy Monastery on Valaam.

The steps that will be necessary are first to document the historical production practices as recorded in the archives, second to put together a dimatic record to examine the adaptations made for weather and other variables, and third to build a computer model that can be used as a basis for a computer aided dedskm support system for the agricultural manager. This is a large task which will require many people with a wide range of expertise.

Here at the Iowa State University we have created a group called Valarrx) Society whose members are profiessors, sdentists and some graduate students. Ifs tieen registered in State Capitol and we are going to acquire a federal status soon. It has a status of a non-profit organization. The mission statement of the group says: The purpose of Valamo Society is to understand and appredate the rich and varied history of Valamo's monastery and communicate its spiritual and scientific message to humankind in today's world so fiill of conflicts. This means that Valamo Society will support research and education, aimed at restoration and revitalizati'on of Valarrx) Island's architectijral heritage, ecotogrcal and agricultural systems."

Some of the members of this society have already visited Russia and Valaam and talked to the church representatives such as Fr.Andronk:k and Fr.Nicholai (Chief BuiMer of the Monastery). Unfortunately, we were unable to establish firm connections with the Vaiaam's office in St-Petersburg and to figure out whether the church would tie interested in such a project My hope is that You, Your Holiness, coukl give us your Blessing and help in acquiring a status of a group working with Moscow Patriarchy directly.

I believe that this project that we are working at can serve as a demon-stration of agricultural practices that are in harmony with nature yet productive there in the area northeast of St-Petersburg. I also believe that the development of the project should assist people at Konevskiy and Solovetzkiy rTK)nasteries in developing agricultural practi'des appropriate to ttieir areas which could again serve as demonstrations for the pilgrims and visitors from all over the world induding fanners and ag spedalists.

It might also serve as a good example for the ^rmers fiom the neighbou-ring areas of Russian and Karelian republics.

With most respect. Yours in Christ

Thomas S. Colvin, Ph.D.,P.E., Agricultural Engineer. 383

VALAMO SOCIETY

Dr. Tom Colvin, President, Dr. Eino Kainlauri, Director, Mr. Andrei Khomoutov, Executive Secretary. P.O.Box 1006, W.A.S.. Ames, lA 50014-1006, U.SJk. Fax & telephone: -^l (515)233-0907. Other telephones: -••1(515)294-5735 & 231<4077 (cellular). Electronic mail: suurvesiQiastate.edu Pastori Arvo Survo, Profiessori Pylsy, Inkerin Luuteranin Kirfcko, StPetersburg Agrarian University, Tzarinkyla, Pietari, Venaja.

Dear Pastor and dear Professor! Greetings from Ames, Iowa. We have heard about your interest in supporting Ingermanlandian farmers and in restoration of Ingermanlandian culture and history ruined t)y the Soviets. We would like to offier you a cooperation. We are a group of sdentists and graduate students at the Iowa State University, and we have established ourselves as a non-profit organization back in 1991. The main purpose of our activities at that time was helping Vanhan Valamon monastery to reestat>lish its highly productive agricultural practices of the pre-war years. We recognize it as part of Finnish, Russian and International cultural heritage. We also know about the indispensable role that Finns were and are playing in renovation of the cultural and national heritage of Valamo and other places that is part of the Finnish land, for example Karelia and Ingermanland. Our Director, Dr.Eino Kainlauri was t>om, grew up and lived in Finland until the war was over when he came to the US. He is also a veteran of Talvi and Jatkosodat He has a lot of experience in getting people to organize to help others. He is a Professor Emeritus of the Iowa State University. Our Coordinator, Andrei Khomoutov (Luostarimies) was t>om in Russia and lived in Ingermanland until 1990. He is familiar with your church. His friends. Dmitri Orekhov and Alexey Kryukov, are memt)ers of the Inkerinliitto. He is a doctoral student of Iowa State University now in Agricultural Education and Studies. Other memt>ers of our group are mostly U&t)om Americans of different protestant denominations. We would like to establish a cooperation program with the Ingermanlandian Union and with Inkerin Kirkko on cooperation in the area of setting up a school for Ingermanlandian farmers in Tzarinkyla. If you woould agree with that idea, we would like to come up with a joint proposal to get grant morwy to sponsor that project. We want Ingermanlandian Union to t)e actively involved in that. W^ have spoken already about it with Rector Shkrabak and Prorector Yenikyeev during their visit to the United States in last Oecemt)er. We are eagerly waiting for your opinion and response. Thank you for your attention.

Dr. Eino Kainlauri

Mr.Andrei Khomoutov (Luostarimies). 384

VALAMO SOCIETY

To His Holiness, Aiexiy II, Patriarch of Moscow and all Russia,

Moscow, 119034, Chistyi per., 5.

Your Holiness:

Let us express our deep appreciation for your response to the letter about the project on Valamo's agricultural development, that was so positive and cordial. Now, wtien we have your response, we do hope, that we would be able to do something useflil for Valaam.

Since Fr. Archimandrite Pankratios was also positive about our klea, we, probably, will try to keep in touch with him during the work process. We think that, although the communicatran is still a common problem, we would be able to find somebody, who will help us in contacting him. Ne-ver-the-less, we will try to inform Your Holiness on how are the things getting moved.

We hope, that Your Holiness will not leave us in Your prayers and we, once again, express our sincere and deep appredation for your parti-cipation.

Yours in Christ Tom Colvin and Andrei Khomcutov.

Ames. lA, 1993, 23rd of February.

Mr. Andrei V.Khomoutov, National Soil Tilth Laboratory, 2150 Pammel Dr., Ames, lA 50011; ph#{515)294-5735: fax#(515)294-8125. 385

To Dr. Heikki Kirkinen and Or. Pentti Zetterberg, Joensuu University.

Dear Dr. Kirkinen and Dr. Zetterberg:

Thank you very much for your interest regarding our project on Vanha Valamo monastery agricultural restoration. I'd be very happy to discuss with you any details of it which you might need for the furttier consi-deration of your partidpation. Please, look thru the attached copies of materials that we have on the project. Feel free to let us know what else you might need.

There appears to be an opportunity to reintroduce agricultural technotogy to the Island that was used prior to 1940 by the monastery. My unders-tanding is that the monastery was not self sufficient in food but produced an abundance of a number of crops such as rye, barley and vegetables that were consumed on Valaam.The steps that will be necessary are first to document the historical production practices as recorded in the ar-chives, second to put together a climatic record to examine the adap-tations made for weattier and other variables, and third to build a com-puter model that can be used as a basis for a computer aided decision support system for the agricultural manager. This is a large task whk:h will require many people with a wkle range of expose.

Here at the Iowa State University we have created a group called Valanw Society whose memtwrs are professors, scientists and some graduate stu-dents. Ifs t)een register^ in State Capitol and we are going to acquire a federal status soon. It has a status of a non-profit organizatfon. The mission statement of the group says; The purpose of Valamo Soct-ety is to understand and appredate the rich and varied history of Va-lamo's monastery and communicate its spiritual and scientific ntessage to humankind in today's world so full of conflicts. This means that Valamo Society will support research and education, aimed at restoration and revitalization of Valamo Island's architectural heritage, ecotogical and agricultural systems."

I believe that this project that we are working at can serve as a demon-stratkMi of agricultural practk»s that are in hannony with nature yet productive there in the area northeast of SL-Petersburg. I also believe that the development of the project should assist people at Konevitsa and So-tovki monasteries in developing agricultural practKies appropriate to their areas which couM again serve as demonstrations for the pilgrims and visi-tors f^m all over the world including farmers and ag spedalists.lt might also serve as a good example for the formers from the neighbouring areas of Karelia and Ingermanland.

By this moment we have managed to find the data of meteorological ob-servations being taken at the island meteostation since 1859 on. The thing that we need most is now to get all the agricultural records that have ever been made at the island, for instarK:e, on crop rotations, yields, agriecosystems' productivity, on varieties of crops and so on. We wouM like to cooperate with those scientists, graduate or even undergraduate students who can help us with finding these data in Finland. Of course, we can pay for the work. It could be additionally arranged if we find the people.

We would t)e exited if we can support our studies with the dendrochro-notogical analysis of the dimate of Valamo in the past. Please, feel free to contact us by any means, if you would like to cooperate.

With most respect,

Andrei V. Khomoutov, Valamo Sodety Executive Secretary and the Iowa State University graduate assistant.

05-03-93, Ames, lA. 386

Mr. Andrei V.Khomoutov, National Soil Tilth Laboratory. 2150 Pammel Dr., Ames. lA 50011; ph#(515)294-5735: fa}dlK515)294-ai25.

To Rev H. Lamar Gibble. Peace and Intemational Affairs Consultant, Representative for Europe and Asia, Church of the Brethren General Offices.

Dear Mr. Gibble;

Thank you very much for your letter concerning our project on Valaam monastery ^ricultural restoration. I'd be very happy to discuss with you any details of it which you might need for its further consideration. Dr. Tom Colvin from the Iowa State University, who is working actively for this idea, will try to give you a call tomorrow, on 05-04-93. Please, look thru the attached copies of translations of the letters we have received from His Holiness Patriarch Alexiy and Fr. Pankratiy. the Supe-rior of Valaam monastery. I'm also attaching some of the materials that we have on the project. Feel free to let us know what else you might need. By the way, I'm gonna go to Chicago around 14th of May. If you would like, I can stop by and talk to you in person.

Thank you very much for your attention. sincerely. Andrei Khomoutov. 387

05-04-93. Received: from moscvax.demos.su by vs-2.iastate.edu id AA08080; Thu, 12 Aug 1993 17:00:36 -0500 Received: by moscvax.demos.su id AA03160 (5.65C/IDA-1.4.4 for [email protected]); Fri, 13 Aug 1993 01 :S3:32 •K}400 Received: by kremvax.hq.demos.su; Fri, 13 Aug 1993 01:40:36 •0400 Received: by phreak.ex952.demos.su; Fri, 13 Aug 1993 01:25:55 -K)400 Received: by svkoop.spb.su (UUPC/@ v5.07gamma, 28Feb93); Fri. 13 Aug 1993 01:01:50 +0400 To; [email protected] Message-Id: Organization: COMPUTER FIRM From: Sergey W.Awakumow <@moscvax.demos.su:[email protected]> Date: Fri, 13 Aug 93 01:01:48 +0400 (MSD) X-Mailer dMail (Demos Mail v1.11a) Subject: Response on 08.10.93 Lines: 156 For Andrew Khomutow Date 08.12.93 Zdrawstwuyte Andrey. Wchera (08.11.93) ja vstrechalsia s dr. Colwin w A.F.I., postaralsia sdelaf wse kak Wy prosili. W nachale wstrechi prisutsywowala g. Litwina, no potom ona I dr. Radke wyshli i my smogli pogoworit'. Or. Colwin, po- widimomu Wami byl preduprejden o nejelatel'nosti oglaski w A.F.I. i ko^a g. Litwina zakhodila w komnatu menial temu besedy. Predlogom dlia wstrechi s nim (ustraiwala wstrechu g. Litwina) byli nashi predlojenija po kontrolju chistoty wody w rajone o. Walaam. Po atomu powodu ja priwel s soboj odnogo iz sotrudnikow nashego instituta (LATI) i ato sil'no oblegchilo moju zadachu. Na wsiakij sluchaj ja wysylaju Warn atu programmu. wozmojno ato predstawit interes dija Washej programmy po o. Walaam. S dr. Colwin my dogoworilis' o doplnitel'noj wstreche dlia peredachi plenok i s nimi ja postarajus' peredat* i knigi iz Moskwy dlia Was. Wstrecha sostoit'sia na sledujushej nedele, kogda dr. Colwin wemetsia iz poezdki na Walaam i dr. mesta. Za ato wremia ja postarajus' reshit' wopros s tamojnej. Budem nadeefsia chto wse projdet blagopoluchno, no esli ato ne udast'sia, to pridet'sia wosporzowaVsia usiugami DHL, no ato ochen' nakladno (cena posyiki w 10 kg prinnemo 250 S). O wsekh atikh trudnostiakh ja rasskazal dr. Colwin. Dr. Colwin peredal mne Washu posylku. Paket dlia Wery Wasil'ewny ja peredal ej segodnia utrom. Ostal'nye poslania razoshliu w blijajshee wremia. Stoimost' kak posyiki tak i poluchenia pisem po E-mail w USA sostawliaet 10 cents za 1 Kbayt teksta. Po powodu konfidendal'nosti pochty nikakih garantij net, pis'ma mogut prosmatriwafsia na lut>om iz tranzitnyh uzlow w Rossii, no delaetsia ato esli k abonentu projawiiaetsia interes so storony organow. Na IBM esf spedarnyj paket programm zasekrechiwanija perepiski, no u nas na serwere ego net. Nawemoe mojno pridumaf kakie-to drugie sposoby toje. Prilagaju k pis'mu programmu controlia toksichnosti wody w rajone o. Walaam. Wozmojno ona Was zainteresuet, mne ona pomogia spokojno pogoworif s dr. Colwin. PROPOSALS TO VALAAM PROJECT ABOUT ESTABLISHING TOXICOLOGYCAL LABORATORY IN VALAAM AGRICULTURAL TRAINING CENTER(ATC) Main feature of modem ATC is ecological education and practics. Water and soil are the most important natural resources in the self-sufficient island farm. Russian Orthodox Church is leader in the russian ecologycal movement and its authority may be used for education of ecologycal culture in the ATC. Development of ATC suppose following stages of water resource investigation: 1. Water and soiles quality analise for understanding their ecologycal purity for creating of ATC. 2. Ecologycal water control during agrocuKural works. 3. Ecologycal water control of ATC sewage. One of important objectives of Valaam project is transfer new technology. Following proposals contain project of toxicologycal laboratory on the base of new method and device which have developed in the St.Petersburg Eiectrotechnical University for water toxicity nnonitoring. 1. INTRODUCTION Modem method for toxicity control is biotesting. Reaction of biological test-object ideates not only toxicity materials in water, but it indreates total toxicity for fauna and men.Research team of new ecological technology on Biomedical and Environment Engineering Dep. of Univer. have developed new method and devices for biotest toxicity monitoring. New method was devetoped for field laboratory on Ladoga Lake of Lake Institute of 388

Academy of Sdence of the USSR.lt describe in several papes and inventives.The method was used for water toxicity mapping and monitoring of Ladoga Lake, river , water basin of Siberia, Ural, Baltic Region. One of modification of devices products by series in St.Petersburg. Method was recommended for control drink water by town sanitarian. Method have high sensytivity espesially for heavy metal, chlorine, amine, pesticides pollution. One device which is served by one operator after studying during only one week allows to control 80-100 probes every day. Test-object is small animals-microorganism P.caudatum. Cultivation system and device provide autonomous work. Complex may be situated on a table in a small room. CuKivanion mediumes is very cheapest. Focus of this proposals is establishing autonomous toxicok>gy laboratory on the base of new technology and transfer new technology. 2. PURPOSES Developing Valaam ATC require toxicotogycal control of all water resource and graund but it is very difficult and cost problem. Sanitarian in Russia controles several(4-5) toxic elements, comprehensive analis suppose to send probes in spesial center by ship or sometimes by air. With other hand decomposition of pollution from tourist and piligrimes by sun and water and new process of syntesis create new unknown form of chemk:al pollution. During WWII in the water of Valaam and Ladoga Lake were sinked weapons and metal constrruction. Nearty monastery were situated army force. Thus unique water resourse and soiles may be pollute by toxicity materials in uknown formes. In this case rational way of analise is preliminary qyick toxicological screening prot>es of water and soiles for location purity region and "zone of risk". "Zones of risk' are probes wtiere biological objects are killed by pollution. Then probes may be send on the cost chemical analise: probe firom purity region for example 1 with 100 m square and from "zone of risk" -from 10 m square. Proposals to Valaam Project coulde have 4 purposes; 1 .Toxicity mapping of Valaam water and soiles. 2.lnvestigation of region vith acute toxicity and desactivation of them. 3.Localisation regions with best condition for ATC. 4.Control of pollution of ATC and education new technology. 3.GOALS AND OBJECTIVES A. Provide toxical mapping in ATC- Analise water(soil) probes for k>calization purity region and "zones of risk" with season curve of toxicity variations. B. Localisation region with t>est environmental ATC conditions- Correlation toxicity data with historical, meteorology and chemical analise data. C. Assist in the propagation of ecological and agroculural knowledge- Testing new agrotehnical materials, products,sewage in Ladoga Lake, toxicity sertification. D. Transfer new technology- Developing new devices and algorithmes for using in ATC. 4. THE PROCESS Valaam monastery is situated in unique ecological region.But ecological knowledge did not propagate among its population. Unfortunatelly many years ago in Russia was damaged greatist tradition of monastery earth science. Orthodox Curch gave such famous sdentists as Pavlov. Popov, Voino-lasenetsky, Florentsky and other. Establishing of monastery latxiratory is the way to reconstruction greatist tradition of Orthodox Curch.Ecological education of monks in the ATC may be use for public education and gumanisation of sdence. PHASE ONE- FIRST YEAR -TOXICOLOGYCAL LAND USE PLANNING Main objective of this phase is establishing on Valaam Island k>cal autonomous toxicologycal laboratory.Self- sufficient farm will have self-control laboratory. This laboratory may be equipped by cultivator, device and computer. Complex may be served by one monk. Probes of islands waters and soiles may be collect by several monks. Computer with programm products provides correlation of data. Phase TWO- 2-5 Monastery toxicological laboratory may t>e use for following purposes: 1. Toxic monitoring of water, soil, products 2. Reading lectures for piligrims about ecology with practical demonstration methods which keep phauna. 3. Toxicological laboratory may be foundation for complex ecological laboratory with russian and international devices Research team new ecologycal technology: d.p. Pozharov, mg. Zakharov. mg. Paputskaya St.Pb. post:197198 St.Pb. a/b 429 A.V.Pozharov Best wishs. Sergey W. Awakunraw. [email protected] Translation. 12.20.94. Andrei V.Khomoutov. P.O.Box 1006, WAS., Ames. lA 50014-1006. 389

19:31:46 05/09/92 FROM [email protected] 'Common ArgoPhys Institute"; Report and abstract Received: from (MAILER)FIGBOX.BITNET by (MAILER)ISUMVS.BrTNET with BSMTP id ; Sat 9 May 92 19:31:46 CDT Received; from techno.fuug.fi by FIGBOX.FUNET.FI (PMDF #12388) kl <[email protected]>: Sun. 10 May 1992 00:30 GMT Received; firom relcom.kiae.su by techno.fuug.fi with UUCP kj AA06443 (5.65C/IDA-1.4.4 for A1 [email protected]); Sat. 9 May 1992 23:05:02 +0300 Received: by relcom.kiae.su; Wed, 6 May 92 19:51:27 -K)300 Received; by post.kaija.spb.su; V\fed, 6 May 92 19:34:46 +0400 Date; Wed. 6 May 92 19:34:46 +0400 (MSD) From: [email protected] (Common ArgoPhys Institute) Subject; Report and abstract To: [email protected] Message-id: <[email protected]> Organization: KAIJA-SOFT LTD. StPetersburg, Russia X-Envelope-to: [email protected]

Dear Professor Radke: Dr.T.S.Colvin of your department informed me through A. Khomutov that National Soil Tilth Laboratory has just your e-mail code. It is indicated in your card you were very kind to give me last June when I was in Ames with a business visit. Please forgive me for troubling you. but I shoukl be very grateful if you coukj hand the message to Dr. T.S.Colvin.

Thanking you (beforehand for your kind cooperation in this matter. I remain, Yours sincerely. Irina V.Litvina

To; Dr.T.S.Colvin Iowa State University Ames, Iowa USA

From: Dr.lrina V.Litvina Agrophysical Institute StPetersburg. CIS

Dear Tom:

I am extremely sorry that I did not start discussing an extended abstract of our report tor AgEng92 at the proper time. But I very much want to hope that we still have a chance to correct the situation - 'Better late than never". I would be pleased to hear from you conceming the confierence. In particular, have you returned to the secretariat the reply card to make a reservation tor the report? If you have. I shouM be very much obliged if you could send me your version of an abstract. If not I wonder if there is a possibility for you to be present in Uppsala-Sweden. June 1 -4 and hand a secretary an extended abstract and the cornplete versk>n of paper as well for publication. Unfortunately, I shall hardly be able to have such a chance. For the case that is still real in spite of a indisputable delay. I am sending my version of an extended abstract. It wouM be very kind of you to refine it and introduce changes or supplements. The tables contained experimental data, txmitet and results of my attempt to calculate the tilth index I shall mail a few days later.

I hope you and Michael have already received our invitation and soon we will have an opportunity to discuss details of our collaboration on Valaam prqect.

I am looking forward to hearing from you soon. Yours truly, Irina

P.S. David Tsipris sends you his kind regards and best wishes. 390

Extended abstract

Two qualitative methods were employed to estimate a potential fiertiiity of typical soils of an island Valaam for a goal to differentiate soil resources by conditions of various agricultural plants cultivation. Both methods: by use tilth index (Tl) developed in Iowa State University and by use soil bonitet (SB) taken for utilization in CIS during two last decades to evaluate soil properties, are based on an empirk>stat'stk: approach to generalizatkm of experimental data and use minimum necessary set of soil signs. The methods are differed in three details; 1)TI mainly reflects physical properties of soil since K is cateulated by use of bulk density, cone index, uniformity coefficient, plastk% index and organic matter as well. Soil type, texture, moisture degree, humus, pH (for several types of soil), active phosphorus content in arable layer are used as basic initial data for an estimation of soil state by SB. 2)To provide a quantitative definition of soil tilth by Tl, second order polynomial relatk>nships for cateulatkm of tilth coefficients corresponding to soil properties should t>e used. Tl ranges from 0.0 for the worst to 1.0 for the best soil based on data for different kinds of soil. A kx:ation estimating scale composed from results of statistic analysis of data about a soils influence on crop yiekl shouM be used to classify soil quality by SB. According to a scale soils of maximum productivity are estimated by 100 points. 3) In according with the first method predicted crop yield may be calculated by muHiplicatkMn a regional potential yiekj on relative crop yield defined through Tl. To forecast crop yieM by the second method, cost of point for the crops is applied. value has been determined by statistic method for four levels of tillage, from low to high, ^perimental data on physical and chemical properties of Valaam soils collected in 1990-1991 years were presented in Tl and SB forms. Ttie results of estimation of the tilth and fertility status of all typical soil differerK»s for 10 hectares area are given in a kind of tables. Soil contours that more favorable for growing of grain crop, perennial grass, potatoes, cabbage were picked out by comparison of quantitative indexes for soil quality. Possible measures are offered for some other soil differences to be improved arKj included in agriculture. 391

02:04:30 05/19/92 FROM [email protected] "Common ArgoPhys Institute": Data Received: from (MAILER)FIGBOX.BITNET by (MAILER)ISUMVS.BrrNET with BSMTP id ; Tue, 19 May 92 02:04:30 COT Received: from techno.fuug.fi by FIGBOX.FUNET.FI (PMDF #12388) id <[email protected]>: Tue. 19 May 1992 06:34 GMT Received: from relcom.kiae.su by techno.fuug.fi with UUCP id AA15924 (5.65C/1DA-1.4.4 [email protected])itnet); Mon, 18 May 1992 18:17:09 +0300 Received: by relcom.kiae.su; Mon, 18 May 92 18:16:30 -K)300 Received: by postkaija.spb.su; Mon, 18 May 92 17:54:25 >0400 Date: Mon, 18 May 92 17:54:25 +0400 (MSD) From: [email protected] (Common ArgoPhys Institute) Subject: Data To: [email protected] Message-id: <[email protected]> Organization: KAIJA-SOFT LTD, SLPetersburg, Russia X-Enveiope-to: a1 [email protected]

Dear Professor Radke:

Would you again do me a great kindness and give a message to Dr. T.S.Colvin. With many thanks for your cooperation. Sincerely, I. Litvina To: T.S.Colvin Iowa State University Ames, Iowa USA

From: l.V.Utvina Agrophysical Institute St. Petersburg, CIS

Dear Tom:

According to our understanding I send you data on soils of Valaam and also quantitative criteria of its tilth and fertility status defined by the tilth index and bonitet.

The organic matter was calculated as 20 times of nitrogen content. The uniformity coefficients obtained by use graphs connecting logarithm of soil partides diameters and cumulative finer soil mass content exceeded 5 for all experimental sites. To find the plasticity index a dassification of texture kinds at plasticity quantity was attracted.

As to cone index, we do not have measurements on cone penetration resistance.Taking into consideration this soil property appears to t}e depended on nfK>isture content, I enclose Table 2 with corresponding values measured at some of experimental sites. Possibly, these data will be useful for interpretation of cone index by bulk density and water content. Such a way was mentioned by D.K.Cassel in Tillage Effects on Soil Bulk Density and Mechanical Impedance." This paper was .presented at ttie symposium "Predicting Tillage Effiects on Soil Physical Properties and Processes", December 1980 at the Am. Soc. of Agron. meeting, Detroit, Mi. Please let me know if you need something else for the purpose. Based on individual IHerature data and an experience of experts we can expect that soils at our experimental sites have cone index not more than 3 MPa.

For more accurate definition of CI, UC, PI a detailed study should be conducted at soil and dimatic conditions of Valaam. I guess we shall be able to think over the sut^ect during your visit to St. Petersburg early June. I also very much hope that your visit will give us a chance to discuss ^ results of applying two methods to estimation of agricultural potential of Valaam fields and offer a complete version of our poster for put>licati'on.

I am looking forward to hearing from you soon. Sincerely. Irina 392

Table 1. Tilth coeffidents for typical Valaam soils

N Soil type Texture BD CD(BD) OM.% CF(OM) CF(UC) PI CF(PI)

1a Podzolic on moraine and loam sand 1.00 1.0 7.0 1.0 1.0 7.0 1.00 lacustrine deposits 1b sandloam 1.17 1.0 1.8 0.78 1.0 7.0 1.00 2a Shallow soddy (cam sand 1.10 1.0 3.6 0.93 1.0 7.0 1.00 2b M sandloam 1.17 1.0 1.8 0.78 1.0 7.0 1.00 3a Gleic soddy loam sand 1.21 1.0 3.6 0.93 1.0 7.0 1.00 3b « sandloam 1.25 1.0 3.6 0.93 1.0 8.0 1.00 3c n loam 1.30 1.0 3.6 0.93 1.0 8.2 1.00 4a Gley soddy loam 1.30 1.0 1.8 0.78 1.0 82 1.00 4b It day 1.32 1.0 3.6 0.93 1.0 16.4 1.00 5 Humic gley loam 1.30 1.0 21.0 1.0 1.0 11.2 1.00 6 Peaty gleey day loam 0.13 1.0 3.6 1.0 1.0 17.0 0.99

7 Peaty-humic gley loam 0.13 1.0 14.0 1.0 1.0 - -

Table 2. Dynamics of soil moisture in vegetation period

Number of soils at Deptti Moisture content, g/g through mouths experimental sites

3b 0-5 0.146 0.079 0.074 5-10 0.198 0.065 0.066 10-15 0.272 0.054 0.062 15-20 0.245 0.040 0.082

6 0-5 0.455 0.166 0.059 5-10 0.327 0.150 0.049 10-15 0.272 0.151 0.076 15-20 0.272 0.155 0.038

Table 3. Characteristics of typical soils on Valaam

N Soil Texture Humus content (%*) pH PO

1a Podzolic soil on moraine and lacustzine deposits loam sand 6.9 4.2 4.0 lb n sandloam 5.1 4.1 14.6 2a Shallow soddy loam sand 5.5 4.5 15.0 2b •t sandloam 3.8 4.4 12.0 3a Gleic soddy loam sand 4.4 4.4 6.8 3b It sandloam 3.3 4.5 12.0 3c n loam 4.1 4.3 37.5 4a Gley soddy loam 3.7 4.5 21.0 4b tt day 4.4 4.5 24.5 5 Humic gley loam 21.6 4.0 3.8 6 Peaty gley day loam 5.1 4.4 12.5

7 Peaty-humic gley loam - 4.3 16.2

* gotten by a nfiethod of buming 393

Table 4. Bonitet points of typical Valaam soils fbr different crops cultivation

Number of soils at Spring crops Winter crops Perennial grass Potatoes Root-crops Cabbage experimental sites

1a 36 36 24 48 34 42 1b 56 56 40 76 38 56 2a 60 72 48 60 68 64 2b 52 56 38 68 38 32 3a 37 17 38 35 35 39 3b 41 31 57 49 47 55 3c 39 25 41 39 35 39 4a 47 31 53 41 49 51 4b 31 17 45 23 23 47 5 33 35 37 33 33 33 6 25 - 25 21 21 29

7 17 - 21 15 15 17 * For soils to be drained

Table 5. Corrections to bonitet points on field conditions

Numt>er of soils at Field dimensions Field slope Field stony experimental sites

la 0.8 1.0 0.9 lb 0.8 1.0 0.9 2a 0.9 1.0 0.9 2b 0.8 1.0 0.9 3a 0.8 1.0 0.9 3b 0.9 1.0 1.0 3c 0.8 1.0 0.9 4a 0.8 1.0 0.9 4b 0.8 1.0 1.0 5 0.8 1.0 1.0 6 0.8 1.0 1.0 7 0.9 1.0 1.0 394

VALAMO SOCIETY

To His Holiness. Aiexiy II, Patriarch of Moscow and all Russia, Moscow, 119034, Chistyi per., 5.

Your Holiness: Let us express our deep appreciation for your response to the letter about the project on Vaiamo's agricultural development, that was so positive and cordial. Now, wtien we have your response, we do hope, that we would be able to do something usefijl for Valaam. Since Fr. Archimandrite Pankratios was also positive about our idea, we, prot)at>ly, will try to keep in touch with him during the work process. We think that although the communication is still a common problem, we would be abte to find somebody, who will help us in contacting him. Ne-ver-the-less, we will try to inform Your Holiness on how are the things getting moved. We hope, that Your Holiness will not leave us in Your prayers and we, once again, express our sincere and deep appredation for your parti-dpation.

Yours in Christ

Tom Colvin and Andrei Khomoutov.

Ames, lA. 1993,23rd of February.

Dec.13,1994. 5:39 P.M.

MOSCOW PATRIARCHATE SPASO-PREOBRAZHENSKIY STAVROPIGIAL MONASTERY ABBOTT-IN-CHARGE

186756, Karel'skaya Respublika, St.-Petersburg Church-In- Sortavala, ostrov Valaam, Town, 198020, St.-Peters- Spaso-Preobrazhenskiy monastyr*. burg, Narvsky prospect, Tel.#;38-24g. 1/29. Ph#» & faxM: -t-TfBI 2)252-2066: -7700. Outgoing # 1166-12_, 12-13-94. Or.Tom Colvin, fax#(515)294-8125. Or.E.Kainlauri, Mr.A.KhomoiJtov.

Dear Or.E.Kainlauri and MrA.Khomoutov:

We have received your fax dated by 11.30.94, arKl we are so much thankful to all of the partidpants of Valamo agricultural project for such a kind attention that you are paying to the restoration of agriculture on Valamo. In the nearest future, we will have ready to mail you a complete comment on your proposal. Would you, please, be so kind to put an outgoing number on every your document that you are sending us, so it would make the communication easier for everytx>dy? We hope that our joint work on Valamo agricultural project will tie both successful and fruitful. Please, send us the By-Laws of Valamo Society by fax. Attached to this letter, are our proposals on the project of renovation of Spaso-Preobrazhensky monastery's agriculture, which are the subject to future improvements. We think that they will help you to see the purely practical side of the matter. These proposals have t>een sent to Lamar Gibble. We are sending you both Russian and English copy. This same letter we are also going to e-mail you through Sergey Awakumow, because we do not have our own electronic mail yet.

With love in God, the Manager of Spaso-Preobrazhenskiy Valaam monastery.

Hierodeacon Abraham [signed: Avraamiy] 395

VALAMO SOCIETY

Dr. Tom Colvin, President, Dr. Eino Kainiauri, Director, Mr. Andrei Khofnoutov, Executive Secretary. P.O.Box 1006, W>.S., Ames, lA 50014-1006, U.SJk. Fax & telephone: -i-l (515)233-0907. Other telephones: •«-1 (515)294-5735 & 231-4077 (celiulart. Electronic mail: suurvesifl>iastate.edu

MR.ALEXANDER G.RONDOS, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, International Orthodox Christian Charities, 711 W.40th St., Suite 306, Baltimore, MD 21211.

Dear Mr. A.Rondos:

Thank you very much for your letter in which you are kindly expressing your interest in the Valaam project. I have to apologize that I could not answer it immediately.

Yes. indeed, we are making some progress. At this time we have managed to collect all the necessary data from Finnish archives that would allow us to create a database on sustainable agricultural practices on Valaam in the past. We have translated into English the original information that we had in Finnish, and I'm slowly working on translating into English hundreds of pages that are in Russian. We also have a contact person in Petrozavodsk Archive of the Karelian Republic (Russian Federation) wtio is ready to copy additional information that we need from that archive, once we get the money to buy them.

There are supporters for Valaam around, but they pursue their own goals. It turned out that the Church of the Brethren is going to sponsor some practical works in agriculture on Valaam. The Heifer Project International is also sponsoring dairy farming there. None of them has been able to allocate any funds on creation of a database that would be used to adjust current agricultural practices according to the safe and sustainable experiences learned over the centuries by the monks. If this is going to be the case, the fragile ecosystem on Valaam will be ruined, and the ecological death will bring the death to the monastery.

Ail the work that is being done by the sodety members has been done voluntarily. Financially we are in the gap right now. We cannot cover even the immediate costs of gathering information and putting it in order. I think, two years would be enough to create such a database. If I have a half-time assistantship or a stipend ($1,000 per month) it would cover the necessary expenses I make working for the project. I've t>een able to do that up until recent time just by borrowing some money from the bank, but it cannot last anymore this way.

Of course, it would be nice to create an educational center on Valaam for sustainable farming, but the immediate task of ours is to create a decisions support system that would make the whole life on Valaam sustainable and would preserve its resources for generations to come. This is a minimal, but the most crudal for Valaam's future task.

I hope, dear Mr. Rondos, that the lOCC would be able to somehow support our initiative finandally or in terms of helping us to start a fund-raising campaign. Here in the Des-Moines parish of the St.-George's Greek Orthodox Church we have a group that is interested in trying to help Valaam sodety organize its efforts in terms of fund- raising. Of course, there is not much that one church can do, but I'm sure that God will be present t>etween us. And, with your support, we can start doing something in order to finandally back up our initiatives.

We are looking forward to hear from you, dear Mr. Rondos, and will be excited to learn your opinion about the ideas that have been expressed in this letter. Thank you so much for your interest again. Here is, for your convenience, Valamo Sodet/s address and the fax number

Valamo Sodety, P.O.Box 1006, W.A.S.. Ames, lA 50014 - 1006; fax# (515)233-0907.

Sincerely Yours, ^Andrei Khomoutov, Valamo Society Coordinator.

02-22-95. Ames. lA. USA. 396

St.George's Greek Orthodox Church, Des-Moines, Iowa.

Mr-Alexander G.Rondos, Executive Director, International Orthodox Christian Charities.

Dear Mr. A.Rondos,

We have heard about your interest in the Valaam monastery's agricultural renovation. We also know that the lOCC policy is to help our brothers and sisters overseas to become self-sustainable rather than continuosiy depend on charities. We hope that we would be able to assist you with carrying out that mission.

Here in our parish we have a small but dedicated group of people of different backgrounds; Greeks, Americans, Albanians, Latvians and Russians, - that represents the local chapter of the lOCC. We are full of energy and are ready to contribute our efforts into helping with at least one of the international developmental programs that lOCC might be interested in. We hope that Valaam's might be one such a project.

Geographically we are located dose to Ames where, as you know, the Valamo Sodety is thriving to get Valaam agricultural project going and it is looking for finandal assistance. We know that Patriarch Alexiy II of Moscow and All Russia has personnally blessed this project, and keeps supporting it in wtiatever means he can. We are most exdted about that as we recognize that the monastic life on the island is not simply a part of Russian, but also a direct continuation of Greek Orthodox tradition, as well as the cultural and spiritual heritage that is invaluable for the whole worid.

We are ready, with your permisskin, to act as a body linking the lOCC with Valamo Society, and to commit whatever efforts would t>e needed in order to start a fund-raising campaign to support the project. We hope that, under the guidance of our most respected priest, Fr. George Pallas, we would be able to accomplish that goal of helping Valaam monastery in its spiritual and economical renovation.

We are eager to hear your responce and opinion, dear Mr. Rondos, and sincerely thank you for your time.

Members of the lOCC chapter at StGeorge's Greek Orthodox Church in Des-Moines, Iowa:

Rev.George PALLAS Mr.Fred KRUZICH Mr.Charlie NOTIS Dr.Emmanuel PAPADAKIS Dr.Droga VIGNOVICH Mr.Andrei KHOMOUTOV 397

12-14-95. DR.EINO O.KAINLAURI. Professor Emeritus of Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa.

Dear Dr.E.O.Kainlauri,

Thank you for sharing with me and other members of the Valamo Society in Ames, Iowa the content of the letter that you have received from Colonel Niilo Kohonen, the Chair of Valamo Seura in Finland. I'm excited to know that Finnish govemment and people have dedded to give a new life to Valamo monastery and the Finnish Karelia terribly mismanaged by the Soviets. Their thinking is very close to what we were having in mind all these years. I believe that our group at Iowa State University will be nwst helpful for their project taking into account a certain experience that we have on Valamo and working together here in Iowa, our expertise in some areas of research that are important for agricultural renovation of Valamo archipelago, Karelia and possibly Ingermanland, and our contacts with the sdentists and with the research and educational institutions in Russia who have done work in different areas pertinent to studying most optimal ways of Valamo agricultural and ecological renovation. Now Valamo has a once-in-a historytime opportunity to recover from its post-war disaster.

Personally, I think I would be helpful to Valamo project in Rnland in certain different ways: I will support Dr.Tom Colvin's work related to agricultural renovation of the islands by translating and organizing agricultural information necessary for the creation of computerized support system for agricultural management dedsions on Valamo archipelago. I will also be able to help getting access to some of the materials gathered by archivists and by certaing planning and research institutions in Russia that Finns might not be aware of. I will certainly be able to help them to find reliable partners in Russia for their work, and I'm sure they would need some. A dose friend of our family. Baron Oleg V. Von Derwiese (one of the nobles survived during the Communist regime) who is a well-know lawyer in St.Petersburg, has very strong connections in Pietari govemment, as well as many good friends ail over the country. He is honest, and I have already asked him if he would t>e able to help us with finding reliable people for intemational project related to Valamo. I did not give him any details, though. He agreed to help.

I espedally would be interested in helping Valamo and Karelia in educational respect. I think that the idea of making Valamo a model agricultural production system that is safe for the environment and reflect the oast experiences of the monks is wonderful, and I should stress once again that it is exactiv what we had in mind all these years. I also believe that the agricultural experiences of Valamo monastery deserve to be communicated to the surrounding communities on Lake Ladoga and throughout the whole Karelia. It would be quite reasonable to create a system of extension educational training that is similar to what we have here in the United States, and that has proven to be so successful in merging all kinds of research and practical experiences with the real needs of farmers. In fact, I think in terms of creating an extension educational center either on Valamo or in Sortavala where they have a two-year agricultural college. There might be another possibility; to create an extension educational and training center in Tzarinkyla (the location of St.Petersburg State Agrarian University) where they already have a school for Ingermanlandian farmers supervised by the Director of Agricultural Programs of Inkerinliitto (I'm not sure about his exact title) who is a professor of agricultural engineering of that University. In fact. at)out a year ago, I had met with the President of that University and with the Vice-President during our visits to University of Illinois in Urbana-Champaigne. and they had expressed their deep interest in assisting us with creation of such center with its branch on Valamo and mayt)e in Petroskoi or Sortavala.

I understand Colonel Niilo Kohonen's point about starvation of Valamo's inhabitants. I know what is going on there, and the fact the Russian Orthodox church is not helping people but instead is literally preaching hate to them, does not describe Moscow Patriarchy as a very good follower of Christian prindples.

As for myself, I dedicated my life to Valamo and Karelia, and I'm planning to try to go to Finland, after I get my PhD at the Iowa State, to work on renovating and establishing the sustainable agriculture and developing the extension system in Karelia and Ingermanland.

With my best regards to you and to other Valamo Seura members,

Andrei, in Ames, Iowa. 398

MOSCOW PATRIARCHATE THE VALAMO STAVROPIGIAL MONASTERY OF THE TRANSFIGURATION OF OUR SAVIOUR

Ostrov VALAAM, Karelian St.Petersburg church-in-town; Republic, 186756, Russia. Narvsky prospect, 1/29, Ph#(279)24-624. St.Petersburg, 198020. Ph#(812)252-6859: 252-7700.

Outcoming # 42b, dated 02-25-96.

To Mr.KOHONEN, Chairman of VALAMO SEURA.

The Valamo monastery of Transfiguration of Our Saviour is appealing to you knowing your long-term attention to the fate of Valamo, your concerns and your support that you had given to us many times before.

Today your help would be especially important, because the very f^ure of Valamo is in danger.

The Office of the Mayor of Sortavala made a dedsion to allocate certain pieces of land to 35 ctvilians who live on Valamo. They are also going to be allowed to develop those lots and to put up private homes on them.

Because of the current status of Valanno which is quite ineffective, Valamo is a subject of Russian Federal laws related to privatization, land use and so on. The office of Sortavala Mayor treats Valanro as their town's suburb. That has resulted in the decision that they have made.

We have to mention that all people who have received those lots, already have places to live. Any construction on Valamo is connected with extreme difficulties and finano'al expenditures. This would be only possible with help from sponsors, and the sponsors will turn this plan into building vacation houses for themselves using false persons whom these lots are now given to. Now there will be a market of private housing of Valamo: an unregulated process in these times of economical and legal instability both in Karelia and in Russia.

To solve that problem, Valamo must be granted a national park status which would prohibit any forms of privatization and espedally that one of land.

Because Valamo means so much not simply to Russia, but to Rniand (many Rnns have been visiting the islands, there have been many offidal delegations), we hope that Finns, our dosest neightx)urs, could influence the situation in such a way that it will not be putting Valamo under such a threat. We know how this happened to the forests along the border between Finland and Karelia. Valamo needs similar help.

I beg you to do everything possible up to appealing to the governments of our countries in order to stop the dangerous process that has begun on the island. We cannot allow that the true perie of Ladoga so predous for both of our countries would be turned into a regular vacation settlement.

Respectfully.

Valamo Monastery of Transfiguration of Our Savior Governor. Archimandrite PANKRATIY. 399

VALAMO SCX:iETY

To Colonel Niilo KOHONEN. VALAMO SEURA.

Dear Colonel Kohonen, although I'm writing under the letterhead of Valamo Sodety here in Iowa, some of the ideas I might express should be treated as my own and not necessarily expressing the viewpoint of the society. However, attached are several documents that I would like you to get familiar with:

1) the response to the letter you have recently sent by fax to my Professor and Valamo Society Director, Prof.Eino Kainlauri, written by him; 2) the letter from St.Paisius Abbey novice (they are affiliated with Valaam Sodety of Anfierica located in California) that Dr.Kainlauri gave me for you; 3) the translation into English of the artide I got firom tPetersburg that is describing current situation on Vanha Valamo; 4) a copy of my letter to Dr.Kainlauri in response to the information that he had received by you on the initiative recently undertaken by Finns to restore Valamo's environmental and agricultural systems; 5) two documents related to our cooperation with Russia that I'm going briefly comment on below.

Dear Colonel, I think that the situation on Vanha Valamo is critical and can be resolved only in one way: IF FINNISH GOVERNMENT SOMEHOW WILL FIND OLIT A POSSIBILITY OF HELPING RUSSIANS TO BUILD A LITTLE SETTLEMENT FOR VALAMO CIVILIANS ON THE MAINLAND NEAR SORTAVALA OR ON EASTERN SHORE OF LAKE LADOGA. We will do everything possible to initiate any actions on the American side that might help. However, you were right saying that we cannot allow this construction to begin. I will contact the American Orthodox Church and the National Coundl of Churches of Christ where we have some connections. Also, we have some contacts in Moscow, actually, a direct access to Moscow Patriarch through the same person in the National Coundl of Churches of Christ (his name is Fr.leonid Kishkovsky, and you might check about him with Fr. Veiko Purmonen in Uspensky Cathedral in helsinki or with Finnish Archbishop who know him). I think that Patriarch already knows the situation. I met with him personnally in 1993 when they celebrated 200 years of Valamo monks' mission to alaska (in Chicago), and he express^ a great interest in helping any our initiative related to Valamo in any way he can.

We also have a group of rectors of Russian agricultural universities coming up here in April, 1996 (most of them are not Russians, by the way). The purpose of their visit (they come by initiative of Valamo Sodety) is to establish regional educational cooperation projects between Iowa State University and their areas and institutions. Some of them (whom I have known tiefore) were very interested in helping Vanha Valamo. They surely have some connections in the Russian government, so they might be able to help.

I think, what is going on now, maybe is the most important thing throughout all Valamo history. We have to save Valamo islands and the monastery which t>elong to Finland and will be part of Finland again sometime, I believe! Frankly, I think, that Finland should have demanded Karelia back. I think that Finns are moving too slow on that. I lived on Vanha Valamo for a couple of years back in late 80-ies, as well as I stayed near Sortavala and travelled across the territories occupied by Socviets using a stamp in passport allowing me to live in border zone, and I WILL NEVER FORGET THE MISERABLE SHAPE THAT THE SOVIETS TURNED THAT BEAUTIFUL LAND INTO!

Finland is a country of my heart, and the meaning of my life is to help her. Please, don't hesitate to let me know in which ways I myself as well as other members of Valamo Sodety might t}e helpful for Valamo Seura's efforts to save Karjala and Valamo.

Yours respectfully, ^Andrei Khomoutov.

March 6th, 1996, Ames, Iowa.

P.S. I should have been writing in Finnish as I can read it and even used to speak it a little bit. But I have had no practice for quite sometime. Nevetheriess, please, feel free to respond in Finnish. Andrei. 400

ANDREI VLADIMIROVICH KHOMOUTOV

DR.THOMAS S. COLVIN, PHD, P.E.. Professor, ISU Department of Ag Engineering/USDA-ARS-NSTL, 2150 Pammel Dr., Ames, lA 5CX)11.

Dear Dr.Colvin,

I have discussed the status of Valamo research project with Dr.Eino O.Kainlauri on Thursday, 05-16-96, and we have come to a conclusion on what can be done during the Summer Semester, 1996. He has a letter from Mrs.Sari Hirvonen, the historian who provided original documents for us frooi the Valamo archives in Finland. As you know, Dr.Kainlauri had originally a list of all the agriculture and economics related files of the Valamo monastery in Finnish archives that was made by Sari Hirvonen. Because Dr.Kainlauri used his personal funds to obtain the data samples of primary importance, we got some of these files but by far not all of them. Dr.Kainlauri mentioned that copying and obtaining all the remaining files by mail would take at nrwst one month (maybe less so) and would cost between $300 and $500 (not exceeding five hundred dollars). He promised to translate the last letter of Sari Hirvonen containing information about both files copied before and those we still need to copy, by the middle of the next week. In the mean time he has agreed to write three letters requesting help in obtaining these files: one - to Sari Hirvonen. As she might not be available during Summer for any reason, he also wants to write another letter to some Finnish Ministry where he has connections, and still another one to Finnish Orthodox Archbishop. He agreed to send all these three letters by fax. to speed the whole process up. In the meantime, I would have to finish the translation of the original materials that we already have and that I stopped doing in February of this year. I can finish them t>efGre the 18th of June. When Dr.Kainlauri gets the remaining materials from Finland, probably, by the end of June, I can proceed further with translation of those documents, and to get done with a good chunk of them by the beginning of the Fall Semester. The actual number of pages to be translated can be provided later, when we have those documents.

I have also met with the Russian visitors, Dr.Alexey PANIN and Mr.Vladimir SAKHAROV of Nizhny Novgorod Agricultural Academy. Dr.Panin said he will definitely have his book on BONITIROVKA sent to us in the beginning of June, and he also mentioned that the t^k is not available here in the U.S. yet, as it has just been published. When we have this book, I can start translating it for you right away. I think. 6 pages per day would t>e a reasonable translation speed. Before we have that book. I can offer you starting translate another BONITIROVKA book that I have, and that is "Bonitirovka of Arable Soils" by M.M.STRZHEMSKIY (published in Moscow, "SdenceTNauka" publishers in 1980), 226 pp.

I would appredate Dr.Colvin, if you consider this plan and if you would give me a feedback on it. I would also appredate it if you could help me maintain my Summer registration for dasses through a half-time research assitant's appointment. I promise to t>e productive and to report weekly on the progress in fulfilling the plan requirements.

Thank you very much in advance. .05-17-96.Ames, Iowa. 401

VALAMO SOCIETY

Dr. Tom Colvin, President, Dr. Eino Kainlauri, Dirsctor, Mr. Andrei Khomoutov, Executive Secretary. P.O.Box 1006, W.A.S., Ames, lA 50014-1006. U.SJk. Fax & telephone: -*-1(515)233-6140. Other telephones: -••1(515)294-5724 & 294-5735 Electronic mail: [email protected]

To, the Congress of Russian AmerfcansJn,SanjFran>isco. May.J 996.

Dear fnends, on behalf of the Valamo Sodety members in Ames, Iowa, we would like to express our pleasure of wishing all of you much luck and progress in conducting the Congress of Russian Americans in San-Fransisco, California in May. 1996. We also hope that your day-to-day activities after the Congress is over will contribute to renovation of the country of Russia both in terms of re-establishment of her cultural and spiritual heritage and in terms of re- establishment of her great mission as a garantor of peace in the world. Although only a few members of our group have Russian ethnical t>ackground, our interests, goals and purposes are to help Russia in that process related to a particular area of Valaam monastery islands in Lake Ladoga where the spirit of Orthodox Christianity and podvizhnichestvo flourished for centuries for Russian, Karelian. Finnish and other peoples of that region. We value the contribution that Valaam monks made on the American continent in bringing the light of Christianity into the lives of many Americans who are now members of the Orthodox church on our continent. Wb think that reviving the role of Valaam nnonastery is extremely important for the Russian re-birth at large. We also believe that the traditions of the sustainable living on the island can be renovated, and a highly productive and unique agricultural system can t)e brought back to life after 45 years of post-WWII abandonment by the Soviets. We hope that we and you can make a real contribution into that process! ! 1 ,

Dr.Thomas Colvin, Professor, President

Dr.Eino Kainlauri, Professor Emeritus

Mr.Andrei Khomoutov, Agronomist

05-23-96. Ames, Iowa, USA. 402

Received: from pop-3.iastate.edu (pop-3.iastate.edu [129.186.6.63D by pop-1.iastate.edu (8.7.3/8.7.3) with ESMTP id FAA20726 for ; Tue, 25 Feb 1997 05:50:51 -0600 (CST) Received: from sovcom.kiae.su (sovcom.kiae.su [193.125.152.1]) by pcp-3.iastate.edu (8.7.3/8.7.3) with SMTP id FAA28768 for ; Tue. 25 Feb 1997 05:^:48 -0600 (CST) Received: by sovcom.kiae.su id AA05012 (5.65.kiae-1 for [email protected]); Tue, 25 Feb 1997 14:42:53 -*0300 Received: by sovcom.KIAE.su (UUMAIL^.O); Tue, 25 Feb 97 14:42:52 -t-OSOO Received: from mich.UUCP by fpd.tambov.ru v«th UUCP id OAA10175: (8.6.5/vak/1.9) Tue, 25 Feb 1997 14:20:16 +0300 Received: by mich.fpd.tambov.ru (UUPC/@ v6.14f, 10May95) with UUCP; id AA03041 Tue, 25 Feb 1997 12:39:57 +0300 Received: by mgsxa.mich.fpd.tambov.ru (UUPC/@ v6.14f, 10May95); id AA26408 Tue, 25 Feb 1997 12:40:02 +0300 To: [email protected] Message-Id: Organization: Agricultural Academy From: "Samvel S. Phogosian" Date: Tue. 25 Feb 97 12:39:59 +0300 X-Mailen BML [MS/DOS Beauty Mail v1.36hl Retum-Receipt-To: [email protected] Mime-Version: 1.0 Lines: 35 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-asdi Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

Michurinsk January 16 1997.

Dear Andrei, hallo! Has received your fax and letter with the article, thank you very much. Much before I have received from you a large package with the journal " Russian pilgrim". I am very glad for you, for your successes. A theme of your thesis I have translated so " An agricultural system of Valaam in pre-war years and organizatk>n of transfer of its experience (and other newest information) in other regions of Russia ". Theme is very interesting and large. And it is important to make an emphasis on biological features of plants or on organization of management of an agriculture on the island. In any case the theme requires good knowledge of plant biology and climatic features of Valaam and items of transfer of the information transfer. Microclimate of Valaam is rather specific. For the first part of your thesis (literary review, microclimate of the island and its territory) the data of my dissertation would be useful. At present I prepare the doctor's thesis on cultivating of fruit and t)erry cultures in conditions of Karelia. For this purpose, except of Valaam. we cultivate fruit- and berryseedlings already 3 years and mortgage orchards on mainland of Karelia. Andrei. 1 shall be glad at our meeting to transmit you my knowledge, I hope for speed meeting and fruitful cooperation.

With the best regards. Verzilin.

P.S. Please, send answers on Mr. Zavrazhnov's and my letter to the academy's adress. 403

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Dear Andrei. Thank you very much for your quick response to my fax and sorry for the delay in replying. E-mail is really a great way of communication - quick and reliable. I do not have a fw but in an urgent case you can send a letter to my friend's fax (Alexander IlinskO. Its number is 4-35-70. But since Michurinsk does not have an international access code you should order it via an intemattonal operator. That is a sort of inconvenience. Another disadvantage is that fax transmission to Michurinsk is not reliable We can continue e-mail communication. I am using Alexander's e-mail facilities - it is quite convenient for me. I work for the Agricultural Academy. It is an educational institutnn. It used to be an Agricultural Institute and about a year ago it was renamed into the Academy. I am in charge of a research lab and only slightly involved in teaching. I am interested in the work you are doing and going to do at Valaam. I think we can find a way for cooperation on this topic. Once again thank for your response. Best wishes, Alexander Verzilin, Michurinsk, Russia 404

APPENDIX E: SCIENTIFIC COMMUNICATION

E-1 • REQUEST TO COLLABORATE

[The first page of the Proposal on Cooperation between the National Soil Tilth Lab in Ames, Iowa, and Moscow State University in Moscow, Russia.]

To Hr. H.iJ.KhoiouLou. )(r. Michasll Caipbell, T!-.a Ualazo Society a:rporatJon. ^ To )!r. Jerrv L.Katfieid. director of ffaticna! Soil Tilth Laboratory. SLn;i£nia.>£J TO COOPSWTIOK / Tne grot® G/ sfl«ciaiists of oraanized Seolnforiatic SystOB and Soil Retyr.es flssesswnc. Laboratory of Mcscou State Lfni'.'srsity 5o;.' C^^aphy Pspartsent seek for cooperation opportunities with NSTl 4^. Tne :' jint participation in redli2atlon of '•.!^>a»>-proifcct" «ai' oe one of the possible cooperation forss. He ^^a«t scisntlfi': and organization services fcr project -realisation in Russia. «e are^eady to render the help in concrete ' scientific proggraBe of soii-ecalotical invsstlsatlor^s eiatioraticn. T?£ ftIK OF i€SEflRCHES. The assassasnt of Usias? Iseland soil cover state. The fomulation t: grc-yided recosendations tc optiaize ths land place and soil resotrtes use. I'M POSSIBLE fmtS fyffi «.2rS Of a£.QLIS.QT!D.»i. os 'lOfTti- rcdouT'Css, tisfcribasB tu^ help of fiiographical Inforsation Systeas (SIS). Z/.QualJt^tiw estiaation of soil cower state by assessaent sicales •JT.d saps (oaposition. Tne assessaent criteria of soli cover and land resQirces state elaboration. The definition of correlation betusen aierican and russian lane assessient systsBS. 5/.The eiasoretion of land use cptiiizatlon reccoEaenflations on tne bas£> al Sij-cirtographic prognosis of soil cover state in 5.!0,2C',3C g'^s. years. •4/.The fulfiisent o! ikying on anc cciparison asps: soil. soll-assessaent. laps of fertilizers use. aaps cf agrotecholQues •ethods.aaps of land use types, ude In CIS. The enlarBewTt of proggrane soil part Is possible by arallsys of seaples. special physical. ilcroblologlcal, cheilcal. ilneralofflcal. fticr ouiiphoioslcdl investigation, researches of comosltion and function of soli lezcfauna. etc. In ths case of cooperation ct>Rdltlone acreeaent as are ready 405

[The second (of two) page of the Proposal on Cooperation between the National Soil Tilth Lab in Ames, Iowa, and Moscow State University in Moscow, Russia]

to create the coiblned russlan-aaerlcan scientific and tecnologfcal joint-venture for realisation the Uaiaao-project or analogous proegraaaes and ilso another prograues. includine the land resources and soil cosrer state assessaent of different regions.

Soil e:;0Brdpr.i,' Jdp^tient chief assistant, scil faculty at' Moscow State University' cnief assistant

Co-ordinator of geographic

infer aaii: s^'SteB^ aiio slu ra^cui ces ossessisnt cnup Dr. Minkowski' Gi.K. 406

E-2 & E-3. COMMUNICATION BETWEEN DR. SEDOV AND ANDREI KHOMOUTOV

[between Moscow State University in Moscow, Russia and the National Soil Tilth Lab in Ames, Iowa]

[From Sedov to Khomoutov, 20-04-1992 (the translation from Russian Into English]

Hello. Andrei!

It was a pleasant surprise to hear from you after almost a two years' inten/al. I am glad to know that you haven't lost your interest to Valamo even in America and are continuing the research related to soils and to agricultural landscapes of the island. Your letter was very brief and restricted to the business mater, which is normal for the Americans, but I'd t>e very interested to know how you have joined the scientific and other life of that place, how did you manage to cause an interest to Valamo. What is Valanno sodety? Following your example. I shall make the first part of this leter related to business and to inform you how far we have moved in our Valamo research since the summer of 1990. The field investigations in August of that year were uncommonly successful, in spite of many organizational difficulties, a bunch of administrations on the island leach making its dedsions in controversy with another and giving its own directions) and crowds of omnipresent tourists and pilgrims. We have collected an extremely rich material both on soils of natural biogeocoenoses and, even a richer one, on soils of agricultural fields. According to our agreement with Agriphysics Institute we created a very detailed soil map (1: 2,000) for all of the fields of valamo and also turned in our report containing morphological and agrochemical characteristics of soil types. We have discovered very interesting things regarding agricultural fields: it turned out that in overwhelming majority of cases, the monks were choosing not uplandsm but depressions for agricultural fields. Originally they had had not burozems [brown soils - A. Kh.] (a sort of those descrit)ed in our joint artide with Vasinyova, one copy of which I've passed over to you), but different podzols and wetland soils formed on lake sediments. The reasons for such a strategy of new lands development (which, as you understand, require enormous expenses on fertilization and amelioration) must be a separate topic of discussion. They were particulariy elucidated in our report. I have also continued my investigations on mineralogy of valamo soils formed upon the products of erosion of gabbro-diabases. I have managed to draw some serious mineralogists-radiologists to this research. Now we have prepared an artide for publication and turned it into the "Vestnik M.G.U.'joumal f Journal of Moscow University' - A. Kh.]. (I will send you a copy of it as soon as it is published.) Neither me nor my collegues at the College of Geography have lost their interest in working at Valamo. As a matter of fact. Valamo attracts everyt>ody who had once touched to it (you have, surely, experienced it yourself). We, with Dr. Inga S. Urusevskaya, have worked out a program on future investigations of the soils of agricultural landscapes there. To our minds, the main task of such investigations must be trying to find an answer to the following problems: 1) how much have the properties of the cultured soils changed compared with the natural ones during the several centuries of tillage history, and by which means that was achieved; 2) in which direction those new. acquired during the cultivation history, soil properties began to change after the cessation of soil treatments (tillage). Some of those changes were noticed during the field investigations: the most significant and the fastest one among them was swamping due to the broken drainage systems. In order to find a solution to those problems, we have proposed, in particular, to provide a comparative research on cultured soils and on their natural analogs developed in a similar landscaping environment. As I have already told you. those would be mostly podzols and wetland soils, which have never been studied well at Valamo. Dr. I. S. Urusevskaya even took a graduate student who is supposed to be working on that research topic. At the present time, however, all such plans have t>een slowed down. The reason, as you know, is the same as all other Russian sdentists have now: the finandal difficulties. The Agriphysics Institute had accepted with a high grade our report and the maps we had made back in December of 1990, and paid us the money in full, but refused to continue the cooperation for the future. About the same time, the govemment budget of the field work at the University was cut down (as a matter of fact, in terms of numt)ers solely, it stayed the same, but with the brutal inflation that we are having now. that was actually, exactly equal to as if it was reduced ten times). Naturally, we were forced by such drcumstances to sign new contracts on soil research which still has a reasonable demand. Due to that, during the summer of 1991, we were not working on Valamo. but in Northern Karelia and in Caucasus. We do continue working with valamo soils, nevertheless, but, unfortunately, we can only use such samples that were previously collected. This does not provide enough research material for our wort. 407

And so. Andrei, if you know how to find some funds in order to continue the research work at Valamo, and if you are still interested in cooperating with us. we could have built up a strong research team and to start a new step of the project, with your help. It should seem to be extremely interesting to organize a joint expedition to Valamo while, possibly, embradng even the nearest shores of Lake ladoga with short-term routes in order to do a comparative characterization of the landscapes. That could be quite a revealing peace of research! Should any or all of those ideas cause any interest on your part, as well as among your colleagues, just send me a letter, and we will talk about the concrete details of such plan. And now I want to say something about myself. My life has changed significantly during the recent period of time (and not because of what is going on in Russia now). I am still spending much time building my condominium apartment (this epopee is far yet from its finish). In the meantime. 1 have successfully undergone my preliminary exam and made a presentation of my thesis to the committee (not a final presentation yet). I hope to get my degree of the Candidate of Science this coming fall. Incidentally, Valamo soils did become one of the major themes of my dissertation. Looks like that's all I had to say. I'll t>e anxiously waiting for a letter from you. Sincerely. S. Sedov. P.S. I have forgotten to ask you Andrei, if you ever had a chance to look at the materials that we have passed over to the Agriphysics Institute. You can qwrite to my home address at: Mr. S. Sedov. Leninskiy Prospekt. d. 64. kv. 122. Moscow. 117296. Russia.

[From Sedov to Khomoutov, 01-1997]

Dear Dr.Colvin. I think we need to talk about it. Please, let me know when I'd t>e able to see you next week. Thank you. Andrei. (This letter came from Moscow as a regular mail)...

05/21/97. Moscow. P.P.S. By the way, in our trip to Valamo, there participated one of the leading soil sdentists in the US, Dick Amold.

Dear Andrei, it's been a great pleasure for nfie to receive your letter with a print of Finnish artide about recent pollen studies on Valamo. I have just come back from Germany.

We also have not forgotten about Valamo. We had a research trip there in June, 1996, as part of the All-Russia Conference of Soil Sdentists. This trip was organized by me and by Dr.lnga S.Urusyevskaya. We have established very good relations with the monastery, and. in particular, with their agronomist. Mr.A.Ye.Yelisyeyev.

Just recently, we have sent a project to the Russian Foundation on Fundamental Sdentific Research. This project is aimed at furthering of studies of the soils and of soil covers of Valamo. We don't know the results of their dedsion yet. it had to compete with some other projects. I hope, we'll come back to Valamo studies yet. particulariy in co-operation with St.Petersburg soil sdentists. One of them. Dr.N.I.Matinyan came up with an idea of writing a book. What are your plans in connection with Valamo?

I'm sending you some prints of my published artides about Valanrw.You probably know some of them. As I know, ail of them have been translated in Engliah and published in Soviet (later on called Eurasian) Soil Sdence. I hope, we will continue at least exchanging information in the future, or hopefully even start doing some joint research project on Valaam.

Yours, Sergei Sedov. (He has an e-mail.)

[From Khomoutov to Sedov, 02-1997]

Dear Serge, thank you very much for your letter and some endosed prints of your articles. I enjoy having you back online very much. Yes, indeed, I have changed my primary e-mail address since we talked last time. You can safely send me an e-mail now at [email protected] If you want to send me anything in Russian, you can use still another mailing address, and that is [email protected] These are basically the only two addresses that I have. The Iowa State University address is where I get all the mail, and the Maildty address is where I can read my Russian mail. If you have troubles with Mailcity, dont worry, you can send it to Iowa State University address, and even in Russian, and I'll remail it to the Maicity address myself and then read it that way. 408

How are the things in Russia? How did you like Germany?

Your idea about Valaam soils study project sounds very interesting. As well as about writing a book. I was also thinking about writing a book on Valaam ecology and sustainable agriculture myself, so we might cooperate on that as well. In fact. I think, there might be a big interest to both of these, and first of all. to your project, on part of Dr.Colvin, and the National Soil TiKh Latwratory. If you want. I'll let DrCdvin know about this letter, and I'll translate it for them. We'll be in touch on that. I think. Colvin (who is very strongly dedicated to Valaam research) and other scientists from the National Soil Tilth Lab might be able to seek for some extemi funds for that project as well (that would come from this country or from the US Agency on International Development or National Sdence Foundation).

I have passed my doctoral preliminary exam (the toughest one. where 6 professors where questioning me on everything I leamed here at Iowa State). However, my dissertation is still in the writing stage. I have so much data that we got both from Finland and from Russia, so I can't even utilize all of them.

Now, tell me, please, are you limited as to the amount of information that we can send you by an e-mail? I know that many Russians pay for the e-mail services by bytes. If you are not. than things would be very easy for you and us to communicate.

God bless, and have a nice day. Say hello to everyone who still loves Valaam.

Andrei Khomoutov (by the way. never mind my aliases here on the Internet). Those two e-mail address that I gave you are solely mine. Andrei.

[From Sedov to Khomoutov, 03 -1997]

Dear Andrei, Thank you very much for your prompt answer. So, e-mail connection works well! I was away from Moscow last few days, and now I am back for a very short time and then I have to leave again. So please excuse me for for writing this very brief message; I shall send you more extensive one on June 18 when I am not in a hurry. I think we shall submit the project on Valaam soils (possibly together with prof. Urusevskaya) to the Russian Basic Research Foundation this Sept-Oct when new program of this foundation will be announced. If National Soil Tilth Lab. is interested in cooperating in studying Valaam soils including submitting of a joint project to some American foundation it will t>e really nice. Of course I would like to know what problems they are mostly interested in. Probably our approach is too theoretic and too far from practical needs of agricultur? Nevertheless I think it is possible to find points of mutual interest espedally regarding long term development of soil cover and landscape of Valaam (including their cultivated parts). Congratulations with passing the exam (I can imagine how difficult it was)! Best wishes! Yours, Sergey Sedov

[From Khomoutov to Sedov, 04 - 1997]

Dear Sergey, first of all, I must say that you have a wonderful English. If your German just as good, I can just bow down before you. I got an e-mail from my professor who wants to see me about you and your project immediately on Tuesday. I'll show him your recent letter as well, and then we'll contact you. Have a nice trip wherever you go. Da zdrzvstvuyet mezhdunarodnoye sotrudnichestvo. As far as your concern atx)ut NSTL not being fundamental, but rather practical, dont worry. Americans have a different approach. They do not separate many things that we do in Russia. They are more holistic, I should say. AufWiedersehen! Andrei.

[From Sedov to Khomoutov, 05 - 1997.]

Dear Andrei, Thank you very much for your letters from June 07 and June 11 which I found in my mailbox yesterday, when I retumed from my country house. The idea of joint project is very attractive; below please find a scketch of some ideas and approaches (of course it is far from being systematic). I remember the exchange of letters with Prof. 409

Shoba which took place several years ago; but real cooperation starts not from exange of letters between big bosses but from communication between guys, involved in actual research. So, let's try! Do you think somebody else should t>e involved? I have a very good colleague-soil scientist from Petrozavodsk (Valaam is still part of Karelia!). And what about API? Did you preserve any contacts with ttiis institution? All my communications with people from there stopped long ago -1 think in 1991 or 1992.1 was pleased with your compliments to my English, but I know It is not exelent by far. During the last Int. Work. Meet. On Soil Micromorphology (which took place last summer in Moscow) I met with great difficulties in understanding Americans. It is wonderful that you overcame these difficulties! Unfortunately I learnt only few German words -1 spoke English in Germany and found it easy to survive with it not only in University but also in the shops, streets - everywhere! Tomorrow I'll go to the countryside again, then I shall be in Moscow on June 23 and 24, and then July 6-15. Hope to hear from you soon!

Yours Sergey Sedov

Soil cover of Valaam; problems of genesis and agricultural utilization. 1) Valaam is an example of stable and productive agricultural landscape with a big variety of crops wich existed for a long period of time in the region, not convenient for cultivation because of cold climate and poor soils. In this region of middle and nothem taiga (boreal coniferous forests) agricultural exploitation was not "irontal" but carefully accustomed to local conditions, in fact, for long term cultivation people selected not most wide spread "zonar soils, but some specific components of soil cover with higher fertility On contrast to e.g. forest-steppe and steppe where zonal Moilisols are nearly totally involved in cultivation). Also microclimate was taken into account. PROBLEM; which peculiarities of Valaam ecosystem served as t>asis for agricultural landscape development? In fact soil cover of Valaam have some components which differ sharply from soils of surrounding territories; watersheds of Valaam are covered mostly with rather fertile Inseptisois whereas "zonal" soils are Spodosols. From the other hand soils formed in the lower positions on slopes and in depressions are rather similar to surrounding territories. Which components of soil cover were mostiy involved in cultivation? 2) Unique properties of Valaam Inseptisois are definitely caused by spedfic parent material, derived from local basic igneous rocks. HYPOTHESIS; the regolith, in which soil profile is developed, is not a product of resent weathering, but consists of inherited weathering products of pre-Quatemary eluvium, redistributed during glactations. The thickness the regolith layer is (usually) not more than 0.5m. If it is destroyed by erosion or some human activity (new construction, etc.) soil forming processes will be not able to restore soil cover and landscape will degrade irreversively. PROBLEM; how agricultural and other human activity which involved thousands of people (during the period of prosperity of the Monastery) was managed to escape degradation and make the functioning of agroecosystem stable? What are recent trends? 3) MINOR SOIL GENETIC PROBLEM; we know (nwre or less) how presence of material of basic rocks stops podzolization. In some parts of the island we have landsurfaces formed by mixtures of basic material acid moraine with different relation of these components . We can establish quantitatively what ammount of basic admixture is enough to stop podzolization (what is the ratio of components of parent material when Spodosols are no more formed). Is transition from Inseptisois to Spodosols (with change of parent rock composition) gradual or abrupt? To approach these problems it seems necessary to combine soil mapping with detailed field and laboratory study of selected soil toposequences (including natural and cultivated soils). Chemical and physical (particle size, etc.)analyses probably must be combined with mineralogical and micromorphological investigations. Of course all atxsve mentioned hypotheses are supported with some data, collected and published earlier. But most conclusions are preliminary and data incomplete and attributed to a few selected profiles. Some components of soil cover were studied not as intensively as others and some are not characterized at all SO, A LOT OF WORK TO BE DONE!

Please excuse for misprints -1 was in a hurry to send you this text quickly. 410

[From Sedov to Khomoutov, 06 -1997]

Dear Andrei, thank you very much for your letter from 25 June. I agree with your approach to the preparation of the project. Some comments; 1) the proposal for Rus. Basic Res. Foundation is to be submitted probably in Oct. This foundation has not announced the new program and deadlines yet. But I propose to make our Russian- American project rather independent from the project for RBRF. One of ttie reasons is that the idea for the project for RBRF is still rather vague and the team is not fixed: at present I tend to prefer more 'broad' version which sounds like (very preliminary) 'Unique natural and agricultural soils of Russian North: genesis and contemporary trends of soil forming processes". This idea is being developed with the team of Inst of Geography Rus. Acad. Sd. (Prof. Targulian) that is very good partnership (for presentation in RBRF as well as for real research). Of course in such project Valaam will be only one of a number of objects. So, I propose to develop our project with Soil Tilth Lab. and lova State Unl. and my project for FBRF with IG RAN separately. Of course we could make some "bridges" between these projects before and after submitting but without total overlapping of ideas and teams.l think it fits your proposal about 'confidence to a reasonable extent*. 2) It is very nice to have in a project such person as Dr.Sandor with his experience of studying of andent agricultural soils in Peru. This is espedally interesting for me because last 2 years I am involved in research of andent agricultural landscapes in connection with archaeological investigations near Smolensk (one ov the oldest Slavic settlennents - Gnezdovo) and in nothem Caucasus (culture of Alans - andent population of this territory). I will be gratefull if you could send me some reprints of the papers of Dr.Sandor. 3) Unfortunately I do not have e-mail No of Valaam monastery (I think they do not have any). The telephone No of podvoryes are: in S.-Peterburg: 2527700, 2524651 in Moscow; 2512783,2519984, 2515905 I leave Moscow for field work on July 15 and go first to Smolensk and then 2 Aug - to Caucasus (Adygeya, then Kislovodsk). I will appear in Moscow on July 30-Aug.1 and then only Aug.25. On these dates I'll definitely look into my e-mail t)Ox and send additional information, if needed.

Best wishes for the summer!

Yours, Sergey 411

E-4. The letter of the director of Valamo State Fowtfv Mr. Ivan P. Mironov to the diractor of "Spetzprovektrvestavratzwa" State Company Ye. V. Uetinov aekina for help in restoration of Valamo orchards.

PC<&CP Mhiihct2Pct?o c oro ilMpeKTOpy HSyMHO-npOHSBOACT- xoaxflCTBa ILpi.v. cKoft BeRBoro oCbcguuieHMff bajiaaTT:-^:!*! " CnemipoerrpecTupauiiH" ;i e c e 3 r.V.tt T. £.£• ycTHHoqr CopT..^.;;,;sa.'i f ', ..ACCP

Or. Ha )k.

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HOBJieiOIH llCT0pilM6CIC0r0 BHCBKSro 06jBn OiUlOB IfHTlMt, JIBJIJBMBX*>

CH MacT&D apxHTeicT7pHa- juHxaa^Horo KOMIIJI«KC«« w JT LAKE NllKKANANLAMPl. VALAMO, RUSSIAN KARELIA » 61°22"N. 30°55"E 0 a s SETTLEMENT INDICATORS M 7 3 3- o 0 3 u c 7 v«>'' M 3 ir 3 372 m •t « 3 302 1 i' • 770140 BP o 3 392 3 ^ Su-2742 a 402 I2)0±50BP ? Su-2743 412 S 422 * I? B* 432 3 ro 442 3 452 23g0±60BP Su-2744 s. 462 Is 472

482 a 492 11 3 3 t>02 i* 3* 512 « O 522 I i 632 3 s 0 3 20 40 60 80 i 000 '^00 o 1 %.%« P % AP I l.V. 1996 8 3. & 413

E-6. The soil moisture content measurements on Nikonov field in 1993 - fiatd note* bv the Aoilohvic* Institute in St Petersburg. Russia.

9^

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/;5 0 » 414

E-7. Medium orchard of Valamo'« Central estat—: the «chwn> h«« been made on 09-22-1989 by mv«elf showing the location of each tree and ehrub a» well the ponde and the boundary of the orchard. Unfortunately. I could not make a better copy of that for thia acanned Picture. 415

Central : the »chwn» ha« b—n mad« on 09-22.1M9 by myself showing the location of eachfreeand ehrub m* well the p«nrf« Unfortunately, I could not make a better ocpv of that for SSte^canned picture.

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«kaa»t-;--' i*,«3;--. - ?5jS:^ . • - !3B If u Mii ^ tW •<-' c-

«»3£ ' • : ' -• ••"-4 • ^ 416

E-9. The old church of the Transfiguration of Our Savior (part of the main complex of the monastery of Valamol 417

E-10. Letter from the Masonic organization of "Knights Hospitaller" about Valamo

^ofieretgn (@r&er of U(c (l^rti|abax %o»|ritailer of ^aint of Serusolnn Vnter ikpitttual ^otcction af llta ^laliaraa ^Idiaig IL 4U

GaKPiWr Coual NicnolH *. eotrmSior nPsMrfai Ml V(raoii.NriaSSZ.USA

Unhcr ti{t Jhnpcrul of li|c Mouac of Somimab, tn tin {krasn af 9fta JItgipicsa 'Princr ^Ridiari of ^maia.

Kr. Andrei V.Khomoutov 3.4.99 101 Mulberry Ct Aniea, lA 50010-0154

Dear Andrei Khomoutov:

Following our conversation and the excellent reference given to us by Father Roatislav, we are hap^ to be able to aend you the aasiatance you need to finish your school tern and hopefully,thesis. We understand only too well that valaam is not an entity Americans would know about, nor care about as religious spirit is unfortunately on the decline in USA.

However, we-on the contrary- have a duty to help our Orthodox Church and its affiliates and studies which would benefit the Church. Count Bobrinslcoy heads the Russian branch of the 900-year old chivalric Order,created to care for pilgrims and the wounded in Jerusalem. Thrown out of the Holy Land,they settled on Rhodes, Cyprus and finally on the is&and of Malta where they remained until Hapoleon decided to conquer it.At that time, the Icnights begged the only person who could stand up to Hapoleon- i.e. the Russian Emperor Paul I. He tooV the Order until his protection and, after Napoleon conquered Malta, was elected Srand Master. He inmediately created a Russian branch (mostly for the Russian Orthodox, but not forbidden to other Christians) with some hereditary families among the Russian nobility. Count Bobrinskoy -gret-great-great grandson of Empress Catherine II- was elected in United States to revive the Order here with specific humanitarian aims. If you wish to Xnow more about it and have access to a computer, folloMiag is the web site of our English historian; httpt/A^w^i^Zprestel.co.ulc/church/oosj/os j.ht« When Russia opened and some friends and members went there,we started helping there,although it is very difficult. But one swmber told us that Optina Pustin needed cows,and we were able to buy 4 cows for them. I am writing you this, so that you remenber when you go to V&laam, there may be a possibility for us to help there. DO Veep intjaich with nm and God bless you and give you the neceMaw.etreng 418

E-11. Russian Imperial Symbol: The Pouble-H««d»d Eaote 419

APPENDIX F. ARCHIEVAL DOCUMENTS AND PROPOSED COURSES

fSamples of 1900-1940 Aqriculturai_Recorcl« frpfn_Val«mo_Mo!n«»t>rx.^tnn»l«f

GK:1. Vegetoble^^^gardeninfl bppk_ofJ1901.

34 pages in the diary.

PAGE 1.

The brother in charge of the vegetable garden shall write into this book all works related to planting and harvesting of vegetables showing the times when they have been planted and when they have been collected and how big was the yield during this Summer season of 1901. It is forbidden to give away any vegetables to any body without asking Abbot to bless that.

Signed: Abbot Gabriel.

PAGE 2.

VEGETABLE GARDEN WORKS.

JANUARY.

31) 25 carts of manure has been brought in for the onions hotbed. 3 9 hotbed frames have been prepared for onions. 5 The soil has been piled. 9 The onions have been planted and raddish has been sown. 28 The manure has been carted to the hott>eds by 12 horses. This manure has been spread by 4 people sent by superintendent. The snow was removed by our people.

MARCH.

1 The manure has been carted by 12 horses. It has been finished before lunch. Overall we have brought 226 carts of manure. The snow has been carried by our people in two sledges. 2 The snow has been carried and potatoes (to the kitchen) by our people. 3 The snow has been carried out from the hotbeds. 5 The hotbeds were prepared for seedlings and transplanting. We have stuffed 2 hotbeds (17 frames each) and 2 hotbeds (9 frames each). The snow has been carried out from seedling hotbeds. 6 The soil was crushed and was cut, the snow was earned. 7 The soil has been piled. 9 hotbed frames have been stuffed for onions. The snow has been carried. 8 4 hotbeds were stuffed for seedlings, 3 long ones and those near the oaks. The transplants of Madeira onions, selery and lettuce were sown, as well as Edinborough Heppel cucumt>ers (two varieties), Dutch and Russian cucumbers, dill and raddish. The snow has been carried away from the cell. All people working were ours. 9 The snow has been carried away from the cell, the soil was crushed.

PAGE 3.

The seedlings were sown into three hotbeds. 9 frames - fast-ripening, the lower hotbed - Braunschweig, the hotbed on the hill - our variety. The soil has been piled in 2 hotbeds. 10 The soil has been piled on 3 hotbeds for seedlings. 12 The onions have been planted into 9 hotbed frames. The seedlings have been sown into 4 hotbeds, 3 of those having 22 fi^mes each, and one just 11 frames. 420

* The seeds of Braunschweig have been sown into the long hotbeds, and into the middle hotbed by the ceil end. The variety that was brought up locally. The snow has t)een carried away.

13 The soil was crushed and cut. Two hott>eds were prepared for seedlings and one for rutabagas, as well as 6 frames for raddish and lettuce transplants. 14 The potatos were collected in small and secluded monasteries and earned to the main monastery. The snow was transported and the soil was cut.

15 The soil has been piled onto 2 hotbeds. The snow has been carried from watermellon hotbeds.

16 The 8 hotbed frames have been prepared for cucumbers. The seedlings have been placed in and the snow has been carried away. 17 9 hotbed frames have been prepared for lettuce and 6 firames — for onions. The seedlings have been sown in 2 hottieds (one - 17 frames and another one -13 frames). The transplants of lettuce and of Madeira leek, and of raddish. 6 hotbed frames were sown over. The potatos were sorted out. The rutabagas were planted were sown into the 17 frames of the hott)ed that is on the mountain. 19 The soil was piled onto three hott)eds under cucumbers. The lettuce and the onions as well as the potatoes were being sorted out.

PAGE 4. 20 6 hotbed frames of onions have been sown (the seedlings were placed in). Two hotbeds (each - 14 frames) were prepared under rutabagas. The potatoes have been sorted out (because it was drizzling). 21 There have been planted 7 frames of lettuce and the transplants have been sown on 2 firames in the end. 8 frames of cucumbers have been planted. The watermellons have been planted into pots. The seedlings have been placed in. 22 The seedlings have been placed in. The ditches were dug. The fellows started fasting, the drizzle was falling. 23 There was drizzle with the snow the whole day. 24 The seedlings were placed in. The weather is warm. 25 The rutabagas were sown on 2 hotbeds. The seedlings were placed in, the straw mats were carried up from the bam. 27 The manure was carried for cucumber hotbeds, we've brought 100 carts of it. The seedlings were placed in. 28 The soil was crushed for cucumber hotbeds. It was snowing, we were sweeping snow off the hotbeds. 29 We've stuffed 17 frames under cucumbers. The seedlings were placed in.

APRIL.

4 17 frames of a hotbed were planted with cucumbers of different varieties. 5 We've stuffed 22 frames of a hott>ed for cucumbers, and rutabagas were weeded. 7 The rutabagas were weeded, the soil was piled on under cucumbers. 9 The potatoes were sorted out, the lettuce was weeded. 10 The hotbed was prepared under cucumbers, the snow was shoveled off the fence. 421

GK;1. Threshing book of,1932.

AREA UNDER OATS AND VETCH.

Quantities.

Herman field 6 sacks. Skudel'ncye field 6 1/2 sacks. Zimnyakovo field 4 1/2 sacks. Finnish field 15 sacks. Muddy field near the well 8 sacks. Still more in Zimnyakovo field. ... 1/2 sack.

Total 40 1/2 sacks. Including 2 sacks of vetch 12 pouds each [432 lbs].

AREA UNDER TIMOTHY GRASS. Quantities.

Sowed some more by calfhouse 30 Lbs. In Zimnyakovo field 1 poud [36 lbs] 12 Lbs. On Finnish field 20 Lbs. In Kukko 3 pouds [108 lbs] 10 Lbs. In Muddy field near the well. 3 pouds [108 lbs] 35 Lbs. In Lestchevo 1 poud [36 lbs] 10 Lbs.

Total 11 pouds [396 lbs].

AREA UNDER BARLEY.

Quantities.

In Kukko 11 sacks 50 kG each = 550 kGs. Still more to Kukko 18 kGs. On Herman field 15 sacks 50 kGs each 750 kGs. On Skudel'noye field. .. 7 sacks 32 kGs each=382 kGs.

Total 1700 kGs.

AREA UNDER WHEAT (SOWN 11th OF MAY).

Near Orchard by the Stone Bridge. 3 pouds [108 lbs] 20 Lbs.

AREA UNDER RYE. Quantities.

Finnish field 8 1/2 sacks = 510 kGs. In Kukko near Brick works. . .. 9 1/2 sacks = 570 kGs. Near Horsebarn and by the . . 2 sacks = 120 kGs. And ours .1 measure.

Total 20 sacks = 1200 kGs, 1 measure.

THE RYE YIELD.

Thrashed 133 sacks.

Straw 65 carts. Chaff. 50 mat-bags. 422

TIMOTHY GRASS.

Thrashed 34 pouds [1224 (bsj.

THE BARLEY YIELD.

Thrashed 150 sacks.

Straw 50 carts. Chaff. 40 mat-bags.

WHEAT.

Thrashed 10 pouds [360 lbs] 20 Lbs.

Straw 3 carts. Chaff. 2 mat-bags.

CLEAN OATS.

Thrashed 288 sacks.

Straw 96 carts. Chaff. 80 mat-bags.

OATS WITH VETCH.

Thrashed 83 sacks.

Straw 27 carts. Chaff 20 mat-bags.

ON HERMAN ISLAND.

OATS WITH PEAS.

Thrashed 60 sacks.

Straw 20 carts. Chaff. 18 mat-bags.

ON HERMAN ISLAND.

CLEAN OATS.

Thrashed 16 sacks.

Straw 5 carts. Chaff 4 mat-bags. 423

ON SERGIY ISLAND.

OATS.

Thrashed 29 sacks.

Straw 8 carts. Chaff. 7 mat-bags.

Gll:_Ga:5, The book of reports on sowing and collecting of grain ctops^ojccfaarjtiLfcuils^hav. re^ipts aiid expenditures of firewood and other goods under economic^administratiOjnjofJ/a)amQ-MooasletyJrom-yeatJl-90-1 until year 1910. Economist monk MITROFAN. THE REGISTER ON SOWING AND COLLECTING OF GRAIN CROPS. ORCHARD FRUITS. HAY. RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES OF FIREWOOD AND OTHER GOODS UNDER ECONOMIC ADMINISTRATION OF VALAMO MONASTERY FOR THE YEAR 1901.

Sowed. Collected. Mat-bags Tchetveriks Mat-bags Tchetveriks. RYE.

Was sown behind the hotel 8 5 80 2 and in Alexandrovo field.

OATS.

Was sown on Herman field, in 50 152 Rautaveraja, in Kukko and by the Humpback bridge.

BARLEY.

Was sown by the Humpback bridge. 3 11

GRASS SEED.

Was sown on Herman field, in Rautaveraja, in Kukko. by the Humpback bridge, and in Zimnyakovo: - clover 4 pouds [144 lbs] 1 Lb.; - timothy grass.... 8 pouds [288 lbs] 26 Lbs.; - vetch 60 pouds [2160 lbs].

Shocks. Pouds [lbs x 36].

HAY.

Was left from the year 1900.

Was collected in 1901: - on Valamo island 3078 15,390 - on St. Serge island 330 1,650 - on St.Herman island. . . . 1040 5,200 - on TIkhvin island 200 1,000

Total 4648 23,240 424

Tresta for bedding that has been mowed along the gulfs 700

Rye straw for bedding that has been bought in Aaninen at 10 cents [kopecks] per poud 5644

Sowed. Collected. Amount. Pouds. Pounds. Amount. Pouds. Pounds.

VEGETABLES SOWN AND COLLECTED.

Cucumbers 6 64,385 pieces. Potatoes 400 sacks. 2,270 sacks.

Onions 5 mat-bags. 35 mat-bags. Onions for sowing Beats 30 385 baskets. Rutabagas 1 1/2 230 baskets. Black radish 1 1/2 150 baskets. Cabbages; 2 1/2 58 vats. - white minced 12 vats. - shredded 28 vats. - in heads 1 vats. - semi-white minced 17 vats. - fresh heads 5450 pieces. Pumpkins 1 1/2 630 pieces. Watenneiions 35 pieces. Carrots 3 94 baskets. Melions 15 pieces.

SEEDS COLLECTED.

Cabbage 5 Rutabagas 4 Black raddish 4 Beats 20 Dill 2

FIREWOOD 2 ARSHINES [0.71 M] LONG.

Those left from 1900; - by the machine home 131 sazhen's [279.55 m]. - by the boat shed . 30 sazhen's [ 64.02 m]. - at the dock, from Mr.Gromov .213 sazhen's [454.54 m]. - in the tar-works . 64 sazhen's [136.58 mj. - by the lime kilns and in the brick-works . .20 sazhen's [ 42.68 m].

Total 458 sazhen's [977.37 mJ. 425

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The completion of this dissertation was made possible with the support of several people. I wish to thank them wholeheartedly for their many efforts to assist with the research, especially the members of Vaiamo Society and other organizations, and private individuals and groups, such as churches. I want to specifically thank the following individuals: Or. Robert Martin, my major professor, for his guidance and valuable suggestions throughout my program of study, especially during the completion of the dissertation. My committee members; Drs. Betty Wells, Douglas Hurt Thomas Colvin and Wade Miller, for their interest in and support of the study. Dr. Warren, who passed away, but who nevertheless, as a specialist in indigenous knowledge, was instrumental during the eariy phases of the development of the research problem. Dr. Thomas S. Colvin of the National Soil Tilth Laboratory in Ames, Iowa, was also my sponsor for a number of my most challenging years in the United States. He provided me the opportunity to remain in the United States, and made it possible for me to enter the doctoral program of study while conducting the unique research that led to this dissertation. I am grateful he supported my decision to stay in this country longer than was expected by the joint Soviet-American exchange program, and ultimately helped me to "swim against the stream." Dr. Eino O. Kainlauri, Fellow of the American Institute of Architects, who provided the bulk of the archival materials for this research chiefly through his indispensable contacts in Finland, and kept me constantly aware of the important deadlines. As a Finn, he also made me feel at home in Iowa because he was most intimately familiar with the geographic area where I lived and had selected for this dissertation research. Dr. Kainlauri also provided excellent recommendations for me when I sought financial assistance to conduct research from Finish sources. Through his efforts as a good fatherly example of a true Finnish soldier and gentlemen, I strengthened my character and toughness in life. Dr. Igor B. Uskov of Agriphysics loffe Research Institute in StPetersburg, Russia, a great scientist, strong administrator, and enthusiast and supporter of novel ideas who, in a city of neariy six million people, acknowledged the importance of the Vaiamo agricultural renovation for Russia and who provided me with the opportunity to travel to the United States for a one-month training program in Agricultural Meteorology/Climatology which ultimately led to my continuation to complete the doctoral program of study at Iowa State University. Dr. Elina G. (Pakko) Voronina, a biological scientist and an Ingermanlandian (Russian Finnish) of the All-Russia Institute for Plant Protection in Tzarskoe Selo near St. Petersburg (Russia), who contributed to my initial interest in Finnish history, and particulariy in the history of Finnish- Russian cultural interactions throughout the 20*^ century. Her husband, Dr. Konstantin Y. Voronin, offered me advice, and even protection during the times of many persecutions at Plant Protection 439

Institute due to his faith. His fannily influenced my decision to make a career change and dedicate this period of time to conducting historical research. Fr. Leonid Kishkovskiy, a special envoy of the National Council of Churches of Christ in the U.S., who assisted me numerous times in situations that could not have been resolved without his assistance, such as providing direct contact with Russian Patriarch Alexis II. My grandmother, Eugenia A. (Ivanovskaya) Andreeva, who had passed away in 1987, before the work on the Valamo research project was started. She kept her Christian moral values, her faith throughout the darkest years of the Soviet regime, and she wanted the author (her grandson) and his mother (her daughter) to keep them also. She always believed that Russia eventually would be free from its Communist occupants. My mother, Nina G. Andreeva, who has always been my best supporter, and who had come to America to assist me when I was struggling to succeed in selecting the path and direction for his research. She helped me think my way through many dilemmas and reach important decisions to fulfill my career objectives. She also inspired me at difficult times, especially when times was in danger of losing my faith in the possibility of completing this dissertation. Finally, I am grateful to my editor, Pat Hahn, who persisted in her efforts to assist me to produce a quality written document.