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Collecting Folksongs in Nigeria: A Fieldwork Journal Zainab Jerrett The Bura are a West African people living experience made me realize that if someone is within the present-day northeastern part of bent on observing and recording traditional Nigeria. According to the 1989 Nigerian census, music performed only in natural contexts, either the population of the Bura people is estimated to that person will end up with insufficient material be more than one and one-half million. Today, or they will have to spend a very much longer about half a million Bura people live on the Biu time in the field waiting for events to occur. For plateau, an area referred to politically as the Biu instance, during my five months of fieldwork in Emirate. It was formerly referred to as Biu Nigeria there was not a single occasion on which Division until 1976 when a local government I could observe and record Bura funeral songs system and emirate councils were introduced by performed in a natural context. I resorted to the Federal Government of Nigeria.1 In Biu collecting Bura funeral songs by creating Emirate, the area mostly inhabited by the Bura artificial contexts and by obtaining tape- tribal group covers five districts: Biu, Sakwa, recordings of such songs from individuals who Kwajaffa, Kwaya Kusar and Miringa districts.2 had recorded them as sung by professional Bura speaking people also dominate Garkida singers during the funeral ceremonies of their town in the present Adamawa State of Nigeria. loved ones. Thus, during those five months of Biu Emirate is the area or the constituency where fieldwork I perforce collected my primary data in the makers and owners of Bura folksongs are both natural and artificial contexts. In this rather predominantly found. flexible manner, I studied the occasions, the meanings, and the reasons for performing The social context of Bura folk music various kinds of Bura folk music, primarily from There are two ways of collecting folksong: in a the perspectives of the performers and 5 natural context and in an artificial context.3 The secondarily from a scholarly perspective. artificial context is usually highly formal in that it is organized and scheduled by the mutual My research trip to Biu Emirate agreement of the collector and his or her My field research on Bura folksongs in Biu informant. Generally, the awareness of a Emirate (Bura society) lasted from December collector’s presence in a folk music context 1994 to April 1995. It was also a homecoming, changes the situation to one in which the actions an opportunity for me to spend time with my and performances of the participants become family. self-conscious to some degree. On the other hand, if the collector is able to observe a natural context, he or she will be able to record what people actually do rather than what they say they do. Also, observing a performance in a natural context may reveal data which both the researcher and the informants take so much for granted that they would be unlikely to talk about it in interview sessions. In terms of my own research a natural context means the social context in which the folk music actually functions in Bura society, while an artificial context arose whenever folk music was performed at my instigation.4 Although the ideal place to collect research data is in its natural context, in a situation where it is not possible to observe and record a performance in its natural context an artificial context must be used instead by the folklorist. My own Zainab Jerrett and her father in Biu Emirate 1 My research trip was typical of field research the research process by attending a Christian conducted by folklore scholars in that I had both wedding ceremony at Kidang, and observing the good and bad experiences.6 I had some failures musical performances which took place during as well as successes in my attempts to collect the wedding reception. I took photographs of the data. The following is an informal record of my musical event including the performing fieldwork experiences, to which I have added musicians as well as the participating audience. I some observations on the social context of Bura could not record the music on video or audio folk music performance. tapes because at that time I had not yet rented a video-recorder and a tape-recorder. Prior to conducting my research, I identified and contacted three prominent Bura traditional Musa Gwoadzang musicians: Usman Boaja from Gusi, Musa On December 31, 1994, I went to Gwoadzang to Goadzang from Gwoadzang, and Saraya visit Musa Gwoadzang. Fortunately for me, we Mwarinkir D. Waziri from Marama. My aim met Musa Gwoadzang as well as his three wives was to gather information about their life stories, and most of his children at home. To my great their music, musical performances, and views delight, after exchanging greetings and other about Bura folksongs. To this end, I obtained pleasantries, the atmosphere was conducive for their written consent to be interviewed on tape, me to conduct the tape-recorded interview with and to have their performances recorded on both Musa Gwoadzang. I had also borrowed a tape- video-tape and audio-tape. My informants were recorder from my brother-in-law at Biu, Mr. Bata also aware that I would take photographs of them Ndahi, and loaded the tape-recorder with new as well as of their musical instruments. In the batteries. I bought three new blank tapes at Biu event, I interviewed more Bura musicians, as Market and I took them along with me for well as some fans of Bura traditional music, recording the interview. while conducting the fieldwork. I planned to conduct my research in four stages: Phase I:December, 1994: To meet with all my informants to let them know that I have arrived, and fix dates for tape-recorded interviews on a one-on-one basis. Phase II: January, 1995: To complete all the initial tape-recorded interviews. Phase III: February to April, 1995: To conduct follow-up interviews. Phase IV: March to April, 1995: To make video recordings and tape-recordings of my informants, plus any other Bura folk musicians’ performances on such occasions as weddings, festivals and funerals. Musa Gwoadzang Following this plan, I arrived in Lagos from My interview with Musa Gwoadzang lasted for London on a British Airways flight on December about three hours. The interview took place in 12, 1994. My first challenge was that my his house inside his guest room. At the luggage was confiscated and hidden by customs beginning, my informant was a bit shy and officials at the Lagos Murtala International inhibited so I tried to apply my skills as a Airport, and I was forced to stay in Lagos for the folklore fieldworker by making him feel that he four days it took to recover my bags. I was afraid was the "master" of the occasion. I was anxious I would never see my luggage again! Luckily I for him to provide me with answers to the did eventually get my bags back, but the delay in questions I planned to ask him, and I did not starting my field research was frustrating. I want to be disappointed. First, I started eventually arrived at Maiduguri, the capital of reminiscing about his musical performances in Borno State, on December 17, 1994 and spent the past and how my friends and I used to be four days there. On Thursday, December 22, I participant audiences at his performances when travelled to Biu Emirate where I was to conduct we were teenagers. I sang to him a love song my field research. While in Biu Emirate, I started 2 which he composed about a girl he fell in love and I gave fifty Naira to his mother. At first with. The girl's name is Yarami Audu. At this because the value of the Naira had recently point, he started to laugh and to feel relaxed. He dropped, I felt the money I gave Gwoadzang was immediately took over the conversation and gave too little, but he did not consider it that way. He me his own interpretation of the "Yarami" love was very grateful and happy about it. song. I had made him feel that I was not a stranger to him and his music, and this had One thing which I could not accomplish was broken the ice. observing and taping Gwoadzang’s performances at weddings, funeral ceremonies or When I saw that he was ready to have an open festivals because he was not invited to perform at and free conversation with me about his life, his any of these occasions while I was conducting music and his musical performances, I began to this particular field research. However, I took ask him some specific questions about these some photographs of him and his yakandi topics. However, when I listened to the tape- (banjo-like instrument), and on April 10, 1995 recorded interview afterwards, I realized that we organized a hirdi in front of his house so that some of my questions were not ideal because I could video-tape one of his musical they were either too lengthy or they were performances in context. A hirdi is an informal dichotomous questions, prompting simple "yes" musical event organized in a particular Bura or "no" answers rather than responses that would village or community at night to provide an provide a good deal of information. For opportunity for members of the community to example, instead of open-ended questions such socialize, dance, sing and have fun.

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