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The Impact of Democratic Changes in Poland Upon the Political
p O3l 2S /ka 6 . $akademia $ . $ ' ( 0 , $U m80,(-ĉ712ĝ&, i e j ę tno ś C i TO720m XXX ;;9, STU678',$dia śRO ĝ52'.2:2(8523(-6.,(dkOWOeUROpejSkie i B a, Ł%$à.$1,67<&=1(kaNiSTYCZNe 2021 dO'2,;66%i 10.4467/2543733XSSB.21.011.13804 %$5%$5$.5$8=02=(5Redžep ŠkRijelj State8QLZHUV\WHW-DJLHOORĔVNL University Novi pazar THE72ĩ6$02ĝû± IMPACT OF DEMOCRA&=<72TI7</.2C CHANGES680$ I6327.$ēN POLAND UPON THE POLITI,232:,(ĝ&,"CAL TRANSFORMATION AND BREAKUP OF THE SOCIALIST FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA 7RĪVDPRĞüXIRUPRZDQDMHVWZDUXQNLHPRWZDUFLDVLĊQDĞZLDW1 -5DW]LQJHU Summary 6áRZDNOXF]RZHIRUP\WRĪVDPRĞFLWRĪVDPRĞüXIRUPRZDQDWRĪVDPRĞüMHGQRVWNRZDWRĪVD PRĞü]ELRURZDG\VNXVMHRThe fall of the deeply rootedWRĪVDPRĞFL communism in the countries of the eastern Bloc in the 1980s has differed according to the level of achieved rights and freedoms, especially in poland, as it was finalized7RĪVDPRĞü" with the breakup±DFyĪWR]DRVREOLZRĞü"&RXNU\ZDVLĊ]DW\PVáRZHPEĊGąF\POHN of the Soviet Union. The changes announced with the foundation of “Solidarity”V\NDOQą]DJDGNąNWyUHX]QDOLĞP\]DWDNXĪ\WHF]QHĪHMHVWHĞP\VNáRQQLSRVáXJLZDüVLĊ – the first independent syndicate – which spread to the factories and enterprises across polandQLPEH]UHÀHNV\MQLHX]QDZDü]DQLH]EĊGQHPLPRĪHÄQLHMDVQH´WUXGQHGRGHV\JQRZDQLD beginning in the lenin Shipyard. The staunch national pride and freedoms, empowered withZ\P\NDMąFHVLĊ]Z\Ná\PPHWRGRPREVHUZDFMLL the strength of the Catholic Church effectively eliminatedSRPLDUX-HVWÄZV]HFKREHFQH´ÄPJOLVWH´ the weak Soviet-imposed com- munism.LQLHGRRNUHĞORQHD The foundationMHGQDNSU]\GDWQH of the first independent and free polish syndicate in the strong Soviet Bloc catalyzed&KĊWQLHSRVWU]HJDVLĊÄWRĪVDPRĞü´MDNRQD]ZĊZáDĞFLZRĞFLNWyUąPRĪQD]DFKRZDü the initiation of abrupt and serious reforms in the countries of the eastern Bloc. The fall of the Berlin Wall intensified the initiated processes of reintegration and independence DWR]NROHLURG]LZQDVSU]HNRQDQLHĪHPRĪQDMąUyZQLHĪVWUDFLüVWDZDüZMHMREURQLH from external political torture and poverty. -
Variations in Forms of Sexual Violence
variations in forms of sexual violence a comparative analysis of bosnia and rwanda my rafstedt, university of york (2014) ABSTRACT Sexual violence during the Bosnian War (1992-1995) and the Rwandan genocide (1994) has been analyzed thoroughly, but limited attention has been paid to how sexual violence difered in these two conficts and why. Tis will be investigated by doing a comparative analysis. Kirby’s modes of feminist analysis will be used as framework, and attention will be paid to the relationship between the construction of ethnic and gender identities and particular forms of sexual violence. It will be demonstrated that forced impregnation characterized Bosnian sexual violence, whilst mutilation of female body parts and mur- der afer rape were prominent in Rwanda. I argue that this can be explained by looking at how these forms of sexual violence were the result of mythology and shared beliefs and were being used by ethnic leaders to re-construct ethnic and gender identities to serve their own political objectives. Because these myths, identity constructions and leader ob- jectives were diferent in Bosnia and Rwanda, the forms of sexual violence were as well. INTRODUCTION 1995) and the Rwandan genocide (1994). Tese two exual violence in conficts has gone from being cases followed a similar pattern of leaders of ethnic considered an unchallenged by-product of war groups targeting women’s bodies, and as a result, the to being thoroughly scrutinized from a range of women experienced very high rates of sexual vio- Sperspectives. Te war in Bosnia-Herzegovina (hence- lence.4 Tey were both ethnic conficts in which sexu- forth referred to as Bosnia) from 1992 to 1995 was al violence was deployed as a strategy of war. -
The Re-Elaboration of Fascism and Its Impact on Right-Wing Populism In
National Past and Populism: The Re-Elaboration of Fascism and Its Impact on Right-Wing Populism in Western Europe Daniele Caramani and Luca Manucci Department of Political Science University of Zurich Affolternstrasse 56 8050 Zurich Switzerland Email: [email protected] / [email protected] Phone: 0041 44 630 4010 Web: www.ipz.uzh.ch Abstract: The electoral performance of right-wing populism also depends on the type of re-elaboration of countries’ national past and their collective memories. Complementing socio-economic and political-institutional factors, the paper analyses cultural opportunity structures. Given the link between fascist and populist visions of power, it shows that different collective memories of the fascist past and World War II may open up or close down the space for right-wing populist parties. Theoretically, the typology includes four types of re-elaboration: culpabilization, victimization, heroization and cancellation. Results of a comparative analysis of eight West European countries based on a novel measurement method point to (1) culpabilization and heroization as types of re-elaboration limiting right-wing populist parties’ electoral performance, (2) cancellation as a type having an undetermined effect, and (3) victimization as a type triggering the success of right-wing populist parties. Keywords: populism, fascist past, re-elaboration, collective memory, cultural opportunity structures, comparative. 2 Introduction The success of Alternative for Germany in the 2017 federal elections came to many as a shock. Germany is a country that dealt critically with its past and developed a political culture making it unthinkable that right-wing populist discourses and parties would establish themselves. -
The Far Right in Slovenia
MASARYK UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE The Far Right in Slovenia Master‟s thesis Bc. Lucie Chládková Supervisor: doc. JUDr. PhDr. Miroslav Mareš, Ph.D. UČO: 333105 Field of Study: Security and Strategic Studies Matriculation Year: 2012 Brno 2014 Declaration of authorship of the thesis Hereby I confirm that this master‟s thesis “The Far Right in Slovenia” is an outcome of my own elaboration and work and I used only sources here mentioned. Brno, 10 May 2014 ……………………………………… Lucie Chládková 2 Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to doc. JUDr. PhDr. Miroslav Mareš, Ph.D., who supervised this thesis and contributed with a lot of valuable remarks and advice. I would like to also thank to all respondents from interviews for their help and information they shared with me. 3 Annotation This master‟s thesis deals with the far right in Slovenia after 1991 until today. The main aim of this case study is the description and analysis of far-right political parties, informal and formal organisations and subcultures. Special emphasis is put on the organisational structure of the far-right scene and on the ideological affiliation of individual far-right organisations. Keywords far right, Slovenia, political party, organisation, ideology, nationalism, extremism, Blood and Honour, patriotic, neo-Nazi, populism. 4 Contents 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 7 2. Methodology ......................................................................................................................... -
Fascism on Display: the Afterlife of Material Legacies of the Dictatorship Flaminia Bartolini
Print: ISBN 978-1-78969-873-2 Online: ISSN 2531-8810 EX NOVO Journal of Archaeology, Volume 5, December 2020: 19-32 19 Published Online: Dec 2020 Fascism on display: the afterlife of material legacies of the dictatorship Flaminia Bartolini McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research; Cambridge Heritage Research Centre, University of Cambridge Abstract The year 2015 marked the seventy-fifth anniversary of the end of World War II, a commemoration that prompted Italy to reconsider the complexity of the Fascist phenomenon and how the artistic creations and urbanism of the regime contributed to shaping city landscapes across the country. Fascist material legacies are an unequivocal presence in any Italian city, but the ways in which they have been preserved or not, reused or abandoned, provokes consideration of the complexities of the country’s renegotiation of its Fascist past, shifting from iconoclasm to present-day heritage status. Heritage designation and the restoration of Fascist works of art and architecture have posed questions regarding selectivity in heritage and whether Italy has yet to come to terms with its Fascist past. This paper will look at how Italy’s approach to Fascist heritage, which has recently been framed as ‘difficult heritage’ following Macdonald’s work on Nazi Germany, is an expression of the conflicting narratives that surround any renegotiation of the Fascist past, and how some recent conservation projects and exhibition have failed to demonstrate reflexivity over Fascism. It will also deconstruct the role of restoration and the heritage practices of preservation and management and will question the link between conservation and changes of attitude regarding a ‘difficult’ past. -
The Case of Croatian Wikipedia: Encyclopaedia of Knowledge Or Encyclopaedia for the Nation?
The Case of Croatian Wikipedia: Encyclopaedia of Knowledge or Encyclopaedia for the Nation? 1 Authorial statement: This report represents the evaluation of the Croatian disinformation case by an external expert on the subject matter, who after conducting a thorough analysis of the Croatian community setting, provides three recommendations to address the ongoing challenges. The views and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Wikimedia Foundation. The Wikimedia Foundation is publishing the report for transparency. Executive Summary Croatian Wikipedia (Hr.WP) has been struggling with content and conduct-related challenges, causing repeated concerns in the global volunteer community for more than a decade. With support of the Wikimedia Foundation Board of Trustees, the Foundation retained an external expert to evaluate the challenges faced by the project. The evaluation, conducted between February and May 2021, sought to assess whether there have been organized attempts to introduce disinformation into Croatian Wikipedia and whether the project has been captured by ideologically driven users who are structurally misaligned with Wikipedia’s five pillars guiding the traditional editorial project setup of the Wikipedia projects. Croatian Wikipedia represents the Croatian standard variant of the Serbo-Croatian language. Unlike other pluricentric Wikipedia language projects, such as English, French, German, and Spanish, Serbo-Croatian Wikipedia’s community was split up into Croatian, Bosnian, Serbian, and the original Serbo-Croatian wikis starting in 2003. The report concludes that this structure enabled local language communities to sort by points of view on each project, often falling along political party lines in the respective regions. -
Between Populism and Socialism: Slovenia’S Left Party Alen Toplišek
This is an Accepted Manuscript of a book chapter published by Routledge in The Populist Radical Left in Europe on 14 March 2019, available online: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315180823-4 Between populism and socialism: Slovenia’s Left party Alen Toplišek Abstract This chapter offers the first in-depth study of both structural and agential factors behind the emergence and electoral breakthrough of a new radical left party in Slovenia, the Left. It defines the party’s ideological profile and it analyses its tactics of party competition through a selection of concrete examples. It concludes by outlining two possible trajectories for the future electoral and organisational development of the party. Introduction The Left (Levica) is a relative newcomer in the Slovenian party system and the European Populist Radical Left (PRL) party family more widely. Formally established in March 2014 as a coalition party under the name of the United Left, it managed to surpass the 4% electoral threshold in the July 2014 parliamentary elections with 5.97% of the popular vote. The electoral result translated into six seats in a 90-member National Assembly, putting the new party on a par with the traditional party on the Slovenian Left, the Social Democrats, which was their worst electoral result since Slovenia’s independence in 1991. The novelty of the United Left was notable not only in terms of its electoral breakthrough in July 2014, but also regarding its founding organisational structure and its organic ties with new left social movements. The United Left was a coalition of three smaller parties and the ‘fourth bloc,’ which represented social movements and individuals: (1) Initiative for Democratic Socialism (IDS); (2) Democratic Labour Party (DSD); (3) the Party for the Sustainable Development of Slovenia (TRS); and (4) civil society movements and individuals. -
Immigrants in Early 1980S
UDK: 811.163.6 323.1(497.4)"1982'' Izvorni znanstveni članak Received: July 17, 2017 Accepted: June 21, 2018 DOI: https://doi.org/10.22586/review.v15i1.9743 THE LANGUAGE TRIBUNAL DEBATE IN 1982: PERCEPTIONS OF SLOVENIAN LANGUAGE AND “YUGOSLAV” IMMIGRANTS IN EARLY 1980S Marko ZAJC* The article deals with a public debate on the institute of Jezikovno razsodišče (Linguistic Tribunal) after the Cankarjev dom incident that occurred on 22 March 1982. The first public pan-Yugoslavian debate about the nature of the Slovenian nationalism in 1980s mer- ged the problem with the use of the Slovenian language and that of the position of immigrants who had come to the Socialist Republic of Slovenia from other Yugoslavian republics into a dangerous blend of linguistic, cultural, economic and political disagreement. Keywords: Yugoslavism, 1980s, Slovenian language, nationalism, SFRY The context of the citizenship, language and migration in socialist Slovenia In post-1945 Yugoslavia, already the first law on citizenship established a two-tier or bifurcated citizenship. Every citizen of individual republic was si- multaneously a citizen of Yugoslavia and every citizen of Yugoslavia was in principle a citizen of individual republic. Yugoslav citizens were allowed to have only one, clearly established republican citizenship. The republic-level ci- tizenships of the constitutive republics were established on the basis of muni- cipal membership. On the other hand, every citizen of any Yugoslav republic enjoyed in every republic the same rights as the citizens of that republic.1 The- se principles were – in general – adopted also by constitutions to follow (1963, 1974).2 According to the last Yugoslav constitution (1974), every citizen auto- * Marko Zajc, Ph. -
Scenografija Rata : Nova Putovanja U Bosnu I Srbiju
SVEDOČANSTVA 36 U knjizi Scenografi ja rata sledimo autore na putu kroz Bosnu i Srbiju Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji 2003. Prisustvuju dramatičnom hapšenju ratnog zločinca usred Beograda i prave intervju s nekadašnjim ministrom za vreme Miloševića i vođom Šešeljeve nacionalističke stranke, koja je u vreme pisanja knjige bila najjača. Razgovaraju s piscima programskog političkog spisa – Memoranduma sanu – i izlažu najnovija saznanja o srpskom planiranju ”etničkog čišćenja” u Bosni. Zalaze iza demokratske fasade bosanskog predsednika Izetbegovića. Jens-Martin Eriksen Da li je taj islamski fundamentalista u stvari – možda i ne znajući – bio samo marioneta svojih srpskih protivnika u Beogradu? Koje posledice rat i Frederik Stjernfelt ima danas na društva u regionu? Bosna je podeljena na dva (a suštinski na SVEDOČANSTVA 36 tri) dela i pod vlašću je nacionalsitičkih klanova. U Srbiji su se snage koje su stajale iza rata vratile na političku scenu. Ko treba da se umeša – i kada? – i zašto međunarodna zajednica treba uopšte da interveniše kada se ljudi progone zbog svoje etničke pripadnosti? U završnom eseju – U ruševinama rata – pisci procenjuju kako su Evropljani dopustili da ih ova drama zavede, i šta bi to trebalo da znači za politiku xxi veka. o autorima SCENOGRAFIJA RATA SCENOGRAFIJA Jens-Martin Eriksen (1955), pisac, pripovedač, dramski pisac, esejista. Dobitinik je, između ostalog, doživotne stipendije Državnog fonda za umetnost i nagrade „Adam Elenšleger“ za književnost. Diplomirao danski jezik i književnost na kopenhaškom univerzitetu. Izbor iz dela: romani: Nani, Džim i ja, Zima u osvit, Zločin Jonatana Svida; eseji: Anatomija mržnje, Politika segregacije (s Frederikom Stjernfeltom); drama Natural born orphans. -
The Serbian Paradox: the Cost of Integration Into the European Union
The Serbian Paradox: The Cost of Integration into the European Union Preston Huennekens Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts In Political Science Yannis A. Stivachtis, Chair Besnik Pula Glenn R. Bugh April 17, 2018 Blacksburg, VA Keywords: Serbia, European Union, historical memory, nationalism, Balkan politics The Serbian Paradox: The Cost of Integration into the European Union Preston Huennekens Abstract This project addresses the Republic of Serbia’s current accession negotiations with the European Union, and asks how the country’s long and often turbulent history affects that dialogue. Using Filip Ejdus’ concept of historical memory and Benedict Anderson’s “imagined community” theory of nationalism, this paper discusses how Serbia has reached a critical moment in its history by pursuing European integration. This contradicts their historical pull towards their longtime ally Russia. What role does historical memory play in these negotiations, and is integration truly possible? Additionally, how is Serbia’s powerful president, Aleksandar Vucic, using the Europeanization process to strengthen his hand domestically? Abstract (General Audience) This thesis addresses the Republic of Serbia’s current accession negotiations with the European Union, and asks how the country’s long and often turbulent history affects that dialogue. I argue that Serbia is at a crossroads in its history: on one hand, it wishes to join the European Union, but on the other is continually pulled to the east with their historical ally, Russia. I argue that President Aleksandar Vucic is using the EU negotiations to enhance his own power and that if the EU admits Serbia into the body they will be trading regional stability for Serbian democracy. -
Performing Fascism: Opera, Politics, and Masculinities in Fascist Italy, 1935-1941
Performing Fascism: Opera, Politics, and Masculinities in Fascist Italy, 1935-1941 by Elizabeth Crisenbery Department of Music Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Bryan Gilliam, Advisor ___________________________ Benjamin Earle ___________________________ Philip Rupprecht ___________________________ Louise Meintjes ___________________________ Roseen Giles Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music in the Graduate School of Duke University 2020 ABSTRACT Performing Fascism: Opera, Politics, and Masculinities in Fascist Italy, 1935-1941 by Elizabeth Crisenbery Department of Music Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Bryan Gilliam, Advisor ___________________________ Benjamin Earle ___________________________ Philip Rupprecht ___________________________ Louise Meintjes ___________________________ Roseen Giles An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music in the Graduate School of Duke University 2020 Copyright by Elizabeth Crisenbery 2020 Abstract Roger Griffin notes that “there can be no term in the political lexicon which has generated more conflicting theories about its basic definition than ‘fascism’.” The difficulty articulating a singular definition of fascism is indicative of its complexities and ideological changes over time. This dissertation offers -
Fascist Legacies: the Controversy Over Mussolini’S Monuments in South Tyrol
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Faculty Publications, Department of History History, Department of 2013 Fascist Legacies: The Controversy over Mussolini’s Monuments in South Tyrol Gerald Steinacher University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/historyfacpub Steinacher, Gerald, "Fascist Legacies: The Controversy over Mussolini’s Monuments in South Tyrol" (2013). Faculty Publications, Department of History. 144. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/historyfacpub/144 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications, Department of History by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Gerald Steinacher* Fascist Legacies:1 Th e Controversy over Mussolini’s Monuments in South Tyrol2 Th e northern Italian town of Bolzano (Bozen in German) in the western Dolomites is known for breathtaking natural landscapes as well as for its medieval city centre, gothic cathedral, and world-famous mummy, Ötzi the Iceman, which is on dis- play at the local archaeological museum. At the same time, Bolzano’s more recent history casts a shadow over the town. Th e legacy of fascism looms large in the form of Ventennio fascista-era monuments such as the Victory Monument, a mas- sive triumphal arch commissioned by the Italian dictator Benito Mussolini and located in Bolzano’s Victory Square, and the Mussolini relief on the façade of the former Fascist Party headquarters (now a tax offi ce) at Courthouse Square, which depicts il duce riding a horse with his arm raised high in the Fascist salute.