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The Nature of Moche Human Sacrifice Current Anthropology Volume 46, Number 4, August–October 2005 ᭧ 2005 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. All rights reserved 0011-3204/2005/4604-0002$10.00 the Universidad Nacional de Trujillo in 1998. She has published (with Ricardo Tello and others) “Excavaciones en el conjunto ar- quitecto´ nico 21, centro urbano Moche,” in Investigaciones en la The Nature of Moche Huaca de la Luna 1997, edited by Santiago Uceda, Elias Mujica, and Ricardo Morales (Trujillo: Universidad Nacional del la Liber- tad, 2000) and “Estatura del hombre prehispa´nico del la costa Human Sacrifice norte del Peru´” (Sciendo, in press). The present paper was submitted 4xii03and accepted 31 i 05. A Bio-Archaeological [Supplementary material appears in the electronic edition of this issue on the journal’s web page (http://www.journals.uchicago. Perspective1 edu/CA/home.html).] The Moche, one of the best-known pre-Columbian cul- tures of South America, was the dominant culture on by Richard C. Sutter and the North Coast of Peru during the middle and later part of the Early Intermediate Period (200 BC–AD 750) (fig. Rosa J. Cortez 1). It is noted for its expertly crafted metallurgy, lifelike mass-produced mold-made ceramics, and impressive adobe architecture. Archaeological investigations in re- cent decades have produced evidence of Moche human Archaeologists working in northern Peru have proposed that vic- sacrifice. Extensive iconographic studies of fineline tims of Moche sacrifice represented either local Moche warriors painted ceramics reveal that depictions of one-on-one defeated in ritual battles or enemy soldiers captured in warfare battles, apparent trails of captured warriors, and the sac- with non-Moche or competing Moche polities. Analysis of bio- rifice of captured warriors by anthropomorphic deities distances among eight Early Intermediate Period (200 BC–AD are common (fig. 2). These scenes were once thought to 750) North Coast mortuary samples indicates that the sacrificial victims from the Huaca de la Luna are the least similar to others represent either mythical or ritual activities (Donnan and the most variable. When iconographic analysis, mortuary 1978). Excavations during the past 15 years at Moche treatment, and the available archaeological data are considered, it sites such as Sipa´n, Sica´n, and San Jose´ de Moro have, appears that—contrary to the prediction of the ritual-battle however, uncovered the tombs of individuals thought to model—the Huaca de la Luna sacrificial victims were drawn not from the local Moche population but from a number of compet- have played the roles of the anthropomorphic deities ing Moche polities. This result has implications for the sociopo- shown in them (Alva 2001; Alva and Donnan 1993, 1994; litical development of and relations among the Moche. Donnan 1988; Donnan and Castillo 1992), and excava- tions at Cao Viejo, Dos Cabezas, and the Huaca de la richard c. sutter is Associate Professor of Anthropology at Indiana University–Purdue University Fort Wayne (Fort Wayne, Luna have uncovered adult males who had been brutally IN 46805-1499, U.S.A. [[email protected]]). Born in 1965, he was sacrificed (Bourget 1997, 2001; Cordy-Collins 2001; Ver- educated at the State University of New York at Buffalo (B.S., ano 2001a, b, c, 2004). These finds indicate that the ac- 1988; M.A., 1991) and the University of Missouri, Columbia tivities depicted in Moche iconography actually occurred (Ph.D., 1997). His publications include (with L. Mertz) “Non- metric Cranial Trait Variation and Prehistoric Biocultural and raise the question whom the Moche were sacrificing Change in the Azapa Valley, Chile” (American Journal of Physi- and why. Did the sacrificial victims represent warriors cal Anthropology 123:130–45), “A Bioarchaeological Assessment captured in combat for territorial expansion, or were they of Prehistoric Ethnicity among Early Late Intermediate Period local individuals who had lost ritual battles staged spe- Populations of the Coastal Azapa Valley, Chile,” in Us and cifically to provide victims for human sacrifice? Them: The Assignation of Ethnicity in the Andean Region, Methodological Approaches, edited by Richard Reycraft (Los An- We examine three models currently used by archae- geles: Institute of Archaeology, 2005), and “The Peopling of ologists working on the North Coast to explain Moche South America: A Comparative Study of the Dental Morphology warrior sacrifice. The first is based on ethnographically of Prehistoric South Central Andeans from the Moquegua Valley, and ethnohistorically documented ritual battles and as- Peru, and Azapa Valley, Chile” (Andean Past, in press). sumes that the victims were local Moche who partici- rosa j. cortez is a graduate student in anthropology at the pated in battles staged specifically to provide such vic- Universite´ de Montre´al. Born in 1973, she received her B.A. from tims (see Alva and Donnan 1994:33; Donnan 1978:182; Hocquenghem 1978:129; Shimada 1994:108–110; Topic 1. This research was funded by NSF Grant 9816958. Key facilities and Topic 1997). The second is based upon the traditional and logistical support were provided by the Museo de Arqueologı´a, view of Moche state expansion, according to which the Antropologı´a e Historia de la Universidad Nacional de Trujillo and Moche were engaged in warfare with non-Moche polities the Instituto Nacional de Cultura–La Libertad. We are grateful to the friends and colleagues who allowed us to examine their col- to the south and east (e.g., Gallinazo and Recuay) (see lections, including Christopher Donnan, Jose´ Carcele´n, and San- Billman 1997; Proulx 1982; Wilson 1987:66), and it im- tiago Uceda. We are also grateful to the late Donna McClellan, who plies that the Moche sacrificial victims would not be kindly granted us permission to use her images. Ana Marı´a Hoyle, representative of other North Coast populations. Finally, Ce´sar Galvez, Jesu´ s Bricen˜ o, and John Verano helped facilitate our the third model assumes that the sacrificial victims rep- research. John Verano, Izumi Shimada, and Lawrence Kuznar all provided useful comments on this research. Any errors of fact or resent a number of culturally similar but independent interpretation are our own. feuding polities, being enemy Moche warriors captured 521 This content downloaded from 129.252.86.83 on Wed, 12 Mar 2014 18:08:42 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 522 F current anthropology Volume 46, Number 4, August–October 2005 the Huaca del Sol (Pyramid of the Sun) and the Huaca de la Luna (Pyramid of the Moon), both located at Cerro Blanco in the Moche Valley, were hypothesized to form the capital of the Moche state (Larco Hoyle 1938, Mose- ley 1975, Schaedel 1985, Topic 1982). Moche, with its two massive pyramids, extensive urban center, and large cemetery, is unparalleled among Moche sites. Indeed, the Huaca del Sol is the largest mud-brick pyramid in the New World (Hastings and Moseley 1975; Moseley 1975, 2001) and among the largest structures of any kind in the pre-Columbian New World. Until recently, this evidence was thought to confirm the traditional culture history of the Moche. However, despite nearly a century of investigations by pioneering archaeologists such as Kroeber (1930), Larco Hoyle (1938, 1946, 1948), Strong and Evans (1952), and Moseley (1975), the Moche remain enigmatic. Some archaeologists con- tinue to accept the traditional interpretation of Moche as an expansive centralized and hierarchical state with its seat of religious and political authority at Cerro Blanco (Billman 1997, 1999; Moseley 2001; Proulx 1982; Wilson 1998). However, problems with the widely em- ployed ceramic sequence have caused archaeologists to reevaluate this interpretation. As Shimada (1994) points out, most of these problems stem from the nature of the data. The pioneering Peruvian archaeologists Rafael Larco Hoyle (1946, 1948) developed a five-stage ceramic chronology for the Moche (fig. 3), largely based upon pri- vate collections of stirrup-spout ceramics looted from the Chicama and Moche Valleys. This chronology has undergone some minor revisions since he first proposed it but is still widely employed. The seminal Viru´ Valley Fig. 1. Selected archaeological sites on the North Project provided additional information regarding the rel- Coast of Peru (after Donnan and McClelland 1999:12). ative chronology of the Moche and other prehistoric cul- tures of the region (Willey 1953). Early survey and ex- cavations in the Viru´ Valley indicated that the Early during battles with competing neighbors (see Dillehay Horizon (800–200 BC) Cupisnique influence was re- 2001; Kutscher 1955:28–29; Schaedel 1972; Verano placed by the initial Early Intermediate Period Salinar 2001a). We test these models using the available ar- (∼400–100 BC) and the subsequent Gallinazo (∼100 chaeological information and new biodistance data on BC–AD 200) and these by the Moche (∼AD 200–750). genetically influenced dental traits for eight prehistoric Survey data suggested that most Salinar settlements mortuary populations. In order to elucidate the empiri- were located in the middle and upper valley (Strong and cally testable assumptions of these models, we begin by Evans 1952). They were largely unfortified, and the site examining current issues and debates regarding Moche hierarchy among them suggested the existence of a num- culture history and interpretations of Moche human ber of local “chiefdoms.” On the basis of architectural sacrifice. and ceramic similarities it was hypothesized
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