Hermann Cohen's Das Princip Der Infinitesimal-Methode
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HERMANN COHEN and LEO STRAUSS Leora Batnitzky
JJTP_addnl_186-213 4/26/06 4:00 PM Page 187 HERMANN COHEN AND LEO STRAUSS Leora Batnitzky Princeton University Introduction Leo Strauss concluded both his first and last major works with ref- erence to Hermann Cohen.1 The arguments of Strauss’s first pub- lished book—Spinoza’s Critique of Religion—are rooted in Strauss’s initial work on Cohen’s interpretation of Spinoza. Strauss’s second book— Philosophy and Law—begins and ends by declaring that Cohen is right that the philosophy of Maimonides represents “true rationalism” and more particularly that Maimonides is better understood as a Platonist than as an Aristotelian. Strauss’s last published work, Studies in Platonic Political Philosophy, published posthumously, ends with an essay on Cohen, which was also the introduction to the English translation of Religion of Reason out of the Sources of Judaism. Interestingly, though this essay on Cohen is the final essay in Studies in Platonic Political Philosophy, it doesn’t have much to say about Plato. Although Strauss claims in this essay not have read Religion of Reason for forty years, those familiar with Strauss’s project will recognize that it is from an engagement with Cohen that Strauss forms his basic reading of Maimonides and then Plato. These readings changed in emphasis throughout Strauss’s career but they nevertheless remained funda- mental to his philosophical program. In this essay, I explore Strauss’s philosophical relation to Cohen. It is not an overstatement to suggest that Cohen is responsible for Leo Strauss’s turn to medieval Jewish philosophy. The focus of this essay, however, is not primarily on the details of Cohen and Strauss’s Presented at “Hermann Cohen’s Ethics,” the University of Toronto, August 2001. -
Catholic Christian Christian
Religious Scientists (From the Vatican Observatory Website) https://www.vofoundation.org/faith-and-science/religious-scientists/ Many scientists are religious people—men and women of faith—believers in God. This section features some of the religious scientists who appear in different entries on these Faith and Science pages. Some of these scientists are well-known, others less so. Many are Catholic, many are not. Most are Christian, but some are not. Some of these scientists of faith have lived saintly lives. Many scientists who are faith-full tend to describe science as an effort to understand the works of God and thus to grow closer to God. Quite a few describe their work in science almost as a duty they have to seek to improve the lives of their fellow human beings through greater understanding of the world around them. But the people featured here are featured because they are scientists, not because they are saints (even when they are, in fact, saints). Scientists tend to be creative, independent-minded and confident of their ideas. We also maintain a longer listing of scientists of faith who may or may not be discussed on these Faith and Science pages—click here for that listing. Agnesi, Maria Gaetana (1718-1799) Catholic Christian A child prodigy who obtained education and acclaim for her abilities in math and physics, as well as support from Pope Benedict XIV, Agnesi would write an early calculus textbook. She later abandoned her work in mathematics and physics and chose a life of service to those in need. Click here for Vatican Observatory Faith and Science entries about Maria Gaetana Agnesi. -
1 Thomas Meyer Leo Strauss's Religious Rhetoric
Thomas Meyer Leo Strauss’s Religious Rhetoric (1924-1938) Although he had been regarded as shy and restrained since his period of study in Marburg, Strauss was a master of religious rhetoric in his letters and [published] texts. This rhetoric was, for him, neither a [form of] compensation [for insufficient argument], nor a superficial adornment. On the contrary, he deployed religious rhetoric in same way that he analysed [its function] in Plato and Aristotle, through Maimonides and Abravanel, into Spinoza and Hobbes, and up to Hermann Cohen and Julius Guttmann: as an expression of the complex contest between philosophy and religion. After his engagement with Hermann Cohen’s critique of Spinoza in 1924, religious rhetoric was, for Strauss, no longer a feature of Zionist debates alone. Instead, it was a constitutive element of a problematic that Strauss strikingly and provocatively dubbed the “querelle des anciens et des modernes.” In order to understand this change in the function of religious rhetoric [in Strauss’ work], I shall consider three stations of Strauss’ intellectual development. First of all, I shall present several articles that I found in the “Jewish Weekly for Cassel, Hessen, and Waldeck”, which have remained unknown to scholarship until now. Strauss published these articles between February 1925 and January 1928. If we connect these texts with Strauss’s conclusions regarding Spinoza, we can develop a stable account of his religious rhetoric up to about 1934. But [Strauss’s use of religious rhetoric in these texts] can be understood only if we consider it in light of Strauss’ translation of a different religious rhetoric [into the terms of his own thought]: namely, the way Strauss enriched his religious rhetoric through an understanding of, and in dialogue with, the most radical position in Protestant [thought]—that of the dialectical theologian Friedrich Gogarten. -
Against the Heteronomy of Halakhah: Hermann Cohen's Implicit Rejection of Kant's Critique of Judaism
Against the Heteronomy of Halakhah: Hermann Cohen’s Implicit Rejection of Kant’s Critique of Judaism George Y. Kohler* “Moses did not make religion a part of virtue, but he saw and ordained the virtues to be part of religion…” Josephus, Against Apion 2.17 Hermann Cohen (1842–1918) was arguably the only Jewish philosopher of modernity whose standing within the general philosophical developments of the West equals his enormous impact on Jewish thought. Cohen founded the influential Marburg school of Neo-Kantianism, the leading trend in German Kathederphilosophie in the second half of the nineteenth and the first decade of the twentieth century. Marburg Neo-Kantianism cultivated an overtly ethical, that is, anti-Marxist, and anti-materialist socialism that for Cohen increasingly concurred with his philosophical reading of messianic Judaism. Cohen’s Jewish philosophical theology, elaborated during the last decades of his life, culminated in his famous Religion of Reason out of the Sources of Judaism, published posthumously in 1919.1 Here, Cohen translated his neo-Kantian philosophical position back into classical Jewish terms that he had extracted from Judaism with the help of the progressive line of thought running from * Bar-Ilan University, Department of Jewish Thought. 1 Hermann Cohen, Religion der Vernunft aus den Quellen des Judentums, first edition, Leipzig: Fock, 1919. I refer to the second edition, Frankfurt: Kaufmann, 1929. English translation by Simon Kaplan, Religion of Reason out of the Sources of Judaism (New York: Ungar, 1972). Henceforth this book will be referred to as RR, with reference to the English translation by Kaplan given after the German in square brackets. -
Einstein Conspiracy Was the Start of the 20Th Century’S Attempt to Cover up the UFO Mystery and All Its Related Topics
Article One Article Two Article Three Article Four References E-mail the Author Home Roger Anderton © 2000 DESIGN: SOLAR-FLAIR.COM WWI was started by Germany because it was being surrounded by countries it perceived as enemies, and thought before its enemies united that ‘attack first was the best kind of defence’. Germany lost WWI in 1919 in the same year as Einstein became a world famous scientist. As is human nature, when failure occurs a scapegoat must be blamed. The ordinary people looked for a scape goat and thought the blame lay with pacifists that it perceived as being unpatriotic i.e. did not contribute their fair share in helping the war effort. This opinion is of course erroneous but due to human emotion, people like to perceive matters in simplistic manners like this. It was unfortunate that a large number of pacifists were Jews. This reawakened latent anti-Semitism, the ordinary German person ignored the fact that the majority of Jews had been patriotic and concentrated its hatred against the few Jews who wanted peace not war. As is human nature, erroneous irrational thinking was applied and all the Jews were blamed for what a few Jews erroneously have been perceived as having done. Einstein was a pacifist, and a Jew. In 1919 he had become famous and had made himself a big target for a hate campaign that was conducted against him. This hate campaign eventually led to the formation of the Nazis, and Hitler used the momentum of this movement to gain power, and start WWII. -
Philosophical Historiography in Marburg Neo-Kantianism: the Example of Cassirer’S Erkenntnisproblem", in from Hegel to Windelband, Eds
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Philosophy Faculty Research and Publications Philosophy, Department of 1-1-2015 Philosophical Historiography in Marburg Neo- Kantianism: The Example of Cassirer’s Erkenntnisproblem Sebastian Luft Marquette University, [email protected] Published version. "Philosophical Historiography in Marburg Neo-Kantianism: The Example of Cassirer’s Erkenntnisproblem", in From Hegel to Windelband, Eds. Gerald Hartung and Valentin Pluder. Boston : De Gruyter, 2015: 181-205. Publisher Link. © 2015 Walter De Gruyter. Used with permission. Sebastian Luft Philosophical Historiography in Marburg Neo-Kantianism: The Example of Cassirer's Erkenntnisproblem Introduction: Philosophical Historiography as Problem-History. Windelband as Paradigm We can think that "problem-history"l is exclusively a name for one way of philo sophical historiography among others. As such it is a method that recounts the history of philosophy in terms of its problems, and not in terms of philosophical personalities or cultural epochs. In this understanding, problem-history proceeds with the naIve assumption that problems exist "in themselves", that they are merely repeated and manifested differently in different epochs. Plainly stated, this sounds both trivial and problematic. And if this reading is true then it is no wonder that problem-history is accorded little interest today, despite the fact that the classical authors of problem-history writing are still readily consulted. Apart from the fact that such writers are still being constantly exploited for re search purposes in the present, their works are granted no independent philo sophical value. This applies equally to the authors of these works: they are not considered as independent philosophers but "only" as historians. -
Nietzsche's Beyond Good and Evil.Pdf
Leo Strauss Nietzsche’s Beyond Good and Evil A course offered in 1971–1972 St. John’s College, Annapolis, Maryland Edited and with an introduction by Mark Blitz With the assistance of Jay Michael Hoffpauir and Gayle McKeen With the generous support of Douglas Mayer Mark Blitz is Fletcher Jones Professor of Political Philosophy at Claremont McKenna College. He is author of several books on political philosophy, including Heidegger’s Being and Time and the Possibility of Political Philosophy (Cornell University Press, 1981) and Plato’s Political Philosophy (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), and many articles, including “Nietzsche and Political Science: The Problem of Politics,” “Heidegger’s Nietzsche (Part I),” “Heidegger’s Nietzsche (Part II),” “Strauss’s Laws, Government Practice and the School of Strauss,” and “Leo Strauss’s Understanding of Modernity.” © 1976 Estate of Leo Strauss © 2014 Estate of Leo Strauss. All Rights Reserved Table of Contents Editor’s Introduction i–viii Note on the Leo Strauss Transcript Project ix–xi Editorial Headnote xi–xii Session 1: Introduction (Use and Abuse of History; Zarathustra) 1–19 Session 2: Beyond Good and Evil, Aphorisms 1–9 20–39 Session 3: BGE, Aphorisms 10–16 40–56 Session 4: BGE, Aphorisms 17–23 57–75 Session 5: BGE, Aphorisms 24–30 76–94 Session 6: BGE, Aphorisms 31–35 95–114 Session 7: BGE, Aphorisms 36–40 115–134 Session 8: BGE, Aphorisms 41–50 135–152 Session 9: BGE, Aphorisms 51–55 153–164 Session 10: BGE, Aphorisms 56–76 (and selections) 165–185 Session 11: BGE, Aphorisms 186–190 186–192 Session 12: BGE, Aphorisms 204–213 193–209 Session 13 (unrecorded) 210 Session 14: BGE, Aphorism 230; Zarathustra 211–222 Nietzsche, 1971–72 i Nietzsche’s Beyond Good and Evil Mark Blitz Leo Strauss offered this seminar on Nietzsche’s Beyond Good and Evil at St John’s College in Annapolis Maryland. -
Final Draft Jury
Freedom in Conflict On Kant’s Critique of Medical Reason Jonas Gerlings Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Florence, 24 February 2017. European University Institute Department of History and Civilization Freedom in Conflict On Kant’s Critique of Medical Reason Jonas Gerlings Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Dr. Martin van Gelderen, EUI, Lichtenberg-Kolleg – The Göttingen Institute for Advanced Study (Supervisor) Dr. Dr. h.c. Hans Erich Bödeker, Lichtenberg-Kolleg – The Göttingen Institute for Advanced Study Prof. Stéphane Van Damme, European University Institute Senior Lecturer, Dr. Avi Lifschitz, UCL © Jonas Gerlings, 2016 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Researcher declaration to accompany the submission of written work Department of History and Civilization - Doctoral Programme I Jonas Gerlings certify that I am the author of the work Freedom in Conflict – Kant’s Critique of Medical Reason I have presented for examination for the Ph.D. at the European University Institute. I also certify that this is solely my own original work, other than where I have clearly indicated, in this declaration and in the thesis, that it is the work of others. I warrant that I have obtained all the permissions required for using any material from other copyrighted publications. I certify that this work complies with the Code of Ethics in Academic Research issued by the European University Institute (IUE 332/2/10 (CA 297). -
Mathematics in the Austrian-Hungarian Empire
Mathematics in the Austrian-Hungarian Empire Christa Binder The appointment policy in the Austrian-Hungarian Empire In: Martina Bečvářová (author); Christa Binder (author): Mathematics in the Austrian-Hungarian Empire. Proceedings of a Symposium held in Budapest on August 1, 2009 during the XXIII ICHST. (English). Praha: Matfyzpress, 2010. pp. 43–54. Persistent URL: http://dml.cz/dmlcz/400817 Terms of use: © Bečvářová, Martina © Binder, Christa Institute of Mathematics of the Czech Academy of Sciences provides access to digitized documents strictly for personal use. Each copy of any part of this document must contain these Terms of use. This document has been digitized, optimized for electronic delivery and stamped with digital signature within the project DML-CZ: The Czech Digital Mathematics Library http://dml.cz THE APPOINTMENT POLICY IN THE AUSTRIAN- -HUNGARIAN EMPIRE CHRISTA BINDER Abstract: Starting from a very low level in the mid oft the 19th century the teaching and research in mathematics reached world wide fame in the Austrian-Hungarian Empire before World War One. How this was complished is shown with three examples of careers of famous mathematicians. 1 Introduction This symposium is dedicated to the development of mathematics in the Austro- Hungarian monarchy in the time from 1850 to 1914. At the beginning of this period, in the middle of the 19th century the level of teaching and researching mathematics was very low – with a few exceptions – due to the influence of the jesuits in former centuries, and due to the reclusive period in the first half of the 19th century. But even in this time many efforts were taken to establish a higher education. -
Hermann Cohen's History and Philosophy of Science"
"Hermann Cohen's History and Philosophy of Science" Lydia Patton Department of Philosophy McGill University, Montreal October, 2004 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree ofPh.D. © Lydia Patton 2004 Library and Bibliothèque et 1+1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de l'édition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Canada Canada Your file Votre référence ISBN: 0-494-06335-1 Our file Notre référence ISBN: 0-494-06335-1 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant à la Bibliothèque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par télécommunication ou par l'Internet, prêter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des thèses partout dans loan, distribute and sell th es es le monde, à des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, électronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. -
Hermann Cohen - Kant Among the Prophets1
The Journal ofJewish Thought and Philosphy, Vol. 2, pp. 185-199 © 1993 Reprints available directly from the publisher Photocopying permitted by licence only Hermann Cohen - Kant among the Prophets1 Gillian Rose University of Warwick, UK The selective reception by general philosophy and social scientific methodology in the European tradition of the mode of neo- Kantianism founded by Hermann Cohen (1842-1918) has con- tributed to the widespread undermining of conceptual thinking in favour of the hermeneutics of reading. To assess Cohen's thought as a reading and re-originating of the Jewish tradition involves a predicament of circularity: for the question of reading and origin is not neutral but derives from the partial reception of the object addressed. The task of reassessment changes from a methodologi- cally independent survey to a challenge posed by current thought, unsure of its modernity or post-modernity, to re-establish contact with a formative but long-forgotten part of itself. No longer solely academic, this exercise will have to confront two especially difficult aspects of Cohen's thought. First, he did not "read" Kant, he destroyed the Kantian philosophy. In its place, he founded a "neo- Kantianism" on the basis of a logic of origin, dif- ference and repetition. As a logic of validity, this neo-Kantian math- esis is often at stake when its practitioners prefer to acknowledge 1 This paper was originally prepared for the Symposium, "The Playground of Textuality: Modern Jewish Intellectuals and the Horizon of Interpretation," First Annual Wayne State University Press Jewish Symposium, held in Detroit, 20-22 March, 1988. -
Preface Issue 4-2014
Jahresber Dtsch Math-Ver (2014) 116:199–200 DOI 10.1365/s13291-014-0108-4 PREFACE Preface Issue 4-2014 Hans-Christoph Grunau © Deutsche Mathematiker-Vereinigung and Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg 2014 The last few years have been a good time for solving long standing geometrical- topological conjectures. This issue reports on the solution of the Willmore conject-√ ure—the “best” topological torus is a “real” torus with ratio of radii equal to 2— and one of Thurston’s conjectures—every hyperbolic 3-manifold can be fibered over a circle, up to passing to a finite cover. Starting in the 1960s, Thomas Willmore studied the integral of the squared mean curvature of surfaces in R3 as the simplest but most interesting frame invariant elas- tic bending energy. This energy had shown up already in the early 19th century—too early for a rigorous investigation. Willmore asked: What is the shape of a compact surface of fixed genus minimising the Willmore energy in this class? (In the 1990s, existence of minimisers was proved by Leon Simon, with a contribution by Matthias Bauer and Ernst Kuwert.) Willmore already knew that the genus-0-minimiser is a sphere. Assuming that symmetric surfaces require less energy than asymmetric ones (which has not been proved, yet) he studied families√ of geometric tori with the smaller radius 1 fixed and found that the larger radius 2 would yield the minimum in this very special family. He conjectured that this particular torus would be the genus- 1-minimiser. Almost 50 years later Fernando Marques and André Neves found and published a 100-page-proof.