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The Cult of Coercion: Religion and Strategic Culture in British Counterinsurgency

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The Cult of Coercion: Religion and Strategic Culture in British Counterinsurgency The Cult of Coercion: Religion and Strategic Culture in British Counterinsurgency By Jason Klocek A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Ron E. Hassner, Chair Professor Leonardo Arriola Professor Michaela Mattes Professor Ann Swidler Professor Steven Weber Summer 2018 Abstract The Cult of Coercion: Religion and Strategic Culture in British Counterinsurgency by Jason Klocek Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Ron E. Hassner, Chair Why are religious civil wars so difficult to resolve peacefully? This dissertation argues that states, not just insurgents, drive the intractability of religious conflicts. More specifically, it draws on insights from social psychology, along with religious and strategic studies, to develop and test a novel theoretical framework for why and when government officials refuse to compromise with opposition movements that mobilize along religious lines. The argument posits that Western political and military elites share a secular strategic culture that heightens the correspondence between religious insurgents’ behavior and motives. This cognitive bias leads decision makers to infer that religious guerrillas fight to radically alter the status quo, rather than protest unfavorable conditions, such as poverty or territorial occupation. It is most influential when religious demands represent a central incompatibility in the conflict and counterinsurgents face an unfamiliar faith tradition. Ultimately, government officials discount the efficacy of a negotiated settlement because they conclude their opponents will stop at nothing to achieve their objective. It is not that religious insurgents are necessarily unwilling to make concessions; it is that they cannot credibly do so. These claims are tested with comparative evidence from British counterinsurgency campaigns during the early postwar period with an emphasis on Mandatory Palestine, Cyprus, and Kenya. The dissertation draws on original data collected from more than a half dozen archives in Great Britain, Cyprus, and Israel. This includes documents from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and housed at The National Archives of the United Kingdom that have only been available to the public since 2013. For each case, process tracing is employed to show as explicitly as possible the link between British decision-makers general beliefs about religion and their strategic preferences over the course of the conflict. The dissertation’s argument and findings challenge the influential notion that dissidents’ spiritual beliefs alone drive civil wars to endure longer and remain resistant to bargained solutions. In addition, they promise to augment the study of religious conflict by establishing a research agenda on the role of state forces in such engagements. 1 This dissertation is dedicated to the students of PS123J, especially the founding members of the K.L.F. It was through your eyes that I saw who I might yet still be. i Table of Contents 1. List of Tables iii 2. List of Figures iv 3. Acknowledgments v 4. Chapter 1: Introduction 1 5. Chapter 2: Bringing the State Back in to Religious Civil Wars 25 6. Chapter 3: Mandatory Palestine (1944 – 47): Countering “Rabid and Hysterical” 50 Insurgents in the Holy Land 7. Chapter 4: Cyprus Emergency: 1955 – 59: Fighting EOKA on the Enchanted Island 71 8. Chapter 5: The Mau Mau Uprising: 1952 – 56: Struggling to Find Common Ground 95 at God’s Resting Place 9. Chapter 6: Conclusion 117 10. Bibliography 123 ii List of Tables 1.1 Case Selection and the Conditions that Influence Correspondence Bias 18 2.1 Determinants of the Level of Correspondence between Behavior and Motive 39 2.2 Conditions that Influence Correspondence Bias towards Religion 47 3.1 The Causal Mechanism of Strategic Culture 53 3.2 Summary of Jewish Insurgent Groups 56 3.3 Causal Process Observations for the Jewish Insurgency 70 4.1 Causal Process Observations for the Cyprus Emergency 93 5.1 Descriptive Inferences for the Mau Mau Uprising 116 iii List of Figures 2.1 Conflict Termination Outcomes by Civil War Type, 1975-2015 26 2.2 Threat Assessment Model of Religious Violence 40 2.3 Contingency Model of Religious Insurgent Groups 42 3.1 Attacks by Insurgent Organizations in Mandatory Palestine, 1945-48 67 3.2 Casualties Inflicted by Insurgent Organizations in Mandatory Palestine, 1945-48 68 iv Acknowledgments This dissertation is the product of deep friendships, stimulating (and at times perplexing) relationships, and the more than occasional extended interval of silence. Both its completion and form owe heavily to those persons kind enough to discuss, support, probe, challenge, and object to the project at offices, seminar rooms, archives, conferences, cafes, pubs, and beaches across three continents. While I can only mention a few names here, my appreciation for all those who have contributed is no less heartfelt. My sincere gratitude, first and foremost, goes to the advisors that walked beside me during my time at Berkeley. They did much more than merely provide advice on research designs, query the logic of my theoretical claims, and comment on various drafts. My dissertation committee provided a collegial, engaging, and affectionate environment in which to explore, laugh, take intellectual risks, fail, and pick myself up again. I remain deeply appreciative of the seriousness with which they considered my ideas, the thoughtfulness with which they pushed back against those oftentimes naïve impressions, and the fact that they saw where I was going with this project long before I did. It was an off-hand remark by Leo Arriola during my prospectus defense that first made me consider whether there might be something unique to how states construe religious insurgent groups. It took another two years of that comment niggling at the back of my mind before I finally paid it serious attention. Once my argument started to come together, Leo further shaped this project by adding an intellectual discipline to my analysis and a healthy dose of skepticism about the role religious ideas, identities, and practices might actually play in civil wars. I hope this manuscript leaves him nodding and shaking his head in equal measure. Ann Swidler also provided a number of comments that stuck with me since my initial defense. And, she has continued to provide support and advice that goes well beyond her role as the outside member of my committee. While our meetings have been limited over the years, each conversation left me with pages full of notes that took weeks, and sometimes months, to think through properly. I am humbled by her intellectual vision and commitment to this project. Her detailed and critical feedback made this a better dissertation. Steve Weber provided my first introduction to the study of international relations. During that evening graduate seminar, he inspired in me a deep appreciation for puzzle-driven research. And, he has enflamed that interest over the years with his incorrigible enthusiasm and detachment from the more insular debates in the field that too often distract from the bigger picture. I remain ever thankful that Steve stayed with this project until its completion, even after he transitioned to a different academic department and had no obligation to continue to serve on the committee. Michaela Mattes joined the project during the final writing stage, but what a contribution she has made. The organization and lucidity of this manuscript unquestionably have her hand behind them. I remain indebted to her appeals for and guidance regarding analytic rigor and conceptual clarity. I will also forever be in awe of here ability to not only return drafts within a few days (and on at least one occasion a few hours), but also identify and offer concrete advice on how to address substantial shortcomings. Finally, what can I say of my chair, Ron Hassner? Any attempt to explain this gift of friendship seems inadequate. In Ron, I quite unexpectedly found the type of confrere that is a constitutive part of rewarding scholarship. Ron has been a mentor, teacher, counselor, critic, and my greatest advocate. He has been an editor, a co-author, and even a travel guide. He brought a v delight and intellectual curiosity to my work. He drove me to pursue interesting, rather than trendy, research topics. And, he gave me the courage to look in the direction no one else was bothering to consider. This includes caring deeply about teaching. Most importantly, Ron is friend. It is the hours spent talking and laughing over meals that I will miss most. I cannot quite pin down the moment when Ron became more than an advisor, but it has made all the difference. Ron welcomed me figuratively and literally into his family. He provided a home in Berkeley and Herzliya. He invited me to holiday celebrations. He included me on excursions that crisscrossed the Bay Area and Israel. He suggested we grab a coffee at the exact moment I felt at my lowest. Ron made research and life in Berkeley and beyond a communal, joyful, and enlivening experience. I can only hope my company provided a mere fraction of the same for him. My committee has, of course, been just one part of the larger crucible of relationships that defined my time at Berkeley. I remain deeply indebted to all of my colleagues that offered comments on previous versions of this project, lent a sympathetic ear over drinks or a ride through the Berkeley hills, or shared hotel rooms to make conference travel more affordable. I am especially grateful for the Monday International Relations Thought Series (MIRTH), which provided an intellectual focal point over the years. This project is all the better for the meals shared with and the feedback I received from the regular participants of that colloquium.
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