NOVIY MIR Research Journal ISSN No: 0130-7673

MALABAR AND MODERNITY: A STUDY ON SOCIO- RELIGIOUS REFORM MOVEMENTS (1850-1950)

Dr. Vinodan Navath Associate Professor of History Government Brennen College,Dharmadam, Thalassery,

Human societies are subjected to change which is possible through internal contradictions or by the influence of external elements. The institutional changes and structural changes have reflected or manifested in the existing social and economic order. Social change can gradually be seen as responses to a set of challenges to the evolution of the society. These responses may be created by individuals, institutions or social movements. A social movement expresses the collective efforts of people to demand equality and social justice and reflect the struggles of people in defense of their culture and symbolic identities and heritage. Collective actions are the essential and continuing data of the society.1 Social movements are characterized by the presence of an ideology shared by the agents or participants in the society. It promoted the call for an all round attack on the root of wretchedness, poverty, illiteracy, illness and ignorance. These are some assumptions from the broad thematic frame work of social reform movements which are applicable in the case of Kerala too. The present paper is an attempt to analyse, the role played by the social and religious reform movements to reorient and reestablish the existing social order of Malabar by incorporating the rationality of western modernity, in the 19th and 20th centuries. The selection of the space is in concern with its unique historical experience. Malabar had undergone both indigenous and colonial state system. The period is from 1850 to 1950 as it marked a crucial change in the existing social and economic structure. Economic and Cultural mission of colonialism had to confront with stratified social structure of Kerala and their plan was executed at two levels. Indigenous hierarchical order was preserved to extract maximum revenue from the field. At the cultural level colonial state formulated a new discourse around schools, hospitals, club houses, reading rooms, coffee houses, hostels, seminaries and negotiated with marginalized sections by extending new form of education, communication system, dress style, food pattern, leisure time and life habits.

In Marshal Berman’s discourse, cultural capitalism and the expression of modernity have the potential to cut across the boundaries of geography, ethnicity, class and nationality. Following Weber’s logic, it was the new class situation which was determined by kinds of skills and abilities obtained by education credentials that create life chances outside of the life chances of direct property ownership2. He focuses on the changes happened in private life through the

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intrusion of exchange value. It is the process which structures not only the relationship of administration to the client, but also the relationship of economy to consumer. Leisure, family life, sexual relationships and one’s sense of self and development as a human being become targets of commoditization. For instance, the opening of a bakery at Thalassery, colonial towns in 1880 by Mambally Bapu, a petty shopkeeper have significance far beyond its function as a sweet stall and that reflect the alteration in the caste norms related to food pattern and habits. Kalari which was treated as a pre-colonial system of training of warriors was placed in the wide canvas of Circus which emerged as part of body consciousness and entertainment in colonial background. Kalari masters like Keeleri Kunhikannan and Kannan Bombayo of Thalassery got halo like Thacholi Othenan and Aromal of Vadakkan Pattukal.

Some of the novels which were published in 1870’s have provided an ample hint of material and social transformation occurred in the colonial towns of Thalassery and Kannur. The novel Parangodi Parinayam has narrated the change in the life style and food habits among the newly emerged middle class in the Malabar region. Tea, biscuits, cakes etc. became a part of middle class family3. Practice of taking Kanhi or cold rice soup in the early morning was rapidly giving way to drinking coffee and tea. With the widespread use of tea and coffee, new tea shops run by the locals and Hotels emerged in towns and villages. The coolies engaged in railway and road construction had their food in the newly founded shops. Their devotional need was satisfied by the Muthappan shrines which consecrated alongside the railway lines.

Literary works published in the last quarter of the 19thc portray the coming of colonial modernity with reference to slow development of cities and towns in the Malabar region. It describes the new landscape of Kannur with special reference to the fort, army, barracks, armoury, camp bazaar and Payyambalam beach. It also makes references to different trading groups in north Malabar like Parsis, Gujarathis and Baniyas. The main location of the novel Sukumari published in 1897 is Barnassery, a cosmopolitan town with the presence of Portuguese, Anglo Indians, and the natives. The novel also speaks of the changing habits of Malyalees in the colonial set up. Sukumari the heroine of the novel, in her conversation with Satyadas, her suitor makes a reference about unhealthy practices of the newly emergent middle class. Some of them are trying to imitate the dress code and language of the British. Other takes English names similar to their ancestral name. Cleanliness is another aspect that projected as the part of modernity. Sukumari’s concept of a ‘house’ changed entirely when she made a visit to the house of Karuna, an English educated lady. Sukumari was surprised by the neatness of the home and then tries to put it in her life as well.4 Though Indulekha, another novel published in 1889 is set in the rural background, there is an acceptance of the virtues of English education, the technological superiority of the factory and the steam engine and the kindness of colonial masters. Suri Namboothiripad one of the important characters in the novel shows no hesitation to receive a Sayip and Madamma (that malayalees use to speak about people of European origin) in his illam (house).

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The social reforms brought about by the western machines and work places did not get much attention in the scholarly discussions and writings. Malabar was connected to the railway net work when a railway line between Beypore to Thirur was opened in 1861. Compartments in the train opened a new public space where class distinctions maintained and caste distinctions faded out gradually. When the engine moved on the line the social restrictions and norms set out by the geographical boundaries get washed out. Samuel Aron the proprietor of Aron Mills estimated that between 100 and 150 factories were founded in Malabar5. By 1890’s there were eight key manufacturing companies including Pierce Leslie, Volkart Brothers, Mammali Works, Burnett and Sons, Andrew and Sons and G Henke that had set up factories and joint stock companies all over Malabar. These dealt especially in products like spices, coffee, cashew and cotton. In the altered scenario, as pointed out by Max Weber the old class struggles based on power and wealth shifted to a struggle between groups competing for prestige and social standing and new negotiations on social relationship took shape. While occupation in the traditional caste system was rated in terms of ritual purity and pollution, they are today related to some extend in terms of income they produce6.

Around the schools, law courts, factories and other workplaces a new time concept began to emerge. A Basel Mission Reports speak of the new time that was set in the education institutions. In the morning at day break the boys were woken up, they dressed themselves, washed and bathed themselves. At 6 O’clock schools bells was rung. At 9 O’clock they received their breakfast. After the service at 10 O’ clock they exercised in the open or performed gymnastics under the shade of the tree continuing up to 12 O’clock followed by two hours school lessons. At 1 O’ Clock students had lunch. After meal students played together until 3 O’ clock when there was a bell that called them to school. At the 7 O’ clock they ate the same food as in the afternoon. After evening service at 9 O’clock the children went to the bed.7 Thus a new normal took shape in Malabar during the period of the British rule.

Rationality of western modernism was first felt in native home. A new patriarchy came into existence which was different from the traditional order but explicitly claiming to be different from the ‘western family.’8 As Partha Chattergee say, the idea of neatness, order, punctuality and domestic devotions which form striking features in well regulated middle class home. It prompted a barrage of questions to be raised on women’s education led to the creation of the category of ‘career women ‘who sought employment in specific professions such as teaching, medicine, and various ‘white collar’ jobs.9 It is visible in the formation of various women organizations like Vanitha Samajams, Strivedis, Mahila Sanghams etc in various parts of Malabar. Print capitalism had its powerful presence in Malabar homes through which house wives came to know about the social and political currents prevailed at that time. Murkoth Kunhappa in his preface to Sahsra Poornima of Revathi Amma makes a referenced to the functioning of a Stree Samajam at Thalassery. It home delivered books to women and conducted social activities in the area.10Special columns were set apart for addressing women issues

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appeared in newspapers and journals. From 1887 to 1975 there were twenty women magazines in Malabar.

To follow Weber, the new life chances created by the education credentials in the modern class situation placed the outright ‘naked ‘ownership of property and class privilege arising from it into the background.11 Prosperity of newly emerged middle class is attested by the presence of lower sections in the society at government offices, property sale, involvement in trade and commerce, construction of temples, educational institutions etc. Murkoth family of Thalassery offers a growth story of the Tiyya community at the beginning of the 20th c. Murkoth Ramunni was the head of a company controlling all the liquor shops in Malabar. His father worked as a butler in the house of a senior employee of the English East India Company. The second generation of the family attained prosperity by receiving education. Increasing value of liquor trade and growing demand for coconut produce in the world market benefitted some sections of the people. When the people were appointed as clerks or teachers and were economically independent of others, it was not reasonable to call them as eda, nee etc. Now they were addressed by their position such as writer, Munsif, Vakil, Master, Adhkari, Gumastan, Amin, Constable etc. The lower castes were gradually granted permission to enter the houses of higher castes. Diwan Bahadhur EK Krishnan Sub Judge, refers to the wonderful treatment he received in the house of his Nair friend Karunakaran Nambiar of Taliparamba.12 Another incident which marked the withdrawal of caste barriers was the giving of houses on rent to the Tiyyas duly recorded by O.Sankaran, a Munsif in 192013

The availability of printed literature contributed to change in the attitude towards leisure itself. The educated middle class found in reading an entirely different way of spending leisure time. Libraries began to appear in town and rural areas. The transition from a religious sphere to public sphere is a slow process in Kerala. It is visible in the attempt of the newly emerged middle class to construct temples, mutts and Serambis in the colonial towns of Thalassery and Kannur. In the altered scenario, Tiyya tenants refused to perform the traditional role of couriers bearing the news of Nair landlord’s death. Tiyya tenants were usually called upon to cut down a mango tree for the funeral pyre whenever there was death in the family of a Nair landlord. Increasingly around Thalassery and Kannur, Tiyyas refused to perform their traditional obligations.14

Socio religious movements of Kerala were seriously supported by material growth attained by the lower sections of the society in the advent of colonialism and vice-versa. The socio-religious reform movements which originated in Travancore and Cochin extended their area of operation to Malabar only much later. The work of the Christian missionaries was also limited in Malabar. While analyzing the means and goals of social reform movements in Malabar, it offers some interesting similarities. The backward classes in this region developed a protest ideology, based on their conditions and perception of relative deprivation.15 In response to the global changes initiated by colonial intervention much importance was given to the western form of education. The reformers found it as the better opportunity to empower the low class people who were subjected to the oppression of higher class people who denied educational opportunities to the

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former. The social reformers of Malabar, who were the believers of traditional knowledge, acted as the preachers of new form of education and enlightened ideas.16Their stick on modern education provided some relief to the existing social order and offered a chance for upward social mobility to a group of people. The concept of individualism, capitalism, monogamy and single family system that involved in colonial modernity gradually spread among various communities. Though there was some ideological difference among the reformers on certain issues, they shared a common understanding in concern with the identity formation of the millions of poor in Malabar.

The spread of education and the penetration of the colonial market created a wider base in Malabar. It is well known that Kerala is far ahead of the rest of India in respect of the key indicators of social development, such as literacy, infant mortality and life expectancy. The initial efforts in this regard were taken by Christian Missionaries and social reformers in the 19th century.17In Malabar several powerful social movements played a decisive role in the promotion of education. The activities of SNDP Yogam and individual initiatives taken by personalities like Vagbhatananda, Brahmananda Swami Sivayogi, Swami Sivananda, N.K.Krishnan and others created a hopeful condition for the upward mobility of low class people. As the state under the direct control of the British government, Malabar offered a different space for socio-political activities.

One of the first communities which received the benefits of the western education in this area was Tiyyas. There has been no parallel anywhere in the world to the tremendous progress made by the community in a short a time18. The Tiyyas (Ezhavas in south Malabar) form not only the majority of the backward classes but are also the single largest caste in Malabar. They were denied admission to the traditional caste Hindu schools on the ground of and were kept away from administrative jobs. In terms of economic classes, most Tiyyas were sub tenants and agricultural labourers and followed the traditional occupation of toddy tapping. Besides they were agricultural labourers, weavers and coir workers. They also practiced Ayurveda, medicine and astrology .The Tiyyas because of their pollution by distance status, were not allowed to enter the houses of the Nayar or the Nambuthiris nor their temples.19It was in this background some prominent personalities in Malabar region took the initiative of uplifting the downtrodden classes and gave a call to Sree to extend his activities in this region also. The four regional centres of Sree Narayana movement in Malabar were Karapuram, Calicut, Palghat and Thalassery. Regional level leaders of the movement were Mitavathi C Krishnan in Calicut and Murkot kumaran in Thalassery. Around 1920 many regional associations came in to existence in Malabar like North Kerala Tiya Mahajana Sabha at Thalassery, The Ezhava Mahjana Sabha at Palaghat and The Narayana Guru Smaraka Samajam in Ponnani Taluk.

In Malabar Thalassery was the prominent centre of Tiyya activity.20 When reached Thalassery bearing the message of Guru, Murkot Kumaran had already started working for the uplift of the North Malabar Tiyas. In 1905 the Jnanodaya Yogam an extension of SNDP Yogam was started in Thalassery. Besides Murkot Kumaran, Varuthur Kanniyil Kunhikannan,

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president of Thalassery municipality also played a leading role in the establishment of Jnanodaya Yogam.21 Because of these activities, deprivation of the Tiyyas in Malabar was less than that of Ezhavas in Travancore and Cochin. The former received the benefits of English education and were admitted to the professional courses of medicine and engineering.

Sree Narayana Guru was the first among the social reformers of Kerala who realized the importance of western form of education as a means for attaining highest position in the society to the low class people. He looked upon modern education not only as a means of getting jobs but as a weapon, freeing the individual from the bonds of traditionalism. Guru encouraged English education because of the liberating effect it had on Hindu customs. He as the secretary of the Yogam employed Euresian missionaries to teach English to the Ezhava boys and girls to public school.22 In a speech, in 1910, to ‘Vijnana Vardhana Sabha’ at Cherai, he stressed the importance of women education and technical training to establish industries. Guru gave the slogan ‘educate that you may be free and organize that you may be strong.’ Same view was expressed by when he formed Sadhujana Paripalana Sangham and made a public announcement to the effect that, unless Pulaya children were admitted in government schools, Pulaya labourers would not work in the paddy fields.23 In response to this call, serious attempt was made in Malabar to remove the obstacle to the admission of low class people to government and government aided schools. Most of the aided schools in Malabar area were started by persons belonging to Tiyya community. Vagbhatananda, a prominent social reformer in Malabar, being influenced by Sree Narayana movement established a chain of educational institutions. At the age of 20 he established a Sanskrit school at Karaparamba, 5km away from Kozhikode town, namely Tatwa Prakasika Ashram. His ‘Atmavidya sangam’ works to uplift education among the low caste people.

The educational avenues opened by the British and the establishment of educational institutions on western lines by the social reform leaders played a crucial role in getting employment opportunities to the lower class people in government services and in the formation of a new middle class in Malabar region. As a result of English education, they found jobs in the administration and in the legal and medical professions.24 As in the case of education, the social reform movements of Malabar tried to create new employment opportunities in the emerging areas and to posit low class people in the government services. Narayana guru believed that progress in employment and education was the basis for upward social mobility. The forgoing analysis of the impact of education and activities of social movement during the last decade of the 19th century on Malabar proves that they have consciously or unconsciously caused changes in stagnant traditional society. The rising economic group in the Tiyya community utilized the limited educational facilities available .They were recruited in several services of the government on the basis of merit. In Malabar, a job in the government service was much desired as it removed the caste grievances of an individual who belonged to an inferior community. As a matter of fact, the members of the Tiyya community tried their best to liberate themselves from the hold of caste through English education and employment in the service of the government25.

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At the turn of the century some of these persons from the community rose to the highest positions available for an Indian at that time.26The Tiyyas have been able to lift themselves up from the position of unapproachable to the official status of other backward classes. They have achieved equality of opportunity in several spheres of social life, starting from a position of all- round severe deprivation.

The value system and nature of authority underlying the process of legitimization changed. Hence, elites of different kinds emerged, playing different kinds of roles. In community which was denied opportunities of various kinds, the individuals with a certain level of achievement are considered to be in elite position. By this standard the first generation graduates, school and college teachers, lawyers, doctors, engineers, industrialists and administrators belong to the elite category.27 The Ezhavas had strong traditional medical practice. They were well versed in Ayurveda, the indigenous system of medicine. Modern allopathic doctors made their debut. Dr Palpu, Dr AK Raghavan of Palaghat, Dr Raman who had his education in London and Dublin, Dr K. Damodaran practiced medicine in London were prominent among them. The modern legal profession comes in to existence with the establishment of courts. The growth of the professional and administrative elite largely accounts for the bulk of the educated middle class. Education provided a base to the newly emerged middle class to actively involving in national movement .Ezhavas also branched off in to industry. Previously they had small works-shops of handloom weavers and coir makers. But now they have factories of different grades. Rao Sahib Kannan was the first Tiyya to open a textile mill in Kannur. Gandhi was highly impressed by the spiritual and educational progress the Ezhavas had made. Gandhi expressed the hope that the Ezhavas would advance speedy towards the religious goal which Swami had placed before them. He was also pleased to find many lawyers, doctors and many educated men among the Ezhavas and considered them as good as the highest in the state.

After getting education and employment almost all reform movements in Kerala shifted their activities towards the struggle for social justice. There was a series of struggle to get entry in temples, perform religious rituals and to get the right to wore proper dresses. These struggles formed a strong base for the identity formation of different communities in Malabar. Attempt was also made to use legislatures. The changes brought about by the reformers in a conservative society were seen in the contemporary novels and literature. The novel Indulekha written by O.Chandu Menon is more instructive. An engagement with the modernist project of secularism and rationalism is evident in the novel.28The novel portrayed the potential of English educated Nair women of Malabar to challenge the right of Nambutiri land lord to have sambandam with any women of Nair caste.29While the SNDP Yogam was concentrated in temple entry movement, the removal of social restrictions and caste prohibitions relating to the use of public roads, educational institutions and markets was of primary importance to the Pulayas, as these restrictions in effect questioned their dignity as social being.

Ayyankali and his Sadhu Jana Paripalana Sangam were agitated for ‘right to travel’. He even followed the dress style of upper class Hindus. ‘Agitation for equality’ was very strong in

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Malabar. This was started as a movement in 1919 under the leadership of T.K.Madhavan in Travancore, demanding equality of citizenship. It was an agitation in which about 26 lakhs of non caste Hindus and, such as the Ezhavas, Christians and Muslims participated. Madhavan made effective speech demanding equality of opportunity in education and employment, and the abolition of all kinds of ritual and civic disabilities. Gaining confidence, by his success in the equality of citizenship agitation, Madhavan concentrated his efforts on the temple road entry movement, making it a part of the equality of citizenship movement. Instead of getting entry in to temples Sree Narayana Guru’s attempt was to construct new temples for the low class people. Guru asked his followers not to press for temple entry but to build their own temples30. He trained a number of monks, who were well versed in Vedanta and priests who possessed the knowledge of conducting both complex temple and domestic rites. Several mutts and ashrams were established by Guru, which were managed by these learned sanyasins. It was mainly due to the efforts of Swami that the conversion of the Ezhavas to Christianity came to halt and many were re converted31. In the latter half f the 19 century, attempts were also made by certain Ezhava leaders to change their traditional beliefs and practices.

Following the progrmme of SNDP Yogam several ashrams and temples were built in various parts of Malabar. Atmavidya Sangham an organisation founded by Vagbhatanada gave importance to conservation of human rights and nationalism. It believed that caste is manmade and that it is criminal to succumb to caste distinction in our dealings with other. Vaghbatananda also envisaged a caste less society based on equality. He believed that all men are equal irrespective of their caste, colour and creed.32 Society he visualized was one of love, self respect, liberty and equality. He propagated the motto ‘Loka samasta Sukinobavantu’ (may all world live in peace).It was clear from the slogan that Vagbatanada was against all injustice. He arranged and promoted mixed marriage to abrogate caste system. Sidha Samaj Ashram of Swami Sivananda was also formed in 1921 with a definite purpose of creating a ‘class less’ society. As a part of creating a self disciplined society most of the reformers made the prohibition as major theme in their programme of action. Sree Narayana Guru strongly oppose alcoholism and non- vegetarianism. Swami’s slogan was ‘produce not, sell not, and consume not liquor’.

In Malabar, C.Krishnan took a leading part in the movement, by boycotting toddy shops and dissuading the Ezhavas from tapping toddy. Atma Vidya Sangam of Vagbhatanada was also made intense work in this direction. The important aim of Vaghbatanada’s life was to free the working class from the addiction of intoxicants.33From 1925 his Sangham put forward the idea of prohibition of liquor. Vagbatananda himself delivered many lectures against the consumption of liquor. As most of the low class people in Malabar were manual labourers, attempt was made to consolidate their position and to empower them economically. Vagbhatanda spoke for the peasants and labourers. He took part in the meeting of farmers in North Malabar. He vehemently argued against capitalism. To help the unemployed starving labourers Vagbatananda established an institution named Labour Contract Society. In 1925 February it registered in the name of Uralungal Koolivelakkarude Paraspara Sahaya sahakarana sangham. Sree Narayana Guru

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asked his followers to abandon the traditional occupation like that of toddy tapping and to engage in modern industries. Swami Sivananda in his ashram’s at Vatakara, Kannur and Kayanna introduced a new working culture based on the doctrine of communism.

Conclusion

As mentioned before, the paper is to discuss the role of social and religious reform movements in Malabar in creating structural changes in a traditionally stagnant society. It is to be noticed that both in Malabar and Travancore this was possible due to the joint effort of Christian Missionaries and social reformers through the process of education and empowerment. State played a minimal role in this endeavour .Educational growth and present identity of Malabar is closely associated with the efforts of reformers to reorient the society on the line of modernization and rationalization. The movement posed a serious threat to the institutions like caste hierarchy, joint family and customary laws dominated the Kerala society. It is interesting to note that the social reformers of Malabar, though they were expertise in traditional knowledge acted as the preachers of new form of knowledge introduced by the westerners. The reorganization of family structure, flowering of new form of literature, higher level of social mobility etc .may cited as a reflection of reform movement. But it is to be noticed that even after the continuous efforts of social reformers, there existed serious rift among the community members in terms of social and economic status. Only a minuscule minority got acquainted with new avenues opened by western form of education .Some of the movements were reactionary in nature. The present Free State which followed the British failed to keep the tempo created by the reform movements in the area of education and employment.

References

1 Sing, Rajendra.2001. Social Movements Old and New: A Post Modern Critique. New Delhi: Sage Publications.p.29

2 Weber,Max, 1978. Economy and Society, London: University of California Press. pp.928-33 3 Kizhakkepattu Ramankutty Menon. 2013. Parangodi Parinayam,(Mal.novel), Reprint. Thiruvananthapuram: Chintha Publishers.p.27 4 Muliyil, Joseph .2013.Sukumari (Mal.novel),Re print, Thiruvananthpuram: Chintha Publishers 5 Aron, Samuel .1974.Jeevitha Smaranakal (Mal), Kannur: Desamitram printing and Publishing Co.Ltd . pp.45-48 6 Rao, MSA.1972.Tradition Rationality and Change, Bombay:The Popular Prakashan.p.137 7 Shetty, Parinitha.2008. ‘Missionary Pedagoy and Christianisation of Heathens:The Educational Institutions Introduced by the Basel Mission in Mangalore’, IESHR, 45:4 .p.527. 8 Chatergee, Partha .1995.The Nation and its Fragments: Colonialism and Post Colonial Histories,Delhi: Oxford University Press. p.9 9 Rao, MSA, Opcit. p. 20 10 Kunhappa, Murkoth. 1977. Preface, Sahasrapoornima , CK Revathi Amma, Kottayam:SPSS. p.III 11 Weber, Max .1978. Economy and Society, London: University of California Press. pp.928-33 12 Kunhappa, Murkoth.1993. ‘ Heritage of Basel Mission in Malabar’ in KJ John and KKN

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Kurup (ed.) Legacy of Basel Mission and Herman Gundert in Malabar,Calicut: Gundert Death Centenary Committee , p.236 13 Ibid, p.237. 14 Ibid,p. 70 15 Rao, M.S.A. 1987.Social Movements and Social Transformation .New Delhi: Manohar.p.15

16 Oomen, M.A. (Ed.) 1999. Rethinking Development: Kerala’s Development Experience volume,1 .New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. pxxiv 17 Mathew, E.T.1999.Growth of Literacy in Kerala: State Intervention, Missionary Initiatives and Social Movements .In Economic and Political Weekly, September, 25.New Delhi.p.2811 18 Ibid.p.2817 19 Rao, M.S.A. opcit.p.24 20 Kunhappa, Murkot.1975.Murkot Kumaran. Kottayam: National Book Stall p.103 21 Kurup, K.K.N.1988.Modern Kerala: Studies in Social and Agrarian Relations.Delhi:Mittal Publications.p.89 22 Rao, M.S.A. 1987.Social Movements and Social Transformation .New Delhi: Manohar.p.28 23 Mathew, E.T.opcit.p.2818 24 Kurup, K.K.N. opcit.p.55 25 Nair, M.S.1998.Vagbhatananda Guruvum Samuhika Navothanavum,Thiruvanathapuram. Department of Cultural Publication.p.24

26 Kurup, K.K.N.1988.Modern Kerala: Studies in Social and Agrarian Relations. Delhi:Mittal Publications.p.86 27 Rao, M.S.A. 1987.Social Movements and Social Transformation .New Delhi: Manohar.p.104

28 Menon, M.Dilip.2002. “Religion and Colonial Modernity: Rethinking Belief and Identity”. in Economic and Political Weekly.Vol.37, No 17.New Delhi.p.1664

29 Jeffry, Robin.1998.Decline of Nair Dominance. New Delhi.p.87

30 Kunhappa, Murkot.opcit.p.30

31 Rao, M.S.A.opcit.p.108

32 Atmavidya Masika, March.1997.p.65-69

33 Nair, M.S.opcit.p.94

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