The British and German Presses in the Age of Empire

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The British and German Presses in the Age of Empire Mississippi State University Scholars Junction Theses and Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1-1-2013 The British and German Presses in the Age of Empire Kathryn R. Bruton Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsjunction.msstate.edu/td Recommended Citation Bruton, Kathryn R., "The British and German Presses in the Age of Empire" (2013). Theses and Dissertations. 4280. https://scholarsjunction.msstate.edu/td/4280 This Dissertation - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Scholars Junction. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholars Junction. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Automated Template B: Created by James Nail 2011V2.02 The British and German presses in the Age of Empire: 1876-1906 By Kathryn Rose Bruton A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Mississippi State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Department of History Mississippi State, Mississippi May 2013 Copyright by Kathryn Rose Bruton 2013 The British and German presses in the Age of Empire: 1876-1906 By Kathryn Rose Bruton Approved: _________________________________ _________________________________ Alexandra E. Hui Godfrey N. Uzoigwe Assistant Professor of History Professor of History (Dissertation Director) (Committee Member) _________________________________ _________________________________ Richard V. Damms Alan I Marcus Associate Professor of History Professor of History (Committee Member) (Committee Member) _________________________________ _________________________________ Peter C. Messer R. Gregory Dunaway Associate Professor of History Professor and Interim Dean (Graduate Coordinator) College of Arts & Sciences Name: Kathryn Rose Bruton Date of Degree: May 11, 2013 Institution: Mississippi State University Major Field: History Major Professor: Alexandra E. Hui Title of Study: The British and German presses in the Age of Empire: 1876-1906 Pages in Study: 360 Candidate for Degree of Doctor of Philosophy This is an exploration of the effects of the press on British and German foreign policy between 1876 and 1906. The dissertation considers the growing influence of the press on Anglo-German relations. Historians have provided discussions of how domestic presses can affect their home governments. This dissertation adds to that by analyzing the consequences of the debates between the British and German presses on their governments’ foreign policy. The possibility for Anglo-German cooperation during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries receives significant interest due to debates regarding the origins of World War I. The reasons put forth by historians for the inability to conclude an Anglo-German agreement despite similar interests during this period include the volatility of Wilhelm II’s personality, the growth of the German navy, and the expansion of the German empire. I add to this discussion by analyzing how the British and German presses’ opinions increasingly inhibited Anglo-German diplomacy. In this analysis, I use six journals, representing the ‘official’ (London Times, Kölnische Zeitung), ‘semi-official’ (Pall Mall Gazette, Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung), and satirical (Punch, Kladderadatsch) segments of the British and German presses. I begin with a discussion of the two presses during the Near East Crisis (1876- 1878). During this period, the presses expressed growing interest in international affairs, prompting more concerns with how their governments dealt with other Great Powers. Following this discussion, I consider the effects of colonial competition in Africa between 1878 and 1896 on the diplomatic relations of Great Britain, France, and Germany. This is necessary to establish the background for the final section of the dissertation. The last part of the dissertation explores the British and German presses’ responses to each other between the Jameson Raid and the Algeciras Conference. It is during this later period, when British and German imperial interests conflicted, and when the Russian threat dissolved for Great Britain, that the final efforts for rapprochement between the two governments failed, leading to permanent estrangement. The British and German presses had a significant role in causing this separation, by using their articles to expand the distrust already existent between their governments. DEDICATION To Mom and Grandma, Look, I finished! " ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Writing this dissertation involved more than one graduate student trying to finish a seemingly endless project. The process included numerous other people who facilitated the end result and need recognition. First I would like to thank the Mississippi State Department of History for taking a chance on me. If not for the faith shown by continued funding, I never could have finished. Next, I would like to thank the members of my dissertation committee. Dr. Alexandra E. Hui, thank you for repeatedly reading page after page of my work and providing significant assistance in organizing and editing the work. Dr. Godfrey N. Uzoigwe, thank you for stepping in and helping me formulate my arguments regarding British foreign policy. Dr. Richard V. Damms and Dr. Alan I Marcus, thank you for providing valuable feedback and support throughout this project. Beyond my dissertation committee, I would be remiss not to acknowledge other supportive figures. To Patsy, Pam, and Lonna, thank you for keeping me abreask of the necessary administrative requirements needed to finish my education. To the Interlibrary Loan Departments at the Mississippi State University, UCLA, SUNY-Stony Brook, and University of Memphis Libraries, thank you for your diligent and efficient processing of my numerous requests for microfilm. Without your efforts, I could never have finished this project. Also, I would like to thank the archivists at the Library of Congress and the Ludwig-Maximilian-Universität München for their assistance in procuring necessary materials during my research trips. To the ladies in the Government Documents iii Department, thank you for your encouragement during those 12-hour days sitting at the microfilm machine. To Herr G and Frau Lomangino, thank you for the years of German language classes that made half of this dissertation possible. To my fellow history graduate students at Mississippi State, good luck with your projects, I cannot wait to see how well you do in the future. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the support from my family. To my mom, thank you for making me keep going. To my dad, thank you for always being helping with the heavy lifting. To my Aunt Mary and Uncle Easy, thank you for rescuing me so often. To the Terrible Two, I am sorry I had to miss so much of your childhood to finish this, but I look forward to being called “Dr. Maggie” or “Dr. Tom’s Sister.” Without all of these individuals, I would have settled for not finishing this, I cannot not thank any one of them enough. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION.................................................................................................................... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS............................................................................................... iii LIST OF FIGURES .......................................................................................................... vii CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................1 II. THE NEAR EAST CRISIS AND THE ‘OFFICIAL’ JOURNALS ................23 Times, Kölnische Zeitung, and the Balkan Revolts..........................................25 London Times, Kölnische Zeitung and the Bulgarian Atrocities .....................31 London Times, Kölnische Zeitung and the Conference at Constantinople .....................................................................................39 London Times, Kölnische Zeitung and the Russo-Turkish War ......................43 Times, Kölnische Zeitung, and the Congress of Berlin....................................54 Conclusion .......................................................................................................59 III. THE NEAR EAST CRISIS AND THE ‘SEMI-OFFICIAL’ JOURNALS .........................................................................................60 The Pall Mall Gazette, Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, and Jingoistic Support for Governments ....................................................62 The Pall Mall Gazette, Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, and Distrust of Other European Great Powers in the Near East Crisis ....................75 The Liberal Party in Great Britain and the Near East Crisis ............................91 Conclusion .......................................................................................................97 IV. THE NEAR EAST CRISIS AND THE SATIRICAL JOURNALS ................98 Women Children, and Animals as Metaphors for Diplomacy .......................100 Entertainingly Competitive Diplomacy .........................................................133 Big Men of Diplomacy: Disraeli, Bismarck, and John Bull? ........................144 Conclusion .....................................................................................................161 v V. COMPETITION AND EMPIRE: GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND GERMANY IN AFRICA BETWEEN THE CONGRESS OF BERLIN AND THE JAMESON RAID ............................................163
Recommended publications
  • World War I Concept Learning Outline Objectives
    AP European History: Period 4.1 Teacher’s Edition World War I Concept Learning Outline Objectives I. Long-term causes of World War I 4.1.I.A INT-9 A. Rival alliances: Triple Alliance vs. Triple Entente SP-6/17/18 1. 1871: The balance of power of Europe was upset by the decisive Prussian victory in the Franco-Prussian War and the creation of the German Empire. a. Bismarck thereafter feared French revenge and negotiated treaties to isolate France. b. Bismarck also feared Russia, especially after the Congress of Berlin in 1878 when Russia blamed Germany for not gaining territory in the Balkans. 2. In 1879, the Dual Alliance emerged: Germany and Austria a. Bismarck sought to thwart Russian expansion. b. The Dual Alliance was based on German support for Austria in its struggle with Russia over expansion in the Balkans. c. This became a major feature of European diplomacy until the end of World War I. 3. Triple Alliance, 1881: Italy joined Germany and Austria Italy sought support for its imperialistic ambitions in the Mediterranean and Africa. 4. Russian-German Reinsurance Treaty, 1887 a. It promised the neutrality of both Germany and Russia if either country went to war with another country. b. Kaiser Wilhelm II refused to renew the reinsurance treaty after removing Bismarck in 1890. This can be seen as a huge diplomatic blunder; Russia wanted to renew it but now had no assurances it was safe from a German invasion. France courted Russia; the two became allies. Germany, now out of necessity, developed closer ties to Austria.
    [Show full text]
  • The 1904 Anglo-French Newfoundland Fisheries Convention: Another Look
    RESEARCH NOTES/NOTES DE RECHERCHE The 1904 Anglo-French Newfoundland Fisheries Convention: Another Look THE EXISTING LITERATURE ON ANGLO-FRENCH RELATIONS at the turn of the century, as well as that which specifically addresses the 1904 entente cordiale, for the most part makes only passing mention of the Newfoundland fisheries issue. Understandably, the focus of these accounts tends to be on the changing relations between the great powers, and on the most important aspect of the entente itself, which was the definition of boundaries and spheres of influence in North and West Africa. The exceptions are P.J.V. Rolo's study of the entente, which does recognize the crucial place of the fisheries issue in the context of the overall negotiation, and F.F. Thompson's brief account of the Newfoundland settlement from a colonial perspective in his standard work on the French, or Treaty, Shore question. i This note expands these accounts of the evolution of the 1904 Anglo-French Fisheries Convention, reinforces the view that it was vital to the successful completion of the overall package, and looks at the aftermath. This is not the place to discuss in detail the reasons for Anglo-French rapprochement which culminated in the 1904 entente cordiale. At the risk of oversimplification, one can point to several key factors. The Fashoda incident (1898) demonstrated, in time, to many French politicians that there was no hope of ending the resented British occupation of Egypt and the Nile valley. Confrontation with Britain in Africa was clearly futile, and accommodation potentially advantageous. Increasingly, the parti colonial urged the French government to consider giving up its financial and economic influence in Egypt, recognizing British predominance there, in return for British acceptance of France's ambition to establish a protectorate over Morocco and concessions elsewhere.2 Once this reasoning had been accepted and advanced by the French government, the British government eventually proved willing to respond positively (if carefully).
    [Show full text]
  • Major Powers and Global Contenders
    CHAPTER 2 Major Powers and Global Contenders A great number of historians and political scientists share the view that international relations cannot be well understood without paying attention to those states capable of making a difference. Most diplo- matic histories are largely histories of major powers as represented in modern classics such as A. J. P. Taylor’s The Struggle for Mastery in Europe, 1848–1918, or Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. In political science, the main theories of international relations are essentially theories of major power behavior. The realist tradition, until recently a single paradigm in the study of international relations (Vasquez 1983), is based on the core assumptions of Morgenthau’s (1948) balance-of-power theory about major power behavior. As one leading neorealist scholar stated, “a general theory of international politics is necessarily based on the great powers” (Waltz 1979, 73). Consequently, major debates on the causes of war are centered on assumptions related to major power behavior. Past and present evidence also lends strong support for continuing interest in the major powers. Historically, the great powers partici- pated in the largest percentage of wars in the last two centuries (Wright 1942, 1:220–23; Bremer 1980, 79; Small and Singer 1982, 180). Besides wars, they also had the highest rate of involvement in international crises (Maoz 1982, 55). It is a compelling record for the modern history of warfare (since the Napoleonic Wars) that major powers have been involved in over half of all militarized disputes, including those that escalated into wars (Gochman and Maoz 1984, 596).
    [Show full text]
  • The United States Versus Germany (1891-1910)
    Illinois Wesleyan University Digital Commons @ IWU Honors Projects History Department 5-1995 Quest for Empire: The United States Versus Germany (1891-1910) Jennifer L. Cutsforth '95 Illinois Wesleyan University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/history_honproj Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Cutsforth '95, Jennifer L., "Quest for Empire: The United States Versus Germany (1891-1910)" (1995). Honors Projects. 28. https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/history_honproj/28 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. ~lAY 12 1991 Quest For Empi re: The Uni ted states Versus Germany (1891 - 1910) Jenn1fer L. Cutsforth Senlor Research Honors Project -- Hlstory May 1995 • Quest for Emp1re: The Un1ted states versus Germany Part I: 1891 - 1900 German battleships threaten American victory at Man'ila! United States refuses to acknowledge German rights in Samoa! Germany menaces the Western Hemispherel United States reneges on agreement to support German stand at Morocco! The age of imperi aIi sm prompted head 1ines I" ke these in both American and German newspapers at the turn of the century, Although little contact took place previously between the two countries, the diplomacy which did exist had been friendly in nature.
    [Show full text]
  • The American Attitude Toward the First Moroccan Crisis and the Algeciras Conference Betty Mullen Loyola University Chicago
    Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Master's Theses Theses and Dissertations 1952 The American Attitude Toward the First Moroccan Crisis and the Algeciras Conference Betty Mullen Loyola University Chicago Recommended Citation Mullen, Betty, "The American Attitude Toward the First Moroccan Crisis and the Algeciras Conference" (1952). Master's Theses. Paper 1174. http://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_theses/1174 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1952 Betty Mullen THE AMEllIOAlf ATTItuDE TOWARD TIlE FIRST MOROCCAN CRISIS AliI> T.8E ALGECIRAS COI'FERENOB by Betty 111111_ A Thesls Submitted to the Faoulty of the Graduate Sohool of Loyola University in Partial Fulflll.eut of the Requlrements to'l! the Degr.. of Dner ot Arts June 1952 ... LIFE Betty Mullen wal born in Chicago,. 111inoi8, May 11, 1926 • She waa graduated tram St. Thoma. the Apostle High School, Chicago, IlUDOis, June, 1944, and from Rosary College, River Foreat, Illinois, June, 1948, with the degree ot Baohelor of Arta. From 1948 to 1952 the author taught History at Visitation High ~chool, Chioago, Illinois. During this period she took courses in History ~t Loyola University. 11 TABLE OF COITENTS Chapter Page I. A BACKGROUND STUDY OF THE MOROCCAN SITUATION. • • • • • • • • • 1 Importance ot Moroeco--Al1gnment of the Great Powers and the Seoret Treaties.
    [Show full text]
  • Spain's Part in the 1906 Algeciras Conference
    Spain’s Part in the 1906 Algeciras Conference: Internationalisation of the Moroccan Question and the Interests of Spain Carlos Jiménez Piernas Millán Requena Casanova Professor of Public International Law Associate Lecturer of Public and International Relations International Law and International University of Alcalá Relations University of Alicante I. The Historical Context and the Lead-up to the Conference 1. Background 2. Preliminaries. Spain’s Role in the Preparatory Stages of the Conference II. The Algeciras International Conference, 1906 1. Spanish Participation A) Composition of the Spanish Delegation B) Instructions C) The course of the Conference and Spain’s part in the settlement of the main issues D) Results: the General Act of the Algeciras Conference 2. The attitude of the political parties and public opinion to the Conference III. Conclusions I. THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT AND THE LEAD-UP TO THE CONFERENCE The centenary of the Algeciras International Conference of 1906 is an excellent occasion on which to analyse the results and repercussions of the meeting of representatives of various European powers in that town to resolve the so-called “Moroccan question”, meaning the sharing-out of its territory which European imperialism had identifi ed as its immediate objective at the beginning of the 20th century. We shall look particularly at the part played by Spain at this Conference in order to gauge the extent of its participation in the settlement of the colonial confl ict that had arisen in connection with Morocco and the international crisis that 1 Spanish Yearbook of International Law, Volume XII, 2008 © 2008 Koninklijke Brill NV.
    [Show full text]
  • The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914
    The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914 Emily Murray Professor Goldberg History Honors Thesis April 11, 2016 1 Historian Niall Ferguson introduced his seminal work on the twentieth century by posing the question “Megalomaniacs may order men to invade Russia, but why do the men obey?”1 He then sought to answer this question over the course of the text. Unfortunately, his analysis focused on too late a period. In reality, the cultural and political conditions that fostered unparalleled levels of bloodshed in the twentieth century began before 1900. The 1870 Franco- Prussian War and the years that surrounded it were the more pertinent catalyst. This event initiated the environment and experiences that catapulted Europe into the previously unimaginable events of the twentieth century. Individuals obey orders, despite the dictates of reason or personal well-being, because personal experiences unite them into a group of unconscious or emotionally motivated actors. The Franco-Prussian War is an example of how places, events, and sentiments can create a unique sense of collective identity that drives seemingly irrational behavior. It happened in both France and Germany. These identities would become the cultural and political foundations that changed the world in the tumultuous twentieth century. The political and cultural development of Europe is complex and highly interconnected, making helpful insights into specific events difficult. It is hard to distinguish where one era of history begins or ends. It is a challenge to separate the inherently complicated systems of national and ethnic identities defined by blood, borders, and collective experience.
    [Show full text]
  • The Alliance System Before 1900
    How and why did the Alliance System form? L/O – To understand the key features of the alliance system before 1914 Starter – How was the most powerful nation in Europe? Who was second? What is an Alliance? An alliance is an agreement between one or more states to work together. Alliances usually involve making promises to protect the other country against nations who are not in the alliance. These promises are usually made by the signing of treaties. Why were Alliances made? The aim of forming alliances was to achieve collective security – having alliances with other powerful countries deterred your enemies from attacking you. If a country started a war with one nation it would have to fight all its allies as well. Alliances were often made in reaction to national rivalries – when one country felt threatened by another, it often looked to secure friendships with other nations. By 1900, Europe was full of national rivalries. Why were alliances made? There were two main sources of national rivalries: The creation of Germany in 1871 out of the many smaller Germanic states had been opposed by France, resulting in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–71. The Germans invaded France and forced the French to sign a humiliating peace treaty. This meant that France and Germany hated each other. The Ottoman (Turkish) Empire in Eastern Europe was crumbling. Russia sought to take advantage of this to expand west into the Balkans. Austria-Hungary wanted to prevent Russian expansion. National Rivalries A dinner party The Rise of Germany • By 1900, the Great Powers in Europe were beginning to divide themselves into two separate groups.
    [Show full text]
  • “Splendid Isolation”?
    Crossing Borders: A Multidisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Scholarship Volume 4 Issue 1 Article 4 2020 Was the German Battlefleet Programme the Main Reason for the End of Britain’s “Splendid Isolation”? Nathan Brewster University of Leeds, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://newprairiepress.org/crossingborders Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, European History Commons, and the Political History Commons This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Brewster, Nathan (2020) "Was the German Battlefleet Programme the Main Reason for the End of Britain’s “Splendid Isolation”?," Crossing Borders: A Multidisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Scholarship: Vol. 4: Iss. 1. https://doi.org/10.4148/2373-0978.1069 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by New Prairie Press. It has been accepted for inclusion in Crossing Borders: A Multidisciplinary Journal of Undergraduate Scholarship by an authorized administrator of New Prairie Press. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Was the German Battlefleet Programme the Main Reason for the End of Britain’s “Splendid Isolation”? Abstract This historiographical essay challenges the common historical narrative that Britain left 'splendid isolation' as a result of perceived German aggression - particularly considering Germany's battlefleet programme. Investigating closer Anglo-American ties, the Anglo-Japanese agreement and the Entente Cordiale show that Britain started to abandon an isolationist policy due to its vast, global and often burdensome empire before the German battlefleet started to present itself as a problem. Rather than pinning Britain's alliances at the turn of the twentieth-century on one factor in Europe, this essay investigates the impact the Americas, Africa, Central Asia and the Far East had on Britain's changing international position.
    [Show full text]
  • Anglo-French Relations in Syria: from Entente Cordiale to Sykes-Picot a Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the College of Arts A
    Anglo-French Relations in Syria: From Entente Cordiale to Sykes-Picot A thesis presented to the faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts James L. Bowman May 2020 © 2020 James L. Bowman. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled Anglo-French Relations in Syria: From Entente Cordiale to Sykes-Picot by JAMES L. BOWMAN has been approved for the Department of History and the College of Arts and Sciences by Peter John Brobst Associate Professor of History Florenz Plassmann Dean, College of Arts and Sciences 3 Abstract BOWMAN, JAMES L., M.A., May 2020, History Anglo-French Relations in Syria: From Entente Cordiale to Sykes-Picot Director of Thesis: Peter John Brobst Though the Entente Cordiale of 8 April, 1904 addressed several outstanding imperial tensions between the British Empire and the French Third Republic, other imperial disputes remained unresolved in the lead-up to World War I. This thesis explores Anglo-French tensions in Ottoman Syria, from the signing of the Entente to the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement in 1916. Syria proved to be a cause of frictions that brought many buried Anglo-French resentments back to the surface and created new ones. Cultural, strategic, and economic interests were at stake, interests which weighed heavily upon the Entente powers and which could not easily be forgone for the sake of ‘cordiality’. This thesis presents evidence that unresolved Anglo-French tensions in Syria raised serious concerns among officials of both empires as to the larger future of their Entente, and that even after the Entente joined in war against their common enemies, such doubts persisted.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict and Tension 1894 – 1918
    Conflict and tension 1894 – 1918 Wider world depth study Revision workbook Acklam Grange History department 60 minutes 4 questions to answer. Total of 44 marks. Q1. This source supports …….How do you know? 4 marks Q2.How useful are sources B and C ……..12 marks Q3. Write an account of a crisis………8 marks Q4.The main reason for………was….How far do you agree? 16 marks + 4 SPaG Author: Mrs G Galloway Name: What you need to know Part One – The causes of the First World War The Alliance system including: The Triple Alliance, the Franco – Russian Alliance and the relations between the Entente powers. The crises in Morocco and the Balkans (1905 – 1912) and their effects on international relations. Britain and the challenges to splendid isolation. Kaiser Wilhelm’s aims in foreign policy, including Weltpolitik. Colonial tensions European rearmament, including the Anglo-German naval race. Slav nationalism and relations between Serbia and Austria- Hungary The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo and its consequences The July crisis Timeline 1870 Franco-Prussian war. France was defeated. Germany as a country was created. Alsace and Lorraine were taken from France. To try and protect Germany from a revenge attack by France Germany entered into an alliance with Austria- Hungary and Italy (Triple Alliance) Early 1900s Anglo-German naval race. 1906 Britain launches the HMS Dreadnought. All countries in Europe also building up their arms 1905 First Moroccan Crisis – led to the humiliation of the Kaiser and the creation of the Triple Entente between Britain, France and Russia. Although not intended as a military alliance Germany felt threatened as it was surrounded by hostile neighbours.
    [Show full text]
  • U.S. Senate's Disclaimer to the Algeciras Treaty, 1906
    THlE STATUTES AT LARGE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA FROM DECEMBER, 1905, TO MARC.H, 1907 CONCURRENT RESOLUTIONS OF, THE TWO HOUSES OF CONGRESS AND RECENT TREATIES, CONVENTIONS, AND EXECUTIVE PROCLAMATIONS EDITED, PRINTED, AIAD PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE VOL. XXXIV-IN THREE PARTS PART 3 Recent Treaties, Conventions, and Proclamations INDEX WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1907 2946 GENERAL ACT-MOROCCO. APRIL 7, 1906. Pour la Grande-Bretagne: For Great Britain: [L. s.] A. NICOLSON. [L. s.] A. NICOLSON Pour I'Italie: For Italy: [L. s.] VISCONTI VENOSTA. [L. s.] VISCONTI VENOSTA [L. s.] G. MALMUSI. [L. S.] G. MALMUSI For Morocco: Pour les Pays-Bas: For the Netherlands:- [L. s.] H. TESTA. [L, S.] H. TESTA Pour le Portugal: For Portugal: IL. S.] CONDE DE TOVAR. [L S.] CONDE DE TOVAR [L. S.] CONDE DE MARTENS [L. s.] CONDE DR MARTENS FEIIRAO. FERRAO Pour la Russie: For Russia: [L. s.] CASSINI. [L. S.] CASSINI [L. s.] BASILE BASHERA6HT. [L. s.] BASILE DE BACHERACHT Pour la Suede: For Sweden:' [L. s.] ROBERT SAGER. [L. S.] ROBERT SAGER Pour copie certifi6e conforme, Le Sous-Secr6taire d'Etat, [SEAL] E. DE OJEDA Preamble. And whereas the said General Act and Additional Protocol were signed by the Plenipotentiaries of the United States of America under reservation of the following declaration: Disclaimer of polit- "The Government of the United States of America, having no ical interest by United States. political interest in Morocco and no desire or purpose having animated it to take part
    [Show full text]