THE COALITION of PROGRESSIVE ELECTORS: a CASE STUDY in POST-FORDIST COUNTER-HEGEMONIC POLITICS by DONNA VOGEL BA (Hon.)
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THE COALITION OF PROGRESSIVE ELECTORS: A CASE STUDY IN POST-FORDIST COUNTER-HEGEMONIC POLITICS by DONNA VOGEL B.A. (Hon.), The University of Saskatchewan, 1985 M.A., The University of Saskatchewan, 1991 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES SOCIOLOGY We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA March, 1999 © Donna Vogel, 1999 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) ABSTRACT This dissertation is a case study of The Coalition of Progressive Electors (COPE), a municipal political party in Vancouver, British Columbia. Founded in 1968, COPE claims to represent a coming together of "ordinary citizens" united around a programme of people's needs. In direct opposition to its chief political opponent, the corporate- sponsored Non-Partisan Association (NPA), COPE has attempted to articulate the diverse issues and objectives of progressive movements within the civic electoral arena. Following a neo-Gramscian approach, the research highlights both the internal and external challenges confronting COPE throughout the party's long history in Vancouver politics. A neo-Gramscian perspective emphasizes the process of coalition-formation—that is, the creation of a broadly inclusive and widely endorsed counter-hegemonic project. In the advanced capitalist democracies, the task of building electoral coalitions has generally been taken up by political parties that have either tried to gain the active support of social movements, or dismissed their concerns as unwelcome 'distractions' from the main goal of winning state power. However, as the limitations of conventional party politics became increasingly apparent, and as new social movements began to challenge established political boundaries, many experiments in constructing a "new" kind of party have taken place. I have examined COPE as an instance of a "new politics" or movement-oriented party. My research focuses on COPE's efforts to articulate the aims of "new" and "old" political agendas, and to adopt a new social movement style within the realm of electoral politics, thereby serving as a counter-hegemonic vehicle within the local political context. The analysis begins with a review of the concrete practices and experiences of several exemplary movement-oriented parties in various political settings. Based on this literature, the conceptual framework of the study is narrowed to a focus on the content of political debate and the style of political action expected of a movement-party. The COPE ii case study is also situated within the political-economic context of Vancouver's development as a post-Fordist "global city." Systematic examination of COPE's archival documents, observation of the group, and interviews with COPE members reveal that, in its present form, COPE does not rise to the status of a counter-hegemonic force in Vancouver politics, although its particular experience is instructive. Analysis of COPE underscores the necessity of coalition-building around multiple issues and identities, and the need to reconceive the notion of politics to include both electoral and extra-parliamentary struggles. An examination of COPE's historical evolution also points to the need for a greater degree of political flexibility in order to effectively respond to the limits and possibilities presented by specific historical moments. In a post-Fordist era, COPE's electoral appeals to "working people" or "ordinary people" assume a homogeneity among progressive movements that is belied by interrelated processes of economic polarization and political demobilization/exclusion, as well as by the social diversity of the global city. A post-Fordist counter-hegemonic project requires a vision and a political strategy capable of bridging the gaps between disparate interests and movements. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ii Table of Contents . iv List of Tables vii Acknowledgments viii Chapter One Social Movements, Political Parties, and the Problem of Counter-hegemony 1 1.1 Research Problem 1 1.2 Marxism and Social Movements 4 1.3 New Social Movement Theory 7 1.4 Hegemony and New Social Movements 14 1.5 Conclusion 19 Chapter Two The "New Politics" in Practice 21 2.1 Introduction 21 2.2 Old and New Social Movements in Coalition: Redefining the Political Agenda? 23 Eurosocialism 25 The Slow-Growth Coalition 27 The Progressive Coalition 30 The Challenge of Solidarity 33 2.3 New Social Movements and Political Parties: A New Style of Politics? 34 The German Greens 37 Santa Monicans for Renters'Rights 42 The Montreal Citizens'Movement 46 The Strategy of Imagination 50 2.4 Summary 52 Chapter Three Research Methods: Procedures and Considerations 54 3.1 COPE as a Case Study 54 3.2 Observation 55 3.3 Document Analysis 58 3.4 Interviews 60 3.5 Limitations of the Research 64 3.6 Studying Social Movements 66 3.7 Summary 70 iv Chapter Four From Frontier Town to Global City: The Political Economy of Vancouver 72 4.1 Introduction 72 4.2 City-building: 1886 to 1936 75 4.3 The Era of NPA Dominance: 1937 to 1967 78 4.4 The Era of Partisan Politics: 1968 to 1989 82 4.5 Politics in the Global City 93 4.6 Conclusion 99 Chapter Five A History of the Coalition of Progressive Electors 101 5.1 Introduction 101 5.2 Objectives and Activities 101 5.3 Key Moments 104 5.4 Organizational Structure 106 5.5 Constituency 110 Ratepayers' Organizations 111 The Vancouver and District Labour Council 111 The Communist Party of Canada 113 The Tenants Rights Action Coalition 119 The Downtown Eastside Residents'Association 120 The New Democratic Party 121 5.6 Conclusion 125 Chapter Six The Challenge of Solidarity: The "Old" and the "New" in COPE's Political Agenda 126 6.1 Introduction 126 6.2 1968 to 1979: Party Building 126 6.3 1980 to 1989: COPE in Office 135 6.4 1990 to 1992: Blending "Old" and "New" 142 6.5 1993 to 1996: COPE's Political Decline 149 6.6 Summary 159 Chapter Seven The Strategy of Imagination: Party and Movement in COPE's Political Style 162 7.1 Introduction 162 7.2 1968 to 1979: Party Building 162 7.3 1980 to 1989: COPE in Office 173 7.4 1990 to 1992: Tentative Steps Beyond the "Party Line" 178 7.5 1993 to 1996: COPE's Political Decline 188 7.6 Summary 198 v Chapter Eight Progressive Politics in a Post-Fordist Era 200 8.1 Introduction 200 8.2 Thematic Struggles and Their Irresolution 202 8.3 A Shifting Dualism 210 8.4 Prospects for a Counter-hegemonic Politics 212 8.5 Counter-hegemonic Politics at the Local Level and Beyond 217 Bibliography 224 Appendix I COPE: Key Events and Organizational Structure 239 Appendix II Interview Schedule for COPE Activists 241 Appendix HI COPE Questionnaire 245 vi LIST OF TABLES Table 8.1: "Content" and "Style" in COPE's Political History ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Throughout the long process of researching and writing this dissertation, I have been an appreciative recipient of much advice and support. To begin, I am indebted to the members of the Coalition of Progressive Electors for so generously granting me access to the history and inner-workings of their organization, and for sharing with me their knowledge of COPE and Vancouver politics. I am grateful to Bob Ratner for assistance extending well beyond what is formally expected of a graduate supervisor. Bob has guided me through the various degree requirements, stimulated my intellectual development, provided me with much needed employment, made available an office complete with computer equipment, and, perhaps most importantly, mentored me in the ethics of academic life through his honourable example. Committee members Gillian Creese and Brian Elliott provided insightful comments on my research and analysis, from which the ultimate draft of the dissertation has greatly benefited. My colleagues in the graduate program were an invaluable source of support and encouragement. Special thanks go to Aaron Doyle for his help in the home stretch. I would also like to express my gratitude to George Brandak, Manuscripts Curator at the Special Collections Division of UBC's Main Library, and Sue Baptie, Archivist at the Vancouver City Archives, for assisting me with the COPE archival project, the Boag Foundation for providing me with a grant to collect and organize the COPE archives, and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council for funding my doctoral studies. Finally, I would like to thank my friends for bearing with my emotional ups and downs, and long absences, over these years, and my family—Mom, Dad, Terry, and Grandmothers Cassie and Levina—for conferring on me some measure of their strength. This dissertation is dedicated to the memory of Bruce Eriksen, long term COPE member and unrelenting crusader for social justice. J CHAPTER ONE SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, POLITICAL PARTIES, AND THE PROBLEM OF COUNTER-HEGEMONY 1.1 Research Problem Be it resolved that COPE change its name from the Committee of Progressive Electors to the Coalition of Progressive Electors. —COPE AGM, April 4, 1993 In, 1993 the Committee of Progressive Electors, a municipal political party in Vancouver, British Columbia, changed its name to the Coalition of Progressive Electors, marking a significant moment in the organization's history.