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The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: the Case of Nigeria
3 The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: The Case of Nigeria Nduba Echezona As the Cold War cycle played itself out, some of the multinational nation-states which had been taken for granted such as the former Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia suddenly dissolved. Their splitting pointed towards a direction which had hitherto been a trend in world politics, namely that the nation’s territory had to be synonymous with the territory of the state, the nation being made up of people with shared cultures and myths of blood ties. This direction in Europe might have set a worldwide pace. Africa has shown very little sign of complying with it. Africa entered the post-Cold War era with seemingly high prospects of terri- torial disintegration. This was exemplified by many civil wars in recent years, some with genocidal features. But, except for Eritrea and, to a lesser extent Somaliland, the political map of Africa’s states and borders has remained remarkably unchanged. Wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo have not caused these states to split. Nonetheless, wars have led to spatial recompositions, to emerging spaces of sovereignty within state territories and to renewed challenges to the official geography from above — the latter being defined by: the various corporations that have or have had the political or technocratic vocation of establishing, defending or modifying foreign or internal (administrative) borders of established states and organizing their geographical space (regular armies, diplomatic corps, colonial or contemporary administrators) (Ben Arrous 1996:17). 3.Chap.3_2.pmd 79 10/06/2009, 11:10 80 African Studies in Geography from Below In Nigeria, the colonial and postcolonial efforts to construct a nation-state from above rather than from below produced an ‘uncertain’ Nigerian; somebody with equivocal national feelings and many other allegiances. -
Federalism and Political Problems in Nigeria Thes Is
/V4/0 FEDERALISM AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS IN NIGERIA THES IS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS By Olayiwola Abegunrin, B. S, Denton, Texas August, 1975 Abegunrin, Olayiwola, Federalism and PoliticalProblems in Nigeria. Master of Arts (Political Science), August, 1975, 147 pp., 4 tables, 5 figures, bibliography, 75 titles. The purpose of this thesis is to examine and re-evaluate the questions involved in federalism and political problems in Nigeria. The strategy adopted in this study is historical, The study examines past, recent, and current literature on federalism and political problems in Nigeria. Basically, the first two chapters outline the historical background and basis of Nigerian federalism and political problems. Chapters three and four consider the evolution of federal- ism, political problems, prospects of federalism, self-govern- ment, and attainment of complete independence on October 1, 1960. Chapters five and six deal with the activities of many groups, crises, military coups, and civil war. The conclusions and recommendations candidly argue that a decentralized federal system remains the safest way for keeping Nigeria together stably. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES0.0.0........................iv LIST OF FIGURES . ..... 8.............v Chapter I. THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND .1....... Geography History The People Background to Modern Government II. THE BASIS OF NIGERIAN POLITICS......32 The Nature of Politics Cultural Factors The Emergence of Political Parties Organization of Political Parties III. THE RISE OF FEDERALISM AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS IN NIGERIA. ....... 50 Towards a Federation Constitutional Developments The North Against the South IV. -
National Integration and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria
African Educational Research Journal Vol. 5(2), pp. 114-119, April 2017 ISSN: 2354-2160 Review National integration and democratic consolidation in Nigeria Phillip Oyadiran* and Adekeye J. Adeshola Department of Public Administration, University of Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria. Accepted 8 June, 2016 ABSTRACT There have been sterile and robust debates on the issue of national integration as an indelible mark of unity. Democratic consolidation comes to mind when the heterogeneity and differences are seen as factors that cannot hinder our peaceful co-existence in a fair, just and egalitarian society where people’s voices and inputs are significant. The feeling of national spirit is evident in the sensitivity of the leaders and the led in attending to national issues as touching the plights and yearnings of the citizens irrespective of background and other factors. This paper examined the factors militating against the continuous existence of Nigeria as a united, indissoluble and sovereign nation due to the perceived mistake of 1914 amalgamation by Lord Lugard. Methodologically, the study adopted a qualitative technique of data collection through the content analysis of documents, reports, journals, books and articles. At the end of the study, it was discovered that the factors militating against the consolidation of the Nigerian nascent democracy are national questions such as the continuous agitation of resource control, constitutional amendment, minority/majority syndrome, revenue sharing formula, unjustifiable distribution of resources, activities of ethnic militias, unequal representation in the National Assembly, zoning/rotational presidency and corruption. Therefore, the study recommended for the convocation of sovereign national conference through which a true Nigerian constitution would emerge in favour of true federalism. -
Senate Committee Report
THE 7TH SENATE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA COMMITTEE ON THE REVIEW OF THE 1999 CONSTITUTION REPORT OF THE SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE REVIEW OF THE 1999 CONSTITUTION ON A BILL FOR AN ACT TO FURTHER ALTER THE PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA 1999 AND FOR OTHER MATTERS CONNECTED THEREWITH, 2013 1.0 INTRODUCTION The Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria referred the following Constitution alterations bills to the Committee for further legislative action after the debate on their general principles and second reading passage: 1. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.107), Second Reading – Wednesday 14th March, 2012 2. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.136), Second Reading – Thursday, 14th October, 2012 3. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.139), Second Reading – Thursday, 4th October, 2012 4. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.158), Second Reading – Thursday, 4th October, 2012 5. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.162), Second Reading – Thursday, 4th October, 2012 6. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.168), Second Reading – Thursday 1 | P a g e 4th October, 2012 7. Constitution (Alteration Bill) 2012 (SB.226), Second Reading – 20th February, 2013 8. Ministerial (Nominees Bill), 2013 (SB.108), Second Reading – Wednesday, 13th March, 2013 1.1 MEMBERSHIP OF THE COMMITTEE 1. Sen. Ike Ekweremadu - Chairman 2. Sen. Victor Ndoma-Egba - Member 3. Sen. Bello Hayatu Gwarzo - “ 4. Sen. Uche Chukwumerije - “ 5. Sen. Abdul Ahmed Ningi - “ 6. Sen. Solomon Ganiyu - “ 7. Sen. George Akume - “ 8. Sen. Abu Ibrahim - “ 9. Sen. Ahmed Rufa’i Sani - “ 10. Sen. Ayoola H. Agboola - “ 11. Sen. Umaru Dahiru - “ 12. Sen. James E. -
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa?
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa? DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS BUT NO DEMOCRACY Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos cahiers & conférences travaux & recherches les études The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non- profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. The Sub-Saharian Africa Program is supported by: Translated by: Henry Kenrick, in collaboration with the author © Droits exclusivement réservés – Ifri – Paris, 2010 ISBN: 978-2-86592-709-8 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – France 1000 Bruxelles – Belgique Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Internet Website : Ifri.org Summary Sub-Saharan African hopes of democratization raised by the end of the Cold War and the decline in the number of single party states are giving way to disillusionment. -
Involvement of Rural Households in Oil Palm (Elaeis Guineensis) Fruits Postharvest Activities in Ondo State, Nigeria
Creative Commons User License: CC BY-NC-ND Journal of Agricultural Extension Abstracted by: EBSCOhost, Electronic Journals Service (EJS), Vol. 24 (1) January, 2020 Google Scholar, Journal Seek, Scientific Commons, ISSN(e): 24086851; ISSN(Print); 1119944X Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), CABI and Scopus http://journal.aesonnigeria.org http://www.ajol.info/index.php/jae http://eoi.citefactor.org/10.11226/v23i4 Email: [email protected] Involvement of Rural Households in Oil Palm (Elaeis guineensis) Fruits Postharvest Activities in Ondo State, Nigeria https://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jae.v24i1.5 Alabi, Dorcas Lola Department of Agricultural Extension and Rural Development, Faculty of Agriculture, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. Nigeria. [email protected] +2348062915547 Famakinwa, Michael Department of Agricultural Extension and Rural Development, Faculty of Agriculture, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. Nigeria. [email protected] +2347039530266 Akinnawonu, Oluwakemi Esther Department of Agricultural Extension and Rural Development, Faculty of Agriculture, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. Nigeria. [email protected] +234816529546 Abstract The study assessed the involvement of rural households in oil palm fruits post- harvest activities (PHAs) in Ondo State, Nigeria. Specifically, examined their perception towards involvement in oil palm fruits PHAs; identified oil palm fruit PHAs respondents were involved in; determined their level of involvement in those activities and identified constraints associated with their involvement. A multi-stage sampling procedure was used to select 120 processors from selected 3 LGAs in Ondo State. Data were collected using structured interview schedule and summarized with percentages, means and standard deviations while correlation and chi-square analyses were used to draw inference on hypothesis. -
The Nigerian Wars, Regional Crises and Ethnic Disturbances: Policy Responses and Democratic Implications
Munich Personal RePEc Archive The Nigerian Wars, Regional Crises and Ethnic Disturbances: Policy Responses and Democratic Implications Nwaobi, Godwin 4 October 2006 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/96/ MPRA Paper No. 96, posted 04 Oct 2006 UTC THE NIGERIAN WARS, REGIONAL CRISES AND ETHNIC DISTURBANCES: POLICY RESPONSES AND DEMOCRATIC IMPLICATIONS GODWIN CHUKWUDUM NWAOBI ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS http://myprofile.cos.com/gcnwaobi [email protected] 234-8035925021 QUANTITATIVE ECONOMIC RESEARCH BUREAU 107 0KIGWE ROAD P.O.BOX 7173, ABA, ABIA STATE NIGERIA WEST AFRICA ABSTRACT Nigeria was incorporated in 1914 when Frederick Lugard (First Governor – General) amalgamated the two British protectorates of Northern and Southern Nigeria and the Crown Colony of Lagos into a single entity. The primary reason for amalgamation was economic rather then political. It is therefore, a matter for great regret that this country (Nigeria) has sulfured as a result of the all-pervasive disunity that has characterized all government action since our accession to independence in 1960. This disunity has distorted, complicated and to a large extent stultified every development effort undertaken by government. This paper therefore argents that the much-celebrated Nigeria reform progress might be rhetoric or much ado about nothing. And that the “BB-, BB and B” rating of the Nigerian economy might have been a baseless exercise. Consequently, the paper recommends the adoption of e-governance (development) as a therapy for a heterogeneous and divisible nation such as Nigerian (Ceteris Paribus). 1.0 INTRODUCTION “The 2007 election in Nigeria would be the most important election on the African Horizon and the speculations that Mr. -
Legislative Control of the Executive in Nigeria Under the Second Republic
04, 03 01 AWO 593~ By AWOTOKUN, ADEKUNLE MESHACK B.A. (HONS) (ABU) M.Sc. (!BADAN) Thesis submitted to the Department of Public Administration Faculty of Administration in Partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of --~~·---------.---·-.......... , Progrnmme c:~ Petites Subventions ARRIVEE - · Enregistré sous lo no l ~ 1 ()ate :. Il fi&~t. JWi~ DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (PUBLIC ADMIJISTRATION) Obafemi Awolowo University, CE\/ 1993 1le-Ife, Nigeria. 2 3 r • CODESRIA-LIBRARY 1991. CERTIFICATION 1 hereby certify that this thesis was prepared by AWOTOKUN, ADEKUNLE MESHACK under my supervision. __ _I }J /J1,, --- Date CODESRIA-LIBRARY ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A work such as this could not have been completed without the support of numerous individuals and institutions. 1 therefore wish to place on record my indebtedness to them. First, 1 owe Professer Ladipo Adamolekun a debt of gratitude, as the persan who encouraged me to work on Legislative contrai of the Executive. He agreed to supervise the preparation of the thesis and he did until he retired from the University. Professor Adamolekun's wealth of academic experience ·has no doubt sharpened my outlciok and served as a source of inspiration to me. 1 am also very grateful to Professor Dele Olowu (the Acting Head of Department) under whose intellectual guidance I developed part of the proposai which culminated ·in the final production qf .this work. My pupilage under him i though short was memorable and inspiring. He has also gone through the entire draft and his comments and criticisms, no doubt have improved the quality of the thesis. Perhaps more than anyone else, the Almighty God has used my indefatigable superviser Dr. -
Obi Patience Igwara ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM and NATION
Obi Patience Igwara ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM AND NATION-BUILDING IN NIGERIA, 1970-1992 Submitted for examination for the degree of Ph.D. London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 1993 UMI Number: U615538 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615538 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 V - x \ - 1^0 r La 2 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the relationship between ethnicity and nation-building and nationalism in Nigeria. It is argued that ethnicity is not necessarily incompatible with nationalism and nation-building. Ethnicity and nationalism both play a role in nation-state formation. They are each functional to political stability and, therefore, to civil peace and to the ability of individual Nigerians to pursue their non-political goals. Ethnicity is functional to political stability because it provides the basis for political socialization and for popular allegiance to political actors. It provides the framework within which patronage is institutionalized and related to traditional forms of welfare within a state which is itself unable to provide such benefits to its subjects. -
The Demobilization of the Ogoni Protest Campaign in the Niger Delta Tijen Demirel-Pegg Scott Pe
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by IUPUIScholarWorks Razed, repressed and bought off: The demobilization of the Ogoni protest campaign in the Niger Delta Tijen Demirel-Pegg Scott Pegg Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis Abstract: This study examines the demobilization of the Ogoni protest campaign in the oil producing Niger Delta region of Nigeria in the mid-1990s. The contentious politics literature suggest that protest campaigns demobilize as a consequence of the polarization between radical and moderate protesters. In this study, we offer a different causal mechanism and argue that protest campaigns can demobilize before such indiscriminate repression. Moreover, states can prevent the subsequent radicalization of a protest campaign followed by harsh repression by coopting the radicals and the remaining moderate elites while continuing to use repression to prevent collective action. Our conclusion assesses how relations between extractive industry firms and their local host communities have or have not changed in the twenty years since the hanging of Ken Saro-Wiwa in 1995. Published in Extractive Industries and Society This is the authors’ manuscript of the article published in final edited form at: Demirel-Pegg, Tijen, and Scott Pegg (2015), “Razed, Repressed, and Bought Off: The Demobilization of the Ogoni Protest Campaign in the Niger Delta,” in Extractive Industries and Society, Vol.2, pp. 654-663. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X15001343 Introduction On January 4, 1993, around 300,000 Ogoni people in Rivers State, Nigeria peacefully protested against the environmental devastation of their land caused by the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria (SPDC), the Nigerian subsidiary of Royal Dutch/Shell (hereafter, Shell). -
December 12, 2014 Federal Election Commission 999 E
December 12, 2014 Federal Election Commission 999 E Street NW Washington, DC 20463 Re: Petition for Rulemaking from Level the Playing Field to Revise and Amend 11 C.F.R. § 110.13(c) To the members of the Federal Election Commission, This comment is submitted by Professors Larry Diamond and David King. Professor Diamond is Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and founding co-editor of the Journal of Democracy. Professor Diamond teaches political science and sociology at Stanford and is Director of the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law (CDDRL), within the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. A copy of Professor Diamond’s curriculum vitae is attached as Exhibit A. Professor King is Senior Lecturer in Public Policy and Faculty Chair of the Masters in Public Administration programs at The Harvard Kennedy School. Professor King chairs Harvard’s Bi-Partisan Program for Newly Elected Members of the U.S. Congress, and he directs the Executive Program for Senior Executives in State and Local Government. A copy of Professor King’s curriculum vitae is attached as Exhibit B. We write in support of Level the Playing Field’s petition for rulemaking (“Petition”) seeking to preclude sponsors of general election presidential and vice presidential debates from requiring that a candidate meet a polling threshold in order to be included in the debate. The use of polling to determine debate access ensures that third-party and independent candidates will almost always be excluded from the debates. Not even Ross Perot, the most successful third- party presidential candidate in the last century, would have qualified for the debates in 1992 under the polling threshold currently in place.1 Given the significance of the presidential debates to our democracy, and to the outcome of our presidential elections, this exclusionary use of polling thresholds is untenable. -
Pre-Colonial Nigeria and the European's Fallacy
Review of History and Political Science June 2014, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 17-27 ISSN: 2333-5718 (Print), 2333-5726 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). 2014. All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development Pre-Colonial Nigeria and the European’s Fallacy Abayomi-Alli Mayowa1 Abstract In other to achieve colonialism and political subjugation by the Europeans in Nigeria, the British lead government represented mainly by trade companies set about to proselytize the people to a new politics and ruler ship. To achieve this, the companies started detrimental campaigns both within and outside the territory. These campaigns were aimed at the political institution of the local people. The support of the government back in Europe was key, thus it became paramount that these colonial sentimentalists “black-tagged” the political institutions of the various kingdoms. The various advocates of colonialism preached the benefits of a complete annexation, claiming the people had no sensible political administration. The rulers of the various kingdoms in Nigeria, were tagged tyrannical, British haters, murders and slave traders. While their ways of life were labeled backward and barbaric. Their institutions of judiciary or check and balances were not reckoned with.European writers joined in the campaign and before long the British started a systematic military and diplomatic take over. Of utmost importance was the deliberate act of the European writers and traders to slur the political institution of the people. These paper, thus set about to straighten out the facts using examples of a few kingdoms in Nigeria’s pre-colonial times. Keywords: colonialism, political institution, kingdoms, Nigeria 1.