China Studies Review Vol 5 2019
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New Leaders Begin the Search for Economic Reform
Signaling Change: New Leaders Begin the Search for Economic Reform Barry Naughton Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang are now the two top leaders in China. Both have moved quickly to break with the Hu-Wen Administration and signal their support for dramatic new economic reforms. The structure of the new Politburo Standing Committee appears to support their aspirations. Neither Xi nor Li has yet committed to specific reform measures, and the obstacles to reform are formidable. However, both Xi and Li have committed to a process that will lead to the creation of a reform program by late 2013. From the standpoint of economic reform policy, the outcome of the 18th Party Congress was clear and unambiguous. The two top leaders, Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, emerged from the Congress with a substantial degree of room to maneuver. Both leaders quickly displayed their willingness to break with what had become business as usual under Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao. Xi and Li, each in his own way, moved quickly to express their intention to support a revitalized program of economic reform. Xi Jinping has received most of the attention, which is certainly appropriate. Xi has brought a more direct and personal style to the top job, a refreshing change of pace that has generally been welcomed both in China and abroad, and has shown that he intends to keep an eye on economics. Li Keqiang has also begun to signal his intentions. Although Li’s approach is more understated—in part because he will not actually step in as Premier until the March National People’s Congress meetings—his comments merit close attention. -
Xi Jinping and the 'Other' China by Peter Wood
Volume 17, Issue 8 June 9, 2017 In a Fortnight: Xi Jinping and the 'Other' China By Peter Wood Xi Jinping Promotes Protégés to Top Positions in Run-Up to 19th Party Congress By Willy Lam The Southern Theater Command and China’s Maritime Strategy By Nan Li Recent Developments in the Chinese Army’s Helicopter Force By Dennis J. Blasko Waiting in the Wings: PLAAF General Yi Xiaoguang By Kenneth Allen and Jana Allen Xi Jinping and the 'Other' constitutes an important pillar of its domestic le- gitimacy. Not surprisingly, the CCP has launched China a propaganda push in state media to highlight its progress. At the end of May, China held its annual Chi- At the center of much of the attention is the nese Poverty Alleviation International Forum (中 “core” of the Party, Xi Jinping, whose experi- 国扶贫国际论坛), which serves to draw attention ences in the countryside as a young man, and to Chinese achievements in this area (Xinhua, major policies have been offered up as proof of May 26). Poverty alleviation is likely to remain a the Party’s continuing ties to regular people and key theme in state media as China prepares for its commitment to China’s urban and rural poor. the 19th Party Congress later this year. The Chi- nese Communist Party (CCP) has set for itself the Xi Jinping, in particular, is being lauded as a ma- ambitious goal of largely eradicating poverty by jor driver of these efforts. Xi has made sweeping 2020. Its previous success in moving large num- economic reform and the expansion of the bers of Chinese out of poverty—largely due to “moderately prosperous” class ( 小康) core Deng Xiaoping’s Reform and Opening policies— planks of his policies, particularly as embodied ChinaBrief June 9, 2017 in the “Four Comprehensives” (China Brief, Feb- ordinary Chinese, inequality is rising, and the ruary 23). -
The Chinese Communist Party and Its State Xi Jinping's Conservative Turn
THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY AND ITS STATE XI JINPING’S CONSERVATIVE TURN Michał Bogusz, Jakub Jakóbowski WARSAW APRIL 2020 THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY AND ITS STATE XI JINPING’S CONSERVATIVE TURN Michał Bogusz, Jakub Jakóbowski © Copyright by Centre for Eastern Studies CONTENT EDITOR Adam Eberhardt, Krzysztof Strachota EDITOR Małgorzata Zarębska, Szymon Sztyk CO-OPERATION Anna Łabuszewska TRANSLATION Jim Todd CHARTS Urszula Gumińska-Kurek MAP Wojciech Mańkowski, Urszula Gumińska-Kurek GRAPHIC DESIGN PARA-BUCH DTP IMAGINI PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Hung Chung Chih / Shutterstock.com Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, 00-564 Warsaw, Poland tel.: (+48) 22 525 80 00, [email protected] www.osw.waw.pl ISBN: 978-83-65827-49-4 Contents THESES | 5 INTRODUCTION | 8 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS | 12 1. THE PARTY AND ITS STATE: THE PRC’S POLITICAL SYSTEM | 13 1.1. The structure and operation of the CCP | 13 1.2. The PRC’s state structures | 39 1.3. The relationship between the centre and the provinces | 50 2. XI JINPING’S CONSERVATIVE TURN | 63 2.1. Challenges for the Party and the selection of Xi Jinping | 65 2.2. The conservative turn in the CCP: the end of the collective leadership? | 80 2.3. Reconstruction of the state apparatus | 95 3. CONTROL AND MANAGEMENT OF SECTORAL POLICIES | 106 3.1. Economic policy | 106 3.2. Foreign and security policy | 115 3.3. Control of society and the Party | 123 CONCLUSIONS | 134 ANNEXES | 137 THESES • In accordance with the Leninist model, the total dominance of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) over state structures is inscribed into the Chi- nese political system; the state structures’ sole purpose is to aid the Party to govern China effectively and guarantee the Party’s monopoly on power. -
Annual Report 2015
ANNUAL REPORT OF THE ASEAN-CHINA CENTRE 2015 1 Executive Summary In 2015, the ASEAN-China Centre (ACC) continues to serve as a bridge in promoting mutual understanding between ASEAN Member States and China. As the only inter-governmental organization between the governments of ASEAN Member States and China, the ACC has followed closely the consensus reached by the Leaders, spared no efforts to implement its 2015 Work Programme and strengthened functional cooperation between ASEAN and China in the areas of trade, investment, education, culture, tourism and information, in accordance with its mandate. With the strong support of the governments and all walks of life of ASEAN Member States and China, in 2015, ACC has implemented 18 approved flagship projects (including 4 projects on trade and investment, 4 projects on education, 2 projects on culture, 2 projects on tourism, and 6 projects on information and public relations) and organized or participated in over 100 activities, which achieved positive results and further raised the profile of ACC. On trade and investment, to fulfill the goal of two-way trade of USD 1 trillion by 2020, ACC has been engaged in raising awareness on the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement. ACC actively participated in 12th China-ASEAN EXPO (CAEXPO) to promote sectoral cooperation especially industrial capacity cooperation and business matching. ACC organized trade and investment missions to Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar, the Philippines and Viet Nam to enhance business opportunities. ACC promoted ASEAN products in Chinese market through various channels including facilitating ASEAN enterprises to attend trade fairs such as the 9th Central China EXPO, 21st Lanzhou Fair, 2015 China Yiwu Imported Commodities Fair, seeking to expand ASEAN Products Trade Centres in Tianjin and other parts of China. -
XI JINPING's LEADERSHIP STYLE.Pmd
82\13 11 January 2013 XI JINPING’S LEADERSHIP STYLE AND CHINA’S LIKELY POLICY DIRECTION Jayadeva Ranade Distinguished Fellow, Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi China’s new leader, Xi Jinping, has moved remarkably quickly and the CMC meeting, were reflected in Xi Jinping’s tour to to outline his personal vision for the country and this has attracted Guangdong province. The Work Report and Xi Jinping’s attention inside China and abroad. In doing so he has departed speeches all stressed the need for cadres to follow a frugal from the usual norm for China’s top leaders, who wait at least work-style, be close to the people, and eradicate corrupt two and a half to three years before spelling out their concept practices—the latter especially singled out as having assumed and trying to translate it into a ‘guiding ideology’ for the country. serious proportions threatening the very existence of the CCP. In the process he has set himself apart from all the other members Hu Jintao had, on at least three earlier occasions, warned of the of the Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC). The alacrity with threat to the CCP’s existence from the high incidence of which Xi Jinping has moved signals not only his self-confidence, corruption. The widespread practice of cadres buying luxury but implies a high degree of assurance of backing from China’s cars, expecting lavish banquets during inspection visits, and veteran leaders. It is another indicator that he and his leading a profligate lifestyle, had come in for pointed critical predecessor, Hu Jintao, shared a close, collaborative partnership. -
Destaques Do 19º Congresso Nacional Do Partido Comunista Chinês
INFORMATIVO Nº. 85. OUTUBRO de 2017 DESTAQUES DO 19º CONGRESSO NACIONAL DO PARTIDO COMUNISTA CHINÊS Por Tulio Cariello – Coordenador de Análise e Pesquisa do CEBC Entre os dias 18 e 24 de outubro foi realizado, em Pequim, o 19º Congresso Nacional do Partido Comunista Chinês. A reunião, que ocorre duas vezes a cada década, tem como principal objetivo discutir assuntos prioritários referentes ao partido, como a eleição dos principais nomes que estarão à frente do Governo Chinês nos próximos cinco anos. A 19º reunião foi composta pelos cerca de 2,3 mil membros do Congresso Nacional do Povo, que representam os quase 90 milhões de filiados do Partido Comunista Chinês. Principal Estrutura de Poder do Partido Comunista Chinês CONGRESSO NACIONAL DO POVO (2.336 membros) COMITÊ CENTRAL (204 membros, 172 suplentes) POLITIBURO (25 membros) COMITÊ PERMANENTE (7 membros) Elaboração: CEBC Fonte: Xinhua Comitê Central do 19º Congresso do Partido Comunista O 19º Comitê Central do Partido Comunista Chinês, que estará à frente do Partido pelos próximos cinco anos, conta com 204 membros e 172 suplentes, eleitos pelos 2.336 delegados do Congresso Nacional do Povo. De acordo com a constituição do Partido, seu principal órgão é o Congresso Nacional e o Comitê Central eleito por ele. Quando o Congresso não está em sessão, o Comitê Central conduz as resoluções do Partido, direciona seu trabalho e o representa em suas relações exteriores. O Comitê Central também é responsável por eleger o Politiburo, o Comitê Permanente do Politiburo e o Secretário Geral do Comitê Central do Partido. Clique aqui para acessar a lista dos membros do 19º Comitê Central. -
Chinabrief in a Fortnight
ChinaBrief Volume XIII s Issue 4 s February 15, 2013 Volume XIII s Issue 4 s February 15, 2013 In This Issue: In a FortnIght By Peter Mattis 1 all the general seCretary’s Men: XI JInPIng’s Inner CIrCle reVealed By Willy lam 3 radar InCIdent oBsCures BeIJIng’s ConCIlIatory turn toWard JaPan By andrew Chubb 6 the Pla PrePares For Future non-CoMBatant eVaCuatIon oPeratIons Remember to Register for the China By Michael s. Chase 10 Security Conference, Feb. 28th shared threat PerCePtIons BegIn reneWal oF sIno-russIan arMs trade <http://chinadefense2013.eventbrite.com> By stephen Blank 14 China Brief is a bi-weekly jour- nal of information and analysis covering Greater China in Eur- In a Fortnight asia. By Peter Mattis China Brief is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation, a Can Xi JinPing grow PolitiCal Power out of the Barrel private non-profit organization of a gun? based in Washington D.C. and is edited by Peter Mattis. he Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership transition from President hu The opinions expressed in tJintao to Vice President Xi Jinping has proceeded at a breakneck pace and, China Brief are solely those arguably, not since Deng Xiaoping have the levers of power been so concentrated of the authors, and do not in one leader’s hands. Deng’s strength came from his unique set of personal necessarily reflect the views of relationships at the party and the military’s top echelons. although he belongs to The Jamestown Foundation. an elitist coalition built upon ex-CCP general Secretary Jiang Zemin’s “Shanghai faction,” Xi is not necessarily of Jiang’s faction and, like his predecessor, may be another “first among equals.” the question is does Xi need to create a personal power base—or faction—at the center and, if so, how can he leverage his institutional positions to create it. -
The 2018 Constitutional Amendments Significance and Impact on the Theories of Party-State Relationship in China
China Perspectives 2019-1 | 2019 Touching the Proverbial Elephant: The Multiple Shapes of Chinese Law The 2018 Constitutional Amendments Significance and Impact on the Theories of Party-State Relationship in China Feng Lin Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/8646 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.8646 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 20 March 2019 Number of pages: 11-21 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Feng Lin, « The 2018 Constitutional Amendments », China Perspectives [Online], 2019-1 | 2019, Online since 19 March 2020, connection on 19 December 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ chinaperspectives/8646 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/chinaperspectives.8646 © All rights reserved Special feature China perspectives The 2018 Constitutional Amendments Significance and Impact on the Theories of Party-State Relationship in China* FENG LIN ABSTRACT: The 2018 constitutional amendments in China have attracted strong criticism both at home and abroad. This paper first uses contextual, historical, and empirical analysis to examine whether the three major amendments are as bad as widely perceived, and whether or not they will have a significant impact on actual constitutional practice in China. The paper then analyses how the constitutional amend - ments may challenge the two existing theories on Chinese constitutionalism. The paper argues that although none of the constitutional amend - ments will have any practical importance, they do send out a very negative signal, and that the trend of a constitutionalised fused system de - mands at least revision of the existing theories and possibly a new theory, for the purpose of not only justifying Chinese constitutional practice but also leading China towards at least a thin rule of law. -
Xi Jinping's Inner Circle (Part 5: the Mishu Cluster II) Cheng Li
Xi Jinping’s Inner Circle (Part 5: The Mishu Cluster II) Cheng Li Mentor-protégé ties play an important role in elite formation in virtually all kinds of political systems. But arguably no country gives more prominent advantage in terms of later political career promotions to those who have previously served as personal assistants to senior leaders than China. This phenomenon of having a large number of leaders with such experience in Chinese officialdom has led to the romanization of the Chinese term mishu (秘书) to refer to this group. At present, more than three-quarters of cabinet ministers and provincial governors have served as mishu.1 Of the current 25 members of the Politburo, 16 (64 percent) have served in such roles, and on the seven-member Politburo Standing Committee, five (71 percent) members have mishu backgrounds. Xi Jinping himself served as a mishu for the minister of defense for three years in his late 20s, and this experience helped him tremendously later as he advanced his career, especially by enhancing his credentials in military affairs. Xi’s personal assistants, both previous and current, have constituted a major cluster of his inner circle. Because of their very close working relationships with Xi, they are often among his most trusted confidants. This final installment in the series first shows the continuing large representation of mishu in the current national and provincial leadership and then reveals the strong bonds between Xi and his mishu as well as their diversity. It concludes with a brief assessment of Xi’s consolidation of power in the middle of his first term and his new strategy for elite recruitment for the 19th Party Congress. -
Cuadernos De Trabajo Del CECHIMEX. El 18O Congreso
CUADERNOS DE TRABAJO D E L C E C H I M E X El 18°CongresoNacional del PartidoComunistade Eugenio Anguiano Eugenio Roch China Universidad Nacional Autónoma deMéxico Universidad Nacional Centro deEstudiosChina-México Centro Facultad deEconomía Número 2,2013 Número Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Dr. José Narro Robles Rector Dr. Eduardo Bárzana García Secretario General Ing. Leopoldo Silva Gutiérrez Secretario Administrativo Dr. Francisco José Trigo Tavera Secretario de Desarrollo Institucional Mtro. Miguel Robles Bárcena Secretario de Servicios a la Comunidad Lic. Luis Raúl González Pérez Abogado General Facultad de Economía Dr. Leonardo Lomelí Vanegas Director Mtro. Eduardo Vega López Secretario General Lic. Javier Urbieta Zavala Secretario Administrativo Lic. Ma. de los Ángeles Comesaña Concheiro Coordinadora de Comunicación Social Lic. Ricardo Iglesias Flores Coordinador de Publicaciones Centro de Estudios China-México Dr. Enrique Dussel Peters Coordinador Dra. Yolanda Trápaga Delfín Responsable Editor Responsable: Sergio Efrén Martínez Rivera Comité Editorial: Alejandro Álvarez Bejar, Eugenio Anguiano Roch, Romer Cornejo Bustamante, Leonel Corona Treviño, Enrique Dussel Peters, Octavio FerAlejandro Álvarez Bejar, Eugenio Anguiano Roch, Romer Cornejo Bustamante, Leonel Corona Treviño, Enrique Dussel Peters, Octavio Fernández, Víctor Kerber Palma, Juan José Ling, Liu Xue Dong, Ignacio Martínez Cortés, Jorge Eduardo Navarrete López, María Teresa Rodríguez y Rodríguez, Mauricio Trápaga Delfín, Yolanda Trápaga Delfín, Yang Zhimin, Wu Yongheng, Marcos Cordeiro Pires, Cheng Huqiang, Sun Hongbo. Diseño de portada: Mauricio Trápaga Delfín. Corrección de estilo: Ricardo Arriaga Campos Cuadernos de Trabajo del Cechimex, revista bimestral, 2013. Editor Responsable: Sergio Efrén Martínez Rivera. Número de certificado de reserva otorgado por el Instituto Nacional del Derecho de Autor para versión impresa: 04-2010-071617584500-102. -
China : Delegates Selected to the 19Th Party Congress
28 July 2017 CHINA : DELEGATES SELECTED TO THE 19TH PARTY CONGRESS by JAYADEVA RANADE Preparations for the 19th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) which, according to credible reports is likely to be held towards the end of October 2017, are well underway. The election of 2,300 Delegates to the Party Congress from 40 electoral blocs has virtually been completed. 2,270 Delegates were elected to the 18th Party Congress in November 2012. 1,909 Delegates for the 19th Party Congress representing Central Departments directly under the CCP Central Committee (CC), Central State organs, the Central Enterprise system and the provinces and centrally-administered Municipalities, have been elected. The Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC) members are, as per practice, all Delegates to the 19th Party Congress. Pertinently and possibly because of the focus this year on poverty alleviation, all PBSC members represent the poorer provinces. Xi Jinping is the Delegate from Guizhou, Li Keqiang from Guangxi, Zhang Dejiang from Inner Mongolia, Yu Zhengsheng from Xinjiang, Liu Yunshan represents Yunnan, Wang Qishan is the Delegate from Hunan and Zhang Gaoli from Shaanxi. The list of Delegates representing the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and People’s Armed Police Force (PAP) has not yet been released. At the 18th Party Congress in 2012 there were a total of 251 Delegates, or 10% of the total number, representing the PLA and 49 representing the PAP. The Hongkong media has pointed out at least eight prominent omissions from the list of Delegates to the upcoming Congress. All are either Full or Alternate members of the 18th CCP Central Committee and all are, interestingly, past members of the Communist Youth League (CYL). -
Of Soft Power: the Key to Understanding China’S Expanding Influence in Africa
The African Review 47 (2020) 481–529 TARE THE AFRICAN REVIEW brill.com/tare Strategic Application of the Tao 道 of Soft Power: The Key to Understanding China’s Expanding Influence in Africa Paul Nantulya Research Associate; Africa Center for Strategic Studies, National Defense University, 300 5th Avenue, Building 20, Fort Lesley J. McNair, Washington, DC 20319-5066, USA [email protected] Abstract Soft power has traditionally been viewed by China’s leaders as a fulcrum of interna- tional competition. The foundations were laid in the 1990s by Jiang Zemin’s Going Out Strategy (Chinese: 走出去战略; pinyin: Zǒuchūqū Zhànlüè) which encouraged Chinese enterprises to venture overseas to capture new markets. Soft power, howev- er, has much older traditions dating back to the Warring States (Chinese: 戰國時代; pinyin: Zhànguó Shídài, 475–220 BC). It is from this era that China draws its theory and praxis of soft power, which it frames as “Cultural Soft Power,” literally meaning “Civilizational Soft Power” (Chinese: 文化软实力; pinyin: wén huà ruǎn shí lì). Drawing mostly on Chinese philosophical and strategic thought, this paper discusses the con- ceptual bases of Chinese soft power, examines the values and tools that shape it, how they are applied in Africa, as well as their limitations. The study finds that “Cultural Soft Power” is the thrust behind China’s strategic engagements in Africa which aim to generate sustained African support for Beijing’s vision to transform global governance institutions and norms. The Confucian concepts of “appeal” and “attraction” are cen- tral to Chinese soft power thought which is premised on the assumed uniqueness of Chinese culture and civilization and therefore the Chinese development model.