Vowel Harmony in Bale
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Turkish Vowel Harmony: Underspecification, Iteration, Multiple Rules
Turkish vowel harmony: Underspecification, iteration, multiple rules LING 451/551 Spring 2011 Prof. Hargus Data • Turkish data on handout. [a] represents a low back unrounded vowel (more standardly [ɑ]). Morphological analysis and morpheme alternants • Words in Turkish – root alone – root followed by one or two suffixes • Suffixes – plural suffix, -[ler] ~ -[lar] – genitive suffix, -[in] ~ -[un] ~ -[ün] ~ -[ɨn] • Order of morphemes – root - plural - genitive Possible vowel features i ɨ u ü e a o ö high + + + + - - - - low - - - - - + - - back - + + - - + + - front + - - + + - - + round - - + + - - + + Distinctive features of vowels i ɨ u ü e a o ö high + + + + - - - - back - + + - - + + - round - - + + - - + + ([front] could be used instead of [back].) Values of [low] are redundant: V -high [+low] +back -round Otherwise: V [-low] Distribution of suffix alternants • Plural suffix – -[ler] / front vowels C(C) ___ – -[lar] / back vowels C(C) ___ • Genitive suffix – -[in] / front non-round vowels C(C) ___ – -[ün] / front round vowels C(C) ___ – -[ɨn] / back non-round vowels C(C) ___ – -[un] / back round vowels C(C) ___ Subscript and superscript convention • C1 = one or more consonants: C, CC, CCC, etc. • C0 = zero or more consonants: 0, C, CC, CCC, etc. • C1 = at most one consonant: 0, C 2 • C1 = minimum one, maximum 2 C: C(C) Analysis of alternating morphemes • Symmetrical distribution of suffix alternants • No non-alternating suffixes No single suffix alternant can be elevated to UR URs • UR = what all suffixes have in common • genitive: -/ V n/ [+high] (values of [back] and [round] will be added to match preceding vowel) an underspecified vowel, or ―archiphoneme‖ (Odden p. 239) Backness Harmony • Both high and non-high suffixes assimilate in backness to a preceding vowel • Backness Harmony: V --> [+ back] / V C0 ____ [+back] V --> [-back] / V C0 ____ [-back] (―collapsed‖) V --> [ back] / V C0 ____ [ back] (This is essentially the same as Hayes‘ [featurei].. -
Phonemic Vs. Derived Glides
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: http://www.researchgate.net/publication/240419751 Phonemic vs. derived glides ARTICLE in LINGUA · DECEMBER 2008 Impact Factor: 0.71 · DOI: 10.1016/j.lingua.2007.10.003 CITATIONS READS 14 32 1 AUTHOR: Susannah V Levi New York University 24 PUBLICATIONS 172 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Available from: Susannah V Levi Retrieved on: 09 October 2015 Available online at www.sciencedirect.com Lingua 118 (2008) 1956–1978 www.elsevier.com/locate/lingua Phonemic vs. derived glides Susannah V. Levi * Department of Speech-Language Pathology and Audiology, New York University, 665 Broadway, 9th Floor, New York, NY 10003, United States Received 2 February 2007; received in revised form 30 June 2007; accepted 2 October 2007 Available online 27 September 2008 Abstract Previous accounts of glides have argued that all glides are derived from vowels. In this paper, we examine data from Karuk, Sundanese, and Pulaar which reveal the existence of two types of phonologically distinct glides both cross-linguistically and within a single language. ‘‘Phonemic’’ glides are distinct from underlying vowels and pattern with other sonorant consonants, while ‘‘derived’’ glides are non-syllabic, positional variants of underlying vowels and exhibit vowel-like behavior. It is argued that the phonological difference between these two types of glides lies in their different underlying featural representations. Derived glides are positional variants of vowels and therefore featurally identical. In contrast, phonemic glides are featurally distinct from underlying vowels and therefore pattern differently. Though a phono- logical distinction between these two types of glides is evident in these three languages, a reliable phonetic distinction does not appear to exist. -
East Sudanic ʽtreeʼ on the East Sudanic Tree
Russian State University for the Humanities Institute for Oriental and Classical Studies Center of Comparative Linguistics 10th Annual Conference on Comparative-Historical Linguistics (in memory of Sergei Starostin) George Starostin (Center for Comparative Linguistics, Institute for Oriental and Classical Studies, Russian State University for the Humanities; Laboratory of Oriental and Comparative Studies, School for Advanced Studies in the Humanities, Russian Presidential Academy) Proto-East Sudanic ʽtreeʼ on the East Sudanic tree 1 General map of Nilo-Saharan and Eastern Sudanic languages (http://www.languagesgulper.com/eng/Nilo.html) 2 «Conservative»1 lexicostatistical classification of East Sudanic with glottochronological dates (based on etymological and distributional analysis of 50-item wordlists) 1 «Conservative» implies that cognate matchings are mostly based on known phonetic correspondences or on direct consonantal class matchings between potential cognates, as opposed to a more permissive understanding of phonetic similarity («à la Greenberg»). Datings given according to Sergei Starostin's glotto- chronological formula. Tree produced by StarLing software. All wordlists compiled by G. Starostin and gradually becoming available at the Global Lexicostatistical Database (http://starling.rinet.ru/new100). 3 «Tree» in particular branches of East Sudanic2 (A) Western Nilotic Singular Plural Singular Plural Acholi yàːt -í Shilluk yɛ Dho Alur — Päri yàː Lango yàt yèn Anywa ɟ ɟ - Luo Jur Luo yen Kumam yàt yàːt-á ~ yàt-ná Belanda Bor Dop Adhola yà yèn Proto-Northern Luo *yà- *yɛ-n Proto-Southern Luo *yà- *yɛ-n Kurmuk Burun Nuer ɟiat ɟen Mayak Burun yʌn Jumjum ɟâːn ɟ - Mabaan ɟâːn- ɟân- Proto-Mabaan-Burun *ya- *yʌ-n Proto-West Nilotic *ya- *yɛ-n 2 Note: the signs - and = denote easily segmented affixes (suffixes and prefixes); italicized forms denote transparent morphological innovations by analogy. -
Two Statistical Approaches to Finding Vowel Harmony
Two Statistical Approaches to Finding Vowel Harmony Adam C. Baker University of Chicago [email protected] July 27, 2009 Abstract The present study examines two methods for learning and modeling vowel harmony from text corpora. The first uses Expectation Maximization with Hidden Markov Mod- els to find the most probable HMM for a training corpus. The second uses pointwise Mutual Information between distant vowels in a Boltzmann distribution, along with the Minimal Description Length principle to find and model vowel harmony. Both methods correctly detect vowel harmony in Finnish and Turkish, and correctly recognize that English and Italian have no vowel harmony. HMMs easily model the transparent neu- tral vowels in Finnish vowel harmony, but have difficulty modeling secondary rounding harmony in Turkish. The Boltzmann model correctly captures secondary roundness harmony and the opacity of low vowels in roundness harmony in Turkish, but has more trouble capturing the transparency of neutral vowels in Finnish. 1 Introduction: Vowel Harmony and Unsupervised Learning The problem of child language acquisition has been a driving concern of modern theoret- ical linguistics since at least the 1950s. But traditional linguistic research has focused on constructing models like the Optimality Theory model of phonology (Prince and Smolensky, 2004). Learning models for those theories like the OT learning theory in Riggle (2004) are 1 sought later to explain how a child could learn a grammar. A lot of recent research in computational linguistics has turned this trend around. Break- throughs in artificial intelligence and speech processing in the '80s has lead many phonologists starting from models with well-known learning algorithms and using those models to extract phonological analyses from naturally occurring speech (for an overview and implications, see Seidenberg, 1997). -
An Analysis of I-Umlaut in Old English
An Analysis of I-Umlaut in Old English Meizi Piao (Seoul National University) Meizi Piao. 2012. An Analysis of I-Umlaut in Old English. SNU Working Papers in English Linguistics and Language X, XX-XX Lass (1994) calls the period from Proto-Germanic to historical Old English ‘The Age of Harmony’. Among the harmony processes in this period, i-umlaut has been considered as ‘one of the most far-reaching and important sound changes’ (Hogg 1992, Lass 1994) or as ‘one of the least controversial sound changes’ (Colman 2005). This paper tries to analyze i-umlaut in Old English within the framework of the Autosegmental theory and the Optimality theory, and explain how suffix i or j in the unstressed syllable cause the stem vowels in the stressed syllable to be fronted or raised. (Seoul National University) Keywords: I-umlaut, Old English, Autosegmental theory, vowel harmony Optimality theory 1. Introduction Old English is an early form of the English language that was spoken and written by the Anglo-Saxons and their descendants in the area now known as England between at least the mid-5th century to the mid-12th century. It is a West Germanic language closely related to Old Frisian. During the period of Old English, one of the most important phonological processes is umlaut, which especially affects vowels, and become the reason for the superficially irregular and unrelated Modern English phenomenon. I-Umlaut is the conditioned sound change that the vowel either moves directly forward in the mouth [u>y, o>e, A>&] or forward and up [A>&>e]. -
From Dilation to Coarticulation: Is There Vowel Harmony in French? Zsuzsanna Fagyal, Noël Nguyen, Philippe Boula De Mareüil
From dilation to coarticulation: is there vowel harmony in French? Zsuzsanna Fagyal, Noël Nguyen, Philippe Boula de Mareüil To cite this version: Zsuzsanna Fagyal, Noël Nguyen, Philippe Boula de Mareüil. From dilation to coarticulation: is there vowel harmony in French?. Studies in the linguistic sciences, Urbana, Ill. : Department of Linguistics, University of Illinois, 2003, 32 (2), pp.1-21. hal-00308395 HAL Id: hal-00308395 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00308395 Submitted on 30 Jul 2008 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences Volume 32, Number 2 (Spring 2002) FROM DILATION TO COARTICULATION: IS THERE VOWEL HARMONY IN FRENCH ? Zsuzsanna Fagyal*, Noël Nguyen#, and Philippe Boula de Mareüil± *University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign # Laboratoire Parole et Langage, CNRS & Université de Provence, Aix-en- Provence, France ± LIMSI, CNRS, Orsay [email protected] This paper presents the preliminary results of an acoustic study, and a review of previous work on vowel harmony in French. It shows that harmony, initially regarded as regular sound change, is considered an optional constraint on the distribution of mid vowels. Acoustic evidence of anticipatory assimilation of pretonic mid vowels to tonic high and low vowels is shown in three speakers' readings of disyllabic words in two dialects. -
Nilo-Saharan’
11 Linguistic Features and Typologies in Languages Commonly Referred to as ‘Nilo-Saharan’ Gerrit J. Dimmendaal, Colleen Ahland, Angelika Jakobi, and Constance Kutsch Lojenga 11.1 Introduction The phylum referred to today as Nilo- Saharan (occasionally also Nilosaharan) was established by Greenberg (1963). It consists of a core of language families already argued to be genetically related in his earlier classiication of African languages (Greenberg 1955:110–114), consisting of Eastern Sudanic, Central Sudanic, Kunama, and Berta, and grouped under the name Macrosudanic; this language family was renamed Chari- Nile in his 1963 contribution after a suggestion by the Africanist William Welmers. In his 1963 classiication, Greenberg hypothesized that Nilo- Saharan consists of Chari- Nile and ive other languages or language fam- ilies treated as independent units in his earlier study: Songhay (Songhai), Saharan, Maban, Fur, and Koman (Coman). Bender (1997) also included the Kadu languages in Sudan in his sur- vey of Nilo-Saharan languages; these were classiied as members of the Kordofanian branch of Niger-Kordofanian by Greenberg (1963) under the name Tumtum. Although some progress has been made in our knowledge of the Kadu languages, they remain relatively poorly studied, and there- fore they are not further discussed here, also because actual historical evi- dence for their Nilo- Saharan afiliation is rather weak. Whereas there is a core of language groups now widely assumed to belong to Nilo- Saharan as a phylum or macro- family, the genetic afiliation of families such as Koman and Songhay is also disputed (as for the Kadu languages). For this reason, these latter groups are discussed separately from what is widely considered to form the core of Nilo- Saharan, Central Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. -
Occasional Papers in the Study of Sudanese Languages No
OCCASIONAL PAPERS in the study of SUDANESE LANGUAGES No. 10 Phonology of Kakuwâ (Kakwa) Yuga Juma Onziga and Leoma Gilley......................................1 Laru Vowel Harmony Nabil Abdallah......................................................................17 Lexical and Postlexical Vowel Harmony in Fur Constance Kutsch Lojenga.....................................................35 Tennet Verb Paradigms Christine Waag and Eileen Kilpatrick....................................45 Negation Strategies in Tima Suzan Alamin........................................................................61 Number in Ama Verbs Russell Norton.......................................................................75 The Prefix /ɔ́-/ in Lumun Kinship Terms and Personal Names Heleen Smits.........................................................................95 Lumun Participant Reference in Narrative Discourse Timothy Stirtz.....................................................................115 Third Person Identification and Reference in Mündü Narrative Dorothea Jeffrey.................................................................141 OCCASIONAL PAPERS in the study of SUDANESE LANGUAGES No. 10 There are a number of institutions and individuals who are interested in research on languages in Sudan and there is a need to make research presently being done available to others. The purpose of these Occasional Papers is to serve as an outlet for work papers and other useful data which might otherwise remain in private files. We hope that Sudanese and -
21. Vowel Height : the Blackwell Companion To
Bibliographic Details The Blackwell Companion to Phonology Edited by: Marc van Oostendorp, Colin J. Ewen, Elizabeth Hume and Keren Rice eISBN:21. Vowel 9781405184236 Height DouglasPrint publication Pulleyblank date: 2011 Sections 1 Introduction 2 Phonetics of vowel height 3 Vowel height typology 4 Phonological height patterns 5 Features for height 6 Conclusion Notes ACKNOWLEDGMENS REFERENCES 1 Introduction While all languages have vowels, and all vowels can be described as having a height,1 actually defining vowel height turns out to be a rather interesting problem (see also CHAPTER 1919: VOWEL PLACE). Consider the systems in (1). It would be fairly uncontroversial to assume that a two-vowel system such as (1a) distinguishes between two vowel heights and that a five-vowel system such as (1b) distinguishes between three heights (although see below). The number of “heights” in the seven- and ten-vowel systems, however, depends on various factors. One view of a ten-vowel system such as (1d) is that it involves three “heights” (high, mid, low) cross-cut by a tongue-root feature; an alternative is that such a system involves a highly differentiated height feature with six heights. A seven-vowel pattern such as (1c) presents more analytic indeterminacy. One possibility is to analyze such a pattern as a simplified version of the ten-vowel system: a three-height system with a tongue-root distinction in the mid vowels, or a four-height system with a differentiated height pattern as in (1d), but with four rather than six distinctions. An additional possibility is to consider the seven-vowel and ten-vowel systems to be qualitatively different: while a ten-vowel inventory like (1d) could be analyzed as involving three heights plus a tongue-root distinction, a seven-vowel inventory like (1c) could be seen as involving four heights (and no tongue-root distinction). -
Turkish Vowel Epenthesis
Turkish vowel epenthesis Jorge Hankamer Introduction One of the striking features of Turkish morphophonology is the system of C~0 and V~0 alternations at morpheme boundaries, which seem to conspire to prevent the occurrence of a stem-final V and a suffix-initial V next to each other. The classic analysis of this phenomenon was provided by Lees (1961), and has been generally accepted since. Zimmer (1965, 1970), however, noticed a flaw in the Lees analysis, and proposed a correction, which will be discussed in section 2. The present paper argues that there is a second flaw in the Lees analysis, and one that weakens the case for Zimmer’s proposed correction. Instead, I propose a more radical reanalysis of the phenomenon, in which most of the V~0 alternations are due not to vowel deletions, as in the Lees analysis, but to vowel epenthesis.This raises some theoretically interesting questions. 1 The V~0 alternation Turkish,1 with certain exceptions,2 does not permit VV sequences within words. Thus, while both V-initial and V-final syllables are permitted, VV sequences are avoided both _________________ 1 The variety of Turkish investigated here is “Modern Standard Turkish”, cf. Lees 1961, Lewis 1967. 2 There are four classes of exceptions: (i) some borrowed roots which originally had a glottal stop either between vowels or at the end of the root (the glottal stop being lost in modern Turkish) have VV root-internally or V+V with a V-initial suffix: saat ‘hour,clock’ <Arabic sa?at şair ‘poet’ <Arabic şa?ir camii ‘mosque-poss’ <cami? + (s)I (ii) Turkish words with syllable-initial ğ (“yumuşak ge”) have VV superficially due to the zero realization of the ğ: kağıt ‘paper’ dağı < dağ + (y)I ‘mountain-acc’ geleceği < gel + AcAg+I ‘come-fut-poss’ Commonly, the first vowel is just pronounced long. -
Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages
Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages UNCORRECTED PROOFS © JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY 1st proofs UNCORRECTED PROOFS © JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY 1st proofs Historical Linguistics and the Comparative Study of African Languages Gerrit J. Dimmendaal University of Cologne John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam / Philadelphia UNCORRECTED PROOFS © JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY 1st proofs TM The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American 8 National Standard for Information Sciences — Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Dimmendaal, Gerrit Jan. Historical linguistics and the comparative study of African languages / Gerrit J. Dimmendaal. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. African languages--Grammar, Comparative. 2. Historical linguistics. I. Title. PL8008.D56 2011 496--dc22 2011002759 isbn 978 90 272 1178 1 (Hb; alk. paper) isbn 978 90 272 1179 8 (Pb; alk. paper) isbn 978 90 272 8722 9 (Eb) © 2011 – John Benjamins B.V. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. John Benjamins Publishing Company • P.O. Box 36224 • 1020 me Amsterdam • The Netherlands John Benjamins North America • P.O. Box 27519 • Philadelphia PA 19118-0519 • USA UNCORRECTED PROOFS © JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY 1st proofs Table of contents Preface ix Figures xiii Maps xv Tables -
78. 78. Nasal Harmony Nasal Harmony
Bibliographic Details The Blackwell Companion to Phonology Edited by: Marc van Oostendorp, Colin J. Ewen, Elizabeth Hume and Keren Rice eISBN: 9781405184236 Print publication date: 2011 78. Nasal Harmony RACHEL WWALKER Subject Theoretical Linguistics » Phonology DOI: 10.1111/b.9781405184236.2011.00080.x Sections 1 Nasal vowel–consonant harmony with opaque segments 2 Nasal vowel–consonant harmony with transparent segments 3 Nasal consonant harmony 4 Directionality 5 Conclusion ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Notes REFERENCES Nasal harmony refers to phonological patterns where nasalization is transmitted in long-distance fashion. The long-distance nature of nasal harmony can be met by the transmission of nasalization either to a series of segments or to a non-adjacent segment. Nasal harmony usually occurs within words or a smaller domain, either morphologically or prosodically defined. This chapter introduces the chief characteristics of nasal harmony patterns with exemplification, and highlights related theoretical themes. It focuses primarily on the different roles that segments can play in nasal harmony, and the typological properties to which they give rise. The following terminological conventions will be assumed. A trigger is a segment that initiates nasal harmony. A target is a segment that undergoes harmony. An opaque segment or blocker halts nasal harmony. A transparent segment is one that does not display nasalization within a span of nasal harmony, but does not halt harmony from transmitting beyond it. Three broad categories of nasal harmony are considered in this chapter. They are (i) nasal vowel–consonant harmony with opaque segments, (ii) nasal vowel– consonant harmony with transparent segments, and (iii) nasal consonant harmony. Each of these groups of systems show characteristic hallmarks.