Anselm of Canterbury

'Saint Anselm' redirects here. For other saints, see Saint Anselm (disambiguation).

Anselm of Canterbury (Latin: Anselmus Cantuarien- sis; c. 1033 – 21 April 1109), also called Anselm of Aosta (Italian: Anselmo d'Aosta) after his birthplace and Anselm of Bec (French: Anselme du Bec) after his monastery, was a Benedictine monk, abbot, philosopher and theologian of the Catholic Church, who held the of- fice of archbishop of Canterbury from 1093 to 1109. Af- ter his death, he was canonized as a saint; his feast day is 21 April. Beginning at Bec, Anselm composed dialogues and trea- tises with a rational and philosophical approach, some- times causing him to be credited as the founder of Scholasticism. Despite his lack of recognition in this field in his own time, Anselm is now famed as the originator of the ontological argument for the existence of God and of the satisfaction theory of atonement. He was proclaimed a Doctor of the Church by a bull of Pope Clement XI in 1720. As archbishop, he defended the church’s interests in Eng- land amid the Investiture Controversy. For his resistance to the English kings William II and Henry I, he was ex- A French plaque commemorating the supposed birthplace of iled twice: once from 1097 to 1100 and then from 1105 to Anselm in Aosta. (The identification is probably spurious.)[1] 1107. While in exile, he helped guide the Greek bishops of southern Italy to adopt Roman rites at the Council of Bari. He worked for the primacy of Canterbury over the Susa through his wife Adelaide in preference to her un- bishops of York and Wales but, though at his death he cle’s families, who had supported the effort to establish an appeared to have been successful, Pope Paschal II later independent Kingdom of Italy under William the Great reversed himself and restored York’s independence. of Aquitaine. Otto and Adelaide’s unified lands then con- trolled the most important passes in the western Alps and formed the county of Savoy whose dynasty would later rule the kingdoms of Sardinia and Italy. 1 Biography Records during this period are scanty, but both sides of Anselm’s immediate family appear to have been dispos- 1.1 Family sessed by these decisions[4] in favour of their extended relations.[5] His father Gundulph[6] or Gundulf[7] was a Anselm was born in or around Aosta in Upper Burgundy Lombard noble,[8] probably one of Adelaide’s Arduinici sometime between April 1033 and April 1034.[2] The uncles or cousins;[9] his mother Ermenberga was almost area now forms part of the Republic of Italy, but Aosta certainly the granddaughter of Conrad the Peaceful, re- had been part of the Carolingian Kingdom of Arles un- lated both to the Anselmid bishops of Aosta and to the til the death of the childless Rudolph III in 1032.[3] The heirs of Henry II who had been passed over in favour Emperor and the Count of Blois then went to war over of Conrad.[9] The marriage was thus probably arranged his succession. Humbert the White-Handed, count of for political reasons but was incapable of resisting Con- Maurienne, so distinguished himself that he was granted rad’s decrees after his successful annexation of Burgundy a new county carved out of the secular holdings of the on 1 August 1034.[10] (Bishop Burchard subsequently re- less helpful bishop of Aosta. Humbert’s son Otto was volted against imperial control but was defeated; he was subsequently permitted to inherit the extensive march of ultimately translated to Lyons.) Ermenberga appears to

1 2 1 BIOGRAPHY

have been the wealthier of the two. Gundulph moved the archbishop of Rouen, who convinced him to enter the to his wife’s town,[3] where she held a palace, likely abbey as a novice at the age of 27.[15] Probably in his near the cathedral, along with a villa in the valley.[11] first year, he wrote his first work on philosophy, a treat- Anselm’s father is sometimes described as having a harsh ment of Latin paradoxes called the Grammarian.[21] Over and violent temper[6] but contemporary accounts merely the next decade, the Rule of Saint Benedict reshaped his portray him as having been overgenerous or careless thought.[22] with his wealth;[12] Anselm’s patient and devoutly reli- gious mother,[6] meanwhile, made up for her husband’s fault with her own prudent management of the family estates.[12] In later life, there are records of three relations who visited Bec: Folceraldus, Haimo, and Rainaldus. The first repeatedly attempted to impose on Anselm’s success but was rebuffed owing to his ties to another monastery; the latter two Anselm attempted in vain to persuade to join his community.[13]

A cross at Bec Abbey commemorating the connection between it and Canterbury. Lanfranc, Anselm, and Theobald were all priors at Bec before serving as primates over England.

Becca di Nona south of Aosta, the sight of a supposed mystical vision during Anselm’s childhood.[14] 1.3 Abbot of Bec

1.3.1 Early years 1.2 Early life Three years later, in 1063, Duke William summoned At the age of fifteen, Anselm desired to enter a monastery Lanfranc to serve as the abbot of his new abbey of St but, failing to obtain his father’s consent, he was re- [6] [15] Stephen at Caen and the monks of Bec—with some fused by the abbot. The illness he then suffered dissenters at first on account of his youth[15]—elected has been considered a psychosomatic effect of his Anselm as his replacement.[23] A notable opponent was disappointment,[6] but upon his recovery he gave up his [6] a young monk named Osborne. Anselm overcame his studies and for a time lived a carefree life. hostility first by praising, indulging, and privileging him Following the death of his mother, probably at the birth of in all things despite his hostility and then, when his af- his sister Richera,[16] Anselm’s father repented his earlier fection and trust were gained, gradually withdrawing all lifestyle but professed his new faith with a severity that preference until he upheld the strictest obedience.[24] the boy found likewise unbearable.[17] Once Gundulph Along similar lines, he remonstrated a neighboring ab- had entered a convent,[18] Anselm, at age 23,[19] left home bot who complained that his charges were incorrigi- with a single attendant,[6] crossed the Alps, and wandered ble despite being beaten “night and day”.[25] After fif- through Burgundy and France for three years.[15][n 1] His teen years, in 1078, Anselm was unanimously elected countryman Lanfranc of Pavia was then prior of the as Bec’s abbot following the death of its founder,[26] Benedictine abbey of Bec; attracted by the fame of his fel- the warrior-monk Herluin.[6] He was consecrated by the low countryman, Anselm reached Normandy in 1059.[6] Bishop of Évreux on 22 February 1079.[27] The con- After spending some time in Avranches, he returned the secration was rushed in order to take advantage of the next year. His father having died, he consulted with Lan- vacancy of the archbishopric of Rouen, the abbacy’s su- franc as to whether to return to his estates and employ perior. Had Anselm been consecrated by an archbishop, their income in providing alms or to renounce them, be- he would have been under pressure to profess his obe- coming a hermit or a monk at Bec or Cluny.[20] Profess- dience, compromising Bec’s financial and ecclesiastical ing to fear his own bias, Lanfranc sent him to Maurilius, independence. 1.3 Abbot of Bec 3

his assistance.[15] He then travelled to his former pupil Gilbert Crispin, abbot of Westminster, and waited, ap- parently delayed by the need to assemble the donors of Bec’s new lands in order to obtain royal approval of the grants.[36]

Bec Abbey in Normandy.

Under Anselm’s direction, Bec became the foremost seat of learning in Europe,[6] attracting students from France, Italy, and elsewhere.[28] During this time, he wrote the Monologion and Proslogion.[6] He then composed a se- ries of dialogues on the nature of truth, free will,[6] and the fall of Satan.[21] When the nominalist Roscelin attempted to appeal to the authority of Lanfranc and Anselm at his trial for the heresy of tritheism at Soissons A 19th-century portrayal of Anselm being dragged to the cathe- in 1092,[29] Anselm composed the first draft of De Fide dral by the English bishops. Trinitatis as a rebuttal and as a defence of Trinitarianism and universals.[30] The fame of the monastery grew not At Christmas, William II pledged by the Holy Face of only from his intellectual achievements, however, but Lucca that neither Anselm nor any other would sit at also from own good example[20] and his loving, kindly Canterbury while he lived[37] but in March he fell se- method of discipline[6]—particularly with the younger riously ill at Alveston. Believing his sinful behavior monks[15]—and from his spirited defence of the abbey’s was responsible,[38] he summoned Anselm to hear his independence from lay and archiepiscopal control, pro- confession and administer last rites.[36] He published a tecting it from the influence of both the new Archbishop proclamation releasing his captives, discharging his debts, of Rouen and the Earl of Leicester.[31] and promising to henceforth govern according to the law.[15] On 6 March 1093, he further nominated Anselm to fill the vacancy at Canterbury, the clerics gathered at 1.3.2 In England court acclaiming him, forcing the crozier into his hands, and bodily carrying him to a nearby church amid a Te Following the Norman Conquest of England in 1066, de- Deum.[39] Anselm tried to refuse on the grounds of age voted lords had given the abbey extensive lands across and ill-health for months[33] and the monks of Bec re- the Channel.[6] Anselm occasionally visited to oversee fused to give him permission to leave them.[40] Nego- the monastery’s property, to wait upon his sovereign tiations were handled by the recently restored Bishop William,[32] and to visit Lanfranc, who had been in- William of Durham and Robert, count of Meulan.[41] On stalled as archbishop of Canterbury in 1070.[33] He was 24 August, Anselm gave King William the conditions un- respected by William the Conqueror[34] and the good der which he would accept the position, which amounted impression he made while in Canterbury made him the to the agenda of the Gregorian Reform: the king would favourite of its cathedral chapter as a future successor to have to return the church lands which had been seized, Lanfranc.[6] Instead, upon the archbishop’s death in 1089, accept his spiritual counsel, and foreswear the antipope King William II—William Rufus or William the Red— Clement III in favour of Urban II.[42] William Rufus was refused the appointment of any successor and appropri- exceedingly reluctant to accept these conditions: he con- ated the see’s lands and revenues for himself.[6] Fearing sented only to the first[43] and, a few days afterwards, the difficulties that would attend being named to the po- reneged on that, suspending preparations for Anselm’s sition in opposition to the king, Anselm avoided journey- investiture. Public pressure forced William to return to ing to England during this time.[6] The gravely ill Hugh, Anselm and in the end they settled on a partial return of Earl of Chester, finally lured him over with three press- Canterbury’s lands as his own concession.[44] Anselm re- ing messages in 1092,[35] seeking advice on how best to ceived dispensation from his duties in Normandy,[6] did handle the establishment of a new monastery at St Wer- homage to William, and—on 25 September 1093—was burgh’s.[15] Hugh was recovered by the time of Anselm’s enthroned at Canterbury Cathedral.[45] The same day, arrival,[15] but he was occupied four[6] or five months by William II finally returned the lands of the see.[43] 4 1 BIOGRAPHY

From the mid-8th century, it had become customary that feigned reluctance to accept important positions was a metropolitan bishops could not be consecrated without common practice within the medieval church, as open a woolen pallium given or sent by the pope himself.[46] eagerness risked earning a reputation as an ambitious ca- Anselm insisted that he journey to Rome for this purpose reerist. She further notes that his approach improved his but William would not permit it. Amid the Investiture negotiating position and that he finally acted at the mo- Controversy, Pope Gregory VII and Emperor Henry IV ment that gained him the greatest leverage in advancing had deposed each other twice; bishops loyal to Henry fi- the interests of his see and the reform movement within nally elected Guibert, archbishop of Ravenna, as a sec- the church. ond pope. In France, Philip I had recognized Gregory and his successors Victor III and Urban II, but Guibert (as “Clement III”) held Rome after 1084.[47] William had 1.4 Archbishop of Canterbury not chosen a side and maintained his right to prevent the acknowledgement of either pope by an English subject As archbishop, Anselm maintained his monastic ideals, prior to his choice.[48] In the end, a ceremony was held to including stewardship, prudence, and proper instruction, [51] consecrate Anselm as archbishop on 4 December, with- prayer and contemplation. Anselm continued to agi- [52] out the pallium.[43] tate for reform and the interests of Canterbury. As such, he repeatedly took advantage of expedient mo- ments to press the English monarchy for concessions and support of the reform agenda.[53] His principled oppo- sition to royal prerogatives over the church, meanwhile, twice led to his exile from England.[54] The traditional view of historians has been to see Anselm as aligned with the papacy against lay authority and Anselm’s term in office as the English theatre of the Investiture Controversy begun by Pope Gregory VII and the emperor Henry IV.[54] Vaughn has argued against this and seen Anselm as primarily concerned with the dignity of Canterbury rather than the Church at large, thus act- ing as a third pole in the controversy.[55] By the time of a charter of c. 3 September 1101, he was styling himself “Archbishop of Canterbury and primate of Great Britain and Ireland and vicar of the High Pontiff Paschal".[56] By the end of his life, he had proven successful, having freed Canterbury from submission to the English king,[57] re- ceived papal recognition of the subservience of the way- ward York[58] and the Welsh bishops, and gained strong authority over the Irish bishops.[59] He died before the Canterbury–York dispute was definitively settled, how- ever, and Pope Honorius II finally found in favour of York instead.[60]

The statue of Anselm on the southwest porch of Canterbury Cathedral, holding a copy of Cur Deus Homo in its right hand.

It has been argued whether Anselm’s reluctance to take the see was sincere or not. Scholars such as Southern[49] Canterbury Cathedral following Ernulf and Conrad's and Kent[48] maintain Anselm’s honest preference was to expansions.[61] remain at Bec. Anselm had initially considered becom- ing a hermit[50] and, naturally drawn to contemplation, Although the work was largely handled by Christ he likely would have cared little for such a political of- Church's priors Ernulf (1096–1107) and Conrad (1108– fice at the best of times and disliked it all the more amid 1126), Anselm’s episcopate also saw the expansion of his own troubled age.[48] Against this, Vaughn notes that Canterbury Cathedral from Lanfranc’s initial plans.[62] 1.4 Archbishop of Canterbury 5

The eastern end was demolished and an expanded choir placed over a large and well-decorated crypt, doubling the cathedral’s length.[63] The new choir formed a church unto itself with its own transepts and a semicircular ambulatory opening into three chapels.[64]

1.4.1 Conflicts with William Rufus

Anselm’s vision was of a universal Church with its own internal authority, which clashed with William II’s de- sire for royal control over both church and state.[53] One of Anselm’s first conflicts with William came the very month he was consecrated. William II was preparing to wrest Normandy from his elder brother, Robert II, and needed funds.[65] Anselm was among those expected to pay him. He offered £500 but William refused, encour- aged by his courtiers to insist on 1000 as a kind of annates for Anselm’s elevation to archbishop. Anselm not only re- fused, he further pressed the king to fill England’s other vacant positions, permit bishops to meet freely in coun- cils, and to allow Anselm to resume enforcement of canon law, particularly against incestuous marriages,[15] until he was ordered to silence.[66] When a group of bishops sub- sequently suggested that William might now settle for the original sum, Anselm replied that he had already given the money to the poor and “that he disdained to purchase his master’s favour as he would a horse or ass”.[29] The king being told this, he replied Anselm’s blessing for his “Anselm Assuming the Pallium in Canterbury Cathedral" from invasion would not be needed as “I hated him before, I E.M. Wilmot-Buxton's 1915 Anselm.[67] hate him now, and shall hate him still more hereafter”.[66] Withdrawing to Canterbury, Anselm began work on the Cur Deus Homo.[29] ter steadfastly refused to depose the archbishop. William then tried to sell the pallium to others, failed,[72] tried Upon William’s return, Anselm insisted that he travel to the court of Urban II to secure the pallium that legit- to extract a payment from Anselm for the pallium, but was again refused. William then tried to personally be- imized his office.[29] On 25 February 1095, the Lords stow the pallium to Anselm, an act connoting the church’s Spiritual and Temporal of England met in a council at [73] Rockingham to discuss the issue. The next day, William subservience to the throne, and was again refused. In the end, the pallium was laid on the altar at Canterbury, ordered the bishops not to treat Anselm as their pri- [73] mate or as Canterbury’s archbishop, as he openly ad- whence Anselm took it on 10 June 1095. hered to Urban. The bishops sided with the king, the The First Crusade was declared at the Council of Cler- Bishop of Durham presenting his case[68] and even advis- mont in November.[n 2] Despite his service for the king ing William to depose and exile Anselm.[69] The nobles which earned him rough treatment from Anselm’s biogra- siding with Anselm, the conference ended in deadlock pher Eadmer,[75][76] upon the grave illness of the Bishop and the matter was postponed. Immediately following of Durham in December, Anselm journeyed to console this, William secretly sent William Warelwast and Gerard and bless him on his deathbed.[77] Over the next two to Italy,[52] prevailing on Urban to send a legate bear- years, William opposed several of Anselm’s efforts at ing Canterbury’s pallium.[70] Walter, bishop of Albano, reform—including his right to convene a council[34]— was chosen and negotiated in secret with William’s rep- but no overt dispute is known. However, in 1094, the resentative, the Bishop of Durham.[71] The king agreed to Welsh had begun to recover their lands from the Marcher publicly support Urban’s cause in exchange for acknowl- Lords and William’s 1095 invasion had accomplished lit- edgement of his rights to accept no legates without in- tle; two larger forays were made in 1097 against Cadwgan vitation and to block clerics from receiving or obeying in Powys and Gruffudd in Gwynedd. These were also un- papal letters without his approval. William’s greatest de- successful and William was compelled to erect a series sire was for Anselm to be removed from office. Wal- of border fortresses.[78] He charged Anselm with having ter said that “there was good reason to expect a success- given him insufficient knights for the campaign and tried ful issue in accordance with the king’s wishes” but, upon to fine him.[79] In the face of William’s refusal to fulfill his William’s open acknowledgement of Urban as pope, Wal- promise of church reform, Anselm resolved to proceed 6 1 BIOGRAPHY

to Rome—where an army of French crusaders had fi- by Constantinople as recently as 1071.[84] The formal acts nally installed Urban—in order to seek the counsel of the of the council have been lost and Eadmer’s account of pope.[53] William again denied him permission. The ne- Anselm’s speech principally consists of descriptions of gotiations ended with Anselm being “given the choice of the bishops’ vestments, but Anselm later collected his ar- exile or total submission": if he left, William declared he guments on the topic as De Processione Spiritus Sanc- would seize Canterbury and never again receive Anselm ti.[85] Under pressure from their Norman lords, the Ital- as archbishop; if he were to stay, William would impose ian Greeks seem to have accepted papal supremacy and his fine and force him to swear never again to appeal to Anselm’s theology.[85] The council also condemned the the papacy.[80] Red King. Eadmer credited Anselm with restraining the pope from excommunicating him,[82] although others at- tribute Urban’s politic nature.[86] 1.4.2 First exile Anselm was present in a seat of honour at the Easter Council at St Peter’s in Rome the next year.[87] There, amid an outcry to address Anselm’s situation, Urban renewed bans on lay investiture and on clerics do- ing homage.[88] Anselm departed the next day, first for Schiavi—where he completed his work Cui Deus Homo—and then for Lyons.[86]

1.4.3 Conflicts with Henry I

Romanelli's c. 1640 Meeting of Countess Matilda and Anselm of Canterbury in the Presence of Pope Urban II.

Anselm chose to depart in October of 1097.[53] Although Anselm retained his nominal title, William immediately seized the revenues of his bishopric and retained them til death.[81] From Lyons, Anselm wrote to Urban, re- questing that he be permitted to resign his office. Ur- ban refused but commissioned him to prepare a defence of the Western doctrine of the procession of the Holy Spirit against representatives from the Greek Church.[82] Anselm arrived in Rome by April[82] and, according to his biographer Eadmer, lived beside the pope during the Siege of Capua in May.[83] Count Roger's Saracen troops supposedly offered him food and other gifts but the count actively resisted the clerics’ attempts to convert them to Catholicism.[83] At the Council of Bari in October, Anselm delivered his defence of the Filioque and the use of unleavened bread in the Eucharist before 185 bishops.[84] Although this is The life of St Anselm told in 16 medallions in a stained-glass sometimes portrayed as a failed ecumenical dialogue, it is window in Quimper Cathedral, Brittany, in France. more likely that the “Greeks” present were the local bish- ops of Southern Italy,[85] some of whom had been ruled William Rufus was killed hunting in the New Forest on 2 1.4 Archbishop of Canterbury 7

August 1100. His brother Henry was present and moved 1.4.4 Second exile quickly to secure the throne before the return of his el- der brother Robert, duke of Normandy, from the First After this ruling, Anselm received a letter forbidding Crusade. Henry invited Anselm to return, pledging in his his return and withdrew to Lyons to await Paschal’s letter to submit himself to the archbishop’s counsel.[89] response.[86] On 26 March 1105, Paschal again excom- The cleric’s support of Robert would have caused great municated prelates who had accepted investment from trouble but Anselm returned before establishing any other Henry and the advisors responsible, this time includ- terms than those offered by Henry.[90] Once in Eng- ing Robert de Beaumont, Henry’s chief advisor.[102] He land, Anselm was ordered by Henry to do homage for further finally threatened Henry with the same;[103] in his Canterbury estates[91] and to receive his investiture April, Anselm sent messages to the king directly[104] by ring and crozier anew.[92] Despite having done so un- and through his sister Adela expressing his own will- der William, the bishop refused to now violate canon law. ingness to excommunicate Henry.[86] This was probably Henry for his part refused to relinquish a right possessed a negotiation tactic[105] but it came at a critical period by his predecessors and even sent an embassy to Pope in Henry’s reign[86] and it worked: a meeting was ar- Paschal II to present his case.[86] Paschal reaffirmed Ur- ranged and a compromise concluded at Laigle on 22 July ban’s bans to that mission and the one that followed it.[86] 1105. Henry would forsake lay investiture if Anselm ob- tained Paschal’s permission for clerics to do homage for Meanwhile, Anselm publicly supported Henry against [106][107] [86] the claims and threatened invasion of his brother Robert their lands; Henry’s bishops’ and counselors’ Curthose. Anselm wooed wavering barons to the king’s excommunications were to be lifted provided they ad- cause, emphasizing the religious nature of their oaths and vise him to obey the papacy (Anselm performed this act [93] on his own authority and latter had to answer for it to duty of loyalty; he supported the deposition of Ranulf [106] Flambard, the disloyal new bishop of Durham;[94] and Paschal); the revenues of Canterbury would be re- [56] turned to the archbishop; and priests would no longer be he threatened Robert with excommunication. The lack [107] of popular support greeting his invasion near Portsmouth permitted to marry. Anselm insisted on the agree- compelled Robert to accept the Treaty of Alton instead, ment’s ratification by the pope before he would consent renouncing his claims for an annual payment of 3000 to return to England, but wrote to Paschal in favour of the marks. deal, arguing that Henry’s forsaking of lay investiture was a greater victory than the matter of homage.[108] On 23 Anselm held a council at Lambeth Palace which found March 1106, Paschal wrote Anselm accepting the terms that Henry’s beloved Matilda had not technically become established at Laigle, although both clerics saw this as a [95] a nun and was thus eligible to wed and become queen. temporary compromise and intended to continue press- On Michaelmas in 1102, Anselm was finally able to ing for reforms,[109] including the ending of homage to convene a general church council at London, establish- lay authorities.[110] ing the Gregorian Reform within England. The coun- [111] cil prohibited marriage, concubinage, and drunkenness Even after this, Anselm refused to return to England. to all those in holy orders,[96] condemned sodomy[97] and Henry travelled to Bec and met with him on 15 August simony,[56] and regulated clerical dress.[56] Anselm also 1106. Henry was forced to make further concessions. obtained a resolution against the British slave trade.[98] He restored to Canterbury all the churches that had been Henry supported Anselm’s reforms and his authority over seized by William or during Anselm’s exile, promising the English church, but continued to assert his own au- that nothing more would be taken from them and even thority over Anselm. Upon their return, the three bish- providing Anselm with a security payment. Henry had ops he had dispatched on his second delegation to the initially taxed married clergy and, when their situation had been outlawed, had made up the lost revenue by con- pope claimed—in defiance of Paschal’s sealed letter to [112] Anselm, his public acts, and the testimony of the two troversially extending the tax over all churchmen. He monks who had accompanied them—that the pontiff had now agreed that any prelate who had paid this would been receptive to Henry’s counsel and secretly approved be exempt from taxation for three years. These com- of Anselm’s submission to the crown.[99] In 1103, then, promises on Henry’s part strengthened the rights of the Church against the king. Anselm returned to England be- Anselm consented to journey himself to Rome, along [86] with the king’s envoy William Warelwast.[100] Anselm fore the new year. supposedly travelled in order to argue the king’s case for a dispensation[101] but, in response to this third mission, Paschal fully excommunicated the bishops who had ac- 1.4.5 Final years cepted investment from Henry, though sparing the king himself.[86] In 1107, the Concordat of London formalized the agree- ments between the king and archbishop,[57] Henry for- mally renouncing the right of English kings to in- vest the bishops of the church.[86] The remaining two years of Anselm’s life were spent in the duties of his archbishopric.[86] He succeeded in getting Paschal to send 8 2 WRITINGS

offended the sensibilities of a Catholic and that it was probable that Anselm had been removed to near the altar of SS Peter and Paul, whose side chapel to the right (i.e., south) of the high altar took Anselm’s name following his canonization. At that time, his relics would presumably have been placed in a shrine and its contents “disposed of” during the Reformation.[117] The ambassador’s own investigation was of the opinion that Anselm’s body had been confused with Archbishop Theobald's and likely re- mained entombed near the altar of the Virgin Mary,[125] but in the uncertainty nothing further seems to have been done then or when inquiries were renewed in 1841.[125]

2 Writings The Altar of St Anselm in his chapel at Canterbury Cathedral. It was constructed by English sculptor Stephen Cox from Aosta marble donated by its regional government[113] and consecrated on 21 April 2006 at a ceremony including the Bishop of Aosta and the Abbot of Bec.[114] The location of Anselm’s relics, how- ever, remains uncertain.

the pallium for the archbishop of York to Canterbury, so that future archbishops-elect would have to profess obedience before receiving it.[58] The incumbent arch- bishop Thomas II had received his own pallium directly and insisted on York's independence. From his deathbed, Anselm anathematized all who failed to recognize Can- terbury’s primacy over all the English church. This ulti- mately forced Henry to order Thomas to confess his obe- dience to Anselm’s successor.[59] On his deathbed, he an- nounced himself content, except that he had a treatise in mind on the origin of the soul and did not know, once he was gone, if another was likely to compose it.[115] He died on Holy Wednesday, 21 April 1109.[101] His re- mains were translated to Canterbury Cathedral[116] and laid at the head of Lanfranc at his initial resting place to the south of the Altar of the Holy Trinity (now St Thomas's Chapel).[117] During the church’s reconstruc- tion after the disastrous fire of the 1170s, his remains were relocated,[117] although it is now uncertain where. A late 16th-century engraving of Anselm, archbishop of Canter- bury On 23 December 1752, Archbishop Herring was con- tacted by Count Perron, the Sardinian ambassador, on Anselm has been called “the most luminous and pen- behalf of King Charles Emmanuel, who requested per- etrating intellect between St Augustine and St Thomas mission to translate Anselm’s relics to Italy.[120] (Charles Aquinas"[101] and “the father of scholasticism",[30] had been duke of Aosta during his minority.) Herring or- Scotus Erigena having employed more mysticism in dered his dean to look into the matter, saying that while his arguments.[86] Anselm’s works are considered philo- “the parting with the rotten Remains of a Rebel to his sophical as well as theological since they endeavor King, a Slave to the Popedom, and an Enemy to the mar- to render Christian tenets of faith, traditionally taken ried Clergy (all this Anselm was)" would be no great mat- as a revealed truth, as a rational system.[128] Anselm ter, he likewise “should make no Conscience of palming also studiously analyzed the language used in his sub- on the Simpletons any other old Bishop with the Name of jects, carefully distinguishing the meaning of the terms Anselm”.[121] The ambassador insisted on witnessing the employed from the verbal forms, which he found at excavation, however,[123] and resistance on the part of the times wholly inadequate.[129] His worldview was broadly prebendaries seems to have quieted the matter.[118] They Neoplatonic, as it was reconciled with Christianity in considered the state of the cathedral’s crypts would have the works of St Augustine and Pseudo-Dionysius,[130][n 3] 2.1 Monologion 9

with his understanding of Aristotelian logic gathered from the works of Boethius.[132][133][30] He or the thinkers in northern France who shortly followed him— including Abelard, William of Conches, and Gilbert of Poitiers—inaugurated “one of the most brilliant peri- ods of Western philosophy", innovating logic, semantics, ethics, metaphysics, and other areas of philosophical the- ology.[134] Anselm held that faith necessarily precedes reason, but that reason can expand upon faith:[135] “And I do not seek to understand that I may believe but believe that I might understand. For this too I believe since, unless I first believe, I shall not understand”.[n 4] This is possibly drawn from Tractate XXIX of St Augustine's Ten Homi- lies on the First Epistle of John: regarding John 7:14–18, Augustine counseled “Do not seek to understand in or- der to believe but believe that thou may understand”.[136] Anselm rephrased the idea repeatedly[n 5] and Williams considered that his aptest motto was the original title of the Proslogion, “faith seeking understanding”, which in- tended “an active love of God seeking a deeper knowl- edge of God”.[137] Once the faith is held fast, however, he argued an attempt must be made to demonstrate its truth by means of reason: “To me, it seems to be negligence if, A mid-17th century engraving of Anselm after confirmation in the faith, we do not study to under- [n 6] stand that which we believe”. Merely rational proofs • De Fide Trinitatis, also known as De Incarnatione [138][139] are always, however, to be tested by scripture Verbi[30] and he employs Biblical passages and “what we believe” (quod credimus) at times to raise problems or to present While archbishop of Canterbury, he composed:[21] erroneous understandings, whose inconsistencies are then resolved by reason.[140] • Cur Deus Homo Stylistically, Anselm’s treatises take two basic forms, di- alogues and sustained meditations.[140] In both, he strove • De Conceptu Virginali to state the rational grounds for central aspects of Chris- tian doctrines as a pedagogical exercise for his initial au- • De Processione Spiritus Sancti [140] dience of fellow monks and correspondents. The sub- • jects of Anselm’s works were sometimes dictated by con- De Sacrificio Azymi et Fermentati temporary events, such as his speech at the Council of • De Sacramentis Ecclesiae Bari or the need to refute his association with the think- ing of Roscelin, but he intended for his books to form a • De Concordia unity, with his letters and latter works advising the reader to consult his other books for the arguments supporting various points in his reasoning.[141] It seems to have been a recurring problem that early drafts of his works were 2.1 Monologion copied and circulated without his permission.[140] The Monologion (Latin: Monologium, “Monologue”), [21] While at Bec, Anselm composed: originally entitled A Monologue on the Reason for Faith (Monoloquium de Ratione Fidei)[142][n 7] and sometimes • De Grammatico also known as An Example of Meditation on the Rea- son for Faith (Exemplum Meditandi de Ratione Fi- • The Monologion dei),[144][n 8] was written in 1075 and 1076.[21] It fol- lows St Augustine to such an extent that Gibson argues • The Proslogion neither Boethius nor Anselm state anything which was not already dealt with in greater detail by Augustine’s • De Veritate De Trinitate;[146] Anselm even acknowledges his debt to [147] • De Libertate Arbitrii that work in the Monologion’s prologue. However, he takes pains to present his reasons for belief in God with- • De Casu Diaboli out appeal to scriptural or patristic authority,[148] using 10 2 WRITINGS

icism of the work. The elder cleric took exception to its lack of appeals to scripture and authority.[147] The pref- ace of the Proslogion records his own dissatisfaction with the Monologion’s arguments, since they are rooted in a posteriori evidence and inductive reasoning.[149]

2.2 Proslogion

Main articles: Proslogion and Ontological argument

The Proslogion (Latin: Proslogium, “Discourse”), origi- nally entitled Faith Seeking Understanding (Fides ae- rens Intellectum) and then An Address on God’s Existence [142][156][n 9] The illuminated beginning of an 11th-century manuscript of the (Alloquium de Dei Existentia), was written Monologion. over the next two years (1077–1078).[21] It is written in the form of an extended direct address to God.[140] It grew out of his dissatisfaction with the Monologion's interlink- [140] new and bold arguments.[149] He attributes this style— ing and contingent arguments. His “single argument and the book’s existence—to the requests of his fellow that needed nothing but itself alone for proof, that would by itself be enough to show that God really exists”[157] monks that “nothing whatsoever in these matters should [n 10] be made convincing by the authority of Scripture, but is commonly taken to be merely the second chapter whatsoever... the necessity of reason would concisely of the work. In it, Anselm reasoned that even atheists prove”.[150] can imagine a greatest being, having such attributes that nothing greater could exist (id quo nihil maius cogitari In the first chapter, Anselm begins with a statement that possit).[101] However, if such a being’s attributes did not anyone should be able to convince themselves of the ex- include existence, a still greater being could be imagined: istence of God through reason alone “if he is even mod- one with all of the attributes of the first and existence. erately intelligent”.[151] He argues that many different Therefore, the truly greatest possible being must neces- things are known as “good”, in many varying kinds and sarily exist. Further, this necessarily-existing greatest be- degrees. These must be understood as being judged rel- ing must be God, who therefore necessarily exists.[149] ative to a single attribute of goodness.[152] He then ar- This reasoning was known to the Scholastics as “Anselm’s gues that goodness is itself very good and, further, is argument” (ratio Anselmi) but it became known as the good through itself. As such, it must be the highest ontological argument for the existence of God following good and, further, “that which is supremely good is also Kant's treatment of it.[157][n 11] supremely great. There is, therefore, some one thing that is supremely good and supremely great—in other words, supreme among all existing things.”[153] Chapter 2 follows a similar argument, while Chapter 3 argues that the “best and greatest and supreme among all existing things” must be responsible for the existence of all other things.[153] Chapter 4 argues that there must be a highest level of dignity among existing things and that highest level must have a single member. “Therefore, there is a certain nature or substance or essence who through himself is good and great and through himself is what he is; through whom exists whatever truly is good or great or anything at all; and who is the supreme good, the supreme great thing, the supreme being or subsistent, that is, supreme among all existing things.”[153] The remaining chapters of the book are devoted to consideration of the attributes A 12th-century illumination from the Meditations of St. Anselm. necessary to such a being.[153] The Euthyphro dilemma, although not addressed by that name, is dealt with as a [154] More probably, Anselm intended his “single argument” to false dichotomy. God is taken to neither conform to [140] [154] include most of the rest of the work as well, wherein nor invent the moral order but to embody it: in each he establishes the attributes of God and their compati- case of his attributes, “God having that attribute is pre- [155] bility with one another. Continuing to construct a being cisely that attribute itself”. greater than which nothing else can be conceived, Anselm A letter survives of Anselm responding to Lanfranc’s crit- proposes such a being must be “just, truthful, happy, and 2.4 Dialogues 11

whatever it is better to be than not to be”.[159] Chap- thing else whatsoever other than [God] can be thought not ter 6 specifically enumerates the additional qualities of to exist”.[173] The Proslogion’s argument concerns and can awareness, omnipotence, mercifulness, impassibility (in- only concern the single greatest entity out of all existing ability to suffer),[160] and immateriality;[161] Chapter 11, things. That entity both must exist and must be God.[157] self-existent,[161] wisdom, goodness, happiness, and per- manence; and Chapter 18, unity.[160] Anselm addresses the question-begging nature of “greatness” in this formula 2.4 Dialogues partially by appeal to intuition and partially by indepen- dent consideration of the attributes being examined.[161] The incompatibility of, e.g., omnipotence, justness, and mercifulness are addressed in the abstract by reason, al- though Anselm concedes that specific acts of God are a matter of revelation beyond the scope of reasoning.[162] At one point during the 15th chapter, he reaches the con- clusion that God is “not only that than which nothing greater can be thought but something greater than can be thought”.[140] In any case, God’s unity is such that all of his attributes are to be understood as facets of a single nature: “all of them are one and each of them is entirely what [God is] and what the other[s] are”.[163] This is then used to argue for the triune nature of the God, Jesus, and “the one love common to [God] and [his] Son, that is, the Holy Spirit who proceeds from both”.[164] The last three chapters are a digression on what God’s goodness might entail.[140] Extracts from the work were later com- piled under the name Meditations or The Manual of St Austin.[15] An illuminated archbishop—presumably Anselm—from a 12th- century edition of his Meditations. 2.3 Responsio All of Anselm’s dialogues take the form of a lesson be- The argument presented in the Proslogion has rarely tween a gifted and inquisitive student and a knowledgable seemed satisfactory[149][n 12] and was swiftly opposed by teacher. Except for in Cur Deus Homo, the student is not Gaunilo, a monk from the abbey of Marmoutier in identified but the teacher is always recognizably Anselm himself.[140] Tours.[168] His book “for the fool” (Liber pro Insipien- te)[n 13] argues that we cannot arbitrarily pass from idea Anselm’s De Grammatico (“On the Grammarian”), to reality[149] (de posse ad esse not fit illatio).[30] The of uncertain date,[n 14] deals with eliminating various most devastating of Gaunilo’s objections is a parody of paradoxes arising from the grammar of Latin nouns and Anselm’s argument involving an island greater than which adjectives[144] by examining the syllogisms involved to nothing can be conceived.[157] Since we can conceive ensure the terms in the premises agree in meaning and of such an island, it exists in our understanding and— not merely expression.[175] The treatment shows a clear following Anselm—must exist in reality. This is, how- debt to Boethius's treatment of Aristotle.[132] ever, absurd, since its shore might arbitrarily be increased Between 1080 and 1086, while still at Bec, Anselm com- and in any case varies with the tide. posed the dialogues De Veritate (“On Truth”), De Liber- Anselm’s reply (Responsio) or apology (Liber Apologeti- tate Arbitrii (“On the Freedom of Choice”), and De Ca- cus)[149] does not address this argument directly, which su Diaboli (“On the Devil’s Fall”).[21] De Veritate is con- has led Klima,[171] Grzesik,[30] and others to construct cerned not merely with the truth of statements but with replies for him and led Wolterstorff[172] and others to correctness in will, action, and essence as well.[176] Cor- conclude that Gaunilo’s attack is definitive.[157] Anselm, rectness in such matters is understood as doing what a however, considered that Gaunilo had misunderstood his thing ought or was designed to do.[176] Anselm employs argument.[157][168] In each of Gaunilo’s four arguments, Aristotelian logic to affirm the existence of an absolute he takes Anselm’s description of “that than which noth- truth of which all other truth forms separate kinds. He ing greater can be thought” to be equivalent to “that which identifies this absolute truth with God, who therefore is greater than everything else that can be thought”.[168] forms the fundamental principle both in the existence of Anselm countered that anything which does not actually things and the correctness of thought.[149] As a corollary, exist is necessarily excluded from his reasoning and any- he affirms that “everything that is, is rightly”.[177] De Li- thing which might or probably does not exist is likewise bertate Arbitrii elaborates Anselm’s reasoning on correct- aside the point. The Proslogion had already stated “any- ness with regard to free will. He does not consider this a 12 2 WRITINGS capacity to 'sin but a capacity to do good for its own sake that, owing to the Fall and mankind’s fallen nature ever (as opposed to owing to coercion or for self-interest).[176] since, humanity has offended God. Divine justice de- God and the good angels therefore have free will despite mands restitution for sin but human beings are incapable being incapable of sinning; similarly, the non-coercive as- of providing it, as all the actions of men are already ob- pect of free will enabled man and the rebel angels to sin, ligated to the furtherance of God’s glory. Further, God’s despite this not being a necessary element of free will infinite justice demands infinite restitution for the impair- itself.[179] In De Casu Diaboli, Anselm further consid- ment of his infinite dignity.[181] The enormity of the of- ers the case of the fallen angels, which serves to discuss fence led Anselm to reject personal acts of atonement, the case of rational agents in general.[180] The teacher ar- even Peter Damian's flagellation, as inadequate[184] and gues that there are two forms of good—justice (justicia) ultimately vain.[185] Instead, full recompense could only and benefit (commodum)—and two forms of evil: injus- be made by God, which His infinite mercy inclines Him tice and harm (incommodum). All rational beings seek to provide. Atonement for humanity, however, could benefit and shun harm on their own account but inde- only be made through the figure of Jesus, as a sinless pendent choice permits them to abandon bounds imposed being both fully divine and fully human.[182] Taking it by justice.[180] Some angels chose their own happiness in upon himself to offer his own life on our behalf, his preference to justice and were punished by God for their crucifixion accrues infinite worth, more than redeeming injustice with less happiness. The angels who upheld jus- mankind and permitting it to enjoy a just will in accord tice were rewarded with such happiness that they are now with its intended nature.[181] This interpretation is notable incapable of sin, there being no happiness left for them to for permitting divine justice and mercy to be entirely seek in opposition to the bounds of justice.[179] Humans, compatible[152] and has exercised immense influence over meanwhile, retain the theoretical capacity to will justly church doctrine,[149][186] largely supplanting the earlier but, owing to the Fall, they are incapable of doing so in theory developed by Origen and Gregory of Nyssa[101] practice except by divine grace.[181] that had focused primarily on Satan's power over fallen man.[149] Cur Deus Homo is often accounted Anselm’s greatest work,[101] but the legalist and amoral nature of the argument, along with its neglect of the individuals ac- tually being redeemed, has been criticized both by com- parison with the treatment by Abelard[149] and for its sub- sequent development in Protestant theology.[187]

2.6 Other works

Anselm’s De Fide Trinitatis et de Incarnatione Verbi Con- tra Blasphemias Ruzelini (“On Faith in the Trinity and on the Incarnation of the Word Against the Blasphemies of Roscelin”),[30] also known as Epistolae de Incarnatio- ne Verbi (“Letters on the Incarnation of the Word”),[21] was written in two drafts in 1092 and 1094.[30] It de- fended Lanfranc and Anselm from association with the supposedly tritheist heresy espoused by Roscelin of Com- The beginning of the Cur Deus Homo’s prologue, from a 12th- piègne, as well as arguing in favour of Trinitarianism and century manuscript held at Lambeth Palace. universals. De Conceptu Virginali et de Originali Peccato (“On the Virgin Conception and Original Sin”) was written in 2.5 Cur Deus Homo 1099.[21] He claimed to have written it out of a desire to expand on an aspect of Cur Deus Homo for his stu- Main articles: Cur Deus Homo and Satisfaction theory dent and friend Boso and takes the form of Anselm’s half of atonement of a conversation with him.[140] Although Anselm denied belief in Mary's Immaculate Conception,[188] his think- Cur Deus Homo (“Why God was a Man”) was written ing laid two principles which formed the groundwork for from 1095 to 1098 once Anselm was already archbishop that dogma’s development. The first is that it was proper of Canterbury[21] as a response for requests to discuss the that Mary should be so pure that—apart from God—no Incarnation.[182] It takes the form of a dialogue between purer being could be imagined. The second was his treat- Anselm and Boso, one of his students.[183] Its core is a ment of original sin. Earlier theologians had held that purely rational argument for the necessity of the Christian it was transmitted from generation to generation by the mystery of atonement, the belief that Jesus's crucifixion sinful nature of sex. As in his earlier works, Anselm in- was necessary to atone for mankind’s sin. Anselm argues stead held that Adam's sin was borne by his descendants 2.6 Other works 13

from the other side.[140] Its treatment of free will relies on Anselm’s earlier works, but goes into greater detail as to the ways in which there is no actual incompatibil- ity or paradox created by the divine attributes.[141] In its 5th chapter, Anselm reprises his consideration of eternity from the Monologion. “Although nothing is there ex- cept what is present, it is not the temporal present, like ours, but rather the eternal, within which all times al- together are contained. If in a certain way the present time contains every place and all the things that are in any place, likewise, every time is encompassed in the eternal present, and everything that is in any time.”[190] It is an overarching present, all beheld at once by God, thus per- mitting both his “foreknowledge” and genuine free choice on the part of mankind.[192] Fragments survive of the work Anselm left unfinished at his death, which would have been a dialogue concern- ing certain pairs of opposites, including ability/inability, possibility/impossibility, and necessity/freedom.[193] It is thus sometimes cited under the name De Potestate et Impotentia, Possibilitate et Impossibilitate, Necessitate et Libertate.[30] Another work, probably left unfinished by Anselm and subsequently revised and expanded, was De Humanis Moribus per Similitudines (“On Mankind’s Morals, Told Through Likenesses”) or De Similitudini- bus (“On Likenesses”).[194] A collection of his sayings (Dicta Anselmi) was compiled, probably by the monk Alexander.[195] He also composed prayers to various saints.[8] Anselm wrote nearly 500 surviving letters (Epistolae) to clerics, monks, relatives, and others,[196] the earliest being The first page of a 12th-century manuscript of the De Concordia. those written to the Norman monks who followed Lan- franc to England in 1070.[8] Southern asserts that all of Anselm’s letters “even the most intimate” are statements through the change in human nature which occurred dur- of his religious beliefs, consciously composed so as to ing the Fall. Parents were unable to establish a just nature be read by many others.[197] His long letters to Waltram, in their children which they had never had themselves.[189] bishop of Naumberg in Germany (Epistolae ad Waleran- This would subsequently be addressed in Mary’s case by num) De Sacrificio Azymi et Fermentati (“On Unleav- dogma surrounding the circumstances of her own birth. ened and Leavened Sacrifice”) and De Sacramentis Ec- De Processione Spiritus Sancti Contra Graecos (“On the clesiae (“On the Church’s Sacraments”) were both writ- Procession of the Holy Spirit Against the Greeks”),[156] ten between 1106 and 1107 and are sometimes bound as [21] written in 1102,[21] is a recapitulation of Anselm’s treat- separate books. Although he seldom asked others to ment of the subject at the Council of Bari.[85] He dis- pray for him, two of his letters to hermits do so, “evi- [50] cussed the Trinity first by stating that human beings could dence of his belief in their spiritual prowess”. His let- not know God from Himself but only from analogy. The ters of guidance—one to Hugh, a hermit near Caen, and analogy that he used was the self-consciousness of man. two to a community of lay nuns—endorse their lives as The peculiar double-nature of consciousness, memory, a refuge from the difficulties of the political world with [50] and intelligence represent the relation of the Father to the which Anselm had to contend. Son. The mutual love of these two (memory and intel- Many of Anselm’s letters contain passionate expressions ligence), proceeding from the relation they hold to one of attachment and affection, often addressed “to the another, symbolizes the Holy Spirit.[149] beloved lover” (dilecto dilectori). While there is wide De Concordia Praescientiae et Praedestinationis et Gra- agreement that Anselm was personally committed to tiae Dei cum Libero Arbitrio (“On the Harmony of Fore- the monastic ideal of celibacy, some academics such as [198] [199] knowledge and Predestination and the Grace of God with McGuire and Boswell have characterized these [200] Free Choice”) was written from 1107 to 1108.[21] Like writings as expressions of a homosexual inclination. [201] the De Conceptu Virginali, it takes the form of a single The general view, expressed by Olsen and Southern, narrator in a dialogue, offering presumable objections sees the expressions as representing a “wholly spiritual” 14 4 VENERATION

subsequent discussion on the procession of the Holy Spirit and the atonement. His work also anticipates much of the later controversies over free will and predestination.[48] An extensive debate occurred—primarily among French scholars—in the early 1930s about “nature and possi- bility” of Christian philosophy, which drew strongly on Anselm’s work.[133] Modern scholarship remains sharply divided over the na- ture of Anselm’s episcopal leadership. Some, includ- ing Fröhlich[203] and Schmitt,[204] argue for Anselm’s at- tempts to manage his reputation as a devout scholar and cleric, minimizing the worldly conflicts he found him- self forced into.[204] Vaughn[205] and others argue that the “carefully nurtured image of simple holiness and pro- found thinking” was precisely employed as a tool by an adept, disingenuous political operator,[204] while the tra- ditional view of the pious and reluctant church leader recorded by Eadmer—one who genuinely “nursed a deep- seated horror of worldly advancement”—is upheld by Southern[206] among others.[50][204]

A 12th-century illumination of Eadmer composing Anselm’s bi- ography.

affection “nourished by an incorporeal ideal”.[202]

3 Legacy

Two biographies of Saint Anselm were written shortly af- ter his death by his chaplain and secretary Eadmer (Vita et Conversatione Anselmi Cantuariensis) and the monk Alexander (Ex Dictis Beati Anselmi).[20] Eadmer also de- tailed Anselm’s struggles with the English monarchs in his history (Historia Novorum). Another was compiled about fifty years later by John of Salisbury at the behest of Thomas Becket.[196] The historians William of Malmes- bury, Orderic Vitalis, and Matthew Paris all left full ac- counts of his struggles against the second and third Nor- man kings.[196] Anselm’s students included Eadmer, Alexander, Gilbert Crispin, Honorius Augustodunensis, and Anselm of A 19th-century stained-glass window depicting Anselm as arch- bishop, with his pallium and crozier. Laon. His works were copied and disseminated in his lifetime and exercised an influence on the Scholastics, in- cluding Bonaventure, Thomas Aquinas, Duns Scotus, and William of Ockham.[133] His thoughts have guided much 15

memorating the 900th anniversary of Anselm’s death. In 2015, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby, cre- ated the Community of Saint Anselm, an Anglican reli- gious order that resides at Lambeth Palace and is devoted to "prayer and service to the poor”.[210]

5 Editions of Anselm’s works

• Gerberon, Gabriel (1675), Sancti Anselmi ex Bec- censi Abbate Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi Opera, nec non Eadmeri Monachi Cantuariensis Historia Novo- Sant'Anselmo in Rome, the seat of the Abbot Primate of the rum, et Alia Opuscula [The Works of St Anselm, Benedictine Confederation. Archbishop of Canterbury and Former Abbot of Bec, and the History of New Things and Other Mi- nor Works of Eadmer, monk of Canterbury], Paris: 4 Veneration Louis Billaine & Jean du Puis (2d ed. published by François Montalant in 1721; republished with many Anselm’s hagiography records that, when a child, he had errors by Jacques Paul Migne as Vols. CLVIII & a miraculous vision of God on the summit of the Becca di CLIX of the 2nd series of his Patrologia Latina in Nona near his home, with God asking his name, his home, 1853 & 1854) External link in |publisher= (help). and his quest before sharing bread with him. Anselm then (Latin) slept, awoke returned to Aosta, and then retraced his steps • before returning to speak to his mother.[14] Ubaghs, Gerard Casimir [Gerardus Casimirus] (1854), De la Connaissance de Dieu, ou Monologue Anselm’s canonization was requested of Pope Alexander et Prosloge avec ses Appendices, de Saint Anselme, [196] III by Thomas Becket at the Council of Tours in 1163. Archevêque de Cantorbéry et Docteur de l'Église [On He may have been formally canonized before Becket’s Knowing God, or the Monologue and Proslogue with murder in 1170: no record of this has survived but he their Appendices, by Saint Anselme, Archbishop of was subsequently listed among the saints at Canterbury Canterbury and Doctor of the Church], Louvain: and elsewhere. It is usually reckoned, however, that his Vanlinthout & Cie. (Latin) & (French) cult was only formally sanctioned by Pope Alexander VI in 1494[86][207] or 1497[125] at the request of Archbishop • Ragey, Philibert (1883), Mariale seu Liber precum Morton.[125] His feast day is commemorated on the day Metricarum ad Beatam Virginem Mariam Quotidie of his death, 21 April, by the Roman Catholic Church, Dicendarum, London: Burns & Oates. (Latin) much of Anglican Communion,[20] and some forms of High Church Lutheranism. The location of his relics is • Deane, Sidney Norton (1903), St. Anselm: uncertain. His most common attribute is a ship, repre- Proslogium, Monologium, an Appendix in Behalf of senting the spiritual independence of the church. the Fool by Gaunilon, and Cur Deus Homo with an Introduction, Bibliography, and Reprints of the Opin- Anselm was proclaimed a Doctor of the Church by Pope ions of Leading Philosophers and Writers on the On- Clement XI in 1720;[15] he is known as the doctor magni- tological Argument, Chicago: Open Court Publish- (“Magnificent Doctor”)[30] or the ficus doctor Marianus ing Co. (Republished and expanded as St. Anselm: ("Marian doctor”). A chapel of Canterbury Cathedral Basic Writings in 1962). south of the high altar is dedicated to him; it includes a modern stained-glass representation of the saint, flanked • Webb, Clement Charles Julian (1903), The Devo- by his mentor Lanfranc and his steward Baldwin and tions of Saint Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury, [208][209] by kings William II and Henry I. The Pontifical London: Methuen & Co. (Translating the Proslo- Atheneum of St. Anselm, named in his honor, was estab- gion, the “Meditations”, and some prayers and let- lished in Rome by Pope Leo XIII in 1887. The adjacent ters) Sant'Anselmo all'Aventino, the seat of the Abbot Primate of the Federation of Black Monks (all the monks under • Schmitt, Franz Sales [Franciscus Salesius] (1936), the Rule of St Benedict except the Cistercians and the "Ein neues unvollendetes Werk des heilige Anselm Trappists), was dedicated to him in 1900. 800 years after von Canterbury [A New Unfinished Work by St his death, on 21 April 1909, Pope Pius X issued the en- Anselm of Canterbury]", Beiträge zur Geschichte der cyclical "Communium Rerum" praising Anselm, his eccle- Philosophie und Theologie des Mittelalters [Contribu- siastical career, and his writings. In the United States, the tions on the History of the Philosophy and Theology Saint Anselm Abbey and its associated college are located of the Middle Ages], Vol. XXXIII, No. 3, Munster: in New Hampshire; they held a celebration in 2009 com- Aschendorf, pp. 22–43. (Latin) & (German) 16 7 NOTES

• Henry, Desmond Paul (1964), The De Grammatico 7 Notes of St Anselm, South Bend: University of Notre Dame Press. (Latin) & (English) [1] An entry concerning Anselm’s parents in the records of Christ Church in Canterbury leaves open the possibility • Charlesworth, Maxwell John (1965), St. Anselm’s of a later reconciliation.[7] Proslogion, South Bend: University of Notre Dame Press. (Latin) & (English) [2] Anselm did not publicly condemn the Crusade but replied to an Italian whose brother was then in Asia Minor that he • Schmitt, Franz Sales [Franciscus Salesius] (1968), S. would be better off in a monastery instead. Southern sum- marized his position in this way: “For him, the important Anselmi Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi Opera Omnia choice was quite simply between the heavenly Jerusalem, [The Complete Works of St. Anselm, Archbishop of the true vision of Peace signified by the name Jerusalem, Canterbury], Stuttgart: Friedrich Fromann Verlag. which was to be found in the monastic life, and the carnage (Latin) of the earthly Jerusalem in this world, which under what- ever name was nothing but a vision of destruction”.[74] • Southern, Richard W.; et al. (1969), Memorials of St. Anselm, Oxford: Oxford University Press. [3] Direct knowledge of Plato’s works was still quite lim- (Latin) & (English) ited. Calcidius's incomplete Latin translation of Plato's Timaeus was available and a staple of 12th-century phi- [131] • Ward, Benedicta (1973), The Prayers and Medita- losophy but “seems not to have interested” Anselm. tions of Saint Anselm, New York: Penguin Books. [4] Latin: Neque enim quaero intelligere ut credam, sed credo ut intelligam. Nam et hoc credo, quia, nisi credidero, non • Hopkins, Jasper; et al. (1976), Anselm of Can- intelligam. terbury, Edwin Mellen (A reprint of earlier sepa- rate translations; republished by Arthur J. Banning [5] Other examples include “The Christian ought to go forth Press as The Complete Philosophical and Theological to understanding through faith, not journey to faith Treatises of Anselm of Canterbury in 2000). (Hop- through understanding” (Christianus per fidem debet ad kins’s translations available here .) intellectum proficere, non per intellectum ad fidem acce- dere) and “The correct order demands that we believe the depths of the Christian faith before we presume to discuss • Fröhlich, Walter (1990–1994), The Letters of Saint it with reason” (Rectus ordo exigit, ut profunda Christia- Anselm of Canterbury, Kalamazoo: Cistercian Pub- nae fidei credamus, priusquam ea praesumamus ratione lications. (Latin) & (English) discutere).[86]

• Davies, Brian; et al. (1998), Anselm of Canterbury: [6] Latin: Negligentise mihi esse videtur, si, postquam confir- The Major Works, Oxford: Oxford University Press. matius in fide, non studemus quod credimus, intelligere.

• Williams, Thomas (2007), Anselm: Basic Writings, [7] Anselm requested the works be retitled in a letter to Hugh, archbishop of Lyons,[143] but didn't explain why he chose Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing (A reprint of ear- to use the Greek forms. Logan conjectures it may have de- lier separate translations). rived from Anselm’s secondhand acquaintance with Stoic terms used by St Augustine and by Martianus Capella.[142]

[8] Although the Latin meditandus is usually translated as 6 See also "meditation", Anselm was not using the term in its mod- ern sense of “self-reflection” or “consideration” but in- • Other Anselms and Saint Anselms stead as a philosophical term of art which described the more active process of silently “reaching out into the [145] • Saint Anselm’s, various places named in Anselm’s unknown”. honor [9] See note above on the renaming of Anselm’s works.

• Cluny, Gregorian Reform,& Clerical celibacy [10] As by Williams.[157]

• Investiture Controversy [11] Various scholars have disputed the use of the term “onto- logical” in reference to Anselm’s argument. A list up to [158] • Canterbury–York dispute his own time is provided by McEvoy. [12] Variations of the argument were elaborated and defended • Slavery in the British Isles by Duns Scotus, Descartes, Leibniz, Gödel, Plantinga, and Malcolm. In addition to Gaunilo, other notable objectors • Scholasticism to its reasoning include Thomas Aquinas and Immanuel Kant, with the most thorough analysis having been done • Existence of God by Zalta and Oppenheimer.[165][166][167] 8.1 Citations 17

[13] The title is a reference to Anselm’s invocation of the [30] PEF (2000). Psalms' “The fool has said in his heart, ‘There is no God’”.[169][170] Gaunilo offers that, if Anselm’s argument [31] Vaughn (1975), p. 281. were all that supported the existence of God, the fool [32] Rambler (1853), p. 369. would be correct in rejecting his reasoning.[157] [33] Charlesworth (2003), p. 16. [14] Southern[174] and Williams[21] date it to 1059–60, while Marenbon places it “probably... shortly after” 1087.[131] [34] ODCC (2005), p. 74.

[35] Rambler (1853), p. 370. 8 References [36] Southern (1990), p. 189. [37] Rambler (1853), p. 371. 8.1 Citations [38] Barlow (1983), pp. 298–299.

[1] Rule (1883), p. 2–3. [39] Southern (1990), p. 189–190.

[2] Rule (1883), p. 1–2. [40] Southern (1990), p. 191–192.

[3] Southern (1990), p. 7. [41] Barlow (1983), p. 306.

[4] Rule (1883), p. 1–4. [42] Vaughn (1974), p. 246.

[5] Southern (1990), p. 8. [43] Vaughn (1975), p. 286.

[6] EB (1878), p. 91. [44] Vaughn (1974), p. 248.

[7] Robson (1996). [45] Charlesworth (2003), p. 17.

[8] ODCC (2005), p. 73. [46] Boniface (747), Letter to Cuthbert.

[9] Rule (1883), p. 1. [47] EB (1911).

[10] Rule (1883), p. 2. [48] CE (1907).

[11] Rule (1883), p. 4–7. [49] Vaughn (1974), p. 240.

[12] Rule (1883), p. 7–8. [50] Hughes-Edwards (2012), p. 19.

[13] Southern (1990), p. 9. [51] Vaughn (1988), p. 218.

[14] Rule (1883), p. 12–14. [52] Vaughn (1978), p. 357.

[15] Butler (1864). [53] Vaughn (1975), p. 293.

[16] Wilmot-Buxton (1915), Ch. 3. [54] EB (1878), pp. 91–92.

[17] Rambler (1853), p. 365–366. [55] Vaughn (1980), p. 61.

[18] Rambler (1853), p. 366. [56] Vaughn (1975), p. 295.

[19] Charlesworth (2003), p. 9. [57] Vaughn (1980), p. 82.

[20] IEP (2006), §1. [58] Vaughn (1980), p. 83.

[21] SEP (2007), §1. [59] Vaughn (1975), p. 298.

[22] Southern (1990), p. 32. [60] Duggan (1965), pp. 98–99.

[23] Charlesworth (2003), p. 10. [61] Willis (1845), p. 38.

[24] Rambler (1853), pp. 366–367. [62] Willis (1845), pp. 17–18.

[25] Rambler (1853), p. 367–368. [63] Cook (1949), p. 49.

[26] Rambler (1853), p. 368. [64] Willis (1845), pp. 45–47.

[27] Vaughn (1975), p. 282. [65] Vaughn (1975), p. 287.

[28] Charlesworth (2003), p. 15. [66] Rambler (1853), p. 482.

[29] Rambler (1853), p. 483. [67] Wilmot-Buxton (1915), p. 136. 18 8 REFERENCES

[68] Powell & al. (1968), p. 52. [106] Vaughn (1978), p. 367.

[69] Vaughn (1987), pp. 182–185. [107] Vaughn (1980), p. 76.

[70] Vaughn (1975), p. 289. [108] Vaughn (1980), p. 77.

[71] Cantor (1958), p. 92. [109] Rambler (1853), p. 497–98.

[72] Davies (1874), p. 73. [110] Vaughn (1975), pp. 296–297.

[73] Rambler (1853), p. 485. [111] Vaughn (1980), p. 80.

[74] Southern (1990), p. 169. [112] Vaughn (1975), p. 297.

[75] Cantor (1958), p. 97. [113] Cross, Michael, “Altar in St Anselm Chapel”, Canterbury Historical and Archaeological Society, retrieved 30 June [76] Vaughn (1987), p. 188. 2015 [77] Vaughn (1987), p. 194. [114] “St Anselm’s Chapel Altar”, Waymarking, Seattle: [78] Potter (20009), p. 47. Groundspeak, 28 April 2012, retrieved 30 June 2015

[79] Vaughn (1975), p. 291. [115] Rambler (1853), p. 498.

[80] Vaughn (1975), p. 292. [116] Willis (1845), p. 46.

[81] Vaughn (1978), p. 360. [117] A letter of 9 January 1753 by “S.S.” (probably Samuel Shuckford but possibly Samuel Stedman)[118] to Thomas [82] Southern (1990), p. 279. Herring.[119]

[83] Southern (1963). [118] Ollard & al. (1931), App. D, p. 21.

[84] Kidd (1927), p. 252–3. [119] HMC (1901), p. 227–228.

[85] Fortescue (1907), p. 203. [120] Ollard & al. (1931), App. D, p. 20.

[86] EB (1878), p. 92. [121] A letter of 23 December 1752 by Thomas Herring to John Lynch.[122] [87] Southern (1990), p. 280. [122] HMC (1901), p. 226. [88] Southern (1990), p. 281. [123] A letter of 6 January 1753 by Thomas Herring to John [89] Vaughn (1980), p. 63. Lynch.[124] [90] Southern (1990), p. 291. [124] HMC (1901), p. 227. [91] Hollister (1983), p. 120. [125] A letter of 31 March 1753 by P. Bradley to Count Per- [126] [92] Vaughn (1980), p. 67. ron.

[93] Hollister (2003), pp. 137–138. [126] HMC (1901), p. 229–230.

[94] Hollister (2003), pp. 135–136. [127] HMC (1901), p. 230–231.

[95] Hollister (2003), pp. 128–129. [128] Davies & al. (2004), p. 2.

[96] Partner (1973), pp. 467–475, 468. [129] IEP (2006), Introduction.

[97] Boswell (1981), p. 215. [130] Charlesworth (2003), pp. 23–24.

[98] Crawley (1910). [131] Marenbon (2005), p. 170.

[99] Rambler (1853), p. 489–91. [132] Logan (2009), p. 14.

[100] Vaughn (1980), p. 71. [133] IEP (2006), §2.

[101] ODCC (2005), p. 74. [134] Marenbon (2005), p. 169–170.

[102] Vaughn (1980), p. 74. [135] Hollister (1982), p. 302.

[103] Charlesworth (2003), pp. 19–20. [136] Schaff (2005).

[104] Rambler (1853), p. 496–97. [137] SEP (2007).

[105] Vaughn (1980), p. 75. [138] Anselm of Canterbury, Cur Deus Homo, Vol. I, §2. 8.1 Citations 19

[139] Anselm of Canterbury, De Fide Trinitatis, §2. [174] Southern (1990), p. 65.

[140] IEP (2006), §3. [175] IEP (2006), §8.

[141] Davies & al. (2004). [176] SEP (2007), §4.1.

[142] Logan (2009), p. 85. [177] Anselm of Canterbury, De Veritate, p. 185, translated by Sadler.[178] [143] Anselm of Canterbury, Letters, No. 109. [178] IEP (2006), §9. [144] Luscombe (1997), p. 44. [179] SEP (2007), §4.2. [145] Logan (2009), p. 86. [180] IEP (2006), §11. [146] Gibson (1981), p. 214. [181] SEP (2007), §4.3. [147] Logan (2009), p. 21. [182] IEP (2006), §7.

[148] Logan (2009), p. 21–22. [183] IEP (2006), §3 & 7.

[149] EB (1878), p. 93. [184] Fulton (2002), p. 176.

[150] Anselm of Canterbury, Monologion, p. 7, translated by [185] Fulton (2002), p. 178. [140] Sadler. [186] Foley (1909). [151] SEP (2007), §2.1. [187] Foley (1909), pp. 256–7. [152] IEP (2006). [188] Janaro (2006), p. 51.

[153] SEP (2007), §2.2. [189] Janaro (2006), p. 52.

[154] Rogers (2008), p. 8. [190] Anselm of Canterbury, De Concordia, p. 254, translated by Sadler.[191] [155] IEP (2006), §6. [191] IEP (2006), §12. [156] Forshall (1840), p. 74. [192] Holland (2012), p. 43. [157] SEP (2007), §2.3. [193] IEP (2006), §13. [158] McEvoy (1994). [194] Dinkova-Bruun (2015), p. 85. [159] Anselm of Canterbury, Proslogion, p. 104, translated by [195] IEP (2006), §14. Sadler.[160] [196] Rambler (1853), p. 361. [160] IEP (2006), §4. [197] Southern (1990), p. 396. [161] SEP (2007), §3.1. [198] McGuire (1985). [162] SEP (2007), §3.2. [199] Boswell (1980), pp. 218–219. [163] Anselm of Canterbury, Proslogion, p. 115, translated by [200] Doe (2000), p. 18. Sadler.[160] [201] Olsen (1988). [164] Anselm of Canterbury, Proslogion, p. 117, translated by Sadler.[160] [202] Southern (1990), p. 157. [203] Fröhlich (1990), pp. 37–52. [165] Zalta & al. (1991). [204] Gale (2010). [166] Zalta & al. (2007). [205] Vaughn (1987). [167] Zalta & al. (2011). [206] Southern (1990), pp. 459–481. [168] IEP (2006), §5. [207] Southern (1990), p. xxix. [169] Psalm 14:1. [208] “The Stained Glass of Canterbury, Modern Edition”, A [170] Psalm 53:1. Clerk of Oxford, 27 April 2011, retrieved 29 June 2015

[171] Klima (2000). [209] Thistleton, Alan, “St Anselm Window”, Canterbury His- torical and Archaeological Society, retrieved 30 June 2015 [172] Wolterstorff (1993). [210] Lodge, Carey (18 September 2015). “Archbishop [173] Anselm of Canterbury, Proslogion, p. 103, translated by Welby launches monastic community at Lambeth Palace”. Sadler.[160] Christian Today. Retrieved 5 April 2016. 20 8 REFERENCES

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• Fröhlich, Walter (1990), “Introduction”, The Letters • Logan, Ian (2009), Reading Anselm’s Proslogion: of Saint Anselm of Canterbury, Vol. I, Kalamazoo: The History of Anselm’s Argument and its Signifi- Cistercian Publications. cance Today, Farnham: MPG Books for Ashgate Publishing, ISBN 978-0-7546-6123-8. • Fulton, Rachel (2002), From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ & the Virgin Mary, 800–1200, • Luscombe, David Edward (1997), Medieval New York: Columbia University Press, ISBN 0- Thought, Oxford: Oxford University Press 231-12550-X. [Reprinted 2004], ISBN 0-19-289179-0. • Marenbon, John (2005), “Anselm: Proslogion", • Gale, Colin (5 July 2010), “Treasures in Earthen Central Works of Philosophy: Ancient and Medieval, Vessels: Treasures from Lambeth Palace Library”, King’s Lynn: Biddles for McGill–Queen’s Univer- Fulcrum, London: Fulcrum Anglican. sity Press, ISBN 0-7735-3016-9. • Gibson, Margaret (1981), “The Opuscula Sacra in • McEvoy, James (1994), “La preuve anselmienne the Middle Ages”, Boethius: His Life, Thought, and de l’existence de Dieu est-elle ontologique? [Is the Influence, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. Anselmian Proof of the Existence of God Ontolog- 214–234. ical?]", Revue philosophique de Louvain, Vol. 92. • Historical Manuscripts Commission (1901), Report • McGuire, Brian P. (1985), “Monastic Friendship on Manuscripts in Various Collections, Vol. I and Toleration in Twelfth Century Cistercian Life”, Berwick-upon-Tweed, Burford, and Lostwithiel Cor- Monks, Hermits and the Ascetic Tradition: Papers porations; the Counties of Wilts and Worcester; the Read at the 1984 Summer Meeting and the 1985 Bishop of Chichester; and the Deans and Chapters Winter Meeting of the Ecclesiastical History Society, of Chichester, Canterbury, and Salisbury, London: Blackwell Publishing, ISBN 0-631-14351-3. Mackie & Co. for His Majesty’s Stationery Office. • Ollard, Sidney Leslie; et al., eds. (1931), • Holland, Richard A., Jr. (2012), “Anselm”, God, Archbishop Herring’s Visitation Returns 1743, Vol. Time, and the Incarnation, Eugene: Wipf & Stock, V, (reprinted by Cambridge University Press 2013). pp. 42–44, ISBN 978-1-61097-729-6. • Olsen, Glenn (1988), “St. Anselm and Homosex- • Hollister, C. Warren (1982), Medieval Europe: A uality”, Anselm Studies II: Proceedings of the Fifth Short History, New York: John Wiley & Sons. International Saint Anselm Conference, pp. 93–141. • Partner, Nancy (December 1973), “Henry of Hunt- • Hollister, C. Warren (1983), The Making of Eng- ingdon: Clerical Celibacy and the Writing of His- land: 55 B.C. to 1399, Lexington: D. C. Heath and tory”, Church History 42 (4): 467–475, 468. Company. • Potter, Philip J. (2009), Gothic Kings of Britain: The • Hollister, C. Warren (2003), Henry I, New Haven: Lives of 31 Medieval Rulers, 1016-1399. Yale University Press, ISBN 978-0-300-09829-7. • Powell, J. Enoch; et al. (1968), The House of Lords • Hughes-Edwards, Mari (2012), Reading Medieval in the Middle Ages: A History of the English House Anchoritism: Ideology and Spiritual Practices, of Lords to 1540, London: Weidenfield & Nicolson, Cardiff: University of Wales Press, ISBN 978-0- OCLC 263296875. 7083-2505-6. • Robson, Michael (June 1996), “Saint Anselm and • Janaro, John (Spring 2006), “Saint Anselm and the his Father, Gundulf”, Historical Research, Vol. Development of the Doctrine of the Immaculate 69, No. 169, pp. 197–200, doi:10.1111/j.1468- Conception: Historical and Theological Perspec- 2281.1996.tb01851.x. tives” (PDF), The Saint Anselm Journal 3 (2): 48– • Rogers, Katherin A. (2008), Anselm on Freedom, 56. Oxford: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19- • Kidd, B.J. (1927), The Churches of Eastern Chris- 923167-6. tendom: From A.D. 451 to the Present Time, • Rule, Martin (1883), The Life and Times of St. [reprinted by Routledge 2013]. Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of the Britons, Vol. I, London: Kegan Paul, Trench, & • Klima, Gyula (2000), “Saint Anselm’s Proof: A Co. Problem of Reference, Intentional Identity and Mu- tual Understanding”, Medieval Philosophy and Mod- • Schaff (13 July 2005), “NPNF1-07. St. Augustine: ern Times (Proceedings of “Medieval and Modern Homilies on the Gospel of John; Homilies on the Philosophy of Religion”, Boston University, August First Epistle of John; Soliloquies”, Christian Classics 25–27, 1992), Dordrecht: Kluwer, pp. 69–88. Ethereal Library, retrieved 2 May 2015. 22 9 EXTERNAL LINKS

• Southern, Richard W. (1990), St. Anselm: A Portrait • Zalta, Edward N.; et al. (2011), “A in a Landscape, Cambridge: Cambridge University Computationally-Discovered Simplification of Press, ISBN 978-0-521-43818-6. the Ontological Argument” (PDF), Australasian Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 89, No. 2, pp. • Southern, Richard W. (1963), Saint Anselm and 333–349. His Biographer, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

• Sweeney, Eileen C. (2012), Anselm of Canterbury 9 External links and the Desire for the Word, Washington D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, ISBN 978-0- • Lewis, David, “St Anselm (1033–1109) The most 8132-2873-0. eminent thinker and theologian of his age”, Can- terbury Historical and Archaeological Society, re- • Vaughn, Sally N. (Autumn 1974), “St. Anselm: Re- trieved 30 June 2015, a treatment of the locations luctant Archbishop?", Albion: A Quarterly Journal around the cathedral honoring St Anselm, including Concerned with British Studies, Vol. 6, No. 3, pp. the icon of Our Lady of Bec, Anselm, and Lanfranc 240–250. donated by the abbey of Bec in 1999 on the 50th anniversary of its refounding. • Vaughn, Sally N. (1975), “St Anselm of Canterbury: the Philosopher-Saint as Politician”, Journal of Me- • "Anselm", Encyclopædia Britannica, 11th ed., Vol. dieval History, Vol. I, pp. 279–306. II, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1911, p. 81–83. • Vaughn, Sally N. (Winter 1978), “Robert of Meu- lan and Raison d'État in the Anglo-Norman State, • "Saint Anselm", The Biographical Dictionary of the 1093–1118”, Albion: A Quarterly Journal Con- Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, Vol. cerned with British Studies, Vol. 10, No. 4, pp. 352– II, Pt. II, London: Longman, Brown, Green, & 373. Longmans, 1843, pp. 852–858 External link in |contribution= (help). • Vaughn, Sally N. (1980), “St. Anselm and the En- glish Investiture Controversy Reconsidered”, Jour- • St Anselm’s works at Vicifons and the Latin Library nal of Medieval History, Vol. 6, pp. 61–86. (Latin)

• Vaughn, Sally N. (1987), Anselm of Bec and Robert • St Anselm’s works at Wikisource; the Christian of Meulan: The Innocence of the Dove and the Wis- Classics Ethereal Library; and the Online Library dom of the Serpent, Berkeley: University of Califor- of Liberty (English) nia Press. • St Anselm’s works and related essays at Prof. Jasper • Vaughn, Sally N. (Summer 1988), “Anselm: Saint Hopkin’s homepage. (English) and Statesman”, Albion: A Quarterly Journal Con- • “Philosophers’ Criticisms of Anselm’s Ontological cerned with British Studies, Vol. 20, No. 2, pp. 205– Argument for the Being of God”, Medieval Source- 220. book, New York: Fordham University, 1998. • Willis, Robert (1845), The Architectural History of Canterbury Cathedral, Oxford: I. Shrimpton for Parker.

• Wilmot-Buxton, Ethel Mary (1915), Anselm, Lon- don: George G. Harrap & Co. Illustrated by Morris Meredith Williams.

• Wolterstorff, Nicholas (1993), “In Defense of Gau- nilo’s Defense of the Fool”, Christian Perspectives on Religious Knowledge, Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing.

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10.1 Text • Anselm of Canterbury Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anselm_of_Canterbury?oldid=728068220 Contributors: Dan~enwiki, Wes- ley, Zundark, Andre Engels, Mark Christensen, William Avery, Merphant, Michael Hardy, Jtdirl, MartinHarper, Tomos, Ihcoyc, Ellywa, Stan Shebs, Docu, Muriel Gottrop~enwiki, Djnjwd, Sethmahoney, JASpencer, Peter Damian (original account), Charles Matthews, Adam Bishop, Rbraunwa, Dysprosia, Radgeek, Jwrosenzweig, Pedant17, Rbellin, Wetman, JorgeGG, Dimadick, Gentgeen, Robbot, PBS, Ro- manm, Seglea, Rursus, Wikibot, Fabiform, TOO, Steve Casburn, Eran, Tom harrison, Everyking, Dsmdgold, Karnan, Gugganij, Gad- fium, Alexf, Knutux, Zeimusu, Hythlodayeus, Hans castorp81~enwiki, Vina, Phil Sandifer, Sirnickdon, ZZyXx, Klemen Kocjancic, Karl Dickman, Flex, D6, Jayjg, Simonides, Rich Farmbrough, MeltBanana, LindsayH, Guanabot2, Dbachmann, Paul August, Bender235, ESkog, Tom, Lima, Mairi, Wareh, Bobo192, Whosyourjudas, John Vandenberg, I9Q79oL78KiL0QTFHgyc, Nk, Cspurrier, Jonathun- der, Jumbuck, Llnoba~enwiki, Harburg, Andrew Norman, Grenavitar, Pwqn, Tomato~enwiki, Spartacus007, Woohookitty, FeanorStar7, Rocastelo, Cypocryphy, Doric Loon, Graham87, Jan van Male, Cuchullain, BD2412, Alanstrohm, Angusmclellan, Koavf, Gryffindor, Commando303, Cassowary, FlaBot, CDThieme, Nihiltres, Anselmus Oxoniensis, CJLL Wright, Chobot, Jaraalbe, Jdhowens90, Bgwhite, YurikBot, Nighm, RussBot, DBD, Stanselmdoc, Thane, NawlinWiki, Zhaladshar, LiniShu, Robert McClenon, Aldux, Mlouns, Rowisely, Syrthiss, Jerome Kelly, Bota47, Evrik, Nlu, Pegship, Lt-wiki-bot, Nikkimaria, Kungfuadam, SpLoT, Sardanaphalus, Attilios, SmackBot, InverseHypercube, K-UNIT, AFBorchert, RedSpruce, Delldot, P b1999, Srnec, Gilliam, Portillo, Hmains, Carl.bunderson, Ludi, Durova, Bluebot, MalafayaBot, Madeinsane, Localzuk, Will Beback, SashatoBot, Ser Amantio di Nicolao, Robofish, Derek1g, Kuotsaitan, Ned- dyseagoon, Br Alexis Bugnolo, Hu12, Iridescent, K, Dreftymac, Funetikahl, Delta x, Taram, Chamberlian, CmdrObot, Drinibot, Ken Gallager, Caracas1830, Gregbard, Vaquero100, Cydebot, Aristophanes68, Skittleys, ArcherOne, Walgamanus, AJMW, Malleus Fatuo- rum, Thijs!bot, Wikid77, Mime, Daniel, Anupam, Marek69, Juxtatype, Sandon1980, Antique Rose, V79benno, Kariteh, DuncanHill, Kmaguir1, TAnthony, Magioladitis, Hroðulf, Olli J., Brusegadi, Practical123, Afaprof01, STBot, R'n'B, CommonsDelinker, AlexiusHor- atius, LittleOldMe old, Dudley Miles, J.delanoy, Nev1, Kimse, Kimedoncius, Ericipedia, Robertson-Glasgow, STBotD, DorganBot, In- wind, Radicaltorahthought, Lights, Hugo999, Deor, Joopercoopers, Moogwrench, John Carter, Ontoraul, Eldredo, StAnselm, Mfcayley, Gerakibot, Ergateesuk, Monegasque, Aruton, Ptolemy Caesarion, Liana28, Iain99, Ealdgyth, Jan morovic, Afernand74, OKBot, A E Fran- cis, Vojvodaen, Anchor Link Bot, Myrvin, Benkenobi18, MicheleBrown, ClueBot, Loko8181, Plastikspork, Saddhiyama, Tradewater, Niceguyedc, Bradjersak, Rhododendrites, Ericci8996, Seamussecularis, Phso2, Aladdinthewelsh, AMC0712, Mattissa, Schinleber, Am- brosius007, XLinkBot, RogDel, Jan D. Berends, EastTN, Kbdankbot, Addbot, Prattlement, Gvppq, Tassedethe, Lightbot, Scrivener-uki, Rojypala, CountryBot, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Brudder Andrusha, AnomieBOT, SamuraiBot, JackieBot, LlywelynII, Citation bot, ArthurBot, LovesMacs, Rygbi7777, Jayarathina, Drilnoth, Cavila, Jsmith1000, GrouchoBot, Omnipaedista, Mathonius, WebCiteBOT, FrescoBot, DrilBot, Jacobmoh, JES08, RedBot, Julien1978, TobeBot, Pollinosisss, Asteriskos, Minimac, Daniel the Monk, Brumon, Jfmantis, TjBot, EmausBot, Laurel Lodged, DiiCinta, Simoncik84, Angusmoyes, Lobsterthermidor, PBS-AWB, Ryanj.mccarty, Akasseb, Jbribeiro1, Rc- sprinter123, Abbyzwart, Willthacheerleader18, ClueBot NG, Snotbot, Hazhk, Ianlopez12, Mannanan51, Helpful Pixie Bot, BG19bot, JohnChrysostom, Theol11111, Marcocapelle, Thomasmward, Tim Kimberley, 19471K, DPL bot, Jfhutson, Jakob Donskov, Eb7473, Hmainsbot1, Lugia2453, VIAFbot, Afterlifeperfection, CsDix, Vandenjt, MagicatthemovieS, Stamptrader, JaconaFrere, JoeHebda, Kas- parBot, Laurie the lad, Spickytortoise and Anonymous: 217

10.2 Images • File:046CupolaSPietro.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5a/046CupolaSPietro.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: MarkusMark • File:12th-century_painters_-_Meditations_of_St_Anselm_-_WGA15732.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/ commons/f/f9/12th-century_painters_-_Meditations_of_St_Anselm_-_WGA15732.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Web Gallery of Art: Image Info about artwork Original artist: Unknown Miniaturist, English (active 12 century) • File:A_Chronicle_of_England_-_Page_118_-_Anselm_Made_Archbishop_of_Canterbury.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia. org/wikipedia/commons/1/14/A_Chronicle_of_England_-_Page_118_-_Anselm_Made_Archbishop_of_Canterbury.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Doyle, James William Edmund (1864) "William II" in A Chronicle of England: B.C. 55 – A.D. 1485, London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts & Green, pp. p. 118 Retrieved on 12 November 2010. 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