THE ZOMBIE IN JAPANESE POPULAR CULTURE Adaptation of the Haitian Archetype in the Land of the Rising Sun

Adiletta Sara 5615A001-5 June 1, 2016

A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate School of International Culture and Communication Studies Waseda University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

1 Abstract

This thesis aims to offer an overview on the archetype of the zombie, and on the way in which this figure has been absorbed by Japanese popular culture. Starting from the origins of the zombie myth – which are retraceable inside the Voodoo cult, a religion belonging to the syncretic Haitian traditions – the analysis will highlight the evolutionary path of this creature in the American as well as in the international media scenario. From the early 1930s, the zombie has been progressively incorporated into the literature and cinematographic productions of the New Continent, reaching full notoriety in 1968, with the beginning of George Romero’s cinematography. The coming of the new millennium brought to the fore this monstrous figure for the second time, manifesting repercussions and influences in the international media industry, and generating a pervasive phenomenon known as “Zombie Renaissance”: the zombies are nowadays protagonists of a wide range of media, which includes comics, videogames, films, literature and television series. The zombies received a positive evaluation also from Japanese popular culture, in which the living dead often appear in manga and anime.

In order to illustrate some characteristics of Japanese zombies, the investigation will focus on a specific work: the manga I Am a Hero, created by Kengo Hanazawa and first published in 2009. Hanazawa’s manga is successful in combining salient aspects of

Japanese popular culture with characteristic elements of American traditions related to the image of the living dead.

Besides the analysis of the media productions, the research further explores religious, cultural and sociological aspects of the zombie, in order to provide additional information about the Caribbean myth and about its flourishing in the global context. Therefore, after introducing the basic notions about the zombie myth and its origins, the investigation will focus on the comparative analysis between Voodoo and Shinto, which share some common features: both doctrines are characterized by an animist matrix, and they both worship holy creatures, Japanese kami and Voodoo loas.

In addition to the religious examination, the research will be oriented to the study of the mythological creatures – which include a wide range of monsters, demons and ghost – typical of Japanese culture. The exploration of this category could help to confirm or to confute the existence of possible mythological figures which share similarities with the myth of the zombie.

A further section of the thesis will be dedicated to the post-apocalyptic productions released in the American as well as in the Japanese media scenario, with the intent to understand how the most dramatic events – such as the 9/11 attack in the

United States, and the Aum Shinrikyo attack, conducted in 1995 in Tokyo – have affected and influenced the popular culture of these two countries. Post-apocalyptic themes have been a constant in Japanese popular culture since the 1970s, as demonstrated by popular manga and anime such as: Uchū Senkan Yamato (also known as Space Battleship Yamato, Leiji Matsumoto, 1974 - 1975), Kaze no Tani Naushika

(Nausicaä of the Valley of the Wind, Hayao Miyazaki, 1982 - 1994) and Akira

(Katsuhiro Otomo, 1982 - 1990). It is probable that the geological configuration of

Japanese territory – which is characterized by intensive seismic and volcanic activities – could further contribute to increase the attention that Japanese media productions dedicate to catastrophic and apocalyptic themes.

The thesis will further offer a brief panoramic on the main zombie cinematography that characterizes the American media industry, with the intent to retrace a progressive development of the living dead in this context. Consequently, the study will provide a comparative analysis between the general American ideal of the zombie, and the image of the living dead presented in Hanazawa’s manga I Am a Hero, highlighting similarities and contrasts between American and Japanese productions, and trying to define a prototype for Japanese zombies.

Finally, the research will focus on the sociological meaning of the zombie in post- human society: according to Peter Dendle, the zombie expresses the social anxiety of people who cannot find protection under government institutions. Specifically, the sociological meaning of the Japanese living dead will be further explicated through the analysis of the manga I Am a Hero, which includes relevant social issues of this country, such as: the social exclusion and the hikikomori phenomenon; the alienation and the disinterest for life; the high rate of suicides in Japan; the relationship with technology, and the virtual life offered by the Internet.

In conclusion, this study aims to analyse the meaning of the zombie in the twenty- first century, as this figure represents an effective metaphor for our society, oppressed by unreachable social standards (in the workplace as well as in the school system) and by the new threats – such as chemical and bacteriological weapons, and the technological surveillance exercised by political powers as well as by the media – that afflict our controversial historical period. Although the living dead seems to be unknown in the ancient folkloristic and cultural traditions of the Japanese archipelago, this figure seems to be an effective metaphor for Japanese society: through the analysis of Hanazawa’s manga, the study aspires to conjecture on possible meanings and messages promoted by the figure of the zombie in the contemporary era, trying to identify the main reasons that have facilitated the transplanting of this figure in Japan. Table of Contents

Introduction…………………………………………………………………..………....5

Chapter I: The Myth of the Zombie between Folklore and Popular Culture……..13

1.1 Back to the Origins: Haitian Voodoo and the Myth of the Zombie...... 13

1.2 The Term Voodoo………………………………………………………….14

1.3 Introducing Zombies in Haitian Culture………………………………...16

1.4 The Pantheon of Loa……………………………………..………………..18

1.5 The Ritual of Possession…………………………………………………..20

1.6 From Local Folk to the Media: The Escalation of the Zombie in

American Popular Culture……………………………………………………21

1.7 A Brief Overview on Zombie Cinematography………………………….23

1.8 The New Rise of the Living Dead in the Global Scenario………………26

1.9 The Zombie in Japanese Popular Culture……………………………….27

Chapter II: Shintō and Supernatural Creatures of Japanese Culture…………….30

2.1 An Introduction to Shintō………………………………………………...31

2.2 Shrines and Worshipping…………………………………………………32

2.3 The Kami Pantheon………………………………………………………..34

2.4 Social Aspects of Shintō…………………………………………………...35

2.5 A Comparison between Haitian Voodoo and Japanese Shintō…………36

2.6 Japanese Monsters: Yokai, Bakemono, and Other Horrific Creatures...38

2.7 Yokai and the Media……………………………………………………….41

2.8 Yokai vs Zombies…………………………………………………………..42

Chapter III: Japanese Post-Apocalyptic Scenario and Kengo Hanazawa’s Manga I

Am a Hero……………………………………………………………………………...46

2 3.1 Aum Shinrikyo and New Religion in Japan……………………………...46

3.2 Terrorism and Apocalyptic Productions in the Land of the Rising

Sun……………………………………………………………………………...51

3.3 Japanese Horror…………………………………………………………...52

3.4 Natural Disasters and Post-Apocalyptic in Japan………………………57

3.5 I Am a Hero: A Brief Overview on Kengo Hanazawa’s Manga………...59

3.6 The Main Characters of the Story………………………………………..62

3.7 The Zombies in I Am a Hero……………………………………………...65

3.8 A Transmedia Product: I Am a Hero Live-action………………………..69

3.9 The Evolution of the Zombie in the Cinematographic Medium………..71

Chapter IV: The Sociological Interpretation of the Zombie and its Meaning in the

Land of the Rising Sun………………………………………………………………..74

4.1 Social Problems Emerging from Hanazawa’s Manga…………………..74

4.2 Japanese Society and the Relationship with Technology……………….78

4.3 New Religions in Manga………………………………………………..…84

4.4 The Italian Scenario in I Am a Hero…………………………………..….85

4.5 Final Overview on the Manga and the Meaning of the Zombie in I Am a

Hero………………………………………………………………………..…...88

4.6 Social Implications of the Zombie and the Post-Human……………..…92

Conclusions………………………………………………………………………….....98

Bibliography………………………………………………………………………….104

Web Sources………………………………………………………………………….110

Filmography………………………………………………………………………….113

Video Games………………………………………………………………………….116

3 Other Work Cited……………………………………………………………………117

Appendix……………………………………………………………………………...120

4 Introduction

The main purpose of the thesis is to analyze the figure of the zombie in Japanese popular culture, focusing in particular on the prolific fields of manga and anime.

Through this investigation, I wish to individuate the sociological meaning of the living dead in Japanese archipelago, highlighting analogies and divergences with the canonical representation of the zombie in the American media industry. In order to offer a thorough overview of this topic, the research will be articulated in different areas of study. Therefore, cultural, religious and sociological components will be the main fields implemented in the analysis.

In order to show visible evidences for the relevance acquired by the figure of the zombie in popular culture, I will consider a series of media products, belonging to the

American as well as to the Japanese media scenario, having the living dead as main protagonists. Specifically, in line with the main intent of the thesis, I will orient my attention on a particular Japanese work: the manga written by Kengo Hanazawa, I Am a

Hero (Shogakukan, 2009). Hanaway’s manga has been chosen after the analysis on the manga about zombies published in the Land of the Rising Sun, and listed in the

Appendix. In contrast with the other manga analyzed – in which the monstrous figures do not always share relevant similarities with the living dead – Hanazawa’s work includes explicit references about the American ideal of the zombie, as the author himself states that he was inspired by Western films about zombies, including the movies 28 Days Later (Danny Boyle, 2002), Dawn of the Dead (Zack Snyder, 2005) and Rec (Jaume Balagueró, Paco Plaza, 2007) (Lippi, 2013). In addition, I am a Hero represents a fundamental source to individuate important information about social,

5 cultural and religious aspects of Japanese society, which emerge during the development of the narration. The research will further consider the live action of Hanazawa’s manga, that was released on April 23, in 2016, in Japanese theatres.

In order to define a possible frame of the zombie in Japan, an Appendix – which will include all the manga and anime having the living dead as the key figures in the story line – will be integrated into the study. The thesis will consist of four chapters, which will be briefly introduced in this section as follows:

The first chapter will provide a general introduction on the archetype of the zombie and on its roots, retracing a chronological path for this creature. The zombie finds its origins from Haitian folklore, which is strictly bound up with the cult known as

Voodoo1 (Bishop, 2010, p. 37). As a consequence of the American occupation of

Haitian territory, the zombie has been absorbed by the popular culture of the New World

(Bishop, 2010, p. 12), becoming a popular figure in literature as well as in the successful Hollywood industry since the beginning of the last century. With the advent of the new millennium, the figure of the zombie has risen from the shadow after a few decades of quiescence, generating a pervasive phenomenon known as “Zombie

Renaissance” (Bishop, 2010, p. 12): zombies currently appear as main characters in several media, such as comics, videogames, films, literature and television series. The universal success of this figure has reached also the Japanese archipelago, finding fertile ground in the fields of videogames, anime and manga: for the latter category, the work produced by Kengo Hanazawa stands out for its direct references to the western image

1 The term is attested in several variants depending on geographic areas: Vodu, Vaudou, Vodù, Vudu, Vudù, Vodun, Vodon, Vudun, Voudou or Voodoo. To conduct this analysis, I will use the term Voodoo, which is also reported in the English translation of Alfred Metraux’s book, Voodoo in Haiti. (1972). New York: Schocken Books.

6 of the zombie, and further amplified to suit Japanese cultural sensibilities.

It should be noted that the origin of the phenomenon “Zombie Renaissance” seems to be connected to the terrorist attack conducted against the United States on

September 11, in 2001: in fact, starting from this moment it is possible to register the return on the scene of the living dead, starting in the cinema arena with the film directed by Danny Boyle and released in 2002, 28 Days Later (Bishop, 2010, p. 5). A similar trend is also reflected in anime and manga productions, since 1995 already: in fact, this is the year in which a new religious sect, known as Aum Shinrikyo, carried out a terrorist attack in the Tokyo Metropolitan Station (Gardner, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, p.

200).

Chapter II will focus on the religious and mythological beliefs that characterize

Japanese context. As pointed out by the researchers Silva (2013) and Lam Van Bui

(2013), Shinto (which seems to be the main cult professed in the country) and Voodoo manifest several points of contact between each other’s beliefs. They both can be considered animist religions, and they both believe in spiritual beings: Loa for Voodoo and Kami for Shinto. After discussing the main similarities and differences between syncretic Voodoo and Shinto, I will examine Shinto in greater depth, exploring the Kami

Pantheon together with its hierarchical structure, main rituals and the relevant beliefs that characterize this doctrine.

The second part of the chapter will be dedicated to the Japanese mythological creatures (such as bakemono and yokai), which include a wide range of monsters, demons and ghosts peculiar to Japanese culture. These supernatural beings are well known for their ambiguous and eccentric nature, and they are often protagonists of a multitude of Japanese media, including manga and anime (such as the manga GeGeGe

7 no Kitarō, created by Shigeru Mizuki in 1960, and the videogame Yokai Watch, developed by Level-5 and released in 2013). In the entertainment contexts, these fictitious figures are used in a great variety of ways: they can assume positive or negative roles according to the specific plot of the medium in which they are incorporated. The analysis of those creatures is thus important to find possible features commonly shared by classical American zombies and the monstrous beings created by the artist Kengo Hanazawa. The Japanese author could have in fact integrated some peculiar traits of the Japanese horror traditions into his zombies, creating a unique model for the living dead in the current scenario.

In Chapter III I will explore the Japanese horror genre, which – together with other Asian productions – is well-known for the multitude of cinematographic productions that inspires numerous remakes in Hollywood industry. The primary aim is to analyze how this sector evolved during the last decades (focusing mostly on anime and manga) in relation to the apocalyptic themes following the most dramatic events in

Japan, such as the Aum Shinrikyo attack on 1995. However, it is worth noting that the post-apocalyptic themes have been a constant in Japanese popular culture since the

1970s (Gardner, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, pp. 202-203). This is shown by famous manga and anime such as: Uchū Senkan Yamato (also known as Space Battleship

Yamato, Leiji Matsumoto, 1974 - 1975), Kaze no Tani Naushika (Nausicaä of the Valley of the Wind, Hayao Miyazaki, 1982 - 1994) and Akira (Katsuhiro Otomo, 1982 - 1990).

Besides the cultural motivations, the constant and intimate inclination manifested by

Japanese popular culture for apocalyptic themes could be in part related to the precarious geological conditions of their territory, which is characterized by an intense activity on the earth’s surface, manifested through earthquakes, typhoons and flooding.

8 As further step, I will offer a close analysis of the manga I Am a Hero, presenting the main characters and the key elements of the story. Therefore, I will list and analyze the peculiar features of the zombies created by Kengo Hanazawa, such as their appearance, attitude and manner of contagion, comparing them with the classic

American productions in this genre. The final aim of this investigation is to identify possible connotations of Japanese living dead, trying to speculate – in accordance with the limits of the research (which focuses on the study of a selected work) – a possible prototype for Japanese zombie. In addition, a short part of this section will be dedicated to the namesake live action version of Hanazawa’s manga – directed by Shinsuke Sato –

I Am a Hero (released on April 23, 2016). The main purpose is to compare the two products, highlighting the main correspondences and contrasts between both narratives, and retracing – where possible – further elements to delineate Hanazawa’s characterization of the living dead. Interestingly, the film screening was anticipated by a prequel of the story titled I Am a Hero: Hajimari no Hi (I Am a Hero: The Day it

Began), which will be also mentioned. The prequel was broadcasted on Docomo’s online Television on April 9, 2016, two weeks before the launch of the movie on the national big screens. The releasing of two cinematic works in a very short time span suggests a high level of expectation toward Hanazawa’s story, reinforcing consequently the great appeal that the figure of the zombie is able to exercise worldwide.

In the fourth chapter I intend to expands the social interpretation of the zombie in the post-human society. Here I will focus on the acute interpretation of Peter Dendle (as cited in Scott, 2007, p. 45) who defines the “zombie as barometer of cultural anxiety”: he argues that the zombie can be interpreted as a metaphor of contemporary society, which is characterized by a growing crisis that affects all social strata, confronting

9 individuals with new issues and conflicts, such as the true meanings of morality, law and justice. I expect to explicate the social issues that emerge from the manga I Am a

Hero, which include: the plight of hikikomori2; the alienation and the detachment from reality that invests a considerable part of Japanese population; the high rate of suicides in Japan; the isolation and the difficulty for Japanese people to interact in social groups

(focusing on the way in which people organize rules and social roles in a certain community); and the relation with technology, and the double life offered by the

Internet through virtual communities and anonymous forums, such as the digital platform 2channel used in Hanazawa’s manga. Important here is the unconventional protagonist of the story, Hideo Suzuki, who can be considered as an anti-hero, in contrast with the general tendency of many Japanese manga that pullulate of brave and talented characters. Hanazawa’s zombies can be also considered a symbol of the solitude that affects Japanese society. Despite their “zombified” condition, all the victims affected by the epidemic seem to be able to interact with each other, reducing dramatically the sense of isolation that afflicts their existences. This phenomenon is manifested for the first time during the narration by Hiromi, a school girl who, after being infected, has mysteriously recovered her human faculties. Hiromi confesses to

Hideo that during her zombie condition, she was able to communicate with all the other people stricken by the disease, releasing her from the loneliness of her life.

To summarize, with this research I aspire to offer an overview and analysis on the

2 The term Hikikomori has been coined by the Japanese psychiatrist Tamaki Saito: the expert describes with this word a particular category of Japanese teenagers, who spontaneously decide to remain segregated in their homes, interrupting all the relationship with the outside world. (Meligrana, 2013, p. 71).

10 archetype of the zombie, identifying the main reasons that have facilitated the transplanting of this figure in Japan. I will further highlight similarities and divergences between Hanazawa’s zombie and the classic living dead configured by American culture, trying to understand if the sociological meaning of this figure is identical in both societies. In this perspective, the zombie could configure itself as a universal symbol, an archetype discovered again in recent time, generating an international phenomenon known as Zombie Renaissance.

Finally, I would explain the reason why I chose a manga to conduct this research: the image of the zombie is connected directly to the visual culture, and the manga industry is becoming extremely popular in the international market. Therefore, it seems particularly worth trying to understand how this figure has been absorbed by Japanese culture, which does not seem to include this kind of creature in its folklorist traditions.

The adoption of the zombie into popular culture further demonstrates the versatility of this creature, which has been successfully used in a series of different productions: films, comics, animation, literature, television series, and social events (such as zombie parades, cosplay, talk shows etc.), videogames and board games. This represents an impressive eclecticism that configures the living dead as a transmedia artefact, capable of transcending geographic and cultural borders.

It is worth to noting that – in a parallel way to the phenomenon of the “Zombie

Renaissance” – in the media scenario there has been registered a considerable growth of television series inspired by comics and graphic novels, such as Smallville (2001-2011), and Heroes (2006-2010) (Tirino, as cited in Frezza, 2015, p. 135). In this sense, the comic – which for a long time was considered as an inferior medium (compared to television and cinema) – is elevating its status today, as seen through the figure of the

11 zombie and its invasion of popular culture (Tirino, as cited in Frezza, 2015, p. 135).

A final aspect to consider concerns the academic literature concerning zombies, which is mostly found in the US. Consequently, the lack of a significant Japanese bibliography further motivates specific research on this topic: although from the analysis of a single medium – Hanazawa’s I Am a Hero – it would be impossible to define a generalized interpretation of Japanese zombies, this study aims to provide an important starting point for the exploration of this figure in Japan, possibly promoting an increase in the publishing of specific texts about this original subject.

12 Chapter I

The Myth of the Zombie between Folklore and Popular Culture

The first chapter aims to offer a brief overview of the evolution of the zombie, starting from the Haitian origins to the success achieved by this figure in the mainstream industry. The intention is to introduce the myth of the zombie, contextualizing this monster in the cultural scenario. Therefore, the analysis of Haitian culture will be particularly important in defining a background for this figure, and in understanding its original functions. The passage into the American media landscape will further show the way in which the living dead has been reinterpreted to appeal to mass society, incorporating new meanings and characteristics.

1.1 Back to the origins: Haitian Voodoo and the Myth of the Zombie

The roots of Haitian culture can be found in the Dominican Republic, part of the

Caribbean region: during the seventeenth century, the city of Saint-Domingue was in fact a high pole of attraction for the trade of slaves. These slaves were in large part

African, and their presence in the Haitian island was extremely heterogeneous:

Senegalese, Minas, Fons, Aradas, and many other ethnic groups populated the territory.

In addition to the variegated nature of Haitian social structure itself, Voodoo seems to have its own characteristics that also derive from a fusion of different cultures (Metraux,

1972, p. 25). Usually the African slaves were deported to Saint-Domingue from the

Gulf of Benin, also known as the “Slave Coast”. In many cases, such as for the

Kingdom of Dahomey, it was the sae ruler who would sell population to the Whites, with the main intent to gaining economical profits from the human exploitation

13 (Metraux, 1972, p. 26). One of the main reasons underlying the establishment of

Voodoo in Haiti seems to be the condition of slavery that characterizes the majority of the Haitian population. In this sense, the embracing of this doctrine represented an effective way for local people to bear the high level of stress and exploitation caused by the intensive work in the plantations (Metraux, 1972, p.31).

Although at first the Catholic Church tried to convert the whole mass of slaves arrived in the New Continent, it never managed to fully control these people and their beliefs. During ordinary daily life, in fact, no controlling procedures were applied by the plantation’s owner on the workers to promote the Catholic religion (Metraux, 1972, p.

33). However, during the initial phase of its development, these persecutions forced the

Voodoo devotees to practice their rituals in secret.

1.2 The Term Voodoo

According to Metraux, the term Voodoo3 – used by the populations of Dahomey and Togo – means “god”, “spirit” or “sacred object”. As the author specifies, Voodoo represents “all those things which the European understands by the word fetish”

(Metraux, 1972, p. 27). Metraux further describes Voodoo as “an all powerful and

3 Beside the two etymologies provided above, it is worth mentioning the study conducted by Ackermann and Gauthier (1999), which reports a wide range of words that could be responsible for having determined the birth of the term “zombie”. I will briefly list the eight words highlighted by the scholars with their correspondent meanings. For further details on each term, such as language, country and references, I will refer to the article published by the two authors and available on the online platform JSTORE. Fumbi (spirit); mvumbi (cataleptic person, invisible part of a man); ndzumbi (corpse); nsumbi (devil); nvumbi (body without a soul); nzambi (spirit of a dead person); zan bibi or zan bii (night bogey); zumbi (fetish, revenant). From Ackermann, H.W, Gauthier, J. (1991). The Ways and Nature of the Zombi. In The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 104, n. 414, pp. 466-494. University of Illinois Press.

14 supernatural being” (Metraux, 1972, p. 36), suggesting the mystical nature of this cult.

Another definition of this term is provided by Milo Rigaud (1985). According to the author, the word Voodoo – which can be spelled as vodou or vodu – is constituted by two subordinated words: vo – which means “introspection” – and du, which refers to the

“unknown” (Rigaud, 1985, p. 8). This “introspection to the unknown” is exercised by the Haitian devotees through the numerous rituals that characterize the doctrine: the rituals have the final intent to comprehend the essential role of the Voodoo and the deities worshiped in the cult (Rigaud, 1985, p. 8).

As attested by the ethnographer Moreau de Saint-Mery, Voodoo rituals were originally connected to the worshipping of snakes: the power of the snake could be manifested only with the intervention of particular priest and priestess, known as hungan and mambo4 (Metraux, 1972, p. 36). Voodoo rituals require in general the participation of a snake for the practice of possession operated by the hungan or mambo, which leads a certain social group. The ceremonies usually end with a “collective delirium” in which the devotees are victims of an unnatural fury or loss of consciousness. In some extreme cases, it seems that people could end up to bite their own flesh (Metraux, 1972, pp. 36-38). This last dynamic can be directly connected to the cannibal nature of the zombies, which feed on human flesh. As a consequence of

American dominance, Voodoo has been labelled as a barbaric cult, and several attempts at repression were conducted by Western society on the Haitian population. However, thanks to the Concordat established with the Catholic Church in 1860, Voodoo regained its autonomy, although the starting of tourism in the country has impoverished the

4 Beside Hungan and Mambo there is another category of priests known as Hunsi (“spouse of the god”): these figures usually assist the priest’s functions (Metraux, 1972, p. 69).

15 Haitian religion and its original nature (Metraux, 1972, pp. 55-56).

1.3 Introducing the Zombie in Haitian Culture

According to the definition offered by the ethnologist Alfred Metraux, “Zombi are people whose decease has been duly recorded, and whole burial has been witnessed, but who are found a few years later living with a boko5 in a state verging on idiocy”.

Expanding the initial description, Metraux adds: “A zombie remains in that misty zone which divides life from death. He moves, eats, listens to what is said to him, even speaks, but he has no memory and no knowledge of his condition. The zombi is a beast of burden which his master exploits without mercy… A zombi’s life is seen in terms which echo the harsh existence of a slave in the old colony of Santo Domingo”

(Metraux, 1972, p. 282). The scholar continues highlighting the docility of this creature, which seems unable to rebel against his master; the only exception is recorded when the slave tastes salty food: in this case, in fact, he gains awareness of his condition unleashing his wrath on the wizard who dared to awaken him (Metraux, 1972, p. 283).

It is further necessary to specify that the zombie’s origins are more ancient than the spread of the Haitian Voodoo itself: the roots of this creature can be traced into the

African continent – specifically in central Africa – as well as in the Caribbean islands.

Ackermann and Gauthier (1991) highlight the “dualism” of the zombie, arguing that there are two kinds of zombie: a body without a soul – a mere living dead –and a

5 The expression boko (or bokor) refers to a hungan (priest) who practices black magic. The term is generically used to indicate the Voodoo priest. In Metraux, A., Voodoo in Haiti. (1972). New York: Schocken Books. p. 374.

16 soul without a body, which refers to the zombie of the soul (Ackermann, Gauthier, 1991, p. 467). Despite the differences between the two species, both of them are connected to the characteristic belief of Haitian Voodoo: the “duality of the soul”. According to the

Haitian traditions, each man has two souls: the Gros Bon Ange (Big Good Angel) – which is equivalent to the Christian’s Soul – a sort of life force, which identify people’s personality, and the Ti Bon Ange (Little Good Angel) that has instead, the main task to watch over humans, protecting their spirits (Ackermann, Gauthier, 1991, p. 469).

A body without a soul refers to the original Voodoo traditions: for unknown reasons the man’s body is called back from the grave in which he resides. The research conducted so far suggest that the death of the victims seems apparently natural: this is often the result of poisoning or black magic practices, that have the main intent of stealing the victim’s soul. Specifically, the poisoning is operated through the capture of the Ti Bon Ange, which reduces the victim into a zombie with an incomplete soul: usually, the process of zombification seems to be used to get more profit through exploitation and slavery, or simply to inflict punishment towards people accused of having violated prevailing social norms (Ackermann, Gauthier, 1991, p. 474).

A soul without a body – in other words, a zombie without spirit – is a category almost unknown, even in Haiti. The soul may belong to people who died in an accident, or to women who died virgins. Once the spirits are captured, they can be enslaved and submitted to harsh forms of coercion: in this sense, particularly sensitive and vulnerable souls incur a greater risk of being captured by external forces. Usually, they are imprisoned in jars or cans, to be sold or rented for different purposes: they can be used as assassins, as well as carriers of disease or as tools of destruction of agricultural fields

(Ackermann, Gauthier, 1991, p. 482).

17 1.4 The Pantheon of Loa

Voodoo devotees constantly appeal to supernatural beings known as loas (a term translated as “holy”, “angels” or “mysteries”)6. The Voodoo Pantheon includes a wide range of loas, which are classified into two main categories: Rada and Petro. The former class finds its origins in the town of Arada – in Dahomey – and it includes most of the loas descending from Nigeria and Dahomey. The class Petro incorporates some indigenous loas and others gods from different areas of the African continent: unlike the

Rada, which appear to be more docile, the loas Petro are characterized by a harsh and wicked nature (Metraux, 1972, pp. 86-88).

Although the most important loas seem localizable in Guinea, in the town of

Ville-aux-Camps, these spirits can be found in other natural environments: mountains, springs, ponds, caves, rivers, and abyss (Metraux, 1972, pp. 91-92). Normally, these entities protect and guide the faithful; they show a definite personality that makes them particularly skilled in business, and susceptible to any kind of insubordination: for example, if there are not offered to them the usual gifts and the sacrifices required, they can unleash their vengeful wrath against the devotees; these last can be affected by diseases or the loss of a young member of their family, or - in some cases – they can be punished with the total abandonment of the loa, which thus cease to serve as guard for the devotee (Metraux, 1972, p. 98).

As is evident, loa can show a fickle and ambivalent nature and they are able to influence the lives of their devotees. The number of spirits is boundless, and new gods

6 In addition to loas, Voodoo venerates two other categories of spirits: Dead and Twins. They are not included in the research for reasons of relevance. To explore these figures in depth, please refer to the text written by Metraux, A. (1972). Voodoo in Haiti. New York: Schocken Books.

18 continuously join the pantheon, while others fall into oblivion. The mysteries generally show anthropomorphic appearances and they have specific characteristics depending on the functions that they perform. Before invoking any deity, the faithful need to obtain the permission of the god Legba, guardian and master of the barrier that separates the world of the living from the world of the spirits. He is also considered as protector of homes, roads and trails; he oversees the ceremonies of sorcerers and he is invoked by them to ensure the success of their spells. Legba usually takes the form of a poor old limping man, wearing worn clothes and holding a crutch for walking: the possessions caused by this god are particularly violent, and in some cases, they can lead the victim to frantic convulsions (Metraux, 1972, pp. 101-102).

Other important loa which is worth to mention are:

Agwé (o Agwè-taroyo): a sort of god of the sea, who appears as naval officer and has a trident as main symbol (Metraux, 1972, pp. 102-103).

Damballah-wèdo: the god-snake, who is sometimes represented together with his wife, Aida-Wedo. He is a water god rich and powerful: his victims crawl like snakes and they assume all the typical movements of these reptiles (Metraux, 1972, p. 105).

Sogbo: the god of lightning, which throws on earth polished stones, used by the devotees to venerate the loas (Metraux, 1972, p. 106).

Loco: the god of nature, guardian of health and religious shrines (Metraux, 1972, p. 107).

The loa Guédé, included into the family of mortuary spirits: they stand out for the ambivalent nature. They present a terrifying appearance, effectively contradicted by a cynical and burlesque personality (Metraux, 1972, pp. 112-113). One of them is even called Captain Zombi (Metraux, 1972, p. 115), emphasizing the mortuary elements that

19 distinguish these divinities.

1.5 The Ritual of Possession.

The process of zombification reveals important similarities with the ritual of possession, through which loa take possession of their victims’ body. Loa are ubiquitous, hence they can accompany the devotees during daily activities: sometimes they simply watch over the population in silence, in other cases they literally take possession of their devotees’ body, triggering a process of intimate communication with both the possessed person and the external parties involved in the mystical phenomenon (Metraux, 1972, p.

120). Through the ritual of possession, the loa chases away the soul of the Gros Bon

Ange, leading the faithful into a state of trance: in this sense, the loa is described as a master who seizes his horse. The state of confusion of the possessed person can have duration and intensity that depend on the type of loa who “seizes” him/her (Metraux,

1972, p. 121). In addition, the frenzy that overwhelms the victim during the ritual can be mitigated and appeased by the crowd around him. Once awaking, however, the faithful is unable to remember what happened to him (Metraux, 1972, p. 122). It is worth mentioning that the possession operated by loa is highly desired by Haitian worshippers; in contrast, being possessed by evil spirits is considered a terrible and insidious event, one that should be avoided at any cost (Metraux, 1972, p. 127).

In general, loas can enter in contact with their devotees during dreams or incarnating themselves in a certain human being (Metraux, 1972, p. 120). In addition,

Voodoo priests and priestesses have the ability to call some particular loas, if some of the faithful need to talk to them (Metraux, 1972, p. 120).

20 1.6 From Local Folklore to the Media: The Escalation of the Zombie in the

American Popular Culture

The colonial domination of Haiti by the United States has favoured the absorption of the zombie in the popular culture of the new continent (Bishop, 2010, p. 12). As a main consequence of this process, the zombie has acquired a universal acknowledgement, appearing in various media thorough the world. In the wake of this transnational movement, the zombie has been integrated into Japanese culture that – although does not include a similar figure in its distinctive imagery – is particularly notable for the horror traditions and for the mythological beings that characterize the local folklore. In general, the archetype of the monster has specific and universal functions that transcend the physical connotations that it can embody. As Jeffrey Jerome

Cohen elucidates, “the monster is that uncertain cultural body in which is condensed an intriguing simultaneity or doubleness…it introjects the disturbing, repressed, but formative traumas of ‘pre-’ into the sensory of ‘post-’, binding the one irrevocably to the other. The monster commands, ‘Remember me’…” (Cohen, 1996, p. ix). According to the author, monsters manifest a drastic and visible difference from human beings

(Cohen, 1996, p. x). In this perspective, it is possible to extend the theory provided by the writer to the figure of the zombie, that proposes itself as something other and unknown, opposite to the standard conception of ‘normality’. In this sense, the zombie manifests the degeneration of the human body, which loses its integrity, physical as well as spiritual.

In contrast with many other monstrous creatures – such as vampires, like

Stoker’s Dracula (1897) and golems, like Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (1818) – that have a literary origin, the myth of the zombie finds its roots in Haitian folklore and in

21 the Voodoo cult (Bishop, 2010, p. 31). Furthermore, such popular Hollywood monsters show strong ties and connections with the American historical background, as a consequence of the colonial expansion operated by the citizens of the New Continent in the Haitian territory (Bishop, 2010, p. 38). According to this assumption, we should clarify the relation between popular culture and folklore. The two concepts both manifest their effects on the social sphere: in particular, the expression “popular culture” generally refers to the wide propagation of cultural elements through the mass media, that overcome geographical and cultural boundaries between different societies. On the other hand, the concept of folklore is directly connected to small communities and it reflects limited social realities: since the communication is only between the members of the community, the folk traditions do not tend to expand outside (Narváez, Laba,

1986, p. 1). This demarcation is obviously noticeable in the evolutionary path of the zombie, that has reconfigured its image through the passage from the local cult of Haiti

– in which the figure preserves a deep and stable relationship with the indigenous culture – to the mainstream American (as well as international) productions. The first example showing the introduction of the zombie into the cultural context of the New

Continent is the book The Magic Island, written by William Seabrook in 1929. The author – who visited Haiti in order to study in depth Voodoo cult– experienced directly cultural traditions and rituals of the Haitian native people, discovering the fascinating and obscure myth of the zombie. Seabrook describes the zombie as a human corpse who has been deprived of his soul by a powerful sorcerer, who brings him back to life.

According to the writer, these creatures were used as slaves, servants, and occasionally as murderers in order to satisfy the desires of their masters (Bishop, 2010, p. 48).

Although Seabrook tried to contextualize the phenomenon through an ethnographical

22 and scientific approach – motivating the zombie status as a result of doubling identity process, (which means that the zombie simply physically resembles a dead person, but he is in truth a different person) – his book strongly influenced the imaginary of

American media scenario: the mysterious nature of the zombie and its myth, consecrated this figure in popular culture, delineating the popular image of the living dead as we know it today (Bishop, 2010, p. 49).

Similarly to Seabrook, Wade Davis sought a rational explanation for the process of zombification: in his anthropological study The Serpent and the Rainbow (1985),

Davis investigates Haitian Voodoo and the practices related to the creation of the zombie, arguing that the zombie is manipulated by a certain kind of Voodoo priest, known as bokor: this latter takes possession of the victim’s body using a zombie-powder

– usually realized with a mixture of drugs and sedatives – conducting him in a state of apparent death (Bishop, 2010, p. 50). This phenomenon generates a strong feeling of anxiety among Haitian population that continuously tries to avoid a similar event, which represents a threat both for the lower and the upper class inside Haitian society. In this sense, the zombie is considered as an ideological symbol of postcolonial era: a mere slave subdued to the will of a master, with no possibility of altering his condition

(Bishop, 2010, p. 58).

1.7 A Brief Overview on Zombie Cinematography

Imperialist and postcolonial themes are widely manifested in the first series of

Hollywood movies related to the zombies: these creatures are interpreted as a symbol of the colonial power, expressing the fear, for the conqueror, of being destroyed by the enslaved population (Bishop, 2010, p. 55). The movie White Zombie, directed by Victor

23 Halperin, is commonly considered as the inaugurator of this genre. However, the work – released in 1932 – is still far from the following American and international productions that have determined the global popularity of the living dead. In general, Halperin’s movie promotes a strong protest against the industrial society, which obliges the individuals to work with exhausting rhythms (Dendle as cited in Scott, 2007, pp.

45-46): in this perspective, the workers were treated just like robots, or – in other words reflecting this study – there were mere zombies subdued to the will of their chiefs.

A further cinematographic development can be found in the movie directed by

Jacques Touneur, I Walked with a Zombie (1943), which anticipated the horror genre that has characterizes Hollywood cinema. In a similar way to Halperin’s film, in this movie is still evident the connection between the Voodoo cult and the imperialistic expansion of the American colonizers: the zombies are represented as mere puppets bent to the will of powerful and dark sorcerers, who have the complete control of their bodies

(Bishop, 2010, p. 13).

The turning point for zombie cinematography is dated 1968 in coincidence with the releasing of the film The Night of the Living Dead, directed by George Romero: the movie finally breaks the ties with the past and with the cult professed in Haiti, presenting a zombie with a greater, but still inscrutable, autonomy of action (in

Romero’s production, the living dead are not possessed by human owners anymore, but in opposition, they are free to upset the human world). The success of Romero’s movie led to the creation of other five films, directed by the same author: Dawn of the Dead

(1978), Day of the Dead (1985), Land of the Dead (2005), Diary of the Dead (2007) and

Survival of the Dead (2009). George Romero’ zombie embodies the new social fears of men, which find their origin in human nature itself (Bishop, 2010, p. 95): the dynamic

24 of the contagion (usually the victims get infected through zombies’ bites) – together with the disturbing appearance of these creatures – is clearly a reflecting for the degeneration of the human figure.

As Kevin Boon further highlights, it is possible to identify in these last productions, a post-nuclear zombie that expresses new threatens for the human society: the violent and uncanny nature of the zombie has as main purpose the annihilation of men’s soul, that lose their personalities and identities (Christie, Lauro, 2011, p. 56). This massive success of the zombies generated – at the beginning of the century – a global phenomenon known as “Zombie Renaissance”. The most renowned examples that contributed to diffuse this figure in the wide media industry include: the videogame saga Resident Evil (1996-present, known with the original name Bio Hazard); the

English movie 28 Days Later (Danny Boyle, 2001); the recent World War Z (originally a

Max Brook’s novel, 2006, later adapted into a film directed by Marc Foster and released in 2013); the comedy horror Warm Bodies (Jonatan Levine, 2013): the comic The

Walking Dead (Tony Moore, Robert Kirkman, 2003, which inspired the namesake television series in 2010) (Hubner, Leaning, Manning, 2015, p. 11, p. 17).

The “Zombie Renaissance” seems to be due to the 9/11 attack, which introduced new fears, such as the alteration of the social order, apocalyptic threats and the overwhelming fear of the ‘Other’ (Hubner, Leaning, Manning, 2015, pp. 11-12). In general, the first productions about zombies still show strict connections with religious themes and with Haitian culture (Dendle, 2001, p. 13). In addition, early zombie films were mainly focused on the possession of human – usually female – bodies (Dendle,

2001, p. 3), in contrast with the modern zombie, who attacks men and women indistinctively. This shift increases the zombie’s deadly power, as this creature is able to

25 infect anybody, without distinction of sex, ethnicity or social status. However, over several decades the zombie movies have departed from their Haitian roots, presenting in the figure as we know it today: a terrifying monster who feed on human flesh (Dendle,

2001, pp. 13-14). As Dendle further highlights, the zombie – in contrast with other fictional creatures – moved directly from the folklore to the screen, lacking of a solid literary tradition (Dendle, 2001, p. 3).

1.8 The New Rise of the Living Dead in the Global Scenario

Peter Dendle defines the zombie as a “barometer of cultural anxiety” (as cited in

Scott, 2007, p. 45). In this sense, zombies are privileged vehicles to express the cultural, economic and political fears that affect American society (Dendle as cited in Scott, 2007, p. 45). Nowadays the zombies have overcome the original representation of the exploited Haitian slaves, configuring themselves as a metaphor of the Western man, oppressed by the increasing capitalist growth in the social sphere. A valid example of this process is offered by the American Great Depression, a phenomenon responsible for having reduced the working class to mere automatons, deprived of any freedom of action and though (Dendle as cited in Scott, 2007, p. 46). From 2001 – immediately following the Twin Towers attack –zombies have been reinterpreted by the media industry, acquiring new characteristics that gave them vivid and feral nature (Dendle as cited in Scott, 2007, p. 54). The zombie – with its lack of control and insatiable desire for consumption – represents a serious threat to man, who is obstructed from establish any kind of dialogue with such an indomitable creature (Dendle as cited in Scott, 2007, p. 54).

Therefore, it is fundamental to distinguish between a zombie slave – belonging

26 to Haitian Voodoo – and a modern media zombie, which symbolizes the product of contemporary mainstream culture, and which stands out for the evil and contagious nature (Laura, Embry, 2008, pp. 87-88). The zombie that emerges has a transmedia figure, protagonist of a wide range of productions: comics, cinema and television

(Frezza, 2015, p. 265). Still nowadays, the figure of the living dead expresses a strong critique of technocratic society, in which men are constantly oppressed by social boundaries (Frezza, 2015, p. 270). Finally, in contrast to other supernatural creatures – such as vampires – the zombie has no sentimental and romantic depth (Frezza, 2015, p.

270).

1.9 The Zombie in Japanese Popular Culture

The thriving Japanese market of anime and manga has started to introduce in recent decades the living dead in its productions, in which zombies are involved into interesting transformations. Beside the manga I Am a Hero (2009-present, Kengo

Hanazawa) – in which the image of zombies is perfectly in line with the modern apocalyptic productions of the United States – there is a large number of manga and anime that presents a flexible and variegated portrait of the figure of the zombie. These creatures are often reinterpreted, showing conscious spirits and strong personalities. In addition, the names with which these beings are identified are not always related to the term “zombie”: as instance Biomega (Tsutomu Nihei, 2004-2009) talks about drones, humanoids that refer to the figure of an hyper-technological cyborg; in the manga

Grand Guignol Orchestra (Kaori Yuki, 2008-2010) the humans reduced to mere puppets are called “guignols”, marionettes reliant on care; in particular, in the latter work realized by Kaori Yuki, the figure of the Kami Kaminari, queen of the Great Orchestra,

27 appears to have an important reference to Shinto cult and to the kami that characterize it

(which will be examined in the next chapter). In Tokko (Tohru Fujisawa, 2004) the enemy creatures are called Phantoms, demons from the ambivalent nature. Furthermore, the causes that conduct the human beings in this new zombie condition are quite diversified: viruses, parasites and pandemics, are some of the ways of contagion retraceable in the manga Biomega and Highschool of the Dead (Daisuke Sato, Shoji

Sato, 2006-2013).

In general, the deadly themes are linked to the concepts of the spirit and the soul, which can be found in all the manga cited above, providing an important aid in their interpretation. The events narrated seem to linger not only on the deformed and infected bodies of the victims, but also on their tormented spirits: therefore, it is evidently a fundamental and basic need – which is common for the whole humanity – for specific cure, capable of healing the body as well as the psyche.

In conclusion, the zombie represents a key figure in the post-human scenario, highlighting critical issues about human life, corporality and technology (Frezza, 2015, p. 273). The constant presence of this figure, its adaptability and its ubiquity in the variegated media industry, links us to the concept of “Convergence Culture” claimed by

Jenkins in his namesake work (2006): old and new media continuously interact with each other, creating new dynamics of action in the cultural sphere (Jenkins, 2006, p. 2).

The variegated use of the zombie is nowadays the most visible example of this tendency, which is included in a large number of media and adapted to new technological scenarios: the web series – composed by six short episodes – The Walking Dead (The

Walking Dead: Torn Apart, Greg Nicotero, 2011) and the talk show Talking Dead

(directed by Norman Russell and Mike Corey, and presented by Chris Hardwick)

28 demonstrate how versatile can be zombies in the current era.

29 Chapter II

Shintō and the Supernatural Creatures of Japanese Culture

This chapter will be divided into two main areas of study: the analysis of Shintō, and the investigation concerning the mythological creatures characterizing Japanese imagery. Therefore, after offering a brief overview of Japanese religion – in which the main rituals, together with the most important deities worshipped in the Pantheon will be discussed – the research will highlight the most relevant similarities and differences between Japanese and Haitian religion. Although Hanazawa’s zombies seem to show more connections with American popular culture, rather than with Haitian Voodoo, the exploration of the religious themes could help to provide a better contextualization of the figure of the zombie in Japan. In addition, referring to the original roots of this archetype, it seems worth introducing Japanese Shintō, which shares interesting analogies with Voodoo. The research will not consider the examination of American religions for reasons of pertinence: the large number of beliefs professed in the territory could require additional studies which are not relevant for the research, with the risk of deviating attention from the analysis of the zombie archetype. It is worth mentioning that, although Shintō practices are falling in disuse among Japanese new generations, its correspondences with the Haitian cult make this religion particularly interesting for this study.

The investigation of Japanese mythological beings will provide further comparisons between Japanese monsters and zombies. Both figures often appear as protagonists of media productions – anime, manga and videogames – so that their study could help to analyse in depth Japanese popular culture.

30 2.1 An Introduction to Shintō

The word Shintō (神道 in Japanese) is constituted by two ideograms: 神

(“shin”), which means “kami”, and 道 (that could be read as tō or dō), which means

“way”. Therefore, the term could be translated as “The Kami Way” (Ono, Woodard,

1969, p. 1).

Unlike many other religions – such as Islam, Christianity and Buddhism –

Shintō is not a revealed religion: this means that there are no prophetical figures in

Japanese doctrine – like Muhammed, Jesus and Gautama – who made themselves donators of a sacred cult to the human population (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 3).

Furthermore, in opposition to the religions mentioned above, Shintō does not have sacred scriptures (Ono, Woodard, p. 3). Despite the unavailability of Holy Scriptures, it is possible to identify two texts in which are incorporated the ancient traditions of

Shintō: the Kojiki (literally “old things written”) dating back to 712 AD, and the

Nihongi (“Chronicles of Japan”), more detailed than the former one, and dated 720 AD.

The two texts contain the fundamental records of Japanese society, including important references about the dynasty of the imperial family and about the descendants of noble clans famous for having constituted the Country. In addition, such archives incorporate significant information about the major Shintō practices and about the rituals that characterize the social structure of Japan (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 10).

Shintō can be considered as a sort of ways of life more than a simple religion, thanks to its capacity to involve any aspect of people’s life. It presupposes a personal faith in the kami as well as a collective devotion by the whole community toward the doctrine (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 3). Unlike Voodoo – which seems to have a univocal structure – Shintō is articulated in different subcategories:

31 - Popular Shintō, associated with the original faith and folklore of the doctrine

(Ono Woodard, 1969, p. 12);

- Domestic Shintō, in which the worshipping takes place at the home altar, inside

the dwelling of each individual (Ono Woodard, 1969, p. 12);

- Sectarian Shintō, which is professed among elitist groups, which occupy leading

positions into Government organizations (Ono Woodard, 1969, p. 12);

- Imperial Household Shintō, exclusively professed in the three shrines belonging

to the Imperial Family (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 13);

- Shrine Shintō, considered the oldest form of Shintō, in which the worshipping

was usually practiced in Shrines. After Meiji Restoration, these shrines were

nationalized. However, after World War II the shrines were transformed in

private institutions, hence, the worshipping in these places fell in disuse (Ono,

Woordard, 1969, p. 14);

- State Shintō, constituted by the Imperial Household Shintō and by the Shrine

Shintō, incorporating the basic history of Japanese culture. This form of Shintō

has been abandoned as a consequence of shrines disestablishments (Ono,

Woodard, 1969, p. 15).

2.2 Shrines and Worshipping

Shintō Shrines are generally managed by priests, who are in charge for holding the main rituals required by the doctrine (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 40). Shrines are characterized by an internal hierarchical structure: these sacred places are directed by a gūji (chief priest), who is often supported by an assistant, gon- gūji. In addition, each shrine is served by other subordinate priests, which rank is inferior to the principal

32 priest: negi and gon-negi (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 42).

In a similar way to Voodoo – in which hungan and mambo (priests and priestesses) act as mediators between loas and the population (Metraux, 1972, p. 120) –

Shintō is characterized by the existence of particular female shamans, Miko7, who are able to perform purifying ceremonies, and to establish a communication with the kami

(Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 40).

In general, Shintō ceremonies contemplate the worshipping of four main elements:

- Harai: the rite of purification (Ono, Woodard 1969, p. 51);

- Shinsen: the offering toward kami (Ono, Woodard 1969, p. 52);

- Norito: prayers, composed and addressed to kami (Ono, Woodard 1969, p. 55);

- Naorai: a sacred feast, in which all the devotees celebrate together the end of a

certain ceremony (Ono, Woodard 1969, p. 57).

Shrines embrace an essential relationship with nature (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 97): as instance, mountains represent one of the privileged locations in which a shrine can be held, and for this reason, these places are considered holy sites in which worship kami

(Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 99). In a similar way, other sacred objects – such as caves and rocks – are considered favoured spaces for worshipping kami: an example is the cave located on the island of Enoshima, in which the main shrine is dedicated to the worshipping of the kami Benten (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 101).

A further ceremony performed in Shintō that is worth mentioning is the Kami

Matsuri, a Japanese traditional festival held to celebrate the kami. This event is perceived as one of the most ancient and efficacious ways for entering in contact with

7 Miko are also defined as “altar” girls, and they usually wear a white top with a long red skirt. According to Roberts, miko can be possessed by kami interacting with the believers (Roberts, 2010, p. 80).

33 kami (Hara, 2003, p. 94) as well as an effective practice to purify the spirit. The term matsuri can be decomposed in two words: matsu – which means “the coming of kami”

– and matsurau, which means “to serve the kami” (Hara, 2003, p. 95).

2.3 The Kami Pantheon

As Ono and Woordard (1969) highlight, kami are the primary object of worship in Shintō (p. 6). The term kami is generally used to refer to sacred, virtuous and noble entities, hence it is never used toward ordinary people (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 6).

However, according to Aston (1968), the term kami – which means “superior” or

“above” – can refer to nobles or to Mikados (Japanese Emperors): in general, the man who can benefit of this appellation belongs to the highest class of society, or he occupies illustrious political roles (Aston, 1968, p. 7).

The large and heterogeneous category of kami includes: natural phenomena

(such as wind and lightning), essential cycles of life (growth, fertility and reproduction), natural entities (such as sun, mountains, rivers, trees and rocks), animals, and ancestral spirits (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 7). However, kami can also show anthropomorphic features, constituting the category that Aston defines Man-Gods (Aston, 1968, p. 15).

This characteristic is also owned by Voodoo loas, which often present human appearances, such as the loa Legba, mentioned in Chapter I (Metraux, 1972, p. 101).

In correspondence with the Haitian loas, each kami is characterized by peculiar features and faculties, which make each deity unique and unrepeatable (Ono, Woodard,

1969, p. 9). A special category of kami is known as ujigami: these deities watch over devotees and their families (uji in Japanese means “clan”); unlike natural divinities – which reside in the external environment – the ujigami may intervene in the daily life of

34 their devotees (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 9).

Other salient kami that is worth mentioning are:

- Amaterasu: goddess of the sun, placed at the summit of the divine hierarchy;

despite her leading position, Amaterasu does not exercise a real supremacy over

the other kami (Aston, 1968, p. 123). She is usual to consult the other deities,

interacting with them without benefiting of special privileges. According to

Japanese traditions, Amaterasu’s grandson was the first emperor of Japan

(Roberts, 2009, p. xv).

- Susa no wo: god of storm. His wife is Inada no hime, which means the

“rice-field lady” (Aston, 1968, p. 138). Susa no wo is Amaterasu’s brother. The

conflict with her sister to gain the supreme power determined his expulsion from

Paradise (Roberts, 2009, p. xv).

- Izanagi and Izanami: the first duo of deities responsible for having created the

world – and consequently – all the other kami (Roberts, 2009, p. xv).

- Tsuki-Yomi: god of the moon (Aston, 1968, p. 141). Like Susa no wo, he is

Amaterasu’s brother (Roberts, 2009, p. xv).

- Ninigi-No-Mikoto: Amaterasu’s nephew, descended on Earth to rule over men

(Roberts, 2009, p. xv).

2.4 Social Aspects of Shintō

Shintō experienced some critical phases in correspondence with the introduction of

Confucianism and Buddhism in the Japanese Archipelago (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 85).

However, after a first period of resistance, the foreign religions have been both integrated into the indigenous culture, determining a sort of internal equilibrium in

35 Japanese territory. For this reason, modern Shintō lives in harmony with the other cults professed in Japan (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 88). An example of this homogenization is offered by Shintō Goddess of the Sun (Amaterasu), who was also considered as manifestation of the Cosmic Buddha (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 86). As Kazuya Hara further specifies, Shintō is characterized by flexibility and openness to other religions:

Shintō devotees can freely celebrate Christmas, visit a temple, or they can comply

Buddhist funeral rites without restriction (Hara, 2003, p. 82). The very pervasive nature of Shintō in Japan’s life has made unnecessary the transmission of philosophical and historical written documents (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 92).

Men in Shintō are considered as children of kami, hence their nature is originally good (Ono, Woodard, 1969, p. 103). However, in modern Shintō the distinction between good (yoshi) and evil (ashi) is not fixed: a sort of free will is donated to men, who can act in a certain way, according to the circumstances which he has to face (Ono, Woodard,

1969, p. 106). Hara defines Shintō as the “Japan’s indigenous, traditional and folk religion” (Hara, 2003, p. 84). This aspect represents a further point of contact between the Japanese religion and Voodoo cult, which is also intrinsically merged with the folkloristic and cultural traditions of Haiti.

2.5 A Comparison between Haitian Voodoo and Japanese Shintō

Based on the above description, it appears evident the presence of a common animist base between Voodoo and Shintō 8. Both doctrines believe in supernatural

8 Animism: term coined by the anthropologist E.B. Tylor (1832-1917) to indicate a true “theory of religion”: according to the animistic idea, all the existing entities have their own lives, hence they should be revered as sacred and spiritual essences. Animism represents a distinctive feature of many primitive

36 spirits which populate the world and interact with humans9 (Lam Van, 2013 p. 75). As anticipated in this chapter, Voodoo and Shintō do not possess sacred scriptures, hence their traditions are mostly transmitted orally (Lam Van, 2013 p. 75).

A further characteristic shared by both doctrines concerns their deities: loas and kami, which can assume anthropomorphic as well as zoomorphic appearances. For the former category, two examples are: Amaterasu – goddess of the sun, represented by a woman with sun rays propagating from her head – and Legba, Voodoo god, represented as an old man using a crutch to walk (Lam Van, 2013, p. 75). The latter category – in which deities show animal appearances – can be exemplified by the two figure of

Danbala – represented by a snake in Haitian culture – and Ryujin, a dragon in Japanese mythology (Lam Van, 2013, p. 75).

Both religions are not strict toward other beliefs, leaving a certain grade of free will to their devotees in interacting with other realities (Lam Van, 2013, p. 75). Voodoo and Shintō can be both professed in the public sphere as well as in the private space: the devotees can use personal Shintō shrines – located in the domestic space, or – in the case of Voodoo – in private altars, known as ogatwa (Lam Van, 2013, p. 75).

Despite these shared features, it is important to mention that, in contrast with the

Haitian religion – which growth has been obstructed by the colonialist powers – Shintō has never suffered from severe persecutions by external forces (Lam Van, 2013, p. 76).

societies. In Ed. TAYLER B., Encyclopaedia of Religion and Nature, Bristol, London & New York: Continuum, 2005, pp. 78-81. 9 However, according to Maya Deren (a notorious scholar of the Haitian Voodoo), Voodoo cannot be classified as animist religion because loas are not fixed into the natural objects, but they continuously change during time, acquiring new forms and characteristics (as cited in Lam Van Bui, 2013, p. 75).

37 Both kami and loas are intrinsically part of the life of their respective populations. However – in contrast with loas – Japanese deities do not seem to interact with their devotees directly (Silva, 2013, p. 57). In addition, compared to loas, kami seems to show a fixed nature, remaining permanently in the natural spots in which they have originated, such as water and sky. In contrast, loas continuously flow through the world, showing a variable and shifting nature (Silva, 2013, p. 57).

One last feature, which characterizes the current era, is the use of these spirits in the media industry, especially in videogames: although loas remained confined in the religious and ethnographic context of Haiti, the figure of the zombie – thanks to the popularity acquired in the media industry – seems to be one of the favourite antagonists in these virtual productions, appearing in many titles published on the international market. Analogously, the order of the kami seems to have conquered its own space within the vast segment of videogames: an example is the work published in 2006,

Okami, created by Hideki Kamiya (involved in the production of the videogames

Resident Evil and Resident Evil 2, in which zombies are the main enemies to defeat): in

Okami, the protagonist Amaterasu, descends on Earth in disguise: she appears as a wolf

(“okami” in Japanese) to save the human race (Lam Van, 2013, p. 86).

2.6 Japanese Monsters: Yokai, Bakemono, and Other Horrific Creatures

Unlike loas, kami do not seem to operate techniques of possession towards their devotees. However, there is another category of mythological creatures that perform such a practice: the class of yokai. According to Kazuhiko Komatsu, the term yokai means monster: snakes or oni (Japanese demons) are classically considered as evil forces, manifesting the wrath of the gods. Like loas and kami, these spirits have

38 ambivalent attitudes and personalities, reflecting humans’ behaviour (Komatsu, 2009, p.

26). Despite both embody different entities, the distinction between yokai and kami is not always well-defined: a certain spirit could be a yokai for those people who experienced terrible situations with the entity, or a kami for others who benefited from the power of this holy being (Foster, 2009, p. 15). In general, yokai are not venerated by the population, in contrast with kami which are worshipped and considered as sacred essences (Foster, 2009, p. 15).

Komatsu further highlights four main characteristics that contribute to delineate the nature of yokai (Komatsu, 1999, p. 2):

- Except for rare cases, these creatures limit their appearance during the night,

between sunset and sunrise (Komatsu, 1999, p. 2);

- Spiritual beings or physical objects may turn into yokai during time, taking new

forms and characteristics: the mutations can involve humans, foxes, dogs or

family heirlooms (Komatsu, 1999, p. 2);

- Yokai integrate another subordinate category of demons, known as oni,

which can be easily recognized for the universal and well defined attributes (in

contrast to many yokai, whose representation can vary according to the local

traditions): oni are anthropomorphic beings, with powerful muscles and an

intense colour skin that can be blue, yellow, red or black. The most peculiar sign

of these creatures is represented by the horns on their heads (Komatsu, 1999, p.

2);

- Finally, yokai can perform possession over objects or humans, leading the latter

to death in some extreme occasions (Komatsu, 1999, p. 2). As instance, the fox

39 spirit Kistune Yuki (as cited in Roberts, 2009, p. 69), usually takes possession of

human bodies, especially females: Kitsune is a spirits extremely common in

Japanese folk scenario. According to the legend, the foxes get into the victims’

bodies through their nails or chests.

The term yokai is not univocally defined, but it is generically used to refer to mysterious creatures such as demons, goblins, spirits, ghosts, deities and monsters

(Foster, 2009, p. 2), including numinal and strange creatures (Foster, 2009, p. 22).

According to Foster, a yokai “is an embodiment of a certain cultural moment” (2009, p.

3) and it is able to embrace a large number of different disciplines, such as science, mythology, literature and ethnographic (Foster, 2009, p. 3).

Although there are additional definitions for these Japanese creatures – such as the word bakemono (literally “changing thing”) – the term yokai is nowadays the most used to identify the Japanese monstrous creatures in the academic studies (Foster, 2009, p. 5).

In a similar way to other mystic entities which populate every culture, yokai are expression of humans’ fears and emotions (Foster, 2009, p. 11).

In a complementary way to zombies, yokai can be included in the category of the

“Uncanny”. According to Freud (as cited in Foster, 2009, p. 18) the term uncanny

(translated from the German unheimlich) refers to “that class of the frightening which leads back to what is known of old and long familiar” (as cited in Foster, 2009, p. 18).

The sense of uncanny can be manifested when ancient and forgotten beliefs are confirmed again, or when the infantile complexes take manifestation during the adult age (as cited in Foster, 2009, p. 18).

Despite the variegate nature of these creatures and the difficulties in classifying them accurately, yokai are object of study in a multitude of disciplines, in which

40 scholars try to elaborate a sort of taxonomy for Japanese monsters. A first attempt to publish a sort of encyclopaedia of yokai has been performed by the Japanese author

Toriyama Sekien: his work, Gazu Hyakkiyagyo – composed by four volumes – collects illustrations of more than two hundred yokai, each of them supported by brief descriptions of the mythological figures (Foster, 2009, p. 55)10.

2.7 Yokai and the Media

In a similar way to Romero’s zombies (which are expression of the degeneration of human society), yokai are a manifestation of the major Japanese fears and anxieties displayed in a large number of media productions since the last century.

A first well-known example is the film Gojira11 (Hishiro Honda, 1954), released after the American attack on the Japanese archipelago during World War II: the giant dinosaur manifests the mix of political, environmental and technological transformations that invested Japan after the conflict (Foster, 2009, p. 160).

The decade between 1970 and 1980 represented a second attempt for Japanese society to re-establish contacts with the ancient and pastoral life of the past (Foster,

2009, p. 163). In this new scenario, yokai were take back again as object of interest: particularly influent in this period were the creations of Mizuki Shigeru, who inspired his art to the famous works realized by Toriyama Sekien (Foster, 2009, p. 163).

10 The Buddhist philosopher Inoue Enryo (1858-1919) defined a specific field of study about yokai, known as yokaigaku: his intent was to promote the modernization of the Nation, showing academically that the large series of mystical traditions of Japan were nothing more than superstitions (Mittman, Dendle, 2013, p. 140). 11 Gojira is defined as kaiju: in contrast with yokai, this term is used to identify giant creatures, and it can be literally translated as “mysterious beast” (Foster, as cited in Foster, Dendle, 2013, p. 135).

41 Mizuki’s creation, Kuchi-sake-onna12 (“slit-mouthed woman”) became an icon in yokai world, finding a stable position in Japanese popular culture (Foster, 2009, p. 164). The monstrous woman plays as a metaphor of the urbanization that invested Japan, causing

– after the Second World War – a progressive depopulation of the rural areas of the

Country (Foster, 2009, p. 187). Kuchi-sake-onna further manifests the sense of alienation for the new generations of Japanese children, who find themselves to face an increasing and pervasive urban – as well as technological – growth (Foster, 2009, p.

194).

The yokai boom (Foster, 2009, p. 203) started in 1980 is still nowadays very pervasive. Another key sector in which these monstrous creatures have been successfully used is Japanese Horror: as instance, the film Ringu (Nakata Hideo, 1998) can be identified as the most peculiar work about this genre (Foster, 2009, p. 206)13.

2.8 Yokai vs Zombies

In this section I will discuss some Japanese mythological creatures that share aspects in common with the American archetype of zombie. Basing on the sources currently available, I have examined all the supernatural beings in Freeman’s book The

Great Encyclopaedia of Yokai (2010), focusing my attention on those creatures who seem to share common features with zombies.

It is worth anticipating that Japanese scenario seems to lack of figures that

12 Kuchi-sake-onna is a female yokai, known for her split mouth: according to the legend, after a disastrous cosmetic surgery her mouth was completely disfigured. For this reason, the woman always wears a mask covering part of her face. She usually approaches people asking them if they find her pretty, and killing them in case of a positive answer (Foster, 2009, p. 185). 13 Japanese horror will be further discussed in Chapter III.

42 resemble the American idea of zombie. However, isolated similarities with the living dead have been found among different creatures which populate Japanese folklore.

It should be confirmed that the figure of the zombie introduced by Romero in

1968, significantly differs from the original myth that characterizes the Haitian culture

(the zombie in the local folk was a mere puppet, manipulated by a sorcerer) (Sellars,

2012, p. 192). In this sense Romero’s zombies can be compared to the vampires/ghouls of Richard Matheson’s novel, I Am Legend (1954). As the American director confirmed in fact, the creatures in his The Night of the Living Dead (George Romero, 1969) were inspired by the disturbing figures introduced by Matheson in his novel (Sellars, 2012, p.

192). Therefore, the modern zombie can be considered as a hybrid creation, which entertains minimal connections with the ancient folklore of Haiti: in this sense, the lacking of a correspondent figure in Japanese scenario could further confirm the recent creation of this myth, that finds its fertile ground primarily in the media industry. What I intend to highlight is the fictional nature of Romero’s zombie: these creatures – in line with Bishop’s idea, which considers the zombie as an American creation (Bishop, 2010, p. 12) – lack of any indigenous traditions, belonging almost exclusively to the cinematographic medium. Therefore, it is not unpredictable that no equivalent figures can be retraced in other ancient folkloristic traditions, such as Japanese culture.

After this preliminary and necessary explanation, I am going to present the main objects of this section, listing the yokai selected for this research:

- Gaki: greedy people that after death become insatiable ghosts feeding on corpses

and excrements. They cannot eat normal food as it would reduce them to ashes

(Freeman, 2010, p. 81). Beside the ravenous hunger, these creatures seem to

have no point of contact with zombies.

43 - Gashadokuro: a giant skeleton made of bones of people who died of starvation.

These creatures manifest a violent nature, hunting humans and biting off their

heads (Freeman, 2010, p. 82). Gashadokuro shares with zombies the same

deadly nature, although these Japanese creatures exceed for their dimensions. In

addition, these monsters do not expose decomposing flesh, in contrast with

zombies that often reveal their entrails.

- Katabiragatsuji: the ghost of a decomposing woman who was devoured by dogs

and crows (Freeman, 2010, p. 166). The only characteristic that this creature

seems to share with zombies is her appearance, which recalls the exposed flesh

of the living dead.

- Kurozuka: a sort of horned witch, who shows a cannibalistic nature (Freeman,

2010, p. 202). The latter aspect represents the main point of contact with

zombies, who feed on human flesh.

- Neko-mata: a monster that resembles a humanoid cat, able to manipulate dead

bodies like puppets (Freeman, 2010, p. 227). These creatures seem to be more

similar to the Haitian idea of zombies – intended as a puppet governed by a

sorcerer – rather than to the modern zombies celebrated in American popular

culture.

- Yakubyo-gami: spirits that cause diseases and epidemics among the population

(Freeman, 2010, p. 367). These creatures share with zombies the capacity of

spreading a certain disease through contagion.

44 - Oni14: savage demons – usually with horns – which appearances can vary

according to the local traditions (Freeman, 2010, p. 252). In a similar way to

zombies, oni have a cannibalistic nature, as they feed on human flesh (Reider,

2010, p. 14). However, oni are conscious beings which can usually assume

different forms to deceive and devour humans (Reider, 2010, p. 15).

In conclusion, Japanese mythology seems to lack of creatures that significantly resemble the modern living dead. It is worth noting that, despite the absence of the zombie in Japanese folklore, the living dead proliferate in the media production of the

Land of the Rising Sun, especially in the fields of videogames, anime and manga. In this sense, the modern zombie could represent a creature that prescinds from a mere local and geographical roots, configuring itself as the universal symbol for an ultimate degeneration of men.

In conclusion, the zombie can be defined as “barometer of cultural anxiety”

(Dendle as cited in Scott, 2007, p. 45): the zombie expresses the new dilemmas that affect global society, manifested in new issues and conflicts that reconfigured the relationship between corporality and technology.

14 Oni are also interpreted as metaphor of Japanese foreign enemies, such as US, Britain, Russia and China. An example of this usage is represented by the mangaka Fujii Tomu (1912-1943) who depicted the American president Roosevelt with horns on his head (Reider, 2010, p. 107).

45 Chapter III

Japanese Post-Apocalyptic Scenario and Kengo Hanazawa’s manga I Am a Hero

In this chapter will be analysed the post-apocalyptic themes in Japanese culture. Starting from the attack on Tokyo Metro Station in 1995, the research will move on the horror and apocalyptic productions characterizing Japanese popular culture, with the intent to highlight the most relevant features of these artefacts. On one hand, the investigation on the sect Aum Shinrikyo will provide important elements to better understand Japanese society and its cultural context. On the other hand, the brief discussion on Japanese horror will provide an interesting introduction for the analysis of Hanazawa’s manga, I

Am a Hero, which investigation will continue in depth in Chapter IV.

3.1 Aum Shinrikyo and New Religions in Japan

In a similar way to American society – struck by the terroristic attack on 9/11, in

2001 – Japan experienced a shocking event on March 20, in 1995: the Aum Shinrikyo attack. Aum Shinrikyo is the name of a religious movement responsible for having released gas sarin in Tokyo’s subways lines, killing 13 people and injuring others thousand civilians (Pletcher, 2014, n.d.).

According to Richard Gardner (2008), the attack generated a series of controversial repercussions on the production of anime and manga. If on one hand, manga and anime were considered by the general opinion as a threat for the population, on the other hand, these media were also interpreted as useful tools to understand

Japanese society (Gardner, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, p. 200). In this sense, contents and themes emerged in several manga and anime could reflect the general

46 feeling of Japanese citizens toward threats and social changes that take place in their

Nation. Therefore, in order to identify the connections between Aum Shinrikyo and the industry of manga and anime, I will offer a short panoramic on the origin of this movement. The overview on the roots of this Japanese cult represents a fundamental step in this investigation, and further evidences connected to this New Religion will be provided in the fourth chapter, in which I will conduct a deep analysis of Kengo

Hanazawa’s manga: I Am a Hero contains in fact important references about the new religious movements which characterize Japanese society.

Aum emerged in Japan during 1980: it was originally a yoga association, managed by the leader of the movement Shoko Asahara (whose real name is Chizuo

Matsumoto). One of the abilities claimed by this New Religion was the possibility for its members to develop supernatural skills and powers using yogic and meditation techniques (Gardner, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, p. 201). Since the beginning of his movement, Asahara professed a future Armageddon that would extinguish the entire human population by the year 1997 (although in a first moment the apocalypse was scheduled for the year 1999). According to Asahara, only Aum members could survive the apocalypse, creating a new kingdom to restore human society on earth (Gardner, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, p. 202).

It is worth noting that, the idea of creating a new “one-thousand-year kingdom” celebrated by Asahara, was not something new: before him, other apocalyptic prophecies were divulged around the globe, such as the St’ John’s Revelation,

Nostradamus’s prediction and Adolf Hitler’s ideal of German Nation (Garner, as cited in

MacWilliams, 2008, p. 202).

One of the main reasons that justifies the pervasiveness of Aum was the use of

47 multiple types of media to promote the main principles of the cult. In the specific,

Asahara was able to dispose of: a magazine, titled Mahayana, introduced in 1987; the series of anime and manga produced by an internal studio; a personal website; a radio station; promotional videos and music productions (Gardner, as cited in MacWilliams,

2008, p. 204).

In general, as pointed out by Gardner in his essay (Aum Shinrikyo and a Panic about Manga and Anime, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008), the apocalyptic themes are not a novelty in the cultural scenario of the Land of the Rising Sun (Gardner, as cited in

MacWilliams, 2008, p. 202). Famous examples antecedents to Aum’s attack are: the anime television series broadcasted in 1973, realized by Reiji Matsumoto, The Space

Battleship Yamato (Uchu senkan Yamato); two important Hayao Myiazaki’s masterpieces: Mirai Shonen Conan, broadcasted during 1978, and the manga Kaze no tani no Nausicaa published in 1982, and followed by the namesake animation movie, directed by Miyazaki in 1984 (Gardner, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, p. 202);

Katsuhiro Otomo’s cult, Akira (Akira, K. Otomo, 1982), published in 1982 as manga and followed by an animated movie in 1988 (Gardner, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, p.

203).

In general, the ’70s and ’80s productions seem to having inspired Aum in the creation of the catastrophic scenario consecrated by the sect. Specifically, Matsumoto’s work, The Space Battleship Yamato, seems to have particularly influenced Asahara’s doctrine: the anime Oumu Shinrikyo no Seikai (Oumu Shinrikyo no Seikai, Aum

Shinrikyo, 1995), for example, has as main protagonist Asahara himself, in the role of captain of the Spaceship Mahayana, which evidently refers to the Space Battleship

Yamato (Gardner, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, p. 209).

48 Regarding the relationship between Aum and manga and anime productions, it is possible to identify a significant change in the attitude that the doctrine reserves to these areas. Although in a first moment manga and anime were considered as dangerous tools by Aum’s members, capable to control and persuade the public opinion, in a second moment anime and manga became effective tool in promoting Aum’s doctrine: the movement started to produce a wide range of anime and manga – often having Asahara as main protagonist – focused on the apocalyptic prophecy divulged by the group

(Gardner, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, p. 207).

As Jolyon Thomas Baraka further specifies, the attack organized by Aum

Shinrikyo heavily stirred public opinion and several scholars who studied the phenomenon: as instance, according to a large group of experts, the contents exposed in many apocalyptic manga influenced Aum, leading it to a path of extremism, fomenting and encouraging its violent and catastrophic nature. On the contrary, Thomas argues that the manga published after 1995 include traces and characteristics related to Aum

(Thomas, 2012, p. 131), suggesting that Asahara’s cult had a significant impact on

Japanese artists. In general, the connection of manga and anime with the doctrine is evident, as Asahara himself was known for his devotion toward Japanese comics.

Therefore, it is possible to talk about a mutual influence between anime, manga and

Aum Shinrykio. According to Thomas, Aum productions, together with many other manga published in the post-1995 should be incorporated in the category known as

“Evil Cult”: this class includes works in which often religious groups are promoters of evil cults. These movements are usually led by perfidious impostors and false prophets, who promise an ascetic path for those who will join the doctrine, deceiving people about mystical possibilities for saving the mankind from the apocalypse (Thomas, 2012,

49 p. 129). Examples of these influences – which consolidate Aum Shinrikyo as the major source of inspiration for anime and manga after 1995 – are: Naoki Yamamoto’s manga

Believers (2000), Urasawa Naoki work’s 20th Century Boys (1999-2007) and Death

Note (2003-2006), created by Oba Tsugumi and Obata Takeshi (Thomas, 2012, p. 130).

In general, manga (as well as anime) industry seems to structure the plot of the stories in accordance with the trends and the preferences of the market, rather than expressing mangaka’s personal interests and inclinations: this practice favorited the propagation of apocalyptic and catastrophic themes into Japanese media context during last decades (Thomas, 2012, p. 144).

Aum was part of the new religious movements developed in Japan during 1980.

In the specific, the Japanese expression used to identify these new “New Religion” is

Shin Shin Shūkyō (Reader, 1997, p. 12). These new movements emerged as results of an increasing interest manifested by young Japanese for obscure and mystic phenomena that could allow them to acquire supernatural powers. In addition, these religions offered a valid response to the aseptic and materialistic society, accused to limit the spiritual expression of each individual in the public sphere (Reader, 1997, p. 13). With the intent of restoring the order in Japan, the new religions prefigured an apocalyptic scenario as ultimate stage for human world: only through the complete annihilation of the entire planet it would be possible to escape from the threat of the technological slavery (Reader, 1997, p. 13). Another distinctive feature of the new religions is their eclectic nature: Aum itself incorporates elements that originally belonged to Buddhism,

Shinto, Hindu and Christianity. As Reader elucidates, the name Aum derives from

Sanskrit, and it symbolizes the ability of creating and destroying the universe, while the name Shinrikyo means in Japanese “teaching the supreme truth” (Reader, 1997, p. 15).

50 The influence of the Indian culture on Asahara’s movement is further manifested by the role of guru played by the leader: he rejected any form of materialism, going through an ascetic path of growth, with a complete devotion for his sect. (Reader, 1997, p. 15).

Furthermore, in contrast to the other new “new religions” – such as Agonshū and

Kōfuku no Kagaku, used to emphasise Japanese national identity, attributing importance to each individual – Aum Shinrikyo considered social Institutions as oppressive elements for Japanese population, discharging the idea of fraternalism among citizens (Reader,

1997, p. 16).

3.2 Terrorism and Apocalyptic Productions in the Land of the Rising Sun

As Ledger points out, terroristic attacks – such as the Aum Shinrikyo attack in

1995 and Al Qaeda attack in 2001 – are expression of a strong repudiation for the materialism generated by the capitalistic system, which characterizes modern societies

(Ledger as cited in Ebert, p. 185).

This feeling of dissatisfaction, together with the new era of terroristic attacks, is expressed by the figure of the zombie, which represents the ultimate fear for men. St.

John (as cited in Bishop, 2010, p. 29) sharply compares zombies to terrorists, for the way of these subversive figures to upset the social order in anonymity. The transformation of the victims into zombie is a further metaphor of the man manipulated by superior forces: in this sense, anyone can represent a possible threat for the other, generating a sense of deep anxiety among people in the global community (Bishop,

2010, p. 29). Just like a terrorist attack, a zombie outbreak seems to be able to strike the entire world, without distinguishing between race, gender and social status.

In this perspective, the zombie narrative can be connected to the classical gothic

51 literature that – as Steven Bruhm points out – represents “a barometer of the anxieties plaguing a certain culture at a particular moment in history” (as cited in Bishop, 2010, p.

26). In the new zombie narratives, these fears are expressed by phenomena such as terrorism, pandemic diseases, immigration flows and end of the world (Bishop, 2010, p.

26).

3.3 Japanese Horror

The horror genre is extremely popular in Japan as well as in the rest of Far East

Asia: it is not a coincidence that many of Hollywood’s horror movies are remakes of

Asian productions, such as the film The ring (Gore Verbinski, 2002), inspired by Ringu

(1998) a movie directed by Nakata Hideo; or Takashi Shimizu’s horror, Ju-on (2003), which American version was directed by the same author in 2004 with the title The

Grudge (Shin, as cited in Wada-Marciano, 2009, p. 86). In general, the origins of

Japanese horror cinematography are dated in the ’80s, period in which the first works directed by independent Japanese film-makers were released: Tsukamoto Shinya with the movie Tetsuo: The Iron Man (1988) and Takeshi Kitano with Violent Cop (1989), are considered the inaugurators of this genre thanks to the violence and the brutality of their movies (Hyland, as cited in Wada-Marciano, 2009, p. 200).

In relation to the zombie themes, it is worth mentioning the film Biozombie (Sun faa sau si, 1998) realized by the Hong Kong director Wilson Yip: the movie is a sort of reinterpretation – in oriental style – of Dawn of the Dead (George Romero, 1978) and it is set like this latter in a shopping mall, one of the most prolific sites for the growth of the capitalistic system (Heffernan, as cited in Wada-Marciano, 2009, p. 60). In a parallel way, on the manga versant, the horror genre is successfully expressed by Hideshi Hino,

52 one of the most significant authors in this specific sector (Pandey, as cited in

MacWilliams, 2008, p. 221). Hino created works in which characters stand out for their grotesque and disturbing nature: the artist presents to the viewers deformed children

(like in Hell Baby, 1989, originally known as Kyofu jigoku shojo), animals transmuted in terrifying being (White Mouse, 1980, in Japanese Hatsuka nerumi) or mutilated bodies and abstract figures with a strong visual impact (Brice, David, as cited in

Jonson-Wood, 2010, p. 39).

It should be noted that the tendency to depict horrific and gruesome scenes is not new within the archipelago: Japanese visual arts pullulate of macabre and bloody painting, demonstrated by the large number of xylography realized between XVII and

XVIII century, which show samurai during the disembowelment practice (seppuku)

(Pandey, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, p. 221).

In general, the main differences between Western and Eastern horror productions have religious and cultural reasons: for example, the Buddhist philosophy differs from the Christian religion, for the concept of perennial fluidity that characterizes the world.

Buddhism classifies the universe in six reigns (rokudo), organized hierarchically: god’s reign, followed by asuras’s reign (demons or semi-gods); human’s world, which is followed by animal’s land; a fifth dimension for the ravenous spirits, and the last reign in which live the infernal creatures. According to the Buddhist conception, after death each individual can reincarnate in one of the categories mentioned above (Pandey, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, p. 224). As instance, Hideshi Hino’s manga, White Mouse

(Hatsuka nerumi, 1980), refers to the relationship between men and animals: the story tells about a mouse that is welcome by a child who hold the animal in his house. The mouse in Hino’s story starts to alter the asset in the family, acquiring giant dimensions.

53 He tries to get a relevant position in the family, killing the child that offered him a refuge: after the crime, the rat replaces the little boy, obtaining the complete attention of the mother, who considers the animal like a real son (Pandey, as cited in MacWilliams,

2008, p. 219).

Although modern Japanese horror shares many common features with the correspondent American genre – such as demoniac possessions and monsters generated by scientific and technological experiments – the former one seems to be characterized by a higher number of grotesque events, which includes human and animal transmutations, or dramatic deformations that go beyond human imagination.

The post-apocalyptic often shows a strong connection with horror genre, and it is nowadays positively recognized on global scale. The apocalyptic themes seem to be particularly representative for Japanese society as well as for American realities. The effects of capitalism generated a deep sense of loss among Japanese population. This strong discomforting feeling promoted a process of individual fragmentation, with a consequent social flattening among Japanese citizens (Pandey, as cited in MacWilliams,

2008, p. 221).

Hanazawa’s manga can be also incorporated in the horror/post-apocalyptic genre, thanks to the realistic style of the drawing and to the deeply disturbing scenes that the author often shows to his readers. The mix of cynicism and irony cleverly used by

Hanazawa, makes of I Am a Hero an interesting product through which understanding the ideological and cultural elements that characterize Japanese society, analysing the influences that this country receives from western contexts (in particular American).

In this first sections I have tried to explore Japan’s post-apocalyptic themes, starting from the analysis of Aum Shinrikyo attack: the members of the sect were

54 depicted by the media as brainwashed zombies, that blindly follow their mentor Asahara in the creation of a new world (Reader, 1997, p. 4). In a complementary way, I would suggest that Aum Shinrikyo itself was promoter of a social independence for those individual continuously oppressed by the State: in this sense, the recruitment in the religious group could be interpreted as a sort of salvation from a condition of slavery, comparable to a zombification process, even though the members of the sect were characterized by a high level of alienation rather than autonomy, because of the complete and extreme devotion of these people toward Asahara’s cult.

As for Japanese horror, the figure of zombie does not seem so popular at least for cinematographic productions15. As Cowen points out, there are not significant examples of Romero’s zombie in Asian cinema (Cowen as cited in Pullam and Fonseca, p. 7). However, it is possible to find at least one equivalent figure in Chinese folklore: these particular creatures are called Jiang shi (Kyunshii in Japanese and Gangshi in

Korean) and they are a sort of blind hopping corpses, characterized by a violent and cannibal nature (Cowen as cited in Pullam and Fonseca, p. 7). In contrast with Chinese representation, Japanese cinema seems to use in its productions mostly western types of zombies (Cowen as cited in Pullam and Fonseca, p. 8). This tendency is proven by the conspicuous series of anime and manga – which includes Kengo Hanazawa’s work, I

Am a Hero – that have been published in Japanese archipelago starting from the end of last century. In particular, Kengo Hanazawa himself reported in several interviews that

15 According to Balmain, Japanese movies about zombies – such as Versus (Ryuhei Kitamura, 2000), Junk (Atsushi Muroga, 1999) and Wild Zero (Tetsuro Takeuchi, 1999) – took inspiration from the videogame Resident Evil (Balmain, 2008, p. 113). Those films – which are antecedents to the Zombie Renaissance – can be considered as a reinterpretation of zombie’s cinematography of the 1970s (Balmain, 2008, p. 115).

55 to inspire the creation of I Am a Hero were some of the films protagonists of the Zombie

Renaissance: in the specific, Hanazawa mentions the movies, 28 Days Later (2002) directed by Danny Boyle, the remake of Dawn of the Dead (2004) realized by Snyder and the Spanish movie Rec (2007), directed by Jaume Balagueró and Paco Plaza (Lippi,

2013).

However, analysing the anime and manga productions, it is possible to notice that zombies are often reinterpreted and adapted creating a unique narrative style. The use of this symbol is very versatile and it includes a wide range of narrative genres, such as horror and seinen16 (I am A Hero, Kengo Hanazawa), shonen17 (Sankarea, Mitsuro

Hattori and Zombie Powder, Tite Kubo), shojio18 (Zombie Loan, Peach-Pit), erotic

(Becchin to Mandara, Jiro Matsumoto and High School of the Dead, Daisuke Sato and

Shoji Sato) and comedy (Tokyo Zombie, Yusako Hanakuma).

The hybridization between two different cultures – Japanese and American – often reveals to the readers an unconventional image of the zombie. Sometimes, for example, these dead creatures do not simply represent living corpses, but they embody beings with a conscious ego, with an ambivalent and charismatic temperament; other times, these monsters appear similar to mystical figures, typical of Shinto worshipping, acquiring the form of spirits, demons and ghosts, as in the manga Tokko (Tohru

Fujisawa), Shikabane-hime (Yoshiichi Akahito) and Reiko Zombie Shop (Rei

16 The word seinen refers to a category of manga destined to male adult readers (for women the corresponding genre is named josei): these works usually involve issues about love, sex and other sensitive social problems. In Jonson-Woods. (2010). Manga: An Anthology of Global and Cultural Perspective. New York: The Continuum International Publishing Group, p. 8, p. 27. 17 Manga addressed to young men (Takahashi, as cited in Mac William, 2008, p. 115). 18 Manga addressed to a young female public (Takahashi, as cited in MacWilliam, 2008, p. 115).

56 Mikamoto). In general, zombies can be considered as extremely versatile characters, able to evolve and adapt to different historical contexts in global society.

As Bishop highlights, modern zombies – which characterize the post 9/11 period

– go beyond their fictional nature, being promoters of a large number of relevant issues

(sociological, political, and economic) that affect current society. In this sense, Bishop defines zombie as “meaning machine that has become the allegory of the moment”, suggesting that the pervasiveness of this figure has reached every medium in the social sphere (Bishop, 2015, p. 6). The above statement represents a further proof of the malleability of the zombie, which has been promptly adopted by Japanese culture, expressing peculiar plagues and problematics of this society. As instance, Muntean (as cited in Christie, Lauro, pp. 63-64) specifies that the metaphor of the zombie does not simply refer to a mere puppet without soul and freedom but it represents the fear for men to living as a meaningless entity in the world: the statements can be easily extended to Japanese society, which is continuously oppressed by strict social standards. As it will be further discussed during the thesis, the high rate of suicide which characterizes

Japanese population suggests a climate of deep distress among citizens, leading – in dramatic cases – people to a voluntary death.

3.4 Natural Disasters and Post-Apocalyptic in Japan

As Gennifer Weisenfeld highlights, disasters can be interpreted “as generative force in Japanese culture” (2012, p. 13). The term disaster can be translated in Japanese as saigai or alternatively, as saika. Historically the earthquakes in Japan have been considered as events of transformation, which invested social and political sphere

(Weisenfeld, 2012, p. 13). In this perspective, an earthquake could be positive or

57 negative according to the historical circumstances (Weisenfeld, 2012, p. 13).

The attentions toward natural catastrophes are further manifested in the Land of the Rising Sun through visual culture (Weisenfeld, 2012, p. 17): an ancient example of this tendency is represented by Maruyama Okyo, a Japanese painter who realized a work – published in three volumes – titled Handscroll of Misfortunes and Fortunes

(Shichinan Shichifuku Zukan, 1978). These paintings illustrate apocalyptic scenes generated by powerful natural and supernatural phenomena, such as storms, flooding, demoniac attacks, capable of stimulating the visual attention of the public (Wisenfeld,

2012, p. 19).

Representations of disastrous events have been further integrated in manga: an example dated 1923 is the illustration published on Jiji Manga, Sunday supplement of the Japanese newspaper Jiji shinpo (Weisenfeld, 2012, p. 180): the image shows a catfish named “earthquake” ready to struck a violent attack against Japanese society, which is into its full urban development (Weisenfeld, 2012, p. 19). Similarly, contemporary manga manifest the apocalyptic themes in their narration, which are strictly linked to natural and environmental issues: a peculiar example is provided by the artist Hayao Miyazaki (1941), whose works often manifests a strong denunciation against the environmental exploitation operated by men. Masterpieces such as

Mononoke-hime (Princess Mononoke, 1997), and Kaze no Tani no Naushika (Nusicaa of the Valley of the Wind, 1984) punctually express these problematic, presenting a precarious world in which human safety is continually threatened by catastrophic natural disasters. The environmentalism is a constant in Miyazaki’s works (Sturgeon,

2009, p. 193). In his perspective, the nature – irremediably compromised by human development – should be preserved, as it represents our original home; hence an

58 alteration of the environment itself could generate dramatic consequences on Earth.

Therefore, the environmental themes could be considered as further elements that influenced Japanese visual culture. The precariousness of Japanese land – which is continuously threaten by natural calamities, such as volcanic eruptions and earthquakes

– is directly manifested in popular culture: manga and anime pullulate of catastrophic events that irreversibly compromise the stability of human race.

Severe phenomena of current time, such as global warming and the massive exploitation of the environment – which generate an increasing depletion of the natural resources, oil first among everything – further aggravate the sense of alarm among international societies. For these dramatic phenomena, the main responsibility is often attributed to men, who continue to monopolize and devastate natural environments for capitalistic and economic interests. In this sense, the zombie – that with its deteriorated body highlights the condition of perdition and immobility of men in the postmodern scenario (Frezza, 2013, p. 48) – can be considered as a product of human degeneration.

The living dead and the natural threats are in this sense the ultimate menace for men, who need to face new difficulties and dilemmas that are intrinsically part of their nature.

3.5 I Am a Hero: A Brief overview on Kengo Hanazawa’s manga

The seinen, created by Kengo Hanazawa in 2009 and currently in production, is one of the most significant works about zombies in the Land of the Rising Sun.

Although the presence of several manga in this segment is confirmed19, I Am a Hero20

19 Confront the Appendix to find information about the other zombie manga and anime. 20 To conduct the research, I will use the first fifteen volumes published in Italy, integrating them with the other five volumes published until May 2016 in Japan.

59 could be considered as a perfect hybrid between the canonical American productions about the zombie genre and the disturbing Asian horror. The story has as main character

Hideo Suzuki, an ordinary thirty-five years old man, who work as an assistant mangaka in Tokyo. Daily mocked by his colleagues and by his own partner, Hideo aspires to redeem himself through the realization of an incredible manga, which will confer him the coveted fame. However, to interrupt his dream is a massive zombie outbreak that alters the social order in the whole Country.

It is worth noting that Hideo Suzuki – together with other Hanazawa’s characters, such as those in the manga Ressentiment (2004-2005, Shogakukan) and Boys on the Run

(2005-2008, Shogakukan) – embodies an anti-hero: the mangaka himself reveals that his characters include several autobiographical notes, and the depiction of his protagonists as sort of losers contributes to increasing the sense of reality and credibility of the story (Lippi, 2013). The high sense of authenticity in the manga is also supported by the detailed style of the drawing: the author declares that for several sequences – for example those containing background and landscapes – he used real photographs that he reproduced on papers (Lippi, 2013).

In Hanazawa’s manga, the zombies are called by users ZQN21, abbreviation of

21 Other international works show the same tendency, avoiding the term zombie inside the narration: as instance, Romero’s cult movie, The Night of the Living Dead (1968), never makes reference to the term zombie. A similar choice is made in the English movie 28 Days Later (Danny Boyle, 2002), and in the television series directed by Frank Darabont, The Walking Dead (2010), in which the word zombie is never pronounced: in fact, the living dead are called by Kirkman’s characters “walkers”. The comedy movie Shaun of the Dead (2004), directed by Edgar Wright, highlights this trend explicitly: in a movie’s scene, Shaun reproaches Ed for having used the word zombie to indicate the monstrous creatures, making him notice that the expression is not credible. A special case is the recent movie World War Z, released in 2013 and directed by Marc Forster: the word

60 the word zokyun: it is an adaptation for the acronym DQN (dokyun), a term used in the online forum 2-channel, to indicate something dangerous or mysterious (Lippi, 2013).

As mentioned, the creation of I Am a Hero was inspired by some of the films inaugurators of the Zombie Renaissance: 28 Days Later (Boyle, 2002), the remake of

Dawn of the Dead (Snyder, 2004), and the Spanish movie Rec (Balagueró, Plaza, 2007)

(Lippi, 2013).

Hanazawa started the conception of his story in a period of high stress, and the figure of the zombie appeared to him as a productive opportunity to give vent to his anguishes. However, the author does not deny that the zombie theme is particularly representative of Japanese society: in general, the artist perceives the zombie as an effective tool to express human’s fears (Lippi, 2013). A further element that characterizes I Am a Hero is the constant use in the story of modern media: whole pages in the manga present video-chat conversations, television news, and telephones messages. Hanazawa highlights the ambivalent nature of new technologies in social life: on one hand, these tools favourites the insurgence of social problems such as the plague of hikikomori (people who live segregate in their homes). On the other hand, new technologies allow a faster and easier communication between people, conferring to the narrative an interactive and dynamic pattern (Lippi, 2013).

I Am a Hero won the 58th Shogakukan Manga Award in the General Category, and a spin-off of the series – I Am a Hero in Osaka – was released last year by Yuuki

Honda (I am a Hero gets Osaka-based Spinoff, 2015).

zombie appears not just in the title of the film (Z for Zombies), but it is also invoked during the narration.

61

Fig. 1 Cover of the first volume. Kengo Hanazawa, I Am a Hero, Volume 4

Chapter 38. Copyright Shogakukan.

3.6 The Main Characters of the Story

Hideo Suzuki, the protagonist of the manga, stands out for his unconventional behaviour, that manifests a strong contrast with the braves and ideals heroes which populate Japanese comics: Hideo is constantly pervaded by a strong sense of paranoia and inadequacy. In the third volume, Hideo reveals that his name is composed by the same letters of the English word “hero” (Hanazawa, 2011, Volume 3, chapter 30): to exorcise fear and despair, the protagonist is used to repeat to himself the expression “I am a hero”, which is in fact the title of Hanazawa’s manga.

In the first volume, Hanazawa introduces the fearful Hideo on the doorstep of his home, struggling with extravagant rituals and clumsy movements with the intention

62 of driving evil spirits away, which – according to the protagonist – infest his apartment:

Hideo is obsessed by ghosts, which appear to him like hallucinations during his moments of solitude. The creatures appear to him with anthropomorphic or monstrous forms: the nature of these beings is often obscure and disturbing, as demonstrated by the status of panic of Hideo in seeing them. An exception seems to be the figure of Yajima, a man with a peaceful expression and a chubby face, with which the protagonist has often general conversations about the world of media and television announcers

(Hanazawa, 2011, Volume 1, chapter 1). In contrast to zombies, ghosts are recurrent figures in Japanese folklore: gakki (ghosts in Japanese) are used to afflict and torment people’s lives (Ashkenazi, 2003, pp. 56-57).

In opposition to the ordinary Japan citizens, Hideo Suzuki stands out for his possession of a rifle: the possession of weapons is forbidden in Japan, however, the protagonist can dispose of it because of his competitive practice of “skeet shooting”.

The protagonist is forced to face immediately the surreal reality surrounding him: in the general chaos, the first place where Hideo goes is the apartment of his girlfriend Tekko, already transformed into a zombie. Once realized the irreversibility of her condition,

Hideo has no other choice but to kill her (Hanazawa, 2011, Volume 2, chapter 15). After his extreme act, the only way for Hideo to redeem from his crime is to constitute to the police. (Hanzawa, 2011, Volume 2, chapter 16) However, the catastrophic scenario in which Hideo is catapulted prevents him from following the normal rules of social conduct: in the rampant chaos of Tokyo, Hideo has no choice but to start a desperate journey for staying alive.

Another character who supports the protagonist during the narration is the school girl Hiromi Hayakari. In a similar way to Hideo, Hiromi reveals a fragile and

63 controversial nature: mocked by her classmates, the girl pretends to feel love and kindness toward the people who surround her, trying to hide her passive anger. However, the constant harassment operated by her false friends, makes mature in Hiromi a deep hatred for these figures, so acute to push her to wishes for their death. A manifestation of this sense of intolerance can be found in the scene in which, gripping the rifle borrowed from Hideo, Hiromi strikes without hesitation her classmate Sae (who was used to make fun of Hiromi because of the dandruff on her hair), affected by the zombie disease (Hanzawa, 2012, Volume 4, chapter 42).

Unfortunately, Hiromi gets infected by a baby zombie, who bites her on the neck: the transformation of this character – who will surprisingly recover during the narration in chapter 14722 (Hanzawa, 2015, Volume 13) – is the most representative and detailed in the whole manga. In the progressive process of degeneration, Hiromi is affected by flashbacks and hallucinations that distort her perception of the real world: in the episode included in the sixth volume, the student (already infected) is used by Hideo as a human shield to defeat the greedy creatures that surround him. Hiromi perceives the zombie in front of her like a giant puppet, from whose mouth comes out of synthetic padding: the girl presents a distorted view also of the environment surrounding her, believing – in this specific episode – to be engaged in household chores in her apartment23 (Hanazawa, 2012, Volume 6, chapter 62).

22 Beside Hiromi, in chapter 203 (Hanazawa, 2015, Volume 17), another girl (whose name is not revealed in the manga) seems to be able to control the epidemic disease, that affected her whole leg. 23 The themes about dreams and childhood illustrated in Hanazawa’s manga can be connected to another important work that symbolizes post-apocalyptic Japan: the cult movie directed by Katsuhiro Otomo, Akira (Akira, K. Otomo, 1988). The young protagonist of the story, Tetsuo, is suddenly attacked by giant monstrous toys in a hospital room (presenting a situation similar to the one experienced by Hiromi). In

64 During the story development, Hiromi perceives the other humans as grotesque and deformed puppets: in reality – and as illustrated by Hanazawa in the continuation of the story – the disturbing hallucinations are a common features to all the victims affected by the virus.

Another relevant character is Yabu (which real name is Tsugumi Oda), introduced in the sixth volume: she is a nurse, member of a criminal organization, which

Hideo and Hiromi met in a mall during their tentative to find a refuge from zombies.

Yabu joins Hideo and Hiromi escaping from the shopping mall, infested by zombies.

However, the nurse dies during the narration (Hanazawa, 2014, Volume 16, chapter 181) after being bitten by a baby ZQN (in a similar way to Hiromi).

It is worth noting that the shopping mall – together with the hospital – represents an extremely common location in zombie cinematography. For this reason, it is probable that a shopping centre has been choose also as the main location for the cinematographic adaptation of Hanazawa’s manga, recalling in some ways Romero’s

Dawn of the Dead (1978).

3.7 The Zombies in I Am a Hero

A visual example of Hanazawa’s zombies is offered in the first volume of the manga: on the way home after work, Hideo notices a car accident, in which a woman is invested by a vehicle. The driver tries to succour the injured woman immediately, but

another scene of the movie, Tetsuo falls in a deep state of shock: affected by hallucinations, he perceives his abdomen lacerated, and he tries in vain to collect the entrails and viscera flowing out from his body. In a similar way, Hiromi – in the fighting scene described above – performs a sort of surgery on the defeated zombie, repositioning the organs leaked from the abdominal cavity of the creature: the girl believes actually to redial the padding of her plush, a harmless toy according to the fantasy of the student.

65 she ignores him, continuing walking on her paths like nothing happened. The scene drawn by Hanazawa shows a disturbing image of the girl, who has a totally unnatural posture: the head completely paid back, stiff joints, and a limb on her leg visibly broken

(with a foot in unnatural position). Also the girl’s face appears insane: full of visible veins (which cover also the rest of the body), with dilated pupils, and a wide open mouth that shows the gums completely. (Hanazawa, 2012, Volume 1, chapter 6).

Fig. 2 The first zombie appearing in the manga. Kengo Hanazawa, I Am a Hero,

Volume 1 Chapter 6. Copyright Shogakukan.

66

In general, all the zombies presented by Hanazawa during the narration, reveal similar connotations: together with the agility of these creatures (that are in some scenes showed running and jumping wildly) it is impressive also the level of deformation that they can reach. They can merge together generating a sort of monstrous chimera as happens in chapter 143 (Hanazawa, 2015, Volume 13): a terrific monster, having two deformed humans at each extremity, who are joint together by a multitude of human limbs (arms and legs).

Fig. 3 One of the horrific creatures in the manga. Kengo Hanazawa, I Am a Hero,

Volume 13 Chapter 145. Copyright Shogakukan.

The ZQN movements refer to an animalist instinct: some of the zombies are

67 showed while running on all fours or they show deformed poses, with inverted joints that make look them similar to spiders. This is the case of Hiromi’s classmate Sae, which appears in the fourth volume: the creature starts a terrible fight with another zombie student. This latter appears in this sequence with an uncanny smiling face

(Hanazawa, 2012, Volume 4, chapter 38).

Fig. 4 Hiromi’s friend in a disturbing smile. Kengo Hanazawa, I Am a Hero,

Volume 4 Chapter 38. Copyright Shogakukan.

This feature is very rare in western productions, in which zombies are usually showed with inexpressive faces and swollen bodies. In addition, Hanazawa’s living dead can attack each other’s and they are able to speak (although with short sentences and disconnected words, that are probably referred to their previous life, when they

68 were still healthy).

The dynamism of Hanazawa’s zombies represents an important turning point for these creatures in media scenario. Thanks to the numerous scenes of the manga, that oscillate between drama and cynicism, the author gives to these creatures a character apparently more defined compared to his western colleagues, that instead use zombies as passive and inscrutable tool.

Another episode that highlights the ambivalent nature of the zombies is included in the ninth volume of the manga: searching for supplies, Hideo gets into a shop apparently abandoned, in which he discovers a parturient woman. The creature shows a violent attitude toward the protagonist that is forced to kill her: only later he realizes that the woman was only trying to protect her baby, which screaming face could be seen in the deformed uterus of the mother (Hanazawa, 2012, Volume 9, chapter 105).

Another important aspect to observe is provided by Hiromi, who confesses to

Hideo and Yabu that during her zombie condition she felt less lonely, as she was able to establish a contact with the other victims. This aspect expresses the deep sense of solitude that characterizes Japanese society, as well as offering new perspective on the process of contagion: paradoxically, the epidemic disease could be interpreted as something positive because it allows people to interact each other’s, reducing the sense of isolation that characterizes their existences.

3.8 A transmedia product: I Am a hero Live-action

Recently, Hanazawa’s manga has been adapted into a live-action directed by

69 Shinsuke Sato, and distributed in Japanese theatres on April 23, 2016. A prequel24 of the film, I Am a hero: Hajimari no Hi (“I Am a Hero: The Day it Began”), was broadcasted on April 9, 2016 on dTV, Docomo’s online television.

As often happens with the cinematographic adaptation, I Am a Hero’s movie presents some substantial differences with the original manga: as instance the two characters Hideo and Hiromi met for the first time in the city disrupted by the outbreak, while in the manga their first meeting is into a wood. The protagonist, Hideo, appears almost like a real hero in the live action, contradicting Hanazawa’s depiction in the manga: in addition, no mentions are made about Hideo’s paranoiac behaviour as he does not seem to suffer from hallucinations like in the manga. Despite the discrepancies of contents, which lack of a deep introspection on the characters, for the visual aspects the film is very representative of the manga: everything from Hideo’s clothing to the zombies recalls faithfully the traits illustrated by Kengo Hanazawa in his manga.

As cited by Tirino, it is worth introducing an important distinction between horror and terror (as cited in Frezza, 2015, p. 135). According to Frezza (1999, pp.

194-198), terror can be experienced only through the cinematic medium: the viewers have in fact no control on the scenes but they can only watch the development of the narration with a mix of rejection and desire. On the other hand, the horror can be perceived in both comics and cinema: in this sense, the horror represents the facing of

24 Since the prequel does not follow the same development of the manga, the study of this product is not considered in this research. To promote the series, Docomo’s television has further released a music video (also available in dance version) – ZQN Party – in which a group of voluptuous girls are engaged in a shooting with dancing zombies. The two version of the music video can be found on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wkQIJmykxvw, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ztc9--BQBbc. Consulted on My 8, 2016.

70 obscene and deformed scenes (Tirino, as cited in Frezza, 2015, p. 136).

3.9 The Evolution of the Zombie in the Cinematographic Medium

In order to draw an exhaustive excursus about the zombie, it is fundamental to retrace the main stages reached by this figure in the international cinematography. Key works that are capable to underline this long process of transformation are: White

Zombie (1932), directed by Victor Halperin; The Night of the Living Dead (1968, and the whole zombie’s production created by George Romero); 28 Days Later (2002), realized by the English director Danny Boyle.

White Zombie. The movie – directed by Halperin in 1932 – is considered the first cinematographic work about zombies: the director introduces these creatures in an esoteric and Caribbean scenario (Bishop, 2010, p. 64). The movie includes important references to Western postcolonial era, and it presents the image of a silent zombie, completely enslaved and unable to communicate with the members belonging to the ruling class. White zombie expresses the controversial relationship between slave and master, a real social issue for the New Continent: the movie manifests a severe class struggle between the indigenous people of Haiti and the American invaders (Bishop,

2010, p. 66).

The Night of the Living Dead. George Romero conducted a radical revision of the first zombie movies released between the ’30s and ’40s, which were still connected with the ancient Haitian cults. Romero has irreversibly modified the zombie figure, releasing it from any kind of slavery: the living dead became a carrier of a deeper denunciation, as undefined entities that do not belong to the world of the living and not to the world of the dead. The great realism of these creatures, manifested through their

71 decomposed bodies, introduced another fundamental aspect of the new horror genre: the fear of the death itself (Pulliam as cited in Joshi, 2007, p. 734). Romero’s living dead represent a critic against the new consumerist society, as demonstrated by the classical scenes of his movies, in which greedy and insatiable zombies feed themselves on human flesh.

28 Days Later. Danny Boyle’s movie is a modern version of the Romerian zombie: the deadly creatures do not raise from the dead, and they are not victims of evil spells. A terrible virus transformed in a matter of seconds normal people in ravenous creatures, whose eyes are bloodshot: the rage (the name of the disease caused by the virus in Boyle’s movie) is the symbol of the modern society, in which the frenetic global changes and the consumerism, generated among people a deep process of depersonalization. In opposition to Romero’s zombies, in 28 Days Later the deadly creatures show surprisingly fast movements and aggressive attitude (Joshi, 2007, p.

750).

In general, the zombie is a very versatile artefact: it can symbolize xenophobia and slavery (like in White Zombie), or it can be interpreted as promoter of the new social fears such as death and the threat of consumerism (like manifested in Romero’s works and in 28 Days Later) (Joshi, 2007, p. 724).

It is worth highlighting that starting from 1950, the zombie loses progressively the connection with the esoteric Haitian rituals to express instead new social issues, such as the Cold War: the novel I Am a Legend, written by Richard Matheson and published in 1954, manifests this theme. The story is set in a next post-apocalyptic future (1975), in which Robert Neville, the last man on Earth, lives segregated in his home because the world outside is infested by zombies: the massive bombarding

72 generated a virus capable to kill humans, transforming them into creatures without consciousness, but ravenous of human flesh (Joshi, 2007, p. 733).

The success of the zombie is still active also thanks to Robert Kirkman e Tony

Moore’s comic, The Walking Dead (The Walking Dead, R. Kirkman - T. Moore, 2004): the story focuses on the human character rather than on the bloody and grotesque zombies, exploring social dynamics between survivors which try to escape from the outbreak (Joshi, 2007, p. 741).

In addition, the videogame released in 1996, Resident Evil contributed to the success of these figures. The game inspired namesake movies and comics. In this last sector it is worth to mention the 2006 Marvel’s comics, The Marvel Zombies: four stories set in a parallel world, in which a powerful virus transforms the famous super heroes into living dead (Joshi, 2007, p. 742).

73 Chapter IV

The Sociological Interpretation of the Zombie and its Meaning in the Land of the

Rising Sun

The fourth chapter will carry out an analysis of Hanazawa’s manga, highlighting the most significant social issues emerging in the story. Therefore, starting from the manga, the research will move on to the study of Japanese society, focusing on the main plights which afflict the population. Furthermore, the research will offer an interpretation of the zombie figure in I Am a Hero, and – consequently – on the possible roles that the archetype of the living dead exercises in the Japanese cultural context. In this perspective – and in accordance with the material examined – the study will try to highlight the most relevant similarities and differences between Japanese and American zombies, which could suggest a possible universality of this figure in the international media context.

A brief section of the study will be dedicated to some specific chapters of

Hanazawa’s manga, where the narration takes place in Italy. Beside motivating

Hanazawa’s choice in setting a part of the story in Italian territories, this passage will further highlight the interest that the author shows toward international realities.

4.1 Social Problems Emerging from Hanazawa’s manga

Besides the zombie scenario – which represents the core of the manga – I Am a

Hero (Kengo Hanazawa, 2009) puts forward a varied series of sociological issues, which reflect Japanese social conditions. As an instance, the general sense of detachment that characterizes Japanese citizens is often manifested in Hanazawa’s

74 manga: despite the visible threat from the zombie, a large part of the population does not seem to notice the apocalyptic dimension surrounding them, hence they continue to conduct their daily routine with a striking indifference.

The first example of this attitude is included in the fourth volume of the manga: in the subways, infected people start to attack several civilians among the indifference of the remaining passengers. Despite the gravity of this event, no one seems to be alarmed: even when the situation becomes exasperated – with a massive invasion of zombies into the public transportation – the reaction of panic of Japanese citizens is unrealistically restrained. The only character that expresses spontaneous and natural feelings of terror is Hideo, who thus embodies, the most authentic personality of the story (Hanazawa, 2012, Volume 5, chapter 47). Another significant episode that testifies to the passivity of Japanese society is illustrated in the fifth volume: the exodus to reach the refuge on Mount Fuji became a horrific trap, in which people have no possibility to escape from the zombies. An infected baby begins to spread the disease among an uncaring crowd: despite the deadly appearance of the baby, a large part of pilgrims continues to believe that the creature is just a normal child; hence he could never represent a source of threat for people. Despite the pervasive propagation of the infection, nobody seems to be overwhelmed by panic attacks, with the exception of

Hideo and Hiromi, who perceive the situation of extreme danger. In general, the sense of apathy and detachment from reality seem to be common features of Japanese people, who even in dramatic circumstances do not seem to react facing the situation, but they maintain an unrealistic level of inactivity (Hanazawa, 2012, Volume 5, chapters 48-51).

As illustrated in the fifth volume of I Am a Hero, suicide represents an effective escape from the zombie epidemic: in the scene presented by Hanazawa, several people

75 suddenly abandon family and friends, throwing themselves into the void to find the eternal salvation (Hanazawa, 2012, Volume 5, chapter 56). This practice is not unknown in Japan, which is notorious for its high rate of suicide among the population. Despite the ancient roots, the phenomenon of suicide in modern age seems to have become more marked in the period between 1997 and 1998, after the financial crisis that generated a considerable increase of unemployment in the country (Chen at al., 2012, p. 78). In general, the main reason that determinates suicide is the overwhelming sense of fatalism that affects citizens, who need to face severe economic, health, and family problems. As an instance, it is worth mentioning the Japanese term karoshi, used to identify people who die for overwork (Kitanaka, 2012, p. 1). Into this deadly vortex not only adults, but also the youngest part of society is involved: for this latter category, the number of suicides has been increasing steadily since the last decades (Chen at al., 2012, p. 80).

As Kitanaka highlights, depression is another of the main causes for the suicide in Japan, becoming, during the twenty-first century, the “national disease” in the land

(Kitanaka, 2012, p. 2). As mentioned above, many cases of suicides are due to financial problems and unemployment (Kawanishi, 2009, p. 33). One of the most common ways for Japanese people to reject their life is jumping in front of trains, using the available network of public transportation (Kawanishi, 2009, p. 33). As reported by Kawanishi – and as I could experience myself during my period of study in Japan – in these situations most of people involved in the accident do not react – with a sense of alarm or shock to the event –conversely, they seem irritated and concerned about the delay of the transportations (Kawanishi, 2009, p. 33). This sense of apathy and indifference is generously expressed in Hanazawa’s manga, suggesting that this kind of behaviour is in some ways representative of Japanese society.

76 As anticipated, the practice of suicide is not unknown in the Japanese archipelago: the seppuku – a suicide technique used by samurai – was considered as an honourable way to end one’s life (Kawanishi, 2009, p. 33). Therefore, in contrast with other belief systems – such as Christianity – in Japan suicide is not considered as something shameful or deplorable (Kawanishi, 2009, p. 34), but conversely, it is an honest way to end all the pains in life. In addition, the suicide could represent – in absence of a religious or ethical motivation – the most effective way to end pains and dissatisfactions in life (De Vos, 1992, p. 79).

Durkheim (as cited in De Vos, 1992) exemplifies different forms of suicide. The first type is known as “egoistic suicide”, and it is interpreted as a product of modern society (De Vos, 1992, p. 77): the egoistic suicide is a consequence of a deep sense of frustration felt by a certain person for depending on another person. Opposed to the egoistic suicide is the so called “altruistic suicide” that – such as in the case of samurai

– is operated for the sake of the whole community, and it is intended as a sort of act of responsibility, a self-immolation for the sake of society (De Vos, 1992, p. 82). A third form of suicide is identified by Durkheim as “anomic suicide”. This type of suicide is different from the egoistic form: in the anomic suicide, the sense of frustration is usually generated by the lack of social norms and values, elements that produce a deep sense of anxiety among people who fear of losing their social status (De Vos, 1992, p. 87).

In general, Japanese people seem to be particularly sensitive to achieving certain standards of excellence (De Vos, 1992, p. 108): they are worried about the way in which they appear to others and sometimes even to themselves. This fear is due to the sense of inadequacy and social expectations that Japanese people do not want to disappoint (De

Vos, 1992, 87). However, this pathological apprehension often produces a series of

77 severe consequences, reaching the climax in suicide. Hideo Suzuki effectively manifests this sense of dissatisfaction and resentment toward life: the protagonist of I Am a Hero dreams of acquiring fame and success through the publishing of an impressive manga.

However, despite a strong feeling of redemption Hideo seems to endure the mockery of his colleagues, being incapable of reacting resolutely to humiliations. It is only when the normal social approval is upset by the outbreak, that Hideo gradually reveals other sides of his personality, actively responding to emergency situations.

4.2 Japanese Society and the Relationship with Technology

The massive technological development has drastically changed Japanese social life: as Kengo Hanazawa mentions – in an interview released during his participation as guest to the Italian Convention “Lucca Comics & Games” in 2013 – one of the dramatic effects of new virtual realities is the exclusion of certain individuals from the social sphere: in some drastic cases, this condition could promote social phenomena such as that of hikikomori25 (Lippi, 2013). This social malaise mainly involves young people, who – incapable of maintaining a constant relationship with people around them – decide to isolate themselves from the rest of the world, without leaving their rooms

(Kawanishi, 2009, p. 116). The only way through which these people accept to interact with the external sphere is the Internet. Hikikomori often suffer from severe disturbances, such as paranoia, depression and sense of inadequacy (Kawanishi, 2009, p.

116): this dramatic conditions could last for decades before the hikikomori comes back to a normal life, and the number of people affected by this disease in Japan is estimated between 1-1.6 million (although the Ministry of Health declares a lower amount, around

78 410,000 people) (Kawanishi, 2009, p. 116). The plight of hikikomori seems to be particularly serious, and it does not always receive an appropriate response from national institutions: The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, together with Tokyo metropolitan government have published a sort of compendium in which are listed the main characteristics of this phenomenon (Kawanishi, 2009, p. 117). However, it seems impossible to find a precise and unanimous definition for hikikomori in public opinion

(Kawanishi, 2009, p. 117), suggesting that probably the resolution of this disturb is not a priority in the country, which perceives this issue as a social taboo26. The hikikomori seems to be a peculiarly Japanese phenomenon. In addition, its diagnosis is not univocally identified: the sense of anxiety and paranoia – which usually characterizes people affected by this social disease – could not necessarily develop into hikikomori.

The manifestation of the pathology depends on each individual, on their life’s experiences and personal behaviour (Kawanishi, 2009, p. 119). Although the symptoms of hikikomori could be compared to other social disorders – such as the obsessive compulsive disorder and social phobia (Kawanishi, 2009, p. 120) – Japanese society seems to incorporate in one single term (hikikomori) all the social diseases that affect a part of the society (Kawanishi, 2009, p. 121), without offering a specific diagnosis of this disease.

In the manga, hikikomori and other social excluded are the only figures able to benefit from a position protected from the zombie disease. These people communicate with each other using the Internet, in the specific the platform 2-channel: this latter is a

26 In a first moment, the hikikomori were depicted by mass media as criminal: an example is a famous kidnapping operated by a man on a Japanese girl, who remained prisoned in the man’s bedroom for nine years (p. 117).

79 forum that – thanks to its free access that doesn’t require registration – allows anybody to express opinions in the complete anonymity (Kengo Hanazawa, 2012, volume 4, chapter 41). In Japan, the use of 2-channel overtook the Google search engine in 2002, and according to recent studies, it represents one of the largest virtual communities in the country, with over 8 million visits per day (Matsumura et al., 2005, p. 85). The interactions among users in the platform can be of two types: chitchat type, with interpersonal relationships through general conversations; discussion type, in which the interlocutors are used to set an animated conversation on specific issues (Matsumura et al., 2005, p. 86). As Gottlieb highlights, the forum 2-channel is used in large part by subordinated social groups, such as the otaku27 (Gottlieb, 2011, p. 78). However, the anonymity guaranteed by the system has controversial aspects: on one hand, it could alter the intentions of the conversation, as some users could not take full responsibility for the opinions expressed; on the other hand, the impossibility to identify the interlocutors prevents from any kind of discrimination related to race, sex, age or social status (Matsumura et al., 2005, p. 87).

In contrast with the high American percentages, only 2% of Japanese users has a

Facebook account. Japanese people seem to prefer local nets and providers, thanks to the high level of discretion that these systems can provide: this aspect allows users to manage their account flexibly, creating in some cases a sort of double life in complete privacy (Fujino, 2010, p. 175). Takeshi Sato uses the expression “Internet addiction”, to indicate a disease – which involves mostly students and young people – that distorts

27 Saito Tamaki defines otaku adult people, fans of anime, manga, videogames and action figures: they prefer imaginary realities, that allow them to enter in contact with their deepest desires (Saito, as cited in Bolton, et al., 2007, pp. 226-227).

80 ordinary communication in Japanese society: these young people develop a total dependence on cell phones and e-mail, compromising their studies and their relationship with friends and family28 (Sato, 2006, p. 282). In this sense, the massive use of technological devices, together with the possibility for each individual to be always online, could be extremely detrimental for social relationships, that often occupies peripheral positions in people’s life.

The phenomenon of hikikomori can be considered as a form of alienation, another severe plague of Japanese society. According to the Marxist conception, alienation refers to a worker’s condition in the capitalistic society: in this sense, capitalism is accused for reducing the workers to mere sources of production and profit.

According to Marx, the worker is connected to his work through an inversely proportional relationship: the higher is the degree of wealth produced by the worker, the lower is the value assigned to the employee himself. In this sense, the alienation involves the complete estrangement of the worker from his occupation, who has no rights and properties on the products realized (Marx, 2007, p. 69).

As explained by Anne Allison, the alienation seems to be an active phenomenon in Japanese territory: the scholar introduces the concept of Millennial Japan, including in this category those Japanese people used to spend most of their life alone. This phenomenon, which is called by Allison “Atomism” or “Orphanism” (from the Japanese

28 The themes about virtual and technology are discussed by Kengo Hanazawa in other previous works: as instance, Resseintiment (2004) – a manga set in 2015 – tells about Takuro, a disenchanted middle-age man who decides to alienate himself from the real world. The videogames dimension offers to the protagonist a chance to manage an unusual affair with a virtual girl.

81 kojinshugi29, that can be translated as “individualism”), makes people focus on their own needs and desires, producing a strong social detachment from the rest of the population. Allison further defines Japan as an “abstract society”, in which an increasing number of young people tend to neglect their friends and families, devoting their attentions to an improper and intensive use of media services and videogames

(Allison, 2006, p. 81). Nowadays, this extreme isolation represents a real disease in

Japan: the hikikomori – people who refuse to leave their rooms, choosing instead to live relegated at home – are the main example of this problem in continuous development.

The pressure for the high school standards constricts many Japanese students to a gruelling life: unable to communicate their discomfort, these people manifest a defensive reaction that coincides with the rejection and the abandonment of the social life. According to Allison, the hikikomori phenomenon stands out especially for the sadness and the high level of stress that affects the common school-age children and teenagers (Allison, 2006, p. 82). Another particular type of alienation is represented by otaku, people who let themselves carry on the virtual world of video games and anime

(for which they have an extreme passion), losing any sense of reality.

In general, Allison emphasizes how the entire decade of the ’90s proved to be decisive for Japanese society: the instability caused by increasing unemployment, the high number of suicides, the Kobe earthquake and the terrorist attack on the Tokyo

29 The term kojinshugi can be translated in English as “individualism”. According to the sociologist Eshun Hamaguchi (as cited in Fujino, 2010, p. 173), this word is opposed to the term kanjishigi (literary “the principle of what is between persons”): although both the words stress on the condition of isolation affecting people, in a Japanese perspective the self is always in relationship with the others. (Fujino, 2010, p. 173). Therefore, the identity itself is not fixed but it varies according to the specific context in which each person is involved (Fujino, 2010, p. 173).

82 subway in 1995 (organized by Aum Shinrikyo), are all episodes that strongly impacted on the social assets of the nation, creating a deep sense of loss and shock among the population (Allison, 2006, p. 77).

The presence of social disorders – the current scourge for the Land of the Rising

Sun – seems to be confirmed by Hanazawa’s manga: in the fourth volume, the news networks reveal the name of the new massive epidemic: “multiple organ dysfunction syndrome and antisocial personality disorder” (Volume 4, 2012, chapter 46).

A last element to analyse in this section is the relationship with the technology:

Gottlieb and McLelland (2003) talk about Japanese cyberculture as a way in which people interact each other’s through online platforms (p. 1). The fast technological development that occurred in Japan generated a massive process of “individualization”: this phenomenon is constituted by a series of methodologies having the intention to isolate and identify each individual, who is in this way submitted to the control of the ruling system30 (Gottlieb, McLelland, 2003, p. 19). In this sense, the individualization can be intended as a product of modernity, industrialism and capitalism: it has the main purpose of flattering people in order to obtain effective and productive citizens in the school as well as in the working system (Gottlieb, McLelland, 2003, p. 24). The individualization further favoured the emergence of new social classes, such as the mentioned otaku (nerds) which are completely absorbed by the media and the technology (Gottlieb, McLelland, 2003, p. 31). However, individualization can

30 The issues about control and surveillance are also key elements in Foucault’s Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (1995): Foucault intends the surveillance as detailed mechanism of control, which leads to an objectification of each person (Foucault, 1995 p. 173). Another reference that is worth mentioning is the book 1984 written by George Orwell, who is considered the founder of the surveillance metaphor in the twentieth century (Lyon, 2007, p. 143).

83 positively impact on Japanese people – especially on the young part of society – in finding a personal space for themselves: the most used device to reach this purpose is the mobile phone, which allows Japanese citizens to access to the web in every moment of the day. Through mobile phones people are able to communicate and express feelings that they won’t be able to manifest in face-to-face interaction (Gottlieb, McLelland,

2003, p. 27).

In general, it is worth noting that social and psychological problems are still ignored from a large part of Japanese society, which only in recent times allowed space for psychiatric studies in everyday life (Kitanaka, 2012, p. 2).

4.3 New Religions in Manga

As anticipated in Chapter III, I Am a Hero contains important references to the new religions that pullulate in the Land of the Rising Sun. In the tenth volume, the author fully introduces the character of Kurusu (only glimpsed in the fifth volume of the manga): a young eccentric boy, consecrated by the users as the new prophet of the web.

The protagonists Hideo and Hiromi are aware of the existence of this character thanks to cameraman Araki, who shows them a YouTube video in which Kurusu introduces himself to the online viewers (Hanazawa, 2012, Volume 5, chapter 53). Kurusu embodies characteristic elements of the pseudo-prophets shown in many Japanese apocalyptic works (some of them analysed in the previous chapter, including the manga:

Akira, 20th Century Boys, and Believers). Through YouTube and 2-channel, Kurusu foresees a new revolutionary era for humankind, in which heroic men will re-establish the order on Earth (Hanazawa, 2012, Volume 5, chapter 54). In chapter 199 another character – named Asada – introduces himself as the promoter of a new religion, which

84 will be able to save men from the apocalyptic destiny (Hanazawa, 2015, Volume 17). In chapter 201 (Hanazawa, 2015, Volume 17), Asada specifies his intent of divulging his doctrine in the form of manga. Therefore, he asks for the cooperation of Korori, another mangaka who seems to know Hideo Suzuki: in chapter 204 (Hanazawa, 2015, Volume

17) Korori finds one of Hideo’s manga, manifesting a particular admiration for the protagonist.

In a way that mirrors the role of Asada, Aum Shinrikyo used manga to promote

Asahara’s cult in Japan. In addition, Asahara often appeared as main character in these works (Gardner, as cited in MacWilliams, 2008, p. 207). These aspects suggest that there is a great attention for the new religions in Japanese society, which seems to be particularly vulnerable to new cults. These new prophets seem to invade the social sphere in period of crisis and urgencies, taking advantage of the psychological vulnerability of the population. This aspect could be further connected to a sense of loss and alienation which characterizes Japanese society: being a member of a definite social group could contribute to the integration of each individual in the community. In this sense, each person could find a space for him/her self in a certain social dimension, reducing their sense of inadequacy.

4.4 The Italian Scenario in I Am a Hero

I would like to dedicate a brief paragraph of this research to some chapters of the manga – from number 188 to number 191 (Hanazawa, 2014, Volume 16) – in which the narrative is placed in Italy (with dialogues completely written in Italian).

Chapter 187 offers a first foreshortening on the Italian landscape (Hanazawa, 2014,

85 Volume 16), showing the tower of Pisa attacked by a giant agglomerate of zombies31.

Fig. 5 The agglomerate of Zombies while attacking Pisa Tower. Kengo Hanazawa,

I Am a Hero. Copyrights Shogakukan.

In chapter 188 (Hanazawa, 2014, Volume 16) a little girl is introduced while searching for her mother in the city of Lucca, infested by zombies and by three agglomerates of ZQN. The child is saved by an Italian man, who conducts her on the top of a bell tower where other people are trying to escape from the epidemic. The man further confirms that the outbreak is striking the entire world, hence it is not just confined to the Italian territory. The Italian man speculates on the zombie outbreak, interpreting it as an alien invasion that has as final purpose the creation of a new world.

31 The agglomerate of bodies recalls again Katsuhiro Otomo’s Akira (1988): during the narration, Tetsuo – unable to control his power – starts to lose the control of his body, assuming giant and deformed appearance, incorporating everything (human and not) around him.

86 The agglomerating zombies – which the Italian man calls hives – have the intent to create a new society on Earth. In this sense, zombies are compared to ants and bees, for their schematic and basic way of organization, unanimously aimed to satisfy a common cause (Hanazawa, 2014, Chapter 189, Volume 16).

Fig. 6 The hives that infest the city of Lucca. Kengo Hanazawa, I Am a Hero.

Copyrights Shogakukan.

In chapter 190 (Hanazawa, 2014, Volume 16) the Italian man reveals to the other refugees that they are already affected by the zombie disease: here, Hanazawa finally reveals their real appearances of ZQN, which only the child – not infected – was able to see.

As mentioned, Hanazawa’s zombies seem to be unaware of their condition, as

87 further proven by the episode described above: according to the Italian man, the people on the bell tower are unsuspecting about their condition because still able to preserve a little of self-awareness. To save the little girl from the zombie group – which has the intention of taking her inside the hive – there is another mysterious character, whose name has not been revealed yet by Hanazawa. The man seems able to speak a multitude of languages at the same time – a capacity that obstructs the fully understanding of his speech – revealing a controversial and bizarre nature (in a certain way similar to

Kurusu). It is highly probable that an influence on Kengo Hanazawa in the creation of these chapters has been his Italian experience as a guest at the famous convention

“Lucca Comics & Games” in 2013. The convention – which is held every year in the historical site of Lucca, in Tuscany – is the biggest event about comics and video games in Italy, with a relevance recognized also in the rest of Europe. It is not a coincidence then, that the author chose the city of Lucca as the main location to adapt his series, including in the narration also the city of Pisa, which is conterminous to Lucca.

4.5 Final Overview on the Manga and the Meaning of the Zombie in I Am a Hero

In Hanazawa’s manga, Hideo is accompanied during his journey by the student

Hiromi and by the nurse Yabu, who joins the two characters in the sixth volume

(Hanazawa, 2012, Volume 6). As anticipated in the previous chapters, Yabu was a member of a criminal gang that controlled a mall in which Hideo and Hiromi try to find refuge. This community represents the first organized group showed in the manga: the power is concentrated in the hands of violent figures, who use coercive methods to submit and condemn to death the weaker elements of the survivor’s community. In contrast with this group, there is Kurusu’s organization, that distinguishes itself for the

88 clear hierarchical nature: Kurusu is the undisputed leader, mentor of his team, whose members share the final purpose to redeem the world from the apocalypse. In addition, the violent group which leads the shopping mall seems to have no specific or common purpose to achieve, but its members resemble mere jackals, who try to take advantage of dramatic situations, subverting the ordinary ruling system.

The configurations of these two groups can be linked to the concepts of “force” and “power” expressed by Canetti: “force”, usually coincides with a physical strength, expressed with an immediate and rude effect. “Power” is a more generic concept, and it operates on a wider field compared to “force”: it is characterized by patience and moderation. However, even “power” can turn into “force” in critical situations, which require dynamism and readiness to face threats in a certain scenario (Canetti, 1978, p.

281).

Hanazawa’s manga offers the opportunity to conduct an interesting sociological analysis about Japanese culture, thanks to the explicit references addressed in the manga toward Japanese society: this latter is widely known for the strong discipline that involves every area, such as work, school and social sphere. The problem of alienation and detachment from reality emerge as key factors during manga development: in opposition to the classical American productions – in which humans take control of the situation attacking the enemies directly – the characters in I Am a Hero are not able to take any decision or initiative in emergency conditions. This substantial difference is also motivated by the difficulties for Japanese people to own firearms, in opposition to the American law system. Furthermore, the cynicism through which the users of the web manifest their opinions about the zombie epidemic helps to underline the indifferent attitude of Japanese people towards the world around them: the undeterred

89 immobility induces Japanese society to live any event – joyful or dramatic – passively.

In addition, despite power games and mutual misunderstandings, in most of the

American works the survivors usually create defined social groups, in which the relationship between characters can be strong or weak (The Walking Dead and 28 Days

Later are examples). In contrast, in I Am a Hero a real social cohesion between characters is absent: all the subjects are at the mercy of themselves, plagued by fears and anxieties, that stimulate in them continuous hallucinations (which affect infected people as well as the protagonist Hideo, who even entertain dialogues with ghosts sporadically).

Confessions and comforting dialogues between characters are something rare in the manga: the protagonists manifesting an inability to confide and communicate spontaneously with each other, being connected only by their inevitable apocalyptic destiny. In addition, no sense of community emerges from the narration. As an instance, in chapter 199 (Hanazawa, 2015, Volume 17) an old man is restricted to eat because he does not contribute to the survival of the social group. Without a job, he is not allowed to eat because his consumption of food supplies would be considered as a waste of precious resources. Therefore, it seems that no sense of empathy and mercy is given in the manga even – and especially – to the weakest members of society, which are considered as mere burdens by the rest of the community.

A last note that further confirms the absence of a solid and stable social group is the nuclear duo composed by Hiromi and Hideo. Although joined by Yabu – who contributed significantly to the development of the story, having also an intimate relationship with Hideo – the author preserved the original couple, eliminating the nurse during the narration (Hanazawa, 2014, Volume 16, chapter 182). It is important to

90 mention that despite the close connection, Hideo and Yabu did not go in depth in the understanding of their reciprocal feelings, reducing everything to a mere physical relation. A same attention to sexual desires is destined to Hiromi: the protagonist Hideo confesses to her that the only reason that stopped him from killing her when she turned into ZQN was her cute appearance (Hanazawa, 2015, Volume 17, chapter 205). On the other hand, even Hiromi seems to be in searching for mature and physical attentions by

Hideo, despite the significant difference of age between the two protagonists (Hanazawa,

2014, Volume 16, chapter 186). Although no sense of community is presented in the story, the different scenarios introduced by Hanazawa contribute to amplify the dynamism of the manga: the series of different characters which are progressively introduced in the story – and which shows individuals belonging to realities outside

Japan, such as in the case of the Italian scenario – gives a choral rhythm to the narrative.

As evident, the zombies presented by Hanazawa effectively reflect the most severe problems of Japanese society, such as alienation and frenetic lifestyle. The zombie outbreak could represent in this sense an opportunity for Japanese people to escape from the oppressive reality, upsetting social rules in their community. This search for freedom is expressed by the same protagonist Hideo Suzuki, who has the possibility to emancipate himself from the flattered society, assuming the role of an unconventional hero that continuously fights to survive. Many different characters – such as Hiromi – take advantages of the epidemic to reveal their inner desires of violence and predomination over the others, becoming in some cases even more dangerous than the living dead themselves.

91 4.6 Social Implications of the Zombie and the Post-human

Compared to other zombie’s productions, that show these creatures transforming after death, in I Am a Hero the mutation in ZQN is direct, without causing the death of the victims. In the Press Cafè interview (released in occasion of the Convention “Lucca

Comics & Games” in 2013), Hanazawa explains that this dynamic is due to Japanese funeral traditions: deceased people are cremated, hence they cannot rise from cemeteries

(places in which usually the living dead come back to life) (n.d, “Lucca 2013: Press

Cafe con Kengo Hanazawa”). However, it is possible to individuate some cinematographic exceptions in the movies 28 Days Later (Danny Boyle, 2002) and

World War Z (Marc Forster, 2013), in which the transformation of the victims is almost immediate, bypassing the phase of transaction between life and death.

In general, the origin of the zombie is different from other fantasy creatures, for example vampires: in fact, these last figures descend from a traditional gothic literature.

The zombie instead finds its roots in Haitian folklore. The living dead are an effective metaphor of social anxieties, reflecting nowadays fears and discomforts about consumerism, mass media influence, immigration and end of the world (Bishop, 2010, p.

207). Therefore, is not unexpected that these creatures released themselves from the

American homeland, becoming protagonists in countless successful media.

According to Hamako (as cited in Moreman, Rushton, 2001), in the first part of the Twentieth Century, zombies were interpreted as an Orientalist menace in the United

States: Haiti and the Caribbean territory in general, were considered by American society as “West’s East” (Hamako, as cited in Moreman, Rushton, 2011, p. 108).

Therefore, early cinematography productions – such as the film White Zombie (Victor

Halperin, 1932) – express the desire (as well as the necessity to maintain the hegemonic

92 powers) for the US to rules over the Blacks (Hamako, as cited in Moreman, Rushton,

2011, p. 108). Starting from 1960 the living dead rose again in parallel with important events that generated important transformations in American society, such as: the war in

Asia, sexist and racist discriminations, and the spread in the US of the Islamic religion

(Hamako, as cited in Moreman, Rushton, 2011, p. 108). In 2001, the zombie acquired new disturbing connotations, such as fast movements and a ravenous anger against the human race (Hamako, as cited in Moreman, Rushton, 2011, p. 109). Hamako further compares the rage of the zombie to the anger of Islam: according to Lewis (as cited in

Moreman, Rushton, 2011, p. 109) this feeling of resentment is an expression of an

“Orientalized Islam”, which has turned against US not because racial and imperialist motivations, but because of the humiliation of feelings inferior to a Western society

(Lewis, as cited in Moreman, Rushton, 2011, p. 108). In this sense, Hamako states that

“the modern zombie embodies an Orientalist fears of an Islamic threats” (as cited in

Moreman, Rushton, 2011, p. 110).

In I Am a Hero zombies become promoters of Japanese fears and social anxieties, reaching a level of grotesque higher than those shown in American productions of the same genre. In a parallel way to American zombies, the Japanese living dead could also include some racist themes due to the considerable amount of foreign people which nowadays populate the country. If compared to the discriminations in the US, the idea of racism in Japan is often underestimated by general opinion: in this sense, racist issues in

Japan are usually perceived as something purely related to the ethnicity of a certain individual rather than to feelings of hatred against a certain group (Arudou, 2015, p. xvi). However, the demarcation line between Japanese citizens and the Other is particularly strong: as highlighted by Arudou, the Japanese system does not provide any

93 specific law to protect foreign people’s rights, making discriminations as something unconstitutional but not illegal (Arudou, 2015, p. 3). An example that exemplifies the racist attitude of Japanese citizen toward foreign people is related to real estate agencies: many Japanese citizens in fact refuse to rent their apartments to people with a different nationality, and apparently, there is no way to object to this kind of abuse of power (Arudou, 2015, p. 3).

This distrust toward foreign individuals could be in part motivated by the historical patterns that characterize the Land of the Rising Sun: in contrast to several other countries – which have practiced and/or suffered colonialist expansions –

Japanese land has never experienced colonization by external forces, but instead, it hegemonized the surrounding territories during history (Arudou, 2015, p. xvii). In this perspective, the zombie invasion could symbolize the most dramatic consequence of globalization, a phenomenon that facilitated a massive migration of different ethnicities in Japan. Therefore, the zombie could be treated as a metaphor of a loss of identity of the Japanese population, whose society is steadily incorporating an increasing number of foreign people, compromising the original assets of the nation. This progressive hybridization, in which people of different ethnicities engage in relationships with each other – as in the case of konketsuji, mixed-blood children born from Japanese and a non-Japanese parents (Arudou, 2015, p. 23) – represents a strong threat for the preservation of Japanese cultural and ideological identity: in this context, the zombie is the perfect tool in representing these fears, embodying a creature deprived of any identity and consciousness. Another factor that could have promoted this feeling of distrust is the increasing aging in Japan, with a consequent reduction of the birth-rate

(Nagy, 2016, p. 152). In this sense, the development of a multicultural society could

94 have favoured the introduction of the zombie in Japan as a consequence of a loss of identity for the local population.

Nowadays the zombie is also interpreted as product of post-human society. As

Lauro and Christie highlight, “just as the post human will always assert that human is by that which it supposed itself to be beyond, the zombie both is, and is not, dead and alive” (Lauro, Christie, 2011, p. 2). In a post-human perspective, Keetley defined the zombie as “the human face of capitalist monstrosity in its atomization within a larger group of alienated individuals” (2014, p. 144). According to the author, the zombie has a further philosophical implication: the living dead expresses new biological and biotechnological borders for current society, in which the demarcation line between the machinery and the body is becoming blurred (Keetly, 2014, p. 144).

In conclusion of this section, I will briefly compare Hanawaza’s manga with

Katsuhiro Otomo’s Akira (first published as a manga in 1982 and then adapted into an animation film in 1988): the two works, in fact, share some common features which are particularly interesting for this research. Akira (that recalls the cyberpunk theme of

Riddley Scott’s Blade Runner, 1982) is one of the most impressive works of post-humanism in Japan (Brown, 2010, p. 3). The great ability of the author was to create a series of apocalyptic scenes, whose climax increases during the narration, reaching a level of irreversible annihilation that gives to the story a great depth (Brown,

2010, p. 3). In a complementary way to I Am a Hero, Akira incorporates important themes, such as social isolation, technological dependency, and the advent of new religions (Brown, 2010, p. 3).

Although the similarities manifested by the zombie agglomerate in Hanazawa’s manga and the grotesque metamorphosis of Tetsuo in Akira, this latter transformation is

95 described by Brown as “cybernetic organism” because of its capacity to absorb any kind of object, including wires and machinery (Brown, 2010, p. 3), while on the contrary the horrific creatures illustrated by Hanazawa seems to be composed only by human bodies, further highlighting the themes of body and corporality expressed by the living dead.

Fig. 7 Tetsuo transformation. Katsuhiro Otomo. Akira. 1982. Copyrights

Kodansha.

As Brown further highlights, the transformation of Tetsuo can be interpreted as an act of rebellion against a system that tries to control and repress the boy (Brown,

2010, p. 5). In a corresponding way, the zombie in I Am a hero can be interpreted as a social protest against institutions that try to manipulate the population. This

96 interpretation about the western living dead, confirmed by Peter Dendle (as cited in

Scott, 2007, p. 45), can be in fact extended also to Hanazawa’s manga, which reflects the same fears and anxieties of American zombies, adding some peculiar features representative of Japanese culture.

Therefore, I Am a Hero could be interpreted in an analogous way to Otomo’s work, as suggested by Brown: Akira is defined as “a narrative about the potential for even the humblest of citizens living in a police state to empower themselves and disrupt the status quo. In this sense Akira is liberating rather than nihilistic” (Brown, 2010, p. 7).

In an analogous way – as expressed by Hanazawa himself – I Am a Hero helped the author to free all his tensions through the figure of the zombies (Lippi, 2013): therefore, it won’t be a hazard to conjecture that the living dead created by Hanazawa could represent an extreme way for Japanese citizens to express their repressed feeling. In this perspective, the passive-aggressive behaviour manifested by zombies could represent an effective way for people to relief from the cumulated stress of their lives.

In general, the post-human works in Japanese popular culture stimulate a sort of

“defamiliarization” of society on the global scale (Brown, 2010, p. 9), depicting the most severe anxieties and social problems of the population. In this context, the zombie appears as a privileged figure, thanks to its capacity to incorporate and exasperate the alienation that affects a large number of Japanese people.

97 Conclusions

Through this research, I tried to individuate the main factors that promoted the success of the zombie – a creature belonging to Haitian folklore – in Japanese popular culture.

After introducing cultural and historical origins of this myth, the study focused on the process of inclusion of the zombie in Japanese imaginary, which is famous for the eclectic visual culture expressed in the profitable industry of anime and manga.

According to the Marxist idea of alienation (discussed in the fourth chapter), the capitalistic system has generated a severe submission for the worker (Marx, 2007, p. 69).

Other authorities have formulated similar considerations to those presented by the

German philosopher, contextualizing the meaning of the zombie in popular imaginary.

As instance, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari claim that the zombie symbolises an exploitation of the man, who is considered – in the work place – as a mere tool for the production. In this sense, the two scholars described the zombie as new “modern myth”

(Deleuze, Guattari, 1983, p. 335), manifestation of the extreme effects of capitalistic society.

As Peter Dendle highlights, the zombie is nowadays one of the most successful fictional figures in global popular culture, thanks to the sense of adaption showed by this artefact in several media, such as cinema, literature, comics and videogames (as cited in Christie, Lauro, 2011, p. 175). On the same line with the scholars mentioned above, Dendle further specifies the connection between zombies and labour economy: the syncretic rituals practiced by Haitian bokor have the purpose to call back to life the dead in order to exploit these corpses in agricultural and in labour local activities.

Because of this condition of slavery, the zombie is often represented as a violent

98 creature without soul, enslaved by a master, who takes advantage of him.

Therefore, it is not a surprise that the zombie has been easily inserted into

American cinema during 1930, period of the Great American Depression, when the

United States (that have always been promoters of the importance of the hard work and industrial development) needed to face an unprecedented crisis: the fleets of unemployed workers, can be in this sense compared to passive zombies, who cannot demonstrate their skills in the work dimension (as cited in Scott, 2007, p. 46), but they are mere automatons exploited by a powerful industrial (as well as capitalistic) system.

Starting from the 1960s – and thanks to the success of George Romero’s films – the zombie extended its symbolic function, echoing new fears unleashed by Cold War, nuclear threats, and a possible collapse of social institutions. The important series of innovations introduced during 80’s in the medical and technological fields, stimulated a redefinition of the concept of human being: in this period the zombie was set apart from the cinema, although continuing to be present in other subordinate media productions

(as cited in Scott, 2007, p. 52).

The living dead has risen again in the 2000s, configuring itself as expression of the liberation from the oppression imposed by modern society: the new zombie is fierce and violent, a symbol of unbridled instincts and consumerism; the inability to control such a creature generated in people a deep sense of helplessness and anxiety (as cited in

Scott, 2007, p. 54), making of the zombie one of the most feared monsters in contemporary society.

As confirmed by Kengo Hanazawa’s manga – and by the other zombie manga listed in the appendix – the zombie has exceeded the original US borders and he is now acknowledged all over the globe: Japan – which customs and traditions differ

99 significantly from American society – has readily accepted this monstrous artefact in its peculiar imaginary. Although the zombie was unknown in Japanese folk (and in general in Asian traditions), the country absorbed such a figure in the sectors of anime and manga.

In recent Japanese productions, it is possible to identify several manga and anime which have zombies as main protagonists: Sankarea (Sankarea, Hattori, 2009),

Zombie Loan (Zombie Loan, Peach-Pit, 2003) and I Am a Hero (Hanazawa, 2009) are some of them. However, I Am a Hero seems to be the work that best processes this figure in Japanese scenario: without altering Western origins of the creature,

Hanazawa’s manga juxtaposes two different cultures, Japanese and American. In

Hanazawa’s work zombies are symbols of social hardship: they refer to a totally alienated Japanese population, crushed by the high stress in the workplace and in school.

This latter aspect further connects Hanazawa’s zombies to the interpretation of the living dead provided by Marx, Deleuze and Guattari.

Analysing the Hegelian concept of “habit”, Slavoj Žižek offers a further description of the zombie figure: the habit, according to the German philosopher, represents a loss of vitality for man, who acts in a purely mechanical way, limiting his creativity and giving up to his freedom: conversely, the ability to express themselves in creative ways allows men to break their “old habits” (Žižek, 2012, p. 341). According to

Žižek, all human beings in their elementary state are comparable to zombies, which represent in this sense, the “zero level of humanity” (Žižek, 2012, p. 341). Unlike the alien – which come from an unknown world and has an extra-terrestrial nature – the zombie belongs to human race: he is a retired man who has ceased to be himself. Usually,

“the living dead” are people known by normal individuals (for example, they can be

100 neighbours, acquaintances or family members): therefore, their meeting can be far more tragic and disturbing than meting a simple unknown being such as an alien (Žižek, 2012, p. 342).

Summarizing, the thesis – through an interdisciplinary study, which has considered social, religious and cultural factors – has attempted to clarify how the zombie has been converted into Japanese culture: the manga – a successful product in

Japan and in many other foreign countries – seems to represent an effective tool for analysing the evolution of the living dead inside Japanese media scenario. Through the comparison between the places of origin of the creature, the island of Haiti (cradle of

Voodoo) and the United States, consecrators of the blockbuster zombie, this elaborate has attempted to highlight similarities and differences between the media productions of both countries (for example, the resurrection from death, classically represented in

American works, but absent in Hanazawa’s manga, or the level of introspection that zombie reached in I Am a Hero (compared to other international productions, as the series The Walking Dead, in which the narration rotates around humans rather than around the living dead psychology).

The Analysis of Shinto doctrine has furthered favourite the understanding of

Japanese culture, which has revealed animist and syncretic features, in common with

Haitian Voodoo. The figure of the zombie can be therefore intended as a universal symbol, expression of the post-modern man malaise: alienation, depersonalization, deterritorialization32 (Deleuze, Guattari, 1987, p. 1) and social anxiety are just some of

32 According to Felix and Guattari deterritorialization is a consequence of continuous geographic movements of people on Earth in modern era, and it is metaphorically expressed by the pervasiveness of the zombie figure on global scale (as represented in several post-human and post-apocalyptic

101 the dramatic consequences expressed by the living dead.

In conclusion, the meaning of the zombie presented in I Am a Hero could be interpreted as a metaphor for Japanese society and its social burdens: zombies become promoters of Japanese fears and anxieties, manifesting a level of ferocity and violence that in some cases, overcome those showed by western living dead, acquiring a unique and impressive characterization in popular culture.

Although the apocalyptic genre is not new in Japan, its cultural imaginary does not seem to include the living dead as part of local folklore. The zombie has been pervasively introduced in Japanese territory after the Zombie Renaissance, confirming the global resonance of this phenomenon.

All these aspects suggest that the zombie can be interpreted as a universal symbol, a successful product of popular culture: the capacity of adaptation showed by this creature in any cultural and geographical context further confirms its prosperity.

The absence of literacy origins – together with the lack of consciousness – allows the zombie to be shaped in a multitude of ways, making this creature one of the most malleable and prosperous monsters of our times. The social problems emerged from I

Am a Hero further confirm a connection wire between Japanese and American culture: isolation, overwork, depression, and social anxieties in general can be identified – in accordance with the studies here exposed by several scholars – as common elements for

productions). The concept of “deterritorialization” is discusses in other works written by Deleze and Guattari, including Qu’est-ce que la philosophie ?, Les éditions de Minuit (coll. « Critique »), Paris, 1991, (tr. it. Che cos’è la filosofia?, Torino, Einaudi, 1996) e L'Anti-Œdipe – Capitalisme et schizophrénie, Les éditions de Minuit (coll. « Critique »), Paris, 1972 (tr. inglese Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1983).

102 the zombie figure, that can configure itself as a ubiquitous and universal creature in the global media industry.

In last, it is worth clarifying the conclusions proposed in this study: although just mentioned in the appendix, I took in examination all the zombie manga (and anime) published in Japan until recent times. However, a single analysis on each work was too extensive to be covered during a two years’ Master Program. Despite these limits of time, I Am a Hero revealed itself as an interesting starting point for the study of zombies in Japan, and although the research does not aim to generalize on this subject, many hints emerged from the manga, manifesting a strong correlation between Hanazawa’s living dead and American productions – realized on the same horrific creature – exposed in this study.

Further investigations on the topic – which should significantly amplify the areas of study, taking in examination a conspicuous number of Japanese and American media artefacts – could provide important support in identifying a deep and definite meaning of the zombie archetype and of its use in Japanese (and international) popular culture.

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Kaori Yuki. (2008) Guignol Kyūtei Gakudan. Tokyo: Hakusensha.

Jiro Matsumoto. (2007). Becchin to Mandara. New York: Vertical.

Misturu Hattori. (2009). Sankarea. Tokyo: Kodansha.

Mizuki Shigeru. (1960). GeGeGe no Kitarō. Tokyo: Kodansha.

Kengo Hanazawa. (2009). I Am a Hero. Tokyo: Shogakukan.

Kimihito Irie. (2010). Kami-sama no Inai Nichiyōbi. Tokyo: Fujimi Shobo.

Kei Sanbe. (2010). Mouryou no Yurikago. Tokyo: Square Enix.

Shinichi Kimura. (2010). Kore wa Zombie desu ka? Tokyo: Fujimi Shobo.

Kuraishi Yuu, Inabe Kazu. (2011). Apocalypse no Toride. Tokyo: Kodansha.

Hiromoto Shinichi. (2011) Mugen Tensei – Ryuuki to Kotora to Sengoku Zombie. Comic

Dangan (Hobby Japan).

Kentarō Satō. (2012). Mahō Shōjo of the End. Tokyo: Akita Shoten.

Katsuya Terada, Shinici Hiromoto, Hiroaki Samura, Rei Hiroe, Jiro Matsumoto, Masaya

Hokazono, Hitoshi Kino. (2012). Manga of The Dead. Takeshobo.

Koji Aihara. (2013). Z: Zed. Tokyo: Nihon Bungeisha.

Norimitsu Kaihō, Sadoru Chiba. (2012). Gakko Gurashi! Houbunsha.

118 Appendix

Japanese Media Productions about Zombies

The appendix will provide an overview on the zombie manga and anime published until now.

This section has the intent to motivate the selection of Kengo Hanazawa’s manga, I

Am a Hero as main source for the conduction of the study. In fact, despite several

Japanese artifacts have been included in the zombie category, a conspicuous part of these works do not really refer to the canonical image of the living dead, presenting instead creatures that look more similar to cyborgs, ghost and vampires rather than zombies.

For this reason, I found opportune to not include these works in the research, choosing Hanazawa’s manga instead as the primary reference for conducting the investigation: I Am a Hero represents in fact an important point of contact between

American and Japanese popular culture.

Several online sources33 have been used to list all the manga and anime. Each work is presented in chronological order and it includes information about author, publisher

33 The manga (and anime) Reiko Zombie Shop, Tokyo Zombie, Grand Guignol Orchestra, Hellsing, Life is Dead, Mahou Shoujo of the End, Apocalypse no Toride, Biomega, Shiniku no Otoko and I Am a Hero are included in the chart published on the website AnimeNewsNetwork, in an article dated 2014 which indicates some of the most famous zombie manga published until now. From: http://www.animenewsnetwork.com/house-of-1000-manga/2014-01-09. I used Wikipedia for other works, which include: Cindaralla, Zombie-ya Reiko, Shikabane Hime, Highschool of the Dead, Sankarea, Kami-sama no Inai, Tokko, Becchin to Mandara, Zombie Hunter, Z: Zed, Gakko Gurashi and Zombie Loan. The two manga Mouryou no Yurikago, Dark Edge were retrieved from the website Zweapons.com, in an article dedicated to the best zombie manga published on market.

119 and possible adaptations of the stories in different form of media (anime, live-action, etc.):

1. Hideshi Hino. (1986). Shiniku no Otoko34 (死肉の男). Hibari Shobo.

2. Kōta Hirano. (1997-2008). Hellsing35 (ヘルシング). Shonen Gahosha.

3. Yusaku Hanakuma (1999). Tokyo Zombie36 (東京ゾンビ). Seirinkogeisha.

4. Kazumasa Hirai, Yang Kyung-il (1999-2000). Shirei Kari 37 ( 死 霊 狩 り ).

Kadokawa Shoten.

5. Tite Kubo. (1999-2000). Zombie Powder (ゾンビパウダ). Shueisha.

6. Rei Mikamoto. (1999-2004). Zombie-ya Reiko38 (ゾンビ屋 れい子). Bunkasha.

7. Mizuno Junko. (2000). Mizuno Junko no Shinderara-chan (水野純子のシンデ

ラーラちゃん) Koushinsya.

8. Yu Aikawa. (2002-2006). Dark Edge (ダーク・エッジ). MediaWorks.

9. Peach-Pit. (2002-2011). Zombie Rōn39 (ゾンビローン). Square Enix.

34 Know with the English title Living Corpse, DH Publishing. 35 An anime of this series – directed by Umanosuke Iida and produced by the studio Gonzo – was released during 2001 and 2002. Between 2001 and 2009, a sequel of the manga – Hellsing: The Dawn – was released. From: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hellsing. 36 The manga has been adapted in live-action in 2005. The film – directed by Sakichi Sato – has been released in North America, UK, New Zeland and Australia. From Wikipedia.org: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tokyo_Zombie. 37 Translated in English as Zombie Hunter, this comic can be considered in between with manga and manhwa (the Korean comics) because of the nationalities of the two authors (Kazumasa Hirai is Japanese while Yang Kyung-il is Korean). From: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zombie_Hunter. 38 Known in English as Reiko the Zombie Shop. From: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reiko_the_Zombie_Shop. 39 Also known as Zombie Loan. An anime television series – directed by Akira Nishimori – was released in 2007 by the Studio Xebec M2. Source from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zombie-Loan.

120 10. Tohru Fujisawa. (2004). Tokko40 (特公). Kodansha.

11. Tsutomu Nihei. (2004-2009). Biomega (バイオメガ). Shueisha

12. Yoshiichi Akahito. (2005-2014). Shikabane Hime41 (屍姫). Square Enix.

13. Yasunori Mitsunaga. Kaibutsu Ōjo42 (怪物王女). (2005-2013). Kodansha.

14. Daisuke Sato, Shoji Sato. (2006-2013). Gakuen Mokushiroku Haisukūru obu za

Deddo43 (学園黙示録). Fujimi Shobo.

15. Tomohiro Koizumi. (2007). Life is Dead 44 ( ライフ・イズ・デッド).

Futabasha.

16. Hiromoto Shinichi. (2008). Shoujo Zonbi 45 ( 少女ゾンビ). Green Arrow

Suppansha.

17. Kaori Yuki. (2008-2010) Guignol Kyūtei Gakudan 46 ( 人 形 宮 廷 楽 団 ).

Hakusensha.

40 The anime version – released in 2006 – has been directed by Masashi Abe and produced by AIC Spirit. Group TAC. From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tokko_(manga). 41 Two anime of the series were produced by the Studio Feel and Gainax and directed by Shō Aikawa: Shikabane Hime: Aka (2008) and Shikabane Hime: Kuro (2009). From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corpse_Princess. 42 Also known in English as Princess Resurrection. From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Princess_Resurrection. 43 Known in English as Highschool of the Dead. An anime of the series was released during 2010, and directed by Tesuro Araki and produced by Mitsutoshi Ogura for the studio Madhouse. From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Highschool_of_the_Dead. 44 Information about the publisher was retrieved on MangaUpdates: https://www.mangaupdates.com/series.html?id=26033. Retrieved on April 28, 2016. A further live-action – directed by Kōsuke Hishinuma – was realized and released in 2012. From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Life_Is_Dead. 45 Also know with the English translation Girl’s Zombie. From the website MangaUpdated.com: https://www.mangaupdates.com/series.html?id=47991.

121 18. Jiro Matsumoto. (2007-2009). Becchin to Mandara (べっちんとまんだら).

Vertical.

19. Misturu Hattori. (2009-2014). Sankarea47 (さんかれあ). Kodansha.

20. Kengo Hanazawa. (2009-present). I Am a Hero 48 (アイアムアヒーロー).

Shogakukan.

21. Kimihito Irie. (2010-2014). Kami-sama no Inai Nichiyōbi49 (神さまのいない日

曜日). Fujimi Shobo.

22. Kei Sanbe. (2010-2012). Mouryou no Yurikago50 (魍魎の揺りかご). Square

Enix.

23. Shinichi Kimura. (2010-2013). Kore wa Zombie desu ka?51 (これはゾンビで

すか?). Fujimi Shobo.

46 Also known as Grand Guignol Orchestra. From: http://www.animenewsnetwork.com/house-of-1000-manga/2014-01-09. 47 A namesake anime was released in 2012 by Studio Deen and directed by Mamoru Hatakeyama. Source from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sankarea:_Undying_Love. Retrieved on April 28, 2016. 48 I Am a Hero was adapted into a live-action directed by Shinsuke Sato in 2016. From IMDB: http://www.imdb.com/title/tt3775202/. Retrieved on April 28, 2016. Few weeks before the releasing of the films a prequel of the story was broadcasted by the Docomo online television: I am a Hero: Hajimari no Hi (I am a Hero: Day 1), directed by Toshikazu Nakae. From AnimeNewsNetwork: http://www.animenewsnetwork.com/news/2015-12-25/i-am-a-hero-zombie-film-gets-live-action-tie-in-sp ecial/.96915. 49 The original work is a namesake light novel, while a manga version was published between 2010 and 2013. The series has also an anime adaptation – directed by Yūji Kumazawa – created by the Studio Madhouse and released in 2013. In addition, the work has an OAV version (Original Video Animation) released in 2014. From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sunday_Without_God. 50 Also known in English as Cradle of Monsters. From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mōryō_no_Yurikago.

122 24. Kuraishi Yuu, Inabe Kazu. (2011-2015). Apocalypse no Toride52 (アポカリプ

スの砦). Kodansha.

25. Hiromoto Shinichi. (2011) Mugen Tensei – Ryuuki to Kotora to Sengoku

Zombie53 (夢幻転生~龍希と小虎と戦国ゾンビ~). Comic Dangan (Hobby

Japan).

26. Kentarō Satō. (2012- present). Mahō Shōjo of the End (魔法少女・オブ・ジ・

エンド). Akita Shoten.

27. Katsuya Terada, Shinici Hiromoto, Hiroaki Samura, Rei Hiroe, Jiro Matsumoto,

Masaya Hokazono, Hitoshi Kino. (2012). Manga of The Dead54 (マンガ・オ

ブ・ザ・デッド). Takeshobo.

28. Koji Aihara. (2013-present). Z: Zed55 (Ｚ～ゼット～). Nihon Bungeisha.

29. Norimitsu Kaihō, Sadoru Chiba. (2012-present). Gakko Gurashi!56 (がっこうぐ

らし!). Houbunsha.

51 The original work is a light novel published between 2009 and 2016, and from which was produced a namesake manga in 2010 and an anime version directed by Takaomi Kanasaki for the Studio Deen in 2012. From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Is_This_a_Zombie%3F. 52 Known also as Fort of Apocalypse. From MangaUpdates.com: https://www.mangaupdates.com/series.html?id=68982. 53 From the website MangaUpdates.com. https://www.mangaupdates.com/series.html?id=72650. 54 From the website MyAnimeList.net: http://myanimelist.net/manga/48283/Manga_of_the_Dead. Information about the Publisher has been found on the Italian website AnimeClick.it: http://www.animeclick.it/manga/14164/manga-of-the-dead. 55 A live action of the series – directed by Norio Tsuruta – was released in 2014. From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Z:_Zed.

123 30. Tetsuro Araki. (2016).Kōtetsujō no kabaneri57 ( 甲鉄城のカバネリ). Aniplex.

56 Know also with the English title School-Live!, the series was adapted into an anime – directed by Masaomi Ando and produced by the Studio Lerche – in 2015. From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/School-Live!. 57 Also known as Kabaneri of the Iron Fortress. From Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kabaneri_of_the_Iron_Fortress.

124