Anatolian Studi Es

Home , Alalakh, Alanya, Beycesultan, Hacilar, Lycaonia, Perta (Lycaonia)

Reprintedfrom

ANATOLIAN STUDI ES

Journal of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara

VOL. VIII 1958

CONTENTS Page

Council's Report and Financial Statement ------3 Summary of Archaeological Research in Turkey in 1957 17

The Harran Inscriptions of Nabonidus, by C. J. Gadd ------35

Beycesultan Excavations : Fourth Preliminary Report, 1957, by Seton Lloyd and James Mellaart ---93

Excavations at Hacilar, First Preliminary Report, by James Mellaart - 127

Eastern Anatolia in the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age, by C. A. Burney -- 157

Urartian Reliefs at Adilcevaz, on Lake Van, and a Rock Relief from the Karasu, near Birecik, by C. A. Burney and G. R. J. Lawson - 211

An Honorific Inscription from Pisidian Antioch, by Barbara Levick ... 219 Roman Roads in Lycaonia, by M. H. Ballance 223 Urartian Stones in the Van Museum, by P. Hulin 235

The Sultantepe Tablets I : Corrigenda 245

Published annually by THE BRITISH INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AT ANKARA 56 Queen Anne Street, London, W. 1 NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS

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ARABIC AND ALLIED ALPHABETS at the beginning of word omit ; hamza elsewhere

4—) c> b lT s q

A CJ t (_P s i) k

A th U* S J 1 j & & d f m h t c j n h t Z ]a 3 w or v d

A h s dh L '

0 t or h j r

vowels "a, ^i, >u

lengthened I, jfa

diphthongs ay and y aw or ^ ai and °I au respectively,

Illustrations : All line drawings, including maps, will appear as " Figures," numbered consecutively in Arabic numerals throughout each article. Photographs reproduced as halftones or collotypes will appear as " Plates," numbered in capital Roman numerals.

Authors receive 25 off-prints of their articles. Additional copies may be ordered when the page proofs are returned at rates to be settled with the printers. ROMAN ROADS IN LYCAONIA

By M. H. Ballance

The following article is an attempt to reconstruct the Roman road- system of Eastern Lycaonia from the Peutinger Table (the only ancient itinerary that refers to this region), from published and unpublished milestones and from impressions received on journeys there in 1956 and 1957. I am indebted especially to Sir William Calder for his help at all stages, including the use of his note-books, and also to Messrs. A. S. Hall and J. G. Macqueen, who travelled with me in 1957. The area covered is in the main that between Laodiceia Combusta on the west and the foot of Hasan Dag on the east. It is divided into two

Fig. 1. parts by the great sweep of Boz Dag, a quarter circle of mountains rising some 500 m. above the surrounding country and separating the fertile and monotonously flat plain of Iconium from the undulating steppe to north and east (map, fig. 1). In Strabo's time the area outside Boz Dag was a semi-arid waste grazed by vast flocks of sheep and even wild asses, and until the introduction of mechanised methods of farming in the last few years, sheep have always been the principal livelihood of the local population.1 Water is scarce and many of the wells are over 50 m. deep. Boz Dag, although in the distance it appears to be a formidable barrier, can in fact be crossed with ease at several points, which may be

1 Strabo 568. 223 224 ANATOLIAN STUDIES

mentioned here as they have a considerable bearing on the course of both ancient and modern roads. The modern road from Kadmhan to Konya, presumably following an ancient one from Laodiceia Combusta to Iconium, takes a line of moderate difficulty past the village of Bagnkurt. The railway passes a few miles further east between Meydan and Pmarba§i, but this cannot be an ancient line. The modern Ankara-Konya road runs over Tutup Beli, a very easy pass a little to the west of Egribayat, and its ancient predecessor must have done the same. Milestone no. 40 at Sengen (below, p. 230 and note 13) shows an alternative route further to the west, via Laodiceia Combusta and the Bagnkurt pass. Further to the east, Akba§ Beli carried the Selguk road from Konya to Sultan Han and Aksaray and is still used extensively even by heavy lorries. It has a gentle, even slope and is relatively free of stones (see below, p. 231). Gogii Beli, on the direct line from Iconium to Savatra, is more difficult, but is occasionally used by wagons. To the east of Boz Dag the only natural obstacles are the Salt Lake and a long strip of marsh running south from its southern extremity. As one approaches Hasan Dag the country becomes gradually more hilly but is in no sense difficult. The Lycaonian Section of the Peutinger Table shows two long¬ distance roads and one shorter one. The most detailed of these (referred to below as the North Lycaonian Road) runs from Abrostola on the Sangarius to Perta on the eastern side of Boz Dag and thence direct across the steppe to Salaberina, 20 m.p. from Archelais on a road to Tyana. A second road is shown as running from Amorion via Laodiceia Combusta to Savatra. Instead of the natural continuation of this road via Cybistra to the Cilician Gates the Table gives only a road connecting Savatra with Iconium. Owing to the incompleteness of this system it has long been assumed that the Table could be disregarded or conveniently amended,2 and it is the purpose of this article to show not only that the Table is not necessarily wrong but that its evidence in many points corresponds closely to what can be seen on the ground to-day. The North Lycaonian Road. The route from Abrostola to Salaberina is given on the Table as follows Abrostola xxiiii Tolosocorio vii Bagrum xx Vetisso xx Egdaua xx Pegella xx Congusso xv Petra xx Comitanasso xii Ubinnaca xxix Salaberina. The first part of this road, from Abrostola to Perta, has been discussed at some length by Sir William Calder.3 Without repeating his arguments in detail it will be sufficient to say here that he agrees with Anderson's location of Abrostola at Veledler, places Vetissos at Suliiklu on the evidence of a dedication by the Demos of Vetissos at Sankaya, and identifies the modern Qesmeli Zebir, a site very rich in Christian inscriptions, with the

2 W. M. Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia Minor (R.G.S. Suppl. Papers, vol. IV), 1890, pp. 357 ff. ; Jahresh. d. Ost. Arch. Inst., VII, 1904, Beiblatt, cols. 80, 89, etc. 3 A.J.A., XXXVI, 1932, pp. 460 ff. ; Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua, vol. VII, pp. xxii ff. ROMAN ROADS IN LYCAONIA 225 bishopric Gdanmaa (the Egdava of the Table), which is mentioned in an inscription found there. The position of Perta, at Giymir Yayla, is certain.4 The last section of the road, from Perta to Salaberina, is the one that has been most neglected in the past. The site of Perta being known, it remains to find that of Salaberina before the intermediate stations can be filled in. The Table shows it 20 m.p. from Archelais on a road to Tyana, which must have corresponded more or less to the modern Aksaray-Bor road skirting the west and south flanks of Hasan Dag. There are extensive marshes just to the south of Aksaray, which the modern road crosses on a causeway, probably a lineal descendant of that which carried the Selguk road from Sultanhan. The ancient road probably kept to the edge of the hills as

0 5 m.

Fig. 2. Diagrammatic plan of the tumuli at Gidericj. far as a point 10 km. SSE of Aksaray and then struck SSW, leaving the springs at the head of the marsh on its right and Kizil Dag, a small but conspicuous outlier of Hasan Dag, on its left. From the foot of Kizil Dag a valley with the picturesque name of Cehennem Deresi leads up past the village of Ta§pmar, where it is crossed by the modern road, to Giderig, a total distance, measured on the map, of 20-3 m.p. Even allowing for some slight detours the distance on the ground need not have been much longer ; following the modern track, which in places winds more than the lie of the land necessitates, the distance by the mileometer of a car was only 21 English miles, not greatly in excess of the 20 m.p. given by the Table as the distance between Archelais and Salaberina.

4 Perta was first fixed by two inscriptions published by T. Callander and W. M. Ramsay, Classical Review, XXIII, 1909, pp. 7-9. Inscriptions discovered at Giymir since that date confirm its identity with Perta beyond all doubt. 226 ANATOLIAN STUDIES

It is proposed to locate Salaberina at Giderig, which has extensive remains of ancient settlement. An isolated flat-topped hill (marked on the Turkish 1:200,000 map as Kepez), round the foot of which are scattered the few stone houses of the Turkish settlement, forms a natural acropolis ; the whole top of the hill is strewn with pottery, mainly of Roman date. On the SW edge lie the remains of a building some 15 m. by 8-10 m., probably a church, although the details of the plan are not clear. The walls, 75 cm. thick, are built of large, accurately fitted stones up to 1-40 m. in length ; the interstices in the centre of the walls are filled with rubble and strong grey mortar. The construction is very similar to that of the church at Qukurkent a few miles away.5 The inhabitants of Giderig

0 2 m.

Fig. 3. Plan and section of rock-cut tomb at Gideri^. claim to be able to distinguish the remains of six other churches in the area of the modern village, but failed to produce evidence in support of this statement. Of greater interest were at least fifteen tombs, scattered about the S and E slopes of the hill and extending in a line towards the SE, the direction that the road to Tyana must have taken.53 Several of them have recently been excavated and broken up, while the rest are still partly buried by the tumuli that originally covered them (the plan given in fig. 2 is diagrammatic only). As a rule, the main chamber is built of cream-coloured limestone in well-cut blocks and varies in size from about 3 by 3 m. to 6 by 5 m. On the entrance side is a vestibule consisting of one or more smaller chambers. The outer ring of unworked stones served as a retaining wall for the earth of the tumulus, which varied in diameter

5 Sir W. M. Ramsay and Gertrude Bell, The Thousand and One Churches, London 1909, pp.382 ff. 6a See PI. XXXVa. ROMAN ROADS IN LYCAONIA 227 from about 10 to 20 m. There is no indication on the surface of how the chambers were roofed. The spoil-heaps of modern stone-robbers contain a quantity of late Hellenistic or early Roman pottery, and we were shown a glass tear-bottle said to be from one of the tombs. Similar but less well built tombs of this type occur locally at Malir Hiiyiik (below, p. 228) and at Hiiyiiklu, an Iron Age, Hellenistic and early Roman site a few miles E of Yahbayat. To the N of the hill are the remains of a domed building, perhaps a Turkish tiirbe, and a rock-cut tomb of unusually fine workmanship, with a central column, three loculi cut out of the walls and a rock-cut bench to accommodate a fourth body (plan and section fig. 3, and photograph PL XXXVc). The evidence for the intermediate stations is also not unsatisfactory. In September 1956 the writer, while visiting Amurat, a village between Aksaray and Sultanhan, was told that the nearest place where inscriptions were to be found was Ortakuyu, a yayla of Eskil to the south-west of Sultanhan. Some weeks later this was confirmed by information received near Perta. A visit to Ortakuyu produced three inscriptions ; a Byzantine epitaph, a dedication to Asclepius and Hygieia and the following dedication :—

AnOAA»f£rHKO

'AttoAAcovi et[t|k6[go defaced relief. NeiKias ITaaiKpg- tous toO Mavioy NEIKIACTTACIKfi-1 KouapuTavacjE- TO&JOTMANIOi vs foMMITAMA,C6

- YC

0 -ISm.

Fig. 4.

i. Ortakuyu, in private possession. Marble stele ; on front, defaced relief; on left side, in relief, above, mounted figure facing to left, spear in left hand, double axe (?) in right ; below, figure in long robe advancing to left, with spear in left hand and circular object (patera ?) in right. The upper figure no doubt represents the god, the lower the dedicator. Ht. 0-39 m., w. 0-215 m., th. 0-1301., letters 0-012-0-03 m. (fig. 4). 228 ANATOLIAN STUDIES

There can be little doubt that the ethnic Kouamitanaseus corresponds to the Comitanasso of the Table. It is not usual for an individual to mention his place of origin in an inscription erected there, and it might well be argued that the mention of a Kouamitanaseus at Ortakuyu was sufficient reason for locating Comitanassos elsewhere.6 In this case, however, two facts must be borne in mind. Firstly, there are at Ortakuyu remains of ancient settlement covering at least a quarter of a square kilometre and including a fortified enclosure with remains of a church inside it. At least one other building is certainly a church, and the description given by one of the inhabitants of a pavement that he had dug up left no doubt that it was of mosaic. The site is, so far as can be seen, entirely of Roman and Byzantine date, and it is extremely hard to see how, in such a barren area (the wells are about 55 m. deep and the soil will produce little beyond indifferent grazing for sheep), a settlement of such a size could have maintained itself unless it lay on the line of an important road. Secondly, it is situated 28 km. (18-5 m.p.) from Perta on a line leading directly towards Giderig. The dedicator of the inscription may have described himself as an inhabitant of Comitanassos merely in order to distinguish himself from the travellers who made offerings to the local god as they passed through. Ubinnaca, the remaining station on this section of the road, can be located with reasonable certainty at Mahr Hiiyiik, situated 12-7 m.p. from Ortakuyu and 25 m.p. from Giderig (Turkish 1:200,000 map). The mound lies in a hollow, close to two good springs of water which feed the marshes extending from here to the southern end of the salt lake. The road thus by-passed these marshes, while taking advantage of the abundant grazing that they provided. The Selguk road, heading for Aksaray, crossed them by a causeway a little to the west of Sultanhan. Pottery found at Mahr Huyiik includes some as early as the Middle Bronze Age, but the Roman settlement, which is visible as a strew of stones and pottery around the base of the mound itself, appears to have been of much greater extent than its predecessors. To the south and east are twenty or more tombs of the same type as those at Giderig (p. 227 and fig. 2) but smaller and built of rougher stone. The North Lycaonian Road, Conclusion. While absolute certainty can be attained only by the discovery of milestones or other epigraphic evidence, which are as scarce on the eastern fringe of Lycaonia as they are common in the Boz Dag area, sufficient evidence has, I think, been put forward to show that the Peutinger Table, so far from utterly unreliable, is in this area at least capable of interpretation at its face value. The equation of Petra xx Comitanasso xii Ubinnaca xxix Salaberina with Giymir 18 • 5 Ortakuyu 12-J Malir 25 Gideric7 is as satisfactory as one has any right to expect.

6 A number of apparent exceptions to this rule do however exist. They include MAMA. I, 170a ; IV, 334 ; VI, 216 and an epitaph of two Bpoufnvof, found by the present writer in 1955 at Kara Sandikh, the site of Brouzos. 7 These distances are measured on the map. From Giymir to Mahr the ground is flat or slightly rolling and there was no need for the road to deviate from the direct line ; between Mahr and Gideri9 it is more broken and this could account for the discrepancy between the xxix m.p. of the Table and the 25 m.p. of the map. PLATE XXXV

(a) Gideri9, remains of tumuli, with others in the middle distance.

IV L1A t AC? Rill V .nalivliia/ui, TNAlOKISVRti AORWUVlR-riL' 1 NXVOKM RV1CORNI nut «i .w twr< -,'vl rtiMAun 11

(b) Pisidian Antioch, dedication to Iulia (c) Gideri9, interior of rock-cut tomb. Agrippina. ROMAN ROADS IN LYCAONIA 229

The South Lycaonian Road. The second main Lycaonian road given by the Table is that from Amorion via Laodiceia Combusta to Savatra, which appears in the form Amurio xx Laudiciaca Tacecaumeno xxiii Caballucome xxxii Sabatra. The first part, from Amorion to Laodiceia, is obviously incomplete. The distance xx m.p. probably refers to an intermediate station at A§agi Piribeyli (the ancient Pissia?). From there to Laodiceia Combusta the most convenient line for a road is via Yunak and Atlandi. From Laodiceia to Savatra the Table provides at any rate material for discussion (see below). From Savatra there was presumably a con¬ tinuation via Cana and Cybistra to the Cilician Gates and a connection to Comitanassos on the northern road (see below, p. 232). Neither of these, however, is shown on the Table, nor are there any milestones definitely to be ascribed to them. There are however a number of milestones in the northern part of the Konya Plain which may be discussed here with a view to ascertaining which of them belong to the Ancyra-Iconium road and which to the Laodiceia-Savatra stretch of the Peutinger road. For convenience these are tabulated on p. 230. In the northern part of the Konya Plain, the principal Roman site is at Kulak Murat Flam, 2J km. SSE of the modern village of Egribayat. A flat-topped mound 8 to 10 m. high is surrounded by an irregular strew of stones, with some pottery, about 400 m. across. The surface pottery is almost all Hellenistic and Roman and the site as a whole has exactly the characteristics of a prosperous road-station. It is probably safe to assume that it lay at the intersection of the South Lycaonian Road and of the Ancyra-Iconium road, which must have crossed Boz Dag by Tutup Beli, some 4 km. NW of the site. The Selguk road from Konya to Aksaray, locally known as the " Old Baghdad Road ", which passes Kulak Murat Ham on its way from Konya to Akba§ Beli, perhaps took this roundabout line in order to avoid marshy ground in the centre of the plain. The Peutinger road from Laodiceia to Savatra must have taken one of two routes. (a) It may have diverged from the Laodiceia-Iconium road at the southern end of the Bagnkurt Pass, near Qalti, and run along the S side of Boz Dag via Kulak Murat Ham to Akba§ Beli. This is the longer route, totalling about 55 m.p., which exactly corresponds to the distance given by the Table. The fact that it follows, over the first part of its course, the same line as the Laodiceia-Iconium road, is also in its favour, {b) The alternative route, some 5 m.p. shorter, follows the N side of Boz Dag as far as Tutup Beli, where it crosses the hills to join the other route at Kulak Murat Ham. Except for its failure to correspond to the distance given in the Table, the second route could almost certainly be identified as the ancient one. Not only is it the easier, involving no natural obstacles except the very gentle pass of Tutup Beli, but it passes through country which, to judge from the sites at Tathkuyu Hk. and Fetin Hk., had a fairly large population in the Roman period. No milestones have been recorded on either route between Laodiceia Combusta and Kulak Murat Ham, except no. 29 on 230 ANATOLIAN STUDIES

TABLE OF MILESTONES

No. Place Emperor Date Governor m.p. Authority 8 Remarks 9

i. Obruk Nerva 96/7? Pomponius WMC 1908 NLR or SLR Bassus 2. Sankoy ii 96/7 MHB 1957 SLR MHB 3- it ii 96/7 1957 SLR ? Obruk or 4- a WMC 1908 NLR SLR ; same stone as no. 32 ? 5- tt ii 96/7 ? WMC 1908 NLR or SLR 6. Musku Yayla Hadrian 120 ? Larcius WMC 1910 SLR or A-I Macedo

7- Konya (N.E. of) a iii I-S or A-I no. A-I or 8. Tutup a 129 TUP' AMR 8 SLR 9- Obruk a a vii MAMA. VIII, NLR or SLR ; flat no. 261 panel 10. ? ii Seydiler (E. of a a • JHS. 1902, I-S ; flat panel Konya) p. 119, no. 46 ii. Konya Pius 141 ibid. p. 121, A-I? no. 48 12. iiii Konya (N. of) ii 142 ibid. p. 121, A-I 10 no. 49 I3- Divanlar Severus, etc. 198 Atticius MHB 1957 SLR (or I-S?) flat Strabo panel '4- Kutudelik Ham ii a a ii SERP. p. 172, SLR no. 56 !5- Zivarik a PE' SERP. p. 173, A-I or NLR ; see no. 58 below, p. 232, n. 17 16. no. Kulak Murat Severus, etc. a AMR 6 SLR or A-I ; same Hani stone as no. 31 ? Obruk NLR or 17- ii a tt • WMC 1908 SLR ; script suggests Atticius ; flat panel 18. Tilki Hani a a 199 AMR no. 7 A-I or SLR 19- Kulak Murat xvi AMR no. 4 SLR or A-I ; flat Hani panel suggests Severan date 20. Enek SERP. p. 160, SLR or I—S ; see no. 11 p. 231, n. 15 21. Egribayat Severus, etc. 204 ? WMC 1910 SLR or A-I MHB 1956 22. Qimeliuzartik Macrinus, etc. Sulla below, p. A-A Cerealis 23- Enek Philip, etc. 244-6 SERP. p. 160, SLR or I-S no. 10 24. Egribayat Valerian, etc. WMC 1910 SLR or A-I ; per¬ haps not a mile¬ stone 25- Zivarik Carus, etc. 282-3 iii? SERP. p. 174, NLR or A-I no. 61 26. Aksaray Diocletian, etc. 293-305 iix CIL. 14186 A-A ? distance from Archelais

27- a Constantine, etc. 317-324 CIL. 14187. Same stone as last 28. Zivarik a ii SERP. p. 174, NLR or A-I no. 60 29- Nevine (near) Julian 6' MAMA. VII, L-I (or SLR ?) no. 9 30. Kulak Murat Valens, etc. 375-8 AMR no. 5 SLR or A-I ; same Ham stone as no. 36 3i- Kulak Murat a a a AMR no. 6 SLR or A-I ; same Hani stone as no. 16 Obruk k8' 32. a a a WMC 1908 SLR or NLR ; same stone as no. 4 or 33- a it a a Ap'? it tt SLR NLR 11

34- a a a a tt tt SLR or NLR ; same stone as no. 38 Kulak Murat ? ? MHB SLR 35- a a a • 1957 (or A-I ?) 12 Ham (near) 36. Kulak Murat xvii AMR no. 5 SLR or A-I ; same Ham stone as no. 30 37- Dikilita$ AMR no. 3 A-I 38. Obruk saec. WMC 1908 NLR or SLR ; same 11 ? stone as no. 34 saec. 39- a iiii ii it ii it IV? 40. Sengen liv MAMA. I, 13 no. 372 ROMAN ROADS IN LYCAONIA 231

the Laodiceia-Iconium road, no. 18 at Tilki Hani, near the S end of Tutup Beli, and no. 35, lying beside the direct track from Tutup Beli to Kulak Murat Ham. No. 18 could belong to the Ancyra-Iconium road, but no. 35 appears to be in situ on the northern of the two routes described above. The other milestones in the immediate area of Kulak Murat Ham, (nos. 6, 16, 1 g, 21, 24, 30, 31, 36) are probably none of them in situ. Nos. 19 and 36 bear the numbers xvi and xvii respectively ; if these distances were measured from Iconium as caput viae the stones must have been carried some eight or nine miles. If on the other hand they were measured from a fork at the S end of the Bagrikurt Pass they would be approximately correct. This may suggest that the route used was that to the S of Boz Dag, but it is far from being decisive evidence. The most likely site for Caballucome, the intermediate station given by the Table, is probably Kulak Murat Hani, although it does not tally with the distances.14 Between Kulak Murat Hani and Akba§, a distance of 17 km., the course of the road is reasonably certain. A mile E of Kulak Murat Hani, a cylindrical stone projecting from the ground beside the Selguk road appears to be the stump of a milestone in situ. Two substantially complete milestones of Nerva (nos. 2 and 3) lie in a cemetery between Sankoy and Akba§. Other milestones that should probably be assigned to this section of the road are no. 14, in a han at the W foot of Akba§, no. 13 at Divanlar 8 km. to the south, and nos. 20 and 23 at Enek, just below the site of Savatra ; of these, nos. 13 and 14 are certainly, and no. 20 possibly,15 to be ascribed to C. Atticius Strabo, governor of Galatia in a.d. 198. It is interesting to note the distribution of the known milestones of this

8 The following bibliographical abbreviations are used in this table :—WMC, Sir William Calder's note-books (with date of journey) ; MHB, the writer's note-books (with date of journey) ; AMR, A. Margaret Ramsay, Report to the Wilson Trustees for igog, privately printed 1910, pp. 10 ff. ; MAMA., Sir William Calder and others, Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua, vols. I, VII and (in course of publication) VIII, 1928- ; JHS., Journal of Hellenic Studies ; JRS., Journal of Roman Studies ; SERP., W. M. Ramsay (editor) Studies in the History and Artof the Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire, Aberdeen 1906 ; GIL., Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, Vol. Ill, Supplement, pt. ii, 1902. 9 The following abbreviations are used in this table to indicate roads to which mile¬ stones belong :—NLR, North Lycaonian Road ; SLR, South Lycaonian Road ; A-I, Ancyra-Iconium ; I-S, Iconium-Savatra ; A—A, Ancyra—Archelais ; L-I, Laodiceia Combusta-Iconium. 10 The inscription has trib. pot. iiiii, (i.e. 142), perhaps a mistake for iiii (141). 11 The traces shown in Sir William Calder's copy are consistent with ap', Ap', -]Ap' or perhaps even -]ap'. The only one of these that is readily explicable is Ap' (130), which may be a distance from Abrostola along the North Lycaonian Road (cf. no. 15). 12 The inscription is very worn and the reading dubious. There can however be no doubt of its being a milestone. 13 This apparently belongs to an alternative road from Ancyra to Iconium, via Laodiceia Combusta (see MAMA., loc. cit.). 14 Ramsay's identification of Caballucome with the Byzantine Caballa (Historical Geography ofAsia Minor, p. 359) seems an unnecessary complication of the issue. 15 The evidence for attribution to Atticius Strabo is slight. Sir William Calder's copy of 1908 shows that there is some resemblance in the form of the letters to that in other milestones of this governor. 232 ANATOLIAN STUDIES governor. One, at Gengali by the shore of Hoyran Golii, marks a repair of the road from Apameia to Antioch.16 All the rest are to be attributed to the South Lycaonian Road (nos. 13, 14, 17, 19, 20) except no. 15 at Zivarik, which appears to belong to the Ancyra-Iconium road,17 and no. 17 at Obruk, which, although nearer to the line of the North Lycaonian Road, could easily have been carried from some point on the Southern Road between Akba§ and Savatra ; some of the stones in Obruk Ham have been carried at least as far (but see below). As has been pointed out by Prof. Magie, Atticius Strabo's road-making activities probably formed part of the preparations for Severus' Parthian campaign of 198.18 The regularisation in the same year of the road from Comana to Melitene must have been part of the same scheme, and it is not impossible that the overall aim of these repairs was to provide a through route from the W coast to the Euphrates, via Laodiceia ad Lycum, Apameia, Pisidian Antioch, Philomelion, Laodiceia Combusta, Comitanassos, Salaberina, Caesareia Mazaca and Comana. This conjecture assumes the existence of a road over the mountains from Antioch to Philomelion 19 (or from Antioch, via Neapolis, to Hadrianopolis ; see MAMA. vol. VII, p. xviii) and a short connection from the South Lycaonian Road at Akba§ or Savatra across the plain to Comitanassos. The likelihood of a connection from Akba§ to the North Lycaonian Road either at Ortakuyu or, as is more likely, at some point in the region of Obruk is further borne out by the existence of a number of milestones at Obruk and in particular by the distribution of milestones of Valens, Gratian and Valentinian II (nos. 30-34). These occur at both Obruk and Kulak Murat Hani but not elsewhere in the area at present under consideration. The Iconium-Savatra Road. The third road with which this article is concerned is that shown on the Tabula as Yconio xx Pyrgos xxiii Sabatra. This route is described by H. S. Cronin (in JHS. XXII, 1902, pp. 374 b). Extensive remains of the ancient road were then visible in the pass between Yalibayat and Go^ii. Cronin's estimate of 36 to 40 miles, corrected to 39 miles by Sir William Calder's trocheameter-reading (AJA. XXXVI, 1932, p. 464), fits the distance given in the Table exactly. Pyrgos should lie in the area between the modern villages of Tathcak and Go$u ; but the present writer, in 1957, was unable to discover any site in this area. The Southern section of the Ancyra-Archelais Road. Anderson in 1899

16 Published by B. Pace in Annuario d. R. Scuola Arch. d. Atene etc., Ill, 1916-20, p. 51, no. 39 and re-copied (with impression) by the writer in 1956. Line 6 reads trib. pot. VIimp. XIcos. [//] (a.d. 198). T. Callander (in SERP., p. 173) mentions another milestone of Atticius Strabo on the same road but W of Apollonia, but neither he nor Ramsay (in SERP., p. 234 and JRS. XVI, 1926, p. 105) gives either a text or a reference to one. 17 On the distance from Ankara to Zivarik, see MAMA., I, p. 193, note 1. An alterna¬ tive possibility is that the distance given on the stone was measured along the North Lycaonian Road from Abrostola. The distance, measured on the map, via Suliiklu and Qejmeli Zebir, is about 105 m.p. 18 D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor, Princeton, 1950, vol. I. p. 677. 19 See MAMA. VII, p. xix and no. 193, a milestone of Trajan that probably records the building of this road. ROMAN ROADS IN LYCAONIA 233

gave a reconstruction of the northern part of this road, from Ancyra as far as Parnassos.20 Of the road beyond Parnassos he wrote, " Parnassos was the meeting-point of the roads from Archelais and from Caesareia. The line of the former road is perfectly clear, but we could not explore it. We may, however, mention for the benefit of some future traveller that an old site with many remains was reported to us at Yagmur Hiiyuk ... . From Parnassos a natural route runs SE to join a valley known as Begenek Ozii, which it follows, passing the villages named in Anderson's note (loc. cit., note 2) almost as far as Niirguz. Here, having reached the head of the Begenek, it turns S down another valley and descends into the plain at Qimeliveysfakili about 20 km. NW of Archelais. The Begenek valley is narrow and has fairly steep sides ; in its upper reaches at least it is somewhat tortuous and decidedly marshy. It is however fertile and numerous architectural fragments at Yagmur Hk. and Husrev attest its prosperity in the Roman period. Yagmur Huyiik, which we visited in 1957, is a mound between 5 and 10 m. high but of no great extent, situated on a small, steep spur overlooking one of the largest of the valleys that join the Begenek from the east. A good spring of water rises at the neck of the spur. The only remains of buildings are a substantial concrete foundation on the NW side of the top of the mound and some marble architectural fragments of surprisingly good quality scattered about the modern settlement. The surface pottery is mainly Iron Age, but includes good Roman material. Much of the Roman level has probably been removed by erosion. The only alternative route runs SSW from Parnassos down to Koghisar on the edge of the plain and thence SE along the line followed by the modern Ankara-Aksaray road in the narrow plain between the hills and the Salt Lake. From the point of view of the road-builder this was much the easier of the two. From Parnassos to Koghisar, a distance of about 17 km., it follows a river-valley of no great difficulty. From Koghisar to Aksaray there are no natural obstacles at all, but much of the country is barren and inhospitable. The total mileage from Parnassos to Archelais, measured on the Turkish 11200,000 map, is 64 m.p. by the lake-shore route and 62 m.p. by the Begenek route. Measured by car mileometer, the lake-shore route was 70 m.p., and the Begenek route is probably even longer. This compares with a total of 62 in both Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries.21 The intermediate stations of the Jerusalem Itinerary were as follows : Parnasso-xvi-Iogola-xviii-JVitalis-xiii-Argustana-xv-Colonia (Arche¬ lais). The Antonine Itinerary has Parnasso-xvii-Ozzala-xviii-JVitazi-xxvii- Coloniam Arcilaida. Possible sites for these stations exist on both routes. On the lake-shore route Argustana could be Cimcli Hiiyiik, Nitalis Qokyatan Hiiyiik and Iogola a site on the hillside E of the modern road near Karandere. On the Begenek route Argustana could be at the modern Niirgiiz and Nitalis at Husrev or Yagmur Hiiyuk. None of these identifications however

20 J. G. C. Anderson, in JHS. XIX, 1899, p. 109. 21 The stations on the Peutinger Table are out of order and incomplete. 234 ANATOLIAN STUDIES is sufficiently secure to prove which of the two routes was the one described in the Itineraries. The following milestone was recorded in 1957 at Qimeliuzartik, a little to S of the junction of the two routes at Qimeliveysfakili. It mentions the building of a new road by Macrinus and Diadumenian, and it is perhaps allowable to conjecture that this ran by the lake-shore and supplanted, at least for a time, an older road through the more difficult but better supplied Be^enek Ozii. It does not however show which was the road given in the Itineraries, which may be of con¬ siderably later date. 2. Qimeliuzartik, column of coarse whitish marble ; fragment a at a fountain in the village, broken above and below, ht. i-oom., diam. 0-46 m., letters 0-04- -05 m. ; fragment b in a cemetery-wall at lower end of the village, broken above and below, ht. 1 ■ 00 m., diam. 0-46 m., letters 0-04--05 m. (fig. 5).

'RVSMACRINVS PIVSFELI**AV£# (a) [Imp. Caes. Marcus] SANCTISSIMVSAC Opelljius Seve- rus Macrinus PR.OVIDENTIS SI&- pius feli[x] Aug. (leaf) MVSPRlNCEPSET (5) sanctissimus ac M'OPELDVSANTONI providentissi- (leaf) NVSNORIUS SIMVS mus princeps et M.Opellius Antoni¬ CAESAfWIAMNoVAA nus nobilissimus 1 nstitvtamperfe (10) Caesar viam novam institutam cervncvrante perfe- cerun(t) curante Sulla [Cjereale ie[g.

(b) Aug. [pro praetore] (15) a Col(onia) m.p (vac)

0 •40 m. 11 111 1

Fig. 5.

<*£ C1L HI

Lcrtk V-f? */!/. UH , ABBREVIATIONS

AASOR. Annual of American Schools of Oriental KBo. Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi. Research. KUB. Keilschrifiurkunden aus Boghazkoi. AfO. Archiv fur Orientforschung. KIF. Kleinasiatische Forschungen. AJA. American Journal of Archaeology. LAAA. Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, AJSL. American Journal of Semitic Languages and Liverpool. Literatures. MAMA. Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua. AJ. Antiquaries' Journal. MAOG. Mitteilungen der altorientalischen Gesell- ANET. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts. schaft. Annuario Annuario della Regia Scuola Italiana di Atene. MDOG. Mitteilungen der deutschen Orientgesell- AOr. Archiv Orientalny. schaft. APA W. Abhandlungen der preussischen Akademie MIFAO. Mtmoires de l'Institut fran^ais d'Archdo- der Wissenschaften. logie Orientale. /IS. Anatolian Studies. MJ. Museum Journal, Philadelphia. Ath. Mit. Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen MVAG. Mitteilungen der vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung. Gesellschaft. BASOR. Bulletin of American Schools of Oriental OECT. Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts. Research. OGI. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones BCH. Bulletin de Correspondence HelUnique. Selectae. OIC. Oriental Belleten Turk Tarih Kurumu : Belleten. Institute, Chicago, Communications. OIP. Oriental BGA. Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum. Institute, Publications. OIS. Oriental BIE. Bulletin de I'lnstitut d'Egypte. Institute, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization. B1FAO. Bulletin de I'lnstitul franqais d'Archdologie OIAS. Oriental Orientale. Institute, Assyriological Studies. BSA. Annual of the British School at Athens. OLZ■ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. BSOAS. Bulletin of the School of Oriental & African PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly. PIR. Studies. Prosopographia Imperii Romani. BSR. Papers of the British School at Rome. PZ• Prahistorische Z^Echrift. QDAP. BZ■ Byzantinische Z^chrift. Quarterly of Dept. of Antiquities in Palestine. R. CAH. Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscription of Western Cambridge Ancient History. Asia. CIA. Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum. RArch. Revue archiologique. CIG. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. RAss. Revue d'Assyriologie. CIL. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. RCEA. Rdpertoire Chronologique d'Epigraphie Arabe. CT. Cuneiform Texts, British Museum. RE. Pauly-Wissova-Kroll, Realencyclopadie. CVA. Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. REI. Revue des Ktudes Islamiques. AeXr. 'ApxaLoXoyLKOv ACXtlov. RHA. Revue Hittite et Asianique. DTCFD. Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi Dergisi. RLA. Reallexikon der Assyriologie. EI. Encyclopaedia of Islam. RLV. Ebert, M., Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte. 'E. 'Apx■ 'ApxcuoXoyiKTi ' Etpr/fLepls ROL. Revue de I'Orient Latin. GAG. von Soden, Grundriss der Akkadischen Rom. Mit. Mitteilungen des deutschen Grammatik. archaologischen Instituts, Romische Abteilung. IE J. Israel Exploration Journal. SEG. Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. IG. Inscriptiones Graecae. SIG. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum. IGR. Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes. SS. Schmidt, H., Heinrich Schliemanns Sammlung ILN. Illustrated London News. trojanischer Altertiimer. ILS. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae. TAM. Tituli Asiae Minoris. JA. Journal Asiatique. TCL. Textes Cuniiformes, Louvre. JAOS. Journal of American Oriental Society. TK. La Turquie Kimaliste. Jdl. Jahrbuch des deutschen archaologischen TT. Turk Tarih, Arkeologya ve Etnografya Instituts. Dergisi. JEA. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. UMBS. University Museum Babylonian Section, JHS. Journal of Hellenic Studies. Publications, Philadelphia. JKF. Jahrbuch fur kleinasiatische Forschungen. VAB. Vorderasiatische Bibliothek. JNES. Journal of Near Eastern Studies. FiS". Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmaler. JRAI. Journal of the Royal Anthropological WB. Wiener Beitrage zur Kunst und Kulturgeschichte Institute. Asiens. JRAS. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. WZKM. Wiener Zeitschrift fiir Kunde des Morgenlandes. JRIBA. Journal of the Royal Institute of British TOS. Tale Oriental Series. Architects. ZA. Ze'tschrift fur Assyriologie. JRS. Journal of Roman Studies. ZDMG. Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen KAR. Keilschrifttexte aus Assur : religiosen Inhalts. Gesellschaft. KA V. Keilschrifttexte aus Assur : verschiedenen Inhalts. OCCASIONAL PUBLICATIONS:

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Printed in Great Britain by Stephen Austin & Sons, Ltd., Caxton Hill, Ware Road, Hertford, Herts. Pi*#. fc/?(cwU Slru«Jv«-5 V/li , I1! S"7. 1 THE SITE OF DERBE ; A NEW INSCRIPTION 1

By M. Ballance

The question of the site ofDerbe has for many years exercised the ingenuity of those who have studied the topography of ancient Lycaonia. As long ago as 1824 Leake wrote that " of the cities, which the journey of St. Paul has made so interesting to us, the site of one only (Iconium) is yet certainly known. Perga, Antioch of Pisidia, Lystra, and Derbe, remain to be discovered ".2 Leake's own conjecture as to the site of Perga was confirmed within thirty years ; Antioch was fixed beyond reasonable doubt by Arundell in 1833 ; and fifty-two years later Sterrett confirmed Leake's suggestion that Lystra lay at Hatunsaray.3 The following dedication by the council and people of Derbe, found by the writer in 1956 at Kerti Hiiyiik, twenty-two kilometres north-north¬ east of Karaman, provides an answer to the last of Leake's problems and shows that his own location of Derbe at Maden Sehir, based though it was on the slenderest of evidence, was probably closer to the truth than any of those proposed by his successors in the field.4 The text is cut on one face of a whitish limestone block (h. 1 • 05, w. o-6g, th. o-68 m.) which probably formed the shaft of a large statue- base. The letters (-025 to -035 m. high) are somewhat roughly cut and of predominantly square form, unusual at so early a date.5 The left-hand side of the inscribed face has been broken away. AuTOKpcrropa] Kcacrapcc 0eo[u 'ASpiccvou uio]v ©sou Tpaiav[ou TTapQiKou u!go]vov ©sou Nep- oua £Kyovo]v, T. A'i'Aiov 'ASpia- 5. vov 'AvtcovJeIvov Ze(3(aaT6v) EOcre- Pq apyiepEa] peyiarov 5r|p- apyikfis £§ou]cnas to k', uiraro- v to 6' 7t(aT£pa)n(arpi8os)] Oecov evcpaveotato-

1 The writer is indebted to Sir William Galder for his help at all stages of the prepara¬ tion of this article and to Mr. M. R. E. Gough, who has read the manuscript. 2 W. M. Leake, Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, 1824, p. 103. 3 Perga ; CIG. Ill, p. 1160, No. 4342b3. Antioch ; F. V. J. Arundell, Discoveries in Asia Minor I, 1834, 268 ff. Lystra ; J. R. S. Sterrett, Papers of the American School at Athens III, 1884-5, P- :42- 4 Leake, op. cit. p. 101. For other early identifications, ranging as far as Divle, some 55 km. east of Karaman, see Ruge in RE., s.v. Derbe. Sterrett (op. cit. p. 22 f.) having fixed the position of Lystra, put Derbe in the area of Losta and Bosola, 30 km. west of Karaman, apparently on the assumption that Acts xiv, 20, implied that Paul and Barnabas travelled from Lystra to Derbe in a single day. Ramsay (Jahresheft d. Osterreichischen Arch. Inst. VII, 1904, Beiblatt, col. 75-7) located the Byzantine Posala at the modern Bosola and moved Derbe still further west to Gudelisin. 6 For other early examples of the square omikron, see MAMA. IV, No. 53 ; VII, No. 14a. The former is of Neronian date. 147

PLATE IX

(b) Dedicatory inscription by the council and people of Derbe : the text. THE SITE OF DERBE : A NEW INSCRIPTION 149

Except in lines 9 and x 1 the restoration may be regarded as virtually certain, with the proviso that there is considerable variation in the width of the letters, which makes it difficult to determine the extent of the abbre¬ viation used, for instance, in lines 8 and 12. The date is a.d. 157. In lines 1 to 8 the imperial titles follow the customary formula (e.g. IGR. IV, no. 575, at Aezani) except in the omission, as in some other cases elsewhere, of the words auroKpcrropa to P' 6 and the inclusion of the rare ©scov EvgavEoraTov for which parallels are known, e.g. in Lycia.7 In 1. 8 tt. tt. does not quite fit the available space, whereas ttot. ttot. is probably too long. In 1. 9 KAauSto] is restored on the analogy of coins bearing the legend KAau(Sio)6£p|3(r|Tcov) Koi(vou) Auxao(vias).8 In line 11 the governor (legatus Augusti pro praetore of the combined province of Cilicia, Isauria and Lycaonia, to which Derbe then belonged) is perhaps to be equated with the Sex. Cornelius Dexter, who after holding various equestxdan appointments, some at least under Hadrian, was honoured in his native city of Saldae 9 ; though there is no evidence of his having subsequently attained senatorial rank. The horizontal stroke of the t in the cognomen is broken away on the left. It is possible, though very unlikely, that its prolongation beyond the junction with the vertical stroke was a slip of the engraver ; in this case, the correct reading might be Nijypou. Kerti Hiiyiik, situated in the triangle formed by the modern villages of Beydilli, A§iran and Salur, is a mound of moderately large size, which appears from the pottery on its surface to have been still occupied in the Roman period. The stone, which weighs about a ton, lies on the gently sloping skirt of the mound and, as there are no modern buildings in the vicinity, there would be no obvious reason for assuming, even if the stone were much smaller, that it had been brought from a distance. The use of a similar type of limestone for inscriptions at various points round the

6 e.g. Annee Epigraphique, 1910, 154 (Sutunurca) ; 1916, 17 (Guicul) ; 1926, 93 (Nicopolis ad Istrum) ; 1930, 40 (Zama). 7 IGR. Ill, 704, III B-G (Cyaneae), and TAM. II, 905, cap. 53, 59 = IGR. Ill, 739 (Rhodiapolis). This phrase can hardly imply a personal visit by the Emperor and thus explain the occasion on which he was honoured by Derbe. There is no hint of such a visit in the Lycian examples and there is a strong presumption that Pius never left Italy during his principate (P. von Rohden in RE. II, 2508, and W. Hiittl, Antoninus Pius I, Prague, 1936, p. 60). 8 G. F. Hill, Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria and Cilicia, British Museum, 1900, p. xix. 9 PIR. II, 1936, pp. 316 f., no. 1344; CIL. VIII, 8934. 15o ANATOLIAN STUDIES northern end of Kara Dag suggests that the quarries from which it was obtained were comparatively close at hand. The importance of Derbe in antiquity can never have been very great and, apart from a brief period of notoriety as the home of Cicero's turbulent friend Antipater (Cic., AdFam. XIII, 73 ; Strabo 535, 569), its only claim to fame is that it was visited by St. Paul on at least two occasions, once after the disturbances at Lystra (Acts xiv, 20-1), once while on the way from Cilicia to Lystra (xvi, 1) and probably also on his third journey referred to in xviii, 23. It may be assumed from the second of these passages that it lay on a road leading from the Cilician gates to Lystra and Iconium. In common with other cities of the Koinon of Lycaonia, it struck coins in the latter part of the second century.8 The new location postulated by this inscription does to some extent explain the rather puzzling statements of ancient writers concerning Derbe. It fits well enough with Hierocles (675), who gives Laranda—Derbe— Barata—Hyde in that order, though less well with the Notitiae, where the order is Laranda—Barata—Derbe. While it goes no further in explaining the Aep(3r| cppoupiov 'Icraupfas Kai Aippv of Stephanus, it makes good sense of the emendation of Aipfiv to Aipvri, as Kerti Hiiyiik lies in an ill-drained plain, which until recently contained marshes fed by the streams that rise in the hills south and east of Laranda.10 It now becomes plain that Strabo, in his account (534 f.) of the Eleventh Strategia of Cappadocia, is writing of the period after 64 b.C., when Derbe, with Laranda, formed a separate principality under Antipater. There is, in fact, no need to assume that either Derbe or Laranda ever belonged to the Eleventh Strategia.11 The principality of Antipater was later annexed by Amyntas and after his death presumably formed part of the original province of Galatia, as organised in 25 b.C. Eventually, though it is uncertain at what date, both Laranda and Derbe must have been incorporated in the Cilician kingdom of Antiochus of Commagene ; for they are mentioned by Ptolemy (V, vi, 16) as belonging to the Strategia Antiochiana, which presumably succeeded the Kingdom in a.d. 72. The apparent contradiction between the disappearance of Derbe from

10 The emendation was proposed by Coray in Geographie de Strabort traduite du Grec en Frangais IV, ii, Paris, 1816, p. 97 f. Even if Ramsay's explanation (op. cit. col. 75, N. 22) of Ai|if|v as a customs'-post on a land frontier is theoretically possible, it is most unlikely that Stephanus would have used the word in this sense without explanation. To his readers it would have meant simply that Derbe was a harbour on the coast of Cilicia Tracheia. Marshes in the region of Kerti Hiiyuk are shown on the Turkish 1 : 800,000 map. Drainage works are in progress and a sizeable channel now passes a mile or two west of the mound. 11 Ramsay (op. cit. col. 72) assumes that the Eleventh Strategia of Cappadocia was formed in 129 b.c. D. Magie (Roman Rule in Asia Minor, Princeton, 1950, I, p. 375) assigns its creation to Pompey in 62 and concludes that Cappadocian control over Lycaonia from 129 to 62 was only nominal. Strabo (537), when referring to the areas added to Cappadocia by the Romans, mentions Castabala, Cybistra and t& sv trj Tpayeia KiAikio, but not Laranda or Derbe. THE SITE OF DERBE : A NEW INSCRIPTION the ecclesiastical lists after the Arab Wars and the " great Byzantine ruins " seen by Ramsay at Gudelisin (op. cit. 75) now disappears.12 It seems, moreover, that Derbe, though only as a village, retained its name and identity at least until the 15th century ; it can probably be equated with the Dirvi mentioned in a supplement, dated 1465, to the vakjiye of the Imaret of Ibrahim Bey at Karaman.13 A further visit to Kerti Hiiyiik in June, 1957, showed it to be larger than at first thought ; the mound is some 300 m. long, 200 m. wide and 20 m. high. A quantity of Iron Age, Hellenistic and Roman pottery, including some pieces of unusually fine quality, was collected. The villagers of A§iran assert that the inscription of Derbe has been in its present position for at least fifty years. The only other inscription found nearby was a well-cut epitaph now built into a well at A§iran Yaylasi. It is said to have been brought from Kerti Hiiyiik and is inscribed in letters of square form similar to those of the dedication.

12 There remains the problem of the identification of Gudelisin. There is no certain evidence of its having been a city in the full sense of the word. It is perhaps too much to hope, on the evidence of a slight resemblance in name, that it may prove to be Dalisandos. 13 I. H. Uzuncar§ilioglu, in Belleten I, 1937, pp. 103, 108. / / { < V

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