Proceedings of the 2007 Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics

Proceedings of the 2007 Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics

Edited by Jeffrey Reeder

Sonoma State University

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The papers that appear in this collection were created by undergraduates in the Spanish Program at Sonoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Fall 2007 Spanish 490 (Seminar in Linguistics) course taught by Dr. Jeffrey Reeder. Each of the students that wrote these papers also delivered their research findings to the public in a mini-conference presentation in the Schulz Information Center on December 3, 2007 and in a public poster presentation session in Stevenson Hall on December 5, 2007. Barring some formatting adjustments, the works that appear in this collection have not been edited for content.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

EVOLUTION OF A DISCOURSE STYLE: SHIFTS IN POLITICAL SPEECH PATTERNS IN THE SPANISH SPEAKING WORLD: ERIN MATTHEWSON ...... 4 HOW FALSE COGNATES AFFECT BILINGUAL SPEECH PRODUCTION: MARISA L. GREEN ...... 14 LANGUAGE ATTITUDES OF NATIVE & NON-NATIVE SPEAKERS OF SPANISH TOWARD A VARIETY OF SPANISH DIALECTS AND VARIANTS: JULIE M. PORTILLO ...... 21 L1 INTERFERENCE IN SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION: BEGINNING AND INTERMEDIATE LEARNERS OF ENGLISH AND SPANISH: DANIELLE H. STEWART ...... 51 LAS SIMILITUDES Y DIFERENCIAS EN EL USO DEL SUBJUNTIVO EN LAS LENGUAS ROMANCES: TONY BROWN ...... 69 A PHONOLOGICAL COMPARISON OF FIVE UTO-NAWA LANGUAGES: O’ODHAM, YAKI, RARAMURI, WICHOL & NAWATL: ANDRÉS M. SABOGAL ...... 77 PREFERRED SENTENCE STRUCTURE AND WORD ORDER FOR ADULT ENGLISH-SPEAKING LEARNERS OF SPANISH: JOHN D. NOLAND ...... 95 CODE-SWITCHING IN THE MUSICAL GENRE OF REGGAETÓN/CAMBIO DE CÓDIGO LINGÜÍSTICO EN EL GÉNERO DE REGGAETÓN: MARGARITA OCHOA & JESSICA OLVERA...... 113 POESÍA VANGUARDISTA LATINOAMERICANA: UN ANÁLISIS LINGÜÍSTICO DE LA POESÍA DE OLIVERIO GIRONDO: LUIS A. TIJERO ...... 119 ANÁLISIS LINGÜÍSTICO DE CODE-SWITCHING EN LA PELÍCULA QUINCEAÑERA: ALFONSO RODRIGUEZ ...... 130 MOOD VARIABILITY AMONG FIRST AND SECOND GENERATION SPANISH SPEAKERS: SARAH SYMONDS-WHIGHT & WHITNEY COLE ...... 139 SPANGLISH, THE CREATION OF A MODERN LANGUAGE IN THE UNITED STATES: STEPHANIE J. MOHR ...... 147 SPANISH/ENGLISH CODE-SWITCHING IN A MEXICAN TELENOVELA: FORTUNATA T. LIMANDRI .. 155 A COMPARISON OF CHILD DIRECTED SPEECH IN SPANISH AND ENGLISH: ALLYSSA M. CORREIA 163 THE SECOND LANGUAGE LEARNER - FROM LEARNING THE LANGUAGE TO USING IT: DEBORAH L. LANTERMAN ...... 171 EL SIGNIFICADO EXTRALÉXICO EN LA POESÍA DE PABLO NERUDA: JENNIFER A. CHAPIN ...... 179 GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF PHONOLOGICAL AND LEXICAL VARIATION IN MEXICAN SPANISH: ANNE MARGO TYACK & MARY ELIZABETH A. GREEN ...... 220 A LINGUISTIC COMPARISON OF PLAY-BY-PLAY SPORTSCASTS BETWEEN BASEBALL AND LUCHA LIBRE IN ENGLISH AND SPANISH: MEGAN PARREIRA & KEITH KORBEL ...... 230

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Evolution of a discourse style: shifts in political speech patterns in the Spanish speaking world: Erin Matthewson

Abstract

This paper reports on an empirical study of political speech transition in the Spanish-speaking world, particularly Cuba. As an original study, much research was conducted online using previous studies of some relevance as a base comparison for this

4 Proceedings of the 2007 Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics study, as well as an overall analysis of formal presidential speeches from Cuba, Spain and Venezuela. Comparable samples were taken from many speeches dating from 1953 until present day for these three countries. Several methods were used in determining the level of complexity of the speeches, including a readability analysis, and a text analysis. The results of this study indicate that there has been a definite transition in the type of speech used in Cuba throughout the past fifty years, and a general drop in grade level and sentence complexity overall. Data from Spain and Venezuela was far less abundant than that of Cuba and therefore it was difficult to find conclusive results. It is worth mentioning that the data that was found however appears to follow similar trends to that of Cuba, as well as an original study on the same topic that was conducted in the United States. Information for Spain and Venezuela will not be included in this study due to the lack of information available, however it is interesting to note some of the comparisons that were made throughout the research process and possible conclusions that can be drawn with that information. Results suggest that here may be an overall trend occurring in formal political speech in politically and economically diverse regions around the world. Without further studies, one can only hypothesize as to why these trends are occurring, and to what degree. Evidence shows that there may be some tactics used in modern political speech that are causing this transition to occur, most likely with the objective of reaching more people, and creating methods of effective communication.

Introduction

Very little research has been done on the topic of political speech patterns, and surprisingly, political speech analysis of any kind, appears to be a new trend as well. The study of language has recently become more central to those academic disciplines concerned with politics. Many new studies have been published in recent years explaining the convergence of politics and linguistics, two very different fields, and the results have brought about new studies in political speech analysis. “Political scientists are mainly concerned with the consequences of political decisions for a society, while linguists are interested in the linguistic structures used to get relevant messages across. A good linguistic analysis of political discourse cannot ignore the broader societal and political framework in which such discourse is embedded” (Schaffner). Therefore, we now have a harmonious combination of two very different fields of study coming together to form an interdisciplinary perspective which will undoubtedly yield interesting results.

Political speech, at one time had very little impact or influence on people unconnected to the political world, but today this is hardly the case. Technology has brought the modern day politician right into our living rooms, and in the process has reshaped political speech as we know it. In January of this year, a study with the name “A tale of two dubyas” was completed and posted on the internet. It is a study of speech readability of the past eight presidents of the United States, and compares debates and state of the union addresses by mean grade level. The individual who conducted this test used five separate readability tests, the Gunning fog index, the Coleman Liau index, the Flesch Kincaid Grade level, the Automated readability index and the SMOG, all of which

5 Proceedings of the 2007 Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics are very similar and gave similar results. The graphs that were created show the averages for each president and give data for both formal and informal speeches. The assumption was that the grade level would be higher for the more formal speeches, which are prepared ahead of time by a team of speechwriters, whereas the debates are a better representation of the type of language the president would normally use. The results show that there is a definite decline in the grade level of both formal and informal speeches throughout the past eight presidential terms, while formal speeches were generally two grade levels higher than informal speeches given by the same president. Aside from this study, no other political speech analyses were found, so the U.S. study remained the base for research, and analysis methods for the Cuba study.

Political speech analysis is very interesting because political speech creates an image of what our current political system stands for and where we are heading in the future. In many ways, political speech is a type of propaganda, so it is important to pay attention to the type of information our government wants to sell at a particular point in time. It can be said that “Language is the life blood of politics. Political power struggles, and the legitimization of political policies and authorities occurs primarily through discourse and verbal representations”(Political Language). Politicians struggle for power, and they do so through selective language, so, what may appear to be an ordinary speech is actually a well-calculated piece of work. Language plays such an important role in our lives especially politically, and any political action is prepared, accompanied, controlled, and influenced by language. “It is particularly interesting to look at the linguistic structures used in political speeches, to get politically relevant messages across to the addressees, in order to fulfill a specific function” (Schaffner). We must remember that politicians are not delivering speeches as individuals, but instead serve as representatives for the government, and they are essentially acting out a well-prepared part. Appearances are deceiving when it comes to politics, and the nature of politics has driven political speeches to a new point, where simple wording and blatant repetition found in more modern speeches have been far more effective in many cases, compared to the eloquent, multidimensional speeches of the past. This, of course, is not to say that great speeches are not written today, because they certainly are, but it appears as though political speech is heading in an unexpected direction.

During the twentieth century, massive expansion of print and electronic media has meant that more and more people have been exposed to discourse with a political nature. “More people have integrated politics into their daily lives somehow, for example, by casting votes in an election, watching the news on TV, reading a newspaper, or simply by talking with friends about the consequences which recent decisions of the government might have for each individual”( Schaffner). This has, without a doubt, transformed political speech in many ways, and it has been the goal of this study to show some of the changes that have occurred, to analyze the structure of select speeches, and to hypothesize as to why these changes may be occurring.

Method

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A linguistic analysis of political discourse, particularly political speech, is most successful when it relates the details of linguistic behavior to political behavior. This can be accomplished by looking at strategic functions such as word choice or syntactic structure that have been used to fulfill a certain function, and in a broader context, to analyze the function of the speech within a given society. This study has been structured to incorporate these aspects in order to find overall trends in political speech within a society, and breakdown the syntactic structures of select speeches to determine the specific origin of any changes that have taken place.

This study focuses on one country (Cuba), one president (Fidel Castro), until 2005, and a particularly short period (1953- 2007). Many sources were used to provide data for this study. Due to the fact that this is an original study, no existing books were found on the subject; however, several books were consulted for information on topics related to political speech. The speeches used for the study were found in a variety of sources, mostly on the internet. A large sample size was used to create an accurate study, which correctly demonstrates the level of individual speeches, in comparison to the speeches overall. The goal was to find formal speeches for each of the decades from 1953 to 2007, and this generally was accomplished. For years that had multiple speeches an average was calculated. In order to conduct a readability analysis, the first and last five paragraphs from each speech were taken, and individually placed into Microsoft word, where a program has been set up to find the number of words per sentence, the readability ease, and the grade level for each piece of text, as long as the text is presented in English. Due to this fact, all speeches had to be found in English, or translated from Spanish to English. The Flesch-Kincaid readability analysis was used to indicate how difficult a reading passage is to understand. This analysis is simply a number of complex equations used to find these results. These equations are as follows:

Flesch-Kincaid Reading Ease:

206.835- 1.015 (Total Words/ Total Sentences) – 84.6 (Total syllables/ Total Words)

In this test, higher scores indicate material that is easier to read, and lower numbers mean harder to read passages. Scores of 90.0–100.0 are considered easily understandable by an average fifth grader. 8th and 9th grade students could easily understand passages with a score of 60–70, and passages with results of 0–30 are best understood by college graduates.

Flesch- Kincaid Grade Level Formula:

0.39 (Total Words/ Total Sentences) + 11.8(Total Syllables/ Total Words) – 15.59

This readability test translates the 0-100 score to a U.S. grade level, making it easier to judge the readability level in common, relatable terms. This number is equivalent to the number of years of education generally required to understand the given text. A score of 8.2 would indicate that the text is expected to be understandable by an average student in 8th grade.

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Text Analysis

Aside from the readability analysis, the texts from several speeches were analyzed. The 1961 speech titled Denouncing U.S. Bay of Pigs Invasion as well as the 2002 speech 49th Anniversary of the Attack on the Moncada Barracks, were used to demonstrate specific variations among speeches with varying grade levels. Both speeches by Fidel Castro serve as good comparison speeches, the 1961 speech being the lowest in grade level and the 2002 speech being the highest. From this text analysis, many interesting patterns were found. The 1961 speech had an average number of words per sentence of 16.8, the readability score was very high with a 62.2, and the grade level was 8.4. Upon looking closer at the text, it is easy to see why these scores exist; the wording is very simple and strait forward, the sentences are short, as well as the paragraphs. In addition, there is an incredible amount of word repetition, which undoubtedly goes to prove a point. The words “invasion”, “attack”, “mistake”, and “threatening” are seen repeatedly. In one short paragraph consisting of five sentences, the word “attack” is written five times. Without even reading the speech, and simply looking for word repetition, we are able to determine much about the objective of the speech. Rhetorical questions draw the reader, or listener in, and the absence of metaphors and symbolism makes it easy to understand. There is an interesting rhythm to this speech that is noticeable even when simply reading it. Many of the sentences are very short, almost too short and immediately punctuated with a period, as if to say “this is the point, understand it, agree with it, period.” This is a very commonly used tactic of Castro, who has been, over the last 40 plus years passionately and relentlessly been telling Cubans and the rest of the world, what the Cuban revolution is about. On the other had we have examples of speeches such as the 2002 speech which demonstrates intelligence and complexity, while delivering a similar message. In this speech, there is also repetition, but not nearly to the level of the other speech. There are historical references, long run on sentences with complex punctuation, there are analogies and rhetorical questions. The vocabulary is far more advanced, and there is somewhat poetic rhythm that draws the audience in for more. The average number of words per sentence in this speech is 32.6, the readability level is 41.1 and the grade level is 15.1. The differences in these two speeches illustrate the changes that have occurred throughout time even though time wise they do not follow the downward trend in speech difficulty.

Examples of text: 1961-

We were awaiting an indirect attack. But one type of indirect attack is the type of attack made against the Arbenz government in Guatemala; it is known that U.S. aircraft were used against him. We also thought of an indirect attack utilizing the OAS to launch some type of collective action. And we also were expecting a direct attack. The United States has always advocated all three types of action.

2002-

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Gomez and Maceo, their tenacity and heroism, ride today like invincible equestrians through our fields; Céspedes and Agramonte bear with them the constitution and the justice for which they shed their blood in the free and sovereign republic they proclaimed in 1868. Marti’s ideals live on in the nation of workers that we are today, as nothing could prevent that, from the proletarian spirit of a country built over centuries with the blood and sweat of slaves and workers, the deepest yearning for freedom and justice that our national hero demanded would flow with inextinguishable strength, that is, our socialism. What we are today we have defended with honor and a sense of humanism and justice that will live on like an eternal flame.

Results

Three scores were recorded for this study; words per sentence, readability ease and grade level. Once each speech received the scores the data was combined to create the following chart:

1953 1959 1960 1961 1963 1967 # WORDS PER SENTENCE 32.4 32 38.2 16.8 18.1 19.7 READING EASE 53.2 52.4 48.2 62.2 56.7 59.7 GRADE LEVEL 10.4 12.8 11.4 8.4 9.5 10

1980 1982 2002 2003 2005 2006 2007 18.4 18.2 32.6 27.7 26.7 23.9 33.4 59.8 67 41.1 49.2 63.3 32.4 49.2 9.2 9.3 15.1 13.2 9.2 15 11.5

From this information, three separate graphs were created to see the pattern the data creates. The results are as follows: # Words Per Sentence 40

35

30

25

20 Words Words per Sentence 15

1953 1959 1960 1961 1963 1967 1980 1982 2002 2003 2005 2006 2007 Year

Chart 2

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Reading Ease (Based on Flesch-Kincaid readability analysis equation) 70 65 60 55 50 Cuba 45 40

Percentage out of 100 out Percentage 35 30 1953 1959 1960 1961 1963 1967 1980 1982 2002 2003 2005 2006 2007 Year

Chart 3

Grade Level Analysis (Based on Flesch- Kincaid readability analysis equation) 16 15 14 13 12 11

U.S. Grade Level Grade U.S. 10 9 8 1953 1959 1960 1961 1963 1967 1980 1982 2002 2003 2005 2006 2007 YEAR

Chart Comparison

Cubas Political Speech Transition (Readability comparison) 70 # WORDS PER 60 SENTENCE 50 40 30 READING EASE 20 10 0 GRADE LEVEL

1953 1959 1960 1961 1963 1967 1980 1982 2002 2003 2005 2006 2007 YEAR

Discussion

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The data suggests that there is a downward progression in the level of political speech difficulty in Cuba. From year 1953 to 2002, there was a steady decline in both grade level and the number of words per sentence, as well a rise in the level of reading ease, which is to be expected, as there is an indirect correlation between grade level and reading ease. At year 2002, there is a drastic shift, and the readability analysis jumps six grade levels. This is the most substantial change in this study and it is difficult to know whether it was simply a fluke in the data, or an actual shift back toward the use of more difficult language. The failing health of Fidel Castro has, in past years, led to the eventual takeover of his brother Raul, and we can see that in years 2006 and 2007, when he presented speeches the grade level was above average as well. There are many possible explanations for this occurrence, and only further studies can show whether this is spike in the data is true.

The data from the text analysis also gives a breakdown of the specific differences in the language of the speeches, which account for the changing levels of difficulty. There are many possible explanations for this phenomenon. First, it is easy to assume that politicians are not as smart or as well qualified as they used to be. When looking at the U.S. study, this appears to be a believable explanation, however, the reality is that this is probably not the case. The Cuba speeches are interesting to study because, unlike the U.S., Cuba has not experienced a new president since Fidel Castro took office almost 50 years ago. The fact that similar speech trends are occurring in such different political systems is an indication that this may be a trend occurring on a wider scale. Originally, this study was focused on three Spanish speaking countries (Cuba, Spain and Venezuela), because all three have very different political and economic systems. Unfortunately, time and information restrictions did not allow for the completion of this comparative study. Further studies would have to be conducted in a similar fashion, with a larger sample size of countries in order to conclude that the speech patterns occurring in the United States and Cuba are in fact occurring in other countries as well. Given the small sample size that this study includes, we can only hypothesize that these results, paired with the U.S. study are part of a broader picture. The second explanation is that this “dumbing down” of these speeches is a pre-calculated political tactic. A great speech that is beautifully written and contains an important message, but is too complex, fails to deliver the result of effective communication. It can be assumed that perhaps simple speeches are being used to appeal to a larger percentage of the population that is now at least somewhat politically involved. Sentences that are shorter, more straightforward and include repetition are most likely the important aspects to consider in effectively communicating to the public.

Conclusion

From this study, it can be concluded that in Cuba, there is a downward trend occurring in political speech. This means that, generally, sentences are becoming shorter and simpler; they are more straightforward, repetitive and generally easier to understand than speeches from the past. Although this study was done as accurately as possible, the results stand alone, and until further studies are conducted, only generalizations can be made. It would be very interesting to see if, in fact, there is a transition occurring in other

11 Proceedings of the 2007 Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics countries around the world and to what extent. Further studies may prove that changes are occurring differently in democratic societies (like the U.S.), compared to socialist societies (like Cuba). Political objectives are different in these regions, so it is expected that the political speech patterns would be as well. Unfortunately, until further studies are conducted we can only hypothesize as to why the speech trends appear to be shifting, where exactly this is occurring, and to what extent.

Acknowledgments

Much thanks to Professor Reeder for his help and support throughout this project!

Works Cited

Bond, A. (January 3, 2007). Analystical Visions. Retrieved December 13, 2007, from A tale of two dubyas Web site: http://analyticalvisions.blogspot.com/2007/01/tale- of-two-dubyas.html

Cuba after 1953- Fidel Castro. Retrieved December 14, 2007, from Cuba under Castro Web site: http://www.revision-notes.co.uk/revision/64.html

Discursos pronunciados en el acto inagural del congrso internacional de la lengua espanola. Retrieved December 12, 2007, from Discurso Inagural Web site: http://descargas.cervantesvirtual.com/servlet/SirveObras/12925076516716051765 213/019752_0002.pdf

Fountain, W. (1998). Discursos de Jose Marti. Retrieved December 14, 2007, from La pagina de Jose Marti Web site: http://www.josemarti.org/jose_marti/obras/discursos/discursosintro.htm

Geis, M., The Language of Politics, Spring - Verlag, New York, 1987.

(2007). Presidente. Retrieved December 14, 2007, from Presidente de la democracia Web site: http://www.la- moncloa.es/Presidente/PresidentesDeLaDemocracia/default.htm

(2007). Retrieved December 13, 2007, from Explorations in large corpora: the translated speeches of Fidel Castro Web site:

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http://www.cch.kcl.ac.uk/legacy/teaching/av1000/textanalysis/castro/index.html

Retrieved December 14, 2007, from Poltical Language Web site: http://teaching.arts.usyd.edu.au/history/hsty3080/3rdYr3080/Callous%20Bystand ers/language.htm

Rabon, D. (1994). Investigative discourse analysis. Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press.

Sagrera, J. (2007). Retrieved December 13, 2007, from Análisis del discurso presidencial de Carlos S. Menem Web site: http://jorgesagrera.blogcindario.com/2007/09/00029-analisis-del-discurso- presidencial-de-carlos-s-menem.html

Schaffner, C. Language and Politics. Retrieved December 14, 2007, from Editorial: Political speeches and discourse analysis Web site: http://www.multilingual- matters.net/cils/003/0201/cils0030201.pdf

Speeches, interviews, articles 1959-1996. Retrieved December 14, 2007, from Castro speech data base Web site: http://lanic.utexas.edu/la/cb/cuba/castro.html

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How False Cognates affect Bilingual Speech Production: Marisa L. Green

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Abstract

This paper will be continued research on the study of false cognates and how they affect the speech production of bilingual speakers and learners of Spanish and English. The focus of this research is on native speakers of English and Spanish whose L1 transfers to L2 during speech and reading. Within speech production, lexical nodes, semantically and phonologically related words and lexical items will be a part of my research to see the effect these topics have on bilingual speakers and language learners. The goal of this research is to see how bilingual speakers and learners of Spanish and English may confuse false cognates for true cognates. Components such as teaching methodology, cross linguistic influences of Spanish and English and my own study will be used to evaluate why false cognates often negatively affect the learner. Three volunteers will participate in my own study of simple sentence translation from English to Spanish and Spanish to English. The questions asked have false cognates and true cognates, which will be identified by the participant to show their knowledge of whether or not the sentence is correct or incorrect. The second method of research of false cognates was my own study. I interviewed five different people to evaluate their knowledge and opinions about false cognates. The intended goal is to show that false cognates often negatively affect the bilingual speaker and learner of Spanish or English.

Introduction

I chose to do my research on this topic because as a native English speaker learning Spanish I have noticed the frequency of usage of false cognates. Every time I do not know a word in Spanish, I think that if the words sound similar to that in English, it must be correct. My thought process is interrupted because I am searching for the correct word. Once I have found the word that I think is right, I question myself, did I retrieve the wrong word, and is it a false cognate? In my opinion, this is the biggest problem for language learners. Not all similar phonological words are transferable from English to Spanish and vice versa. I find myself unable to complete a sentence or I will resort to using Spanglish to communicate. False cognates exist between both languages (Spanish and English.) I find that barriers are present when one cannot access the word in Spanish or English, thus one will naturally resort to the word that sounds phonologically similar. This is where the problem of false cognates arises. How does one know when they are using the incorrect word? There has been little research on the topic of false cognates. One of the main problems is that false cognates are rarely taught in schools and therefore they are vaguely identified by language learners. Since the languages of Spanish and English have many similarities, (semantically and phonologically,) it is easy and seems relevant to transfer the native language to the learned language when trying to access the unknown word. To be familiar and an expert on false cognates, it seems that it must be learned at a young age of language learners and also further researched. This research and study aims to fill in the gaps of why false cognates are easily surpassed in speech and thought process and how it often negatively affects the speaker. The article of Ruben Chacon Beltran titled The Effects of Focus on Form in the Teaching of Spanish-English False Friends illustrates the difficulties of communication due to false friends.

A History of False Cognates

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Exactly what is a false cognate? False cognates are similar words in different languages that appear to have a common historical linguistic origin (regardless of meaning) but actually do not. The phrase false cognates is also sometimes inaccurately used to mean false friends, and vice versa. One of the main problems among false cognates and the ability to identify and avoid using false friends is the method of teaching. In middle and high schools we learn about grammar, sentence structure, culture, and practice conversation but rarely ever does one get extensive education about false cognates. I cannot remember ever being taught about the subject of false friends. It would have been extremely beneficial in my opinion to learn about this aspect of Spanish while learning vocabulary. Vocabulary and false cognates go hand in hand. What is lacking in the teaching field to language learners and bilinguals is the interpretation of lexical items. By this I mean, what exactly should one be aware of or look for when dealing with sentences that possibly contain a false cognate. Learning vocabulary is when words that appear to be semantically and phonologically similar are confused. According to Beltran, it is assumed that language learners could benefit from memorizing a list of words. They would also take advantage of lexical similarities across languages and, therefore systematic equivalence patterns were taught, such as Spanish ending “-mente”, which corresponds to English ending “-ly”. This method is more likely to be helpful without confusion but when it comes to words, this is a harder issue to approach. Memorizing a list of words may be helpful, but knowing what the wrong words to use would be a more effective way to eliminate or reduce the usage of false cognates.

Similarities between English and Spanish

Have you ever wondered why a word such as “University and Universidad” sound and look similar? It is apparent that both English and Spanish have derived from the same language root, which is Latin, which may account for many of the discrepancies. Although there are many words that look and sound the same in Spanish and English, there are also a plethora of words that look and sound similar but whose meanings are completely different and do not translate the same. The interrelationship between the phonological, semantic and linguistic features of words may further explain why the usage of false cognates is so relevant. False cognates hinder the ability for language learners to learn correctly and use correct words when speaking, reading or writing. In my opinion speaking is the hardest and most affected area by false cognates. One cannot stop to pick up a dictionary in the midst of a conversation. Therefore according to Beltran, “learners tend to overestimate their current knowledge without noticing the misleading transparency of these words.” However if the speaker is familiar with the concept of false cognates and may feel that the lexical item they are trying to access may be incorrect this hinders their speech production in general. False cognates affect everyone from different proficiency levels such as professionals, translators, foreign language teachers and most obviously, language learners and bilinguals. I interviewed five different proficiency level subjects to test their knowledge of false cognates and to see if they were aware of it during speech and how they felt they have been educated on false cognates throughout their education between the two languages.

Method 1

I interviewed five different people both exposed to English and Spanish to see if they knew what false cognates were and to ask their opinion on the whether or not they felt like false

16 Proceedings of the 2007 Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics cognates had been neglected to be taught in schools. I also asked if they had any personal experience of problems when speaking in either Spanish or English. I interviewed a broad range of people for this study, all of different ages and backgrounds to get the most diverse responses to compare.

1) High School Spanish teacher Aware of false cognates?: “ I was aware of false cognates but never really understood what the problem was. Most of the time when people are conversing in Spanish and do not use the proper word, the context is already understood. For instance the word preservar and conservar are very different words but in a sentence it would be understood what one is trying to say. The problem that arises is when you are working as a professional and still using false cognates. Here is not acceptable or understood when false cognates are used. Also, in Mexico a native speaker may not understand you if you use a false cognate rather than a true cognate because of a language barrier for instance between English and Spanish.”

Have false cognates been neglected in schools?: “I think that false cognates have been neglected in schools but as I said earlier I have never seen them become a problem until later education. We teach our students about true cognates and nicely correct them when they are using a false cognate. It is hard to correct someone when they use a false cognate because you do not want to make the person feel bad if they can already be understood in the context of a conversation.

2) Bilingual Speaker (Spanish and English, fluent) Aware of false cognates?: Yes

Have false cognates been neglected in schools?: “Yes they have. But as a native speaker of Spanish and a learner of English at a young age I do not have the same problems as a learner of Spanish might have. I can understand that the similarities between Spanish and English would confuse a Spanish learner because many words do sound the same. Here in a school setting, one would be understood if they used a false cognate. The context is already understood but if one goes to Latin America and uses a false cognate to a person who does not understand English at all they would not be understood because of the language barrier.

3) Translator- Aware of false cognates?: Yes.

Have false cognates been neglected in schools?: “False cognates have definitely been neglected in schools. I did not have as much of a problem with false cognates partly because I was raised speaking Spanish but many people who were not raised speaking Spanish have a more difficult time understanding words that are false cognates. False cognates naturally slip out when either one does not know the word or just thinks that the false cognate is a true cognate. It is a big problem in the medical field. For example the term emergency room is constantly being translated by interpreters and even native speakers as sala de emergencia when it should be sala de urgencia. False cognates are such a big deal that at the American Translators Association Conference there was a seminar dedicated to the use of false cognates in the medical field and marketing. False cognates exist and are a big enough problem that needs to be addressed in schools for those who are learning Spanish. People who are learning Spanish should be aware of false cognates especially if they are planning to pursue a career speaking Spanish.

4) Language learner of English (not fluent)- Aware of false cognates?: Yes

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Have false cognates been neglected in schools?: (Translated response) “Yes, however I went to school in Mexico. We never really learned about false cognates and since living in the US I do recognize that when I have to think in English sometimes it is hard for me to translate words. I get mixed up with words that sound alike like the word prenado and pregnant.

5) Language learner of Spanish (not fluent)- Aware of false cognates?: Yes

Have false cognates been neglected in schools?: “False cognates really have been neglected in schools. When I was learning Spanish it never occurred to me that false cognates ever existed partly because of my lack of vocabulary. As my Spanish has improved over the years it has become more relevant to me that I use false cognates frequently. When I do not know a word I assume that the word will translate. As a learner of Spanish I find it frustrating that I was never taught about false cognates because it has negatively affected my thought process and speech at times.

Results

My conclusion of this study found that none of the other participants such as the bilingual, learner of English and Spanish or the translator had ever been taught about false cognates in schools. Each participant mentioned that they felt that false cognates had been neglected to be taught in schools and is a problem among speech production. The participants who had the most trouble with the subject of false cognates were language learners who were not completely fluent in Spanish and exposed to both languages everyday, therefore accounting for the discrepancies between phonologically and semantically related words among Spanish and English.

A multitude of pertinent problems for learners.

Another problem among false cognates is that although it may be hard when speaking it is also hard when reading and writing. If one does not know that the word is incorrect it can change the whole perspective of whatever one is reading. According to ……….. “It is dangerous to come across a lexical items that is unknown because learners will tend to try to infer the meaning of the word without later verification.” Familiar words frequently bring about confusion when reading or writing. The problem becomes even larger when the reader interprets a false cognate as a true cognate. It is even harder for the reader to come up with the mistake of the word because they do not know any better. This is another reason why false cognates should be paid closer attention to and thus taught in schools. The same problem arises in the dictionary. Dictionaries are beneficial when the learner knows exactly what word to look up and what the word really means. There is no definition in the dictionary of what a false cognate is and when to be aware that words that look similar cannot be translated. According to Beltran, “nowadays, language-related problems concerning cross linguistic influence are seldom dealt with in EFL textbooks or any other teaching materials and when they are, they are not treated adequately despite their far-reaching significance.” Another problem among false cognates for the native speaker learning another language or a bilingual is that of the mother language. According to Swan cited in Beltran’s article, “the mother language plays an important role in the second language vocabulary learning and use. He suggests that “the mother tongue can support, fail to support of actively hinder someone who is learning or using the vocabulary of a second language.” (Swan 1997: 156).

18 Proceedings of the 2007 Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics

Since there are formal similarities between vocabulary words, it would make sense why a native Spanish speaker for example would try to “establish correspondences across languages.”

Method 2

My first study involved bilinguals and learners of Spanish. Two bilinguals and two language learners of Spanish were used in my study. I wrote out sentences in Spanish with a false cognate within the sentence to see if it could be identified. I asked the participants to give the English translation of the sentence to see if they could understand the context of the question then they were asked to write down the false cognate and then the correct word instead of the false cognate. One example of the sentence was, “La mujer esta embarazad porque se cayo.” In order to manipulate the context of the sentence and try to make the false cognate more discreet I added “porque se cayo.” The point of the sentences was to see if the false cognate could be identified and the correct word could be accessed. Like I had assumed for the bilinguals, it was easy for them to detect what the false cognate was. It was also easy for them to correct the false cognate and write down the correct word. For the language learners of Spanish the results of the study were different. The second sentence example that I used was “La mujer esta estrechando después de correr.” For the first part of the study where they were asked to fill out the correct English translation they were able to correctly translate the sentence. They were able to do this because the word in Spanish “estrechar” is phonologically and semantically similar to the intended English word “stretch.” However they were unable to correctly say if the word was a false cognate or not due to lack of familiarity of the Spanish language. They were not sure if the word “estrechar” a true cognate or false cognate of the word “to stretch.” The last part of the question is was to say the correct word. They were both unable to access the correct lexicon in English which would be the “estirar.” The same pattern followed for the rest of the sentences where false cognates were harder to identify.

Results

My conclusion of my second study is that being able to identify false cognates was not as hard for bilinguals as it was for language learners of Spanish. The bilinguals told me that they assumed it would be harder for the language learners to identify the false cognates because the language learners would not have been exposed to these words frequently whereas the bilingual participants have. The language learners reported that it was easy to translate the sentence because they could overlook the false cognate and understand the sentence but it became difficult to correct the sentence with the correct cognate because of lack of familiarity to the word in Spanish.

Conclusion

There are several reasons for discrepancies among false cognates. Exactly what is the problem of false cognates? I have concluded that the problem with false cognates rests largely on the fact that because English and Spanish are closely related languages, words are easily mistaken as true cognates when they are not. Also, schools have neglected to make their students abreast of the problems among false cognates. It was not only until recently did I notice a problem with false cognates. With the expansion of one’s vocabulary, it is important to be aware of words that do not properly translate. I found that it is easier for bilinguals to catch the mistake of a false cognate than it is for language learners of Spanish or English. Elements that contribute to the misuse of false cognates are the lack of exposure to the language (such as Spanish or English

19 Proceedings of the 2007 Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics words) and the scarcity of education of false cognates in schools and early education. False cognates often negatively affect the language learner during speech production.

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank all the people who participated in my studies. Without the participants I would have had no way to gather new information and form my results.

Works Cited

Prado, M. NTC’s Dictionary of Spanish False Cognates. (1993). 96-97.

Beltran Chacon, R. (2004). The Effets of Focus on Form in the Teaching of Spanish-English False Friends. RELSA, 17-18. 65-79.

Ardila, A. (2005).Spanglish: An Anglicized Spanish Dialect. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 27, 60-81.

20 J.Portillo - 21

Language attitudes of native & non-native speakers of Spanish toward a variety of Spanish dialects and variants: Julie M. Portillo

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 21 J.Portillo - 22

Abstract

This is a sociolinguistic (language attitude and dialectology) study analyzing the different attitudes of natively bilingual (English/Spanish) speakers, native speakers of Spanish and nonnative speakers of Spanish toward a variety of Spanish dialects and variants. The 120 Participants were comprised of native, non-native and natively bilingual speakers of Spanish that currently reside in the USA. Through a modified matched guise technique participants listened to 20 different recordings of native Spanish speakers describing a provided image and then recorded their attitudes about each of the voices in the recording on a Likert scale.

Introduction

How are our attitudes towards other people affected by speech? How are our attitudes affected by different dialects of Spanish? Based on voice and the manner in which one speaks, people create attitudes toward other people. In Spanish there are many different dialects of speech. Those dialects consequently reflect on the speaker, based on the language attitudes of the different Spanish speaking groups. Additionally language attitudes can contruibute to changes in sound, define speech communities, show contact between groups, and help define teacher’s perceptions of student’ abilities (Carranza 1982). Language attitude studies have been conducted for many years now. In the late 1960’s and 1970’s there was great interest in the field, and many studies like those by Cheyene (1970), Giles (1970), Lee (1971), were conducted looking at English language attitudes. Since the 1960’s and 1970’s studies have continued but with less frequency. One of the most recent studies by Hiraga (2005) examined British attitudes toward six varieties of British and USA English. Alford and Strother (1990) conducted a study of native and nonnative Speakers of English toward various regional accents of English. Garrett, Coupland and Williams (2003), in their book Investigating Language Attitudes: Social Meanings of Dialect, Ethnicity and Performance, extensively discuss previous studies as well as present findings on their own Wales-wide survey of attitudes to Welsh English. Linn and Piché (1982) Studied black and white adolescent and preadolescent attitudes toward Black English. Ryan and Carranza (1977) discuss the Mexican American Language Varieties and the ingroup and outgroup reactions to them. There have also been studies that analyze the reactions toward accented English like Bouchard Ryan (1973) did with Mexican American speakers. In comparison to the numerous studies of English language attitudes that have been done very few studies have been conducted about the Spanish language attitudes that exist. Burunat (1983) discusses the Languages Prejudices in Spanish that exist for native speakers in the classroom. Álvarez y Medina (1999) conducted a study testing the attitudes of adolescents from the Venezuelan Andes toward different varieties of Venezuelan Spanish.

In this study I look at the three broad groups of Spanish speakers that exist in the United States; the natively bilingual Spanish/English speakers, the native Spanish speaker and the nonnative Spanish speaker. I analyze there language attitudes toward 20 different native Spanish speakers, from different world regions, that currently reside in the United States. My goal for the project was to create a broad reference of the differences and similarities of attitudes held toward world Spanish’s by each of the groups residing in the USA toward 16 different variants.

Method

The first step of this project was making recordings of people from different Spanish speaking parts of the world. I created the following target list, comprised of possible different

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Spanish speaking areas where I could obtain a recording, and set a minimum number of recordings at 20. The goal was to obtain as many recordings as possible. Minimally I wanted to have at least 3 of the dialect regions in México; Madrid and 1 other area in Spain; at least 4 Central American countries; Columbia (preferably Cali); either Cuba, Dominican Republic or Puerto Rico; Argentina; Chile; Uruguay; Peru; Venezuela; Ecuador.

Tlaxcala, México Argentina Chiapas, México Nicaragua Coahuila, México España Oaxaca, México Honduras Campeche, México Perú Yucatán, México Panamá Quintana Roo, México Guatemala Baja California Norte, México Belice Sonora, México Republica Dominicana Chihuahua, México Puerto Rico Jalisco, México Uruguay Michoacán, México Cuba Costa Rica Chile Venezuela El Salvador Colombia Paraguay Bolivia Ecuador

I first attempted to make recordings of people that still resided in their country of origin by sending them a Recording Participant Packet1 and a Sony ICD-P520 digital voice recorder. Unfortunately, do to time constraints for the project and the amount of time required for sending and receiving of the recorder, it was not possible to obtain the recordings in time for completion of the project. So instead, I made recordings of people that were born and raised in the target areas but currently reside in the United States. All of the people who contributed recordings currently reside in California, USA and more specifically in either Sonoma County or Los Angeles County. Participants to do the recordings were found in the following ways: 1. Asking acquaintances or family of mine from the target areas to participate (Acquired participants from: Tlaxcala, Madrid, Uruguay, Oaxaca, Nicaragua, Venezuela) 2. Asking acquaintances and family if they knew people from the target areas and then asking them to participate (Acquired participants from: Chile, Argentina, Cuba, Colombia, Guatemala, Sonora) 3. Recruiting coworkers (Acquired participants from: Jalisco and El Salvador) 4. Asking people in the ESL section of Santa Rosa Junior college where they were from and if from a target area asking them to participate. (Acquired participants from: Peru, Ecuador, Baja California Norte, Cataluña, Michoacán) 5. Walking around Sebastopol Road explaining the project and asking people if they were from one of the target areas. If from a target area I would ask them to participate. (Acquired participant from: Panama) All of the participants selected to do recordings were asked to describe the same image2 so that they wouldn’t give any identifying information about themselves or their country of origin. They also signed an informed consent and kept one for their records, were offered the opportunity to receive a copy of my findings, filled out a biographical information sheet, and made a recording

1 See appendix A 2 See appendix B

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that was approximately 30 seconds in duration. I was present when most of the participants did their recordings. However, in some cases (like the participants living in Los Angeles County) I was unable to be there, so over the phone I explained what to do and sent them the necessary materials in the mail. When they completed the tasks they returned the materials to me by mail. The final group of recording participants can be seen in the following chart:

INFORMACIÓN SOBRE LOS PARTICIPANTES DE LAS GRABACIONES GRABACION # LUGAR DE ORIGEN EDAD SEXO 1 BOGOTA, COLOMBIA 42 F 2 URUGUAY 24 F 3 ARGENTINA 73 M 4 OAXACA, MX 25 M 5 TLAXCALA, MX 25 M 6 CUBA 78 F 7 EL SALVADOR 49 M 8 JALISCO, MX 30 F 9 NICARAGUA 40 M 10 VENEZUELA 42 M 11 MADRID, ESPANA 30 F 12 CHILE 28 F 13 GUATEMALA 47 F 14 MICHOACAN 20 F 15 ECUADOR 40 F 16 PANAMA 45 F 17 CATALUÑA 22 F 18 SONORA, MX 27 F 19 PERU 29 F 20 BAJA CALIF. NORTE, MX 40 F

After all the recordings were complete and I had all the Recorder Participant Packets and recordings in my possession I created a chart to organize the recorder participant information and randomly assigned recording numbers to each. Furthermore, I used the program audacity to create a CD with the recordings in order of recording number, announced each recording by stating its number and separating each recording by a computer generated beep. After the master CD was created, I burned several copies.

The second step in this project was identifying Listener Participants. Each participant completed the Listener Participant Packet3 which included signing an informed consent to participate and keeping a copy of the consent, completed a biographical information page and listened to the CD containing the 20 different recordings and ranking their attitudes toward each of the 16 traits on a likert scale on the form provided for each of the 20 recordings. The bipolar rating scale used in this study was patterned from the one used by Alford and Strother (1990). However, it was translated into Spanish and instead of stating a word and its opposite I opted to use “nada” or “muy” followed by the trait as seen in the following sample of the form.

RECORDING 1

muy inteligente nada inteligente 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

tiene una buena educación tiene una mala educación 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

mucha confianza en si mismo nada de confianza en si mismo 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

muy sincero nada sincero 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

nada flojo muy flojo 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

muy profesional nada profesional 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

muy confiable 3nada confiable 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 See Appendix C nada gentil 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 muy gentil muy amigable nada amigable 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics muy paciente nada paciente 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 24

muy extrovertida nada extrovertida 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

muy valiente nada valiente 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

muy cortés J.Portillo - 25

I dropped off a CD, and listener packets to individual families and later picked up the completed packets. Initially I planned to survey 50 native Spanish speakers and 50 nonnative Spanish speakers however, as I began getting the first few listener packets back it was evident there was a third listener group I had failed to identify, the natively bilingual English/Spanish speakers. Also, I had a problem with participants not fully completing the forms, generally the nonnative Spanish Speakers, but in some cases the native Speakers as well. In many cases, I got back forms with 3 or 4 of the traits ranked on all of the forms with a note saying it is impossible to tell the other traits by voice alone. In other instances, the participants would completely fill out the form for some of the recordings and not at all for others. Consequently, I had to throw out most of the first round non-native Spanish speakers and several of the native Spanish Speakers. To find more nonnative Spanish speaking participants I received permission to do the survey during 2 different class sessions; one during a Spanish 2 class at Sonoma State University and the other during a Spanish 1 class at Santa Rosa Junior College. The original group I believed were native Spanish speakers was divided into the true native Spanish speaker groups and the native bilingual Spanish/English Speaker group. My final group of listener participants was comprised of 19 native Spanish Speakers, 13 native bilingual Spanish/English speakers and 37 nonnative Spanish speakers. Each participant was assigned a participant number. Their biographical information was placed into a chart4 for organization. As seen in the chart, all of the native Spanish speaker listeners were from México except one who was from Montevideo Uruguay. The native English speaker listeners were mostly from California USA with only four exceptions who were from Africa, Alaska, Washington D.C. and New York. All of the native bilingual Spanish/English participants were from California USA.

The data gathered from the likert scales was organized in Excel spreadsheets. When there was a missing response for a recording I followed the procedure of Carranza and Ryan (1975) where a neutral score of 4 was substituted with the condition that no subjects with more that 3 blanks on any one page or more than 8 blanks for the entire task were retained in the sample. One Spreadsheet for each country was made in which each participant’s attitudinal response was recorded by participant number and trait. Next, the spread sheets were utilized to create another spreadsheet that showed each country and how many of each score from 0-7 was received in each group which allowed me to compile a list of the most frequently given response (mode) for each trait and country. I found the mode to be the most representative type of average since generally there was a peak value with neighboring values that diminished in occurrences, usually in a symmetrical fashion. Due to this bell curve trend in the data, a mean average was not utilized in the results as it showed a value not truly representative of the bulk of the responses.

Results

4 See Appendix D

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There were differences between the three groups, yet they were not as dramatic as expected. Native Spanish speakers generally tended to be more willing to give high ranks while the nonnative Spanish speakers generally tended to give lower ranks and the natively bilingual tended to give ranks in the middle of the two other groups. The mode ranks for the each country by the three groups for each of the traits has been organized into charts and shows interesting results5and 6.

Colombia received mode ranks of 4 to 7 from the native Spanish Speakers, 3 to 5 from nonnative Spanish Speakers and 4 to 7 from native bilinguals. The highest scores were given from the native Spanish speakers and the lowest from the nonnative Spanish speakers.

Uruguay received 4 to 7 from native Spanish Speakers, 3 to 5 from nonnative Spanish speakers and 2 to 6 from native bilingual speakers. It is important to note that the native bilingual speakers gave lower ranks of 2 and 3 for friendly and patient, while all the other ranks were 4-6.

For Argentina the Native Spanish speakers ranked from 2 to 7 (low rank of 2 or 3 in the Intelligent, Education and Self Confident traits yet high rank of 6 or 7 for sincerity, gentle, friendly, patient, courteous, loyal and honest), the Nonnative Speakers ranked from 2 to 7 (low rank for Intelligent, Education, professional and money and high rank for friendly), the native bilingual group ranked from 3 to 6 (low rank of 3 in intelligent, education, lazy, professional, friendly, and brave with high ranks of 6 in extroverted and loyal).

For Oaxaca the Native Spanish speaker group ranked the voice from 3 to 7 (low rank for 3 in professional and money but high rank of 7 in intelligent, brave and honest), the nonnative Spanish speakers and native bilingual speakers gave ranks of 4 to 6 but varied in the high and low traits.

Tlaxcala received a rank from 5 to 7 from native Spanish speakers, 3 to 6 from nonnative Spanish speakers and 4 to 7 for native bilingual speakers.

Cuba received scores of 3 to 7 from native Spanish speakers (high of 7 in honesty that was 2 points or higher than the scores given by the other two groups), range of 2 to 5 from the nonnative Spanish speakers (with a low of 2 in professional that was a 2 point or more higher than the score given by the other two groups) and by native bilingual speakers a range of 3 to 7.

El Salvador had native Spanish speaker scores from 4 to 7 (4 in money that was a 3 points lower than the scores from the other two groups), the nonnative Spanish Speakers gave a range of 4 to 7 (4 in brave that was 2 point or more lower from the scores of the other two groups), and the native bilinguals gave a range from 5 to 7.

For Jalisco the native Spanish speakers gave all scores of 7 except in courteous and money with received 6, nonnative Spanish speakers gave mode score ranging from 4 to 6 (low score of 4 in extroverted which was 3 points lower than the scores from the other two groups and 4 in brave which was 3 points lower from the native Spanish speaker group score), the native bilingual group showed mode scores between 4 and 7 (low score of 4 in money that was 2 points lower than the mode score from the other two groups).

5 See appendix E 6 The information is also available for viewing in graph and chart form in Appendix F

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Nicaragua showed mode scores in native and nonnative Spanish speakers between 3 and 6, native bilinguals showed mode scores between 3 and 5.

For Venezuela native Spanish speakers show mode range from 4 to 6 while the other two groups showed 4 and 5 for all traits.

For Madrid Native Spanish speaker mode ranks were from 4 to 7 (high 7 ranks in sincerity and honesty which was 3 points more than the score from the other two groups), nonnative Spanish speakers had mode ranks between 3 and 6, native bilingual speakers had mode ranks from 2 to 6 (low rank of 3 in professional was 3 points lower than the score from the other two groups and 2 in brave was a score 2 points or more lower from the other two groups).

Chile had mode scores ranked from 4 to 6 from all groups.

Guatemala had mode rank scores from native Spanish speakers from 3 to 6, from nonnative Spanish speakers between 4 and 5 and native bilingual speakers from 3 to 6.

Michoacán showed mode ranks from native Spanish speakers of 3 to 6 and from nonnative and bilingual speakers from 4 to 6.

Ecuador received ranks from native Spanish speakers from 3 to 7 (high rank of 7 in honest that was 3 points greater than the ranks given by the other two groups), 3 to 5 from nonnative Spanish speakers and 3 to 6 from the native bilingual speakers (in self confidence they received a 3 with was a 2 point difference from the other 2 groups).

Panama was a group that showed a great variety of mode rank between groups. In Intelligent and educated they received a 6 from native Spanish speakers and 4 or 3 by the other two groups. For self confidence native bilingual mode score was 6 while it was 4 from the other 2 groups. Sincerity, lazy professional, trustworthy and gentle all received scores from 3 to 6 with no inter group variation 2 points or larger. Native bilingual speakers gave a mode rank of 2 for friendly while the other two groups gave a rank of 4. Patient, extroverted, money, loyal and honest all ranked from 3 to 5 with no changes between groups of 2 points or greater. For brave and courteous the native Spanish speakers gave a sore of 6 while the other two groups gave a mode score of 4. Cataluña was another recording that showed great variation. Sincerity, lazy, professional, friendly, patient, extroverted and honest all registered with mode scores from all three groups from 4 to 6. Yet, Intelligent showed a native speaker mode of 6 that was 2 points or more greater than the scores from the other two groups. Self confidence received a 5 from native Spanish speakers which was 2 points more than the scores from the other groups. Gentle received a 6 from native Spanish speakers which was a score 2 points higher than the mode score of the other two groups. For native and nonnative speakers courteous showed 5 while for the native bilingual the score of 3 was given. For loyal native speakers ranked a mode of 6 while for the other two groups the mode was 4.

Sonora as well was showed lots of variation between groups. For Education, professional, loyal and honest the native Spanish speakers showed a score 2 points or more higher than the score given by the other two groups. For self confidence the native and nonnative speakers showed scores 2 points higher than the scores from the native bilingual group. For extroverted and intelligent all three groups were 2 points or more difference from the other group’s scores.

Peru showed scores of 4 to 7 from the Native Spanish speakers, 4 to 6 from the nonnative speakers and 4 to 6 from the native bilingual speakers; honest was given a 7 from the native speakers that was 2 points greater than the scores given by the other two groups.

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For Baja California Norte the native Spanish speakers showed a mode range from 4 to 7, nonnative Spanish speakers showed a mode range from 3 to 5 and the native bilingual groups showed a range from 4 to 6; courteous and honest both received a mode score of 6 from the native Spanish speakers which was 2 points greater than the score given by the other two groups.

In the following chart it is possible to see the highest rank country in each of the traits for each of the three groups:

GRUPO 1 GRUPO 2 GRUPO 3

INTELEGENTE JALISCO JALISCO JALISCO EDUCACION JALISCO JALISCO JALISCO CONFIANZA EN SI JALISCO TLAXCALA, JALISCO y PERU JALISCO MISMO EL SALVADOR y SINCERO EL SALVADOR COLOMBIA JALISCO FLOJO JALISCO EL SALVADOR JALISCO PROFESIONAL JALISCO JALISCO JALISCO CONFIABLE JALISCO JALISCO y TLAXCALA TLAXCALA GENTIL JALISCO JALISCO JALISCO OAXACA, JALISCO y AMIGABLE JALISCO EL SALVADOR y JALISCO MICHOACAN PACIENTE JALISCO JALISCO COLOMBIA y JALISCO EXTROVERTIDA JALISCO EL SALVADOR TLAXCALA VALIENTE TLAXCALA y JALISCO BAJA CALIF. NORTE y CATALUNA EL SALVADOR CORTES COLOMBIA JALISCO JALISCO DINERO CUBA, JALISCO EL SALVADOR EL SALVADOR FIEL TLAXCALA y JALISCO EL SALVADOR CHILE EL SALVADOR y HONESTO EL SALVADOR JALISCO JALISCO

In the following chart it is possible to see the lowest ranked country in each of the traits for each of the three groups:

GRUPO 1 GRUPO 2 GRUPO 3 ARGENTINA y INTELEGENTE ARGENTINA SONORA SONORA EDUCACION ARGENTINA ARGENTINA ARGENTINA y SONORA CONFIANZA EN SI ARGENTINA COLOMBIA SONORA MISMO SINCERO ECUADOR PANAMA SONORA FLOJO PANAMA PANAMA CATALUNA y ARGENTINA PROFESIONAL NICARAGUA MADRID ARGENTINA CONFIABLE PANAMA URUGUAY NICARAGUA GENTIL SONORA CATALUNA URUGUAY MADRID, CHILE, URUGUAY, NICARAGUA y AMIGABLE PANAMA PANAMA SONORA PACIENTE SONORA PANAMA URUGUAY EXTROVERTIDA NICARAGUA COLOMBIA y CUBA SONORA VALIENTE SONORA SONORA MADRID, SONORA CORTES CUBA COLOMBIA CATALUNA DINERO NICARAGUA ARGENTINA ECUADOR FIEL MICHOACAN PERU PANAMA

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GRUPO 1 GRUPO 2 GRUPO 3

HONESTO PANAMA SONORA GUATAMALA y PANAMA

Discussion

When analyzing the data it is important to remember that results of this survey show the current beliefs of the surveyed community, As Colin Baker states in his book Attitudes and Language (1992) “A survey of attitudes provides an indicator of current community thoughts and beliefs, preferences and desires.” The data shows that there are indeed differences between attitudes of the three groups. In general the Native Spanish speakers are more apt to give higher sores while the nonnative Spanish speakers tend not to give high scores freely. The native bilingual group seems to be in the middle of the other two groups. The natively bilingual group seemed to be the group that gave more low score, followed by the nonnative Spanish speakers and then the Native Spanish speakers. I believe the nonnative Spanish speakers tended to give more mid-range ranks, avoiding extremes, because they were trying to avoid stereotyping as society has taught them it is “bad”. In fact, the survey proved to be a very difficult task for the nonnative Spanish speakers. Many of them voiced, either in a note on the side of the survey or in person, their opinions about the survey being “flawed”. Many of them had certain variants that they felt were completely impossible to tell solely by a persons voice…however the variants were not consistent from person to person. I tried to calm these participants by explaining their ranks don’t actually reflect on the person whose voice is in the recording and that the experiment is only about what each listener would imagine a person with that voice would be in terms of each variant. I also explained that there was no correct answer because each listener is different. Many listeners still insisted that there should have been a “cannot tell” or “don’t know” option. I believe it would have been a mistake to include such an option since most of the nonnative Spanish speakers and some of the participants from the other two groups would have consistently selected that option, therefore providing no usable data.

Apart from the apparent willingness or lack of willingness and general tendency to give high or low scores it is important to note that the listeners in all three groups gave very similar score to some voices. For example the voice from Chile consistently received scores of 4-6 from al groups. However, there tend to be differences between the groups. Also, a number of the native Spanish speaking participants were from Tlaxcala. The scores given to the voice from Tlaxcala were generally high from the native Spanish speakers but they were also relatively high from the other two groups as well. Therefore, I don’t believe this shows a preference for speakers from the same region as the listener. It is however important to note that all the native Spanish speaking listeners, except one from Uruguay, were originally from Mexico. If the listeners were from another country of origin it is likely that the numbers would have been very different.

This study selected people to do recordings based upon availability, which resulted in undesirable difference between the individual participants. For example it would have been ideal to have participants all in the same age range and gender, as we know listeners tend to perceive men more negatively than females (Alford and Strother 1990, Trudgill 1986). Now, having conducted this study, I feel the best and most inclusive way to complete a study of this type would be through a collaborative effort of universities in different countries. Each university could record an educated male and female speaker all of around the same age from their country. With all the recordings complete the universities could then play the recordings for people still in their country of origin.

Conclusion

This study shows that there are significant differences between the language attitudes of native Spanish speakers, nonnative Spanish speakers and native bilingual Spanish/English speakers toward the

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 29 J.Portillo - 30 voices of different varieties of world Spanish speakers of people currently residing in the USA. Interestingly, many of the main difference tend to be certain trait differences between groups rather than all of the traits for one voice showing differences between groups. Additionally, it shows tendencies of types of responses given within the different groups such as of nonnative Spanish speakers to give moderate responses and avoid extremes and native Spanish speaker’s tendency to give higher responses.

Acknowledgments

Special thanks to:  Sonoma State University Undergraduate Research Grant for providing the funds necessary to realize the study.  Araceli Osorio, professor of Spanish at SSU & SRJC, for allowing me to survey her classes.  Jeffrey T. Reeder for advising this project.  All of generous participants and people who helped me find participants. Thank you for generously donating your time. Without the participants this project could have never happened!

Works Cited

Alford, Randall L. and Judith B. Strother (1990) Attitudes of Native and Nonnative Speakers toward Selected Regional Accents of U.S. English. Tesol Quarterly, 24(3), 479-495.

Álvarez, Alexandra and Anderzon Medina (1999) I Love Caracas: Language attitudes of high school students from the Venezuelan Andes. Lingüística Hispánica

Baker, C. (1992). Attitudes and Language. Pennsylvania: Mutilingual Matters Ltd.

Bouchard Ryan, E. (1973). Subjective Reactions toward Accented Speach In (R. W. Shuy & R. W. Fasold, Eds.). Washington D.C. Georgetown University

Bouchard Ryan, E. & Carranza, M. A. (1977). Ingroup and Outgroup reactions to Mexican American Language Varieties. In H. Giles, Ed. Language, Ethnicity and Intergroup Relations (pp. 59-82). New York: Adademic Press Inc.

Burunat, Sylvia (1983) Language Prejudices in Spanish for Native Speakers Classes. Spanish & Portuguese in Social Context, 50-4.

Carranza, M. A. & Bouchard Ryan, E. (1975). Evaluative Reactions of Bilingual Anglo and Mexican American Adolescents toward Speakers of English and Spanish. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 2(6), In (Fishman, J. A., Ed.). 83-104.

Carranza, M. A. (1982). Attitudinal research on Hispanic language varieties. In H. Giles & E. Bouchard Ryan, Eds. Attitudes toward Language Variation (pp. 63-83). London: Edward Arnold.

Cheyene, William M. (1970) Stereotyped reactions to speakers with Scottish and English regional accents. British Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 9, 77-9.

Garrett, Peter (2001) Language attitudes and sociolinguistics. Journal of Sociallinguistics, 5(4), 626- 631.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 30 J.Portillo - 31

Garrett, Peter, Nikolas Coupland and Angie Williams (2003) Investigating Language Attitudes: Social meanings of Dialect, Ethnicity and Performance. Cardiff:University of Wales Press.

Giles, Howard (1970) Evaluative reactions to accents. Educational Review, 22, 211-27

Hiraga, Yuko (2005) British attitudes toward six varieties of English in the USA and Britain. World Englishes, 3, 289-308.

Lee, R. R. (1971) Dialect perception: a critical review and re-evaluation. The Quarterly Journal of Speech, 59(3), 410-17.

Linn, M. D. & Piche, G. (1986). Black and white adolescent and preadolescent attitudes toward Black English. In H. B. Allen & M. D. Linn, Eds. Dialect and Language Variation (pp. 574-590). Florida: Academic Press, Inc.

Trudgill, P. (1986). Social identity and linguistic sex differentation. In H. B. Allen & M. D. Linn, Eds. Dialect and Language Variation (pp. 395-402). Florida: Academic Press, Inc.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 31 J.Portillo - 32

Appendix A

Actitudes de lenguaje: percepciones de hablantes del español sobre INFORMACIÓN BIOGRAFICA SOBRE USTED

dialectos del español 1. ¿De dónde es usted?______

Información general sobre el estudio: 2. ¿Dónde vive ahora (Ciudad, Estado y País)? Me llamo Julie Portillo y soy una estudiante de Lingüística Hispánica del departamento de Lenguas ______Modernas en la Universidad Estatal de California en Sonoma. Estoy haciendo éste estudio en lingüística 3. ¿Cuántos años tiene usted?______para dos razones: primero, como requisito para un curso que tengo éste semestre y segundo, como una muestra de los trabajos que hago para solicitudes a los estudios posgrado. La información del estudio será guardado por posibles usos académicos del futuro. 4. ¿Cuál fue la primera idioma que aprendió usted?______

¿Quién verá la información del estudio? 5. Actualmente, ¿Cuál es la idioma que utiliza Ud. más en su vida diaria?______La información del estudio será utilizado sólo para usos académicos. 6. ¿Cuanto tiempo estudió formalmente en español? ______

¿Qué tengo que hacer para participar? 1. Leer ésta hoja de información y firmar la autorización. 7. ¿Cuánto tiempo estudió formalmente en inglés? ______2. Llenar el formulario biográfico remitido adjunto. 3. hacer una grabación de aproximadamente 30 segundos 8 ¿Por favor indique los diferentes estados y países donde ha vivido y por cuanto tiempo?

1o lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______¿Qué va a pasar con la información que doy? Primero, voy a hacer grabaciones de varias personas de distintas partes del mundo hispanohablante, Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______asegurando que tomo su información biográfica básica. Después, voy a tocar las grabaciones para o grupos de personas, hacer que llenan una formula biográfica y hacerles contestar preguntas sobre lo que 2 lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______piensan de la voz en la grabación. Luego, voy a analizar la información para ver si acaso hay Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______percepciones comunes de ciertas maneras de hablar el español y quien los tiene. o 3 lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______

¿Puedo ver los resultados? Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______¡Claro que sí! El trabajo escrito estará listo para el 31 de octubre del 2007. Si quiere una copia del o estudio, favor de escribir su nombre y dirección de domicilio en la primera hoja de la encuesta y le 4 lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______mandaré una copia cuanto antes. Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______

5o lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______¿Con quién debo comunicarme si tengo preguntas sobre el estudio? Puede comunicarse conmigo: Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______Sra. Julie Portillo o (707) 694-4472 6 lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______AUTORIZACIÓN: Yo he leído la información proveída en esta hoja de información sobre el estudio. Entiendo que mi ¿Hay otras cosas que usted cree son importantes sobre como habla o su manera de hablar de usted? participación es completamente voluntaria y no recibiré ningún tipo reciprocación (de pago) por mi participación. Entiendo que la información que doy va a ser utilizada para un estudio e incluido en un Número de grabación: ensayo formal. Entiendo que si tengo preguntas sobre el estudio puedo comunicarme con la investigadora. Instrucciones para los voluntarios sobre como hacer la grabación:

1. Por favor mire bien a la foto que va a describir. Es importante que usted trata de hablar lo más normal posible, como si estuviera describiendo la foto a un amigo. 2. El micrófono de la grabadora esta directamente arriba de la palabra <> en letras blancas. Cuando ______comienza a hablar trata de hablar al micrófono. Nombre Firma fecha 3. Cuando usted esta lista para comenzar su descripción empuje el botón con la marca roja que dice <> y comienza a describir la foto. La descripción debe durar más o menos 30 segundos. 4. Cuando termine de grabar, empuje el botón de >. 5. Si usted se equivoca, y quiere hacer una nueva grabación, no se preocupe con tratar de borrar el error. Nada más, comencé de nuevo. 6. Cuando termine su grabación parece un número en la pantalla, este es su número de grabación, favor de escribirlo en la caja arriba.

Appendix B

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 32 J.Portillo - 33

Appendix C

INFORMACIÓN BIOGRAFICA SOBRE USTED Actitudes de lenguaje: percepciones de hablantes del español sobre dialectos del español 1. ¿De dónde es usted?______

Información general sobre el estudio: 2. ¿Dónde vive ahora (Ciudad, Estado y País)? Me llamo Julie Portillo y soy una estudiante de Lingüística Hispánica del departamento de Lenguas Modernas ______en la Universidad Estatal de California en Sonoma. Estoy haciendo éste estudio en lingüística para dos razones: 3. ¿Cuántos años tiene usted?______primero, como requisito para un curso que tengo éste semestre y segundo, como una muestra de los trabajos que hago para solicitudes a los estudios posgrado. La información del estudio será guardado por posibles usos 4. Sexo: Masculino Femenino académicos del futuro. 5. ¿Cuál fue la primera idioma que aprendió usted?______¿Quién verá la información del estudio? 6. Actualmente, ¿Cuál es la idioma que utiliza Ud. más en su vida diaria?______La información del estudio será utilizado sólo para usos académicos. 7. ¿Principalmente, cómo aprendió usted a hablar español? ______¿Qué tengo que hacer para participar? 1. Leer ésta hoja de información y firmar la autorización. 8. ¿A que edad comenzó usted a aprender el español?______

2. Llenar el formulario biográfico remitido adjunto. 9. ¿Cuánto tiempo estudió formalmente el español? ______3. hacer una grabación de aproximadamente 30 segundos 10. ¿Cuánto tiempo estudió formalmente el inglés? ______¿Qué va a pasar con la información que doy? Primero, voy a hacer grabaciones de varias personas de distintas partes del mundo hispanohablante, asegurando 11 ¿Por favor indique los diferentes estados y países donde ha vivido y por cuanto tiempo? que tomo su información biográfica básica. Después, voy a tocar las grabaciones para grupos de personas, 12 lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______hacer que llenan una formula biográfica y hacerles contestar preguntas sobre lo que piensan de la voz en la Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______grabación. Luego, voy a analizar la información para ver si acaso hay percepciones comunes de ciertas o maneras de hablar el español y quien los tiene. 2 lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______

¿Puedo ver los resultados? 3o lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______¡Claro que sí! El trabajo escrito estará listo para el 31 de octubre del 2007. Si quiere una copia del estudio, Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______favor de escribir su nombre y dirección de domicilio en la primera hoja de la encuesta y le mandaré una copia o cuanto antes. 4 lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______

o ¿Con quién debo comunicarme si tengo preguntas sobre el estudio? 5 lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______Puede comunicarse conmigo: Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______Sra. Julie Portillo 6o lugar: ______tiempo que vivió en este lugar______(707) 694-4472 Edad que comenzó usted a vivir en este lugar______

AUTORIZACIÓN: 13. ¿En una escala de 1 a 10, qué calificación pondrá usted a su nivel de inglés? 0 significa que no sabe nada de inglés. 10 Yo he leído la información proveída en esta hoja de información sobre el estudio. Entiendo que mi significa que tiene un nivel igual a un hablante nativo del inglés. participación es completamente voluntaria y no recibiré ningún tipo reciprocación (de pago) por mi No sabe habla como un hablante participación. Entiendo que la información que doy va a ser utilizada para un estudio e incluido en un ensayo nada de inglés 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 nativo del inglés formal. Entiendo que si tengo preguntas sobre el estudio puedo comunicarme con la investigadora. 14. ¿En una escala de 1 a 10, qué calificación pondrá usted a su nivel de español? 0 significa que no sabe nada del español. 10 significa que tiene un nivel igual a un hablante nativo del español.

______No sabe habla como un hablante Nombre Firma fecha nada de español 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 nativo del español

RECORDING 1

nada inteligente 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy inteligente

tiene una buena educación 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 tiene una mala educación

nada de confianza en si mismo 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 mucha confianza en si mismo

nada sincero 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy sincero

nada flojo 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy flojo

nada profesional 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy profesional

nada confiable 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy confiable

nada gentil 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy gentil

nada amigable 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy amigable

nada paciente 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy paciente

nada extrovertida 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy extrovertida

nada valiente 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy valiente

nada cortés 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy cortés

no tiene nada de dinero 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 tiene mucho dinero

nada fiel 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy fiel

nada honesto 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy honesto

RECORDING 2

nada inteligente 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy inteligente

tiene una buena educación 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 tiene una mala educación

nada de confianza en si mismo 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 mucha confianza en si mismo

nada sincero 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy sincero

nada flojo 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy flojo

nada profesional 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy profesional

nada confiable 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy confiable

nada gentil 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy gentil

nada amigable 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy amigable

nada paciente 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy paciente

nada extrovertida 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy extrovertida

nada valiente 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy valiente

nada cortés 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy cortés

no tiene nada de dinero 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 tiene mucho dinero

nada fiel 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy fiel

nada honesto 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 muy honesto

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 33 J.Portillo - 34

INFORMACIÓN BIOGRÁFICA SOBRE LOS OYENTES (NATIVOS BILINGUES EN INGLÉS Y ESPAÑOL) EDAD DE ESTUDIO ESTUDIO PARTICIPANTE DONDE RESIDENCIA PRIMER IDIOMA NIVEL DE NIVEL DE SEXO EDAD APRENDER FORMAL DE FORMAL # NACIO ACTUAL IDIOMA PRINCIPAL INGLÉS ESPAÑOL ESPAÑOL ESPAÑOL DE INGLÉS California, California, 1 F 24 Español Inglés 1 nada 6 anos 10 8 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 2 M 11 Español Inglés 2 nada 12 anos 10 10 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 3 M 21 Español/Ingles Inglés 0 8 anos 10 anos 10 6 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 4 F 20 Español Inglés 0 5 15 10 9 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 5 F 19 Inglés Inglés 2 2 9 7 4 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 6 M 19 Inglés Inglés 1 1 14 9 2 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 7 F 27 Español Español 0 1 12 9 9 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 8 M 27 Inglés Inglés 1 nada 12 10 3 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 9 F 25 Español Español 0 7 13 10 10 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 10 F 18 Inglés Inglés 1 3 13 10 7 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 11 F 18 Inglés Inglés 2 4 13 10 5 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 12 F 18 Inglés Inglés 4 4 13 8 7 EE.UU. EE.UU. California, California, 13 F 14 Español Inglés 1 0 10 8 7 EE.UU. EE.UU. Appendix D

J.Portillo - 35

INFORMACIÓN BIOGRÁFICA SOBRE LOS OYENTES ( HABLANTES NATIVOS DEL ESPAÑOL) PARTICIPANTE # DONDE NACIO RESIDENCIA ACTUAL SEXO EDAD PRIMER IDIOMA IDIOMA PRINCIPAL ESTUDIO FORMAL DEL ESPAÑOL ESTUDIO FORMAL DEL INGLÉS NIVEL DEL INGLÉS NIVEL DEL ESPAÑOL

1 México California F 42 Español Español 6 años 6 meses 6 10

2 Tlaxcala, MX California F 29 Español Español 4 años 3 años 2 9

3 México California M 34 Español Español 8 años nada 1 8

4 Tlaxcala, MX California F 27 Español Español 8 años 3 meses 3 10

5 Tlaxcala, MX California M 29 Español Español 8 años nada 4 9

6 Tlaxcala, MX California M 25 Español Español 9 años 3 meses 7 9

7 De Nuevo Laredo, MX California M 68 Español Español/Inglés 6 años 3 años 8 10

8 Monte Video, Uruguay California F 23 Español Español 12 años 7 años 1 9

9 Salamanca, Guangauato, MX California F 31 Español Español 12 años 6 años 8 10

10 México California F 26 Español Español 13 años 3 años 1 10

11 México California F 38 Español Español 6 años nada 1 9

12 Aguascalientes, México California M 27 Español Español/Ingles 9 años 8 años 9 10

13 Jalisco, México California F 30 Español Español/Ingles 11 años 3 años 6 9

14 Tlaxcala, MX Tlaxcala, MX F 33 Español Español 7 años nada 0 7

15 Tlaxcala, MX Tlaxcala, MX F 54 Español Español 6 años nada 0 8

16 Guerrero, MX California F 44 Español Español 6 años 1 mes 2 10

17 México California F 34 Español Español / / 1 10

18 Jalisco, México California M 31 Español Español 5 años nada 3 10

19 Tlaxcala, MX Tlaxcala, MX F 21 Español Español 12 años 2 años 4 8

INFORMACIÓN BIOGRÁFICA SOBRE LOS OYENTES (HABLANTES NATIVOS DEL INGLÉS) # DE PARTICIPANTE DONDE NACIO RESIDENCIA ACTUAL PRIMER IDIOMA IDIOMA PRINCIPAL SEXO EDAD EDAD QUE APRENDIO ESPAÑOL ESTUDIO FORMAL DE ESPAÑOL ESTUDIO FORMAL DE INGLÉS NIVEL DE INGLÉS NIVEL DE ESPAÑOL J.Portillo - 36

1 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Español F 27 13 6 años 16 años 9 9 2 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 33 14 3 años 16 años 10 7 3 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 56 21 1.5 años 16 años 10 6 4 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 55 22 2 años 24 años 10 4 5 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés M 59 15 3 años 18 años 10 4 6 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés M 29 13 6 años 16 años 10 6 7 Alaska, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 19 16 3 años 13 años 10 3 8 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés M 18 14 3 años 13 años 10 7 9 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 21 14 3 años 14 años 10 4 10 Washington D.C., EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 57 35 1 años 16 años 10 2 11 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 19 14 5 años 14 años 10 5 12 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 19 18 1 años 13 años 10 4 13 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 20 16 4 años 13 años 10 3 14 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 18 18 2 años 13 años 8 1 15 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 19 14 2 años 13 años 10 4 16 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 20 14 4 años 14 años 8 6 17 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 20 13 5 años 14 años 10 5 18 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 19 14 4 años 13 años 10 5 19 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 56 16 4 años 14 años 10 5 20 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 18 12 4 años 13 años 10 6 21 Africa California, EE.UU. Inglés y Frances Inglés F 19 13 3 años 8 años 10 5 22 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 28 15 3 años 12 años 10 3 23 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 18 10 4 años 13 años 10 4 24 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 20 13 5 años 14 años 10 5 25 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés M 31 20 2 años 18 años 10 7

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 36 J.Portillo - 37

26 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 19 15 2.5 años 13 años 10 2 27 New York, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés M 19 18 1 años 12 años 10 4 28 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 18 14 4 años 13 años 10 3 29 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 18 15 4 años 12 años 10 3 30 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés M 22 13 3 años 14 años 10 5 31 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés M 18 13 5 años 13 años 10 7 32 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés M 20 15 4 años 14 años 7 5 33 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 20 20 1 años 14 años 10 2 34 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 37 37 0.5 años 13 años 10 1 35 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 21 15 3 años 13 años 10 3 36 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés M 20 12 2 años 13 años 9 4 37 California, EE.UU. California, EE.UU. Inglés Inglés F 20 13 4 años 13 años 10 5

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 37 J.Portillo - 38

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 38 J.Portillo - 39

Appendix E

Colombia Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 5 5 5 Education 4 4 6 Self confidence 6 3 5 sincerity 7 4 7 lazy 4 4 6 professional 7 3 6 trustworthy 6 4 6 gentle 6 4 5 friendly 7 4 5 patient 7 4 7 extroverted 5 3 5 brave 6 4 4 courteous 7 4 4 money 5 4 5 loyal 5 4 6 honest 7 5 5

Uruguay Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 5 4 6 Education 5 4 4 Self confidence 5 4 5 sincerity 6 4 5 lazy 5 4 6 professional 5 4 4 trustworthy 7 3 4 gentle 5 4 6 friendly 6 3 3 patient 7 5 2 extroverted 6 3 5 brave 6 4 5 courteous 5 4 5 money 4 4 4 loyal 4 4 5 honest 6 4 5 Argentina Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 2 2 3 Education 3 2 3 J.Portillo - 40

Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Self confidence 2 4 5 sincerity 6 4 5 lazy 5 4 3 professional 5 2 3 trustworthy 5 4 5 gentle 6 4 4 friendly 6 7 4 patient 7 4 3 extroverted 4 5 6 brave 5 4 3 courteous 6 4 5 money 5 3 4 loyal 6 4 6 honest 7 5 5 Oaxaca Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 7 6 5 Education 4 4 5 Self confidence 5 4 5 sincerity 5 4 6 lazy 6 5 6 professional 3 4 4 trustworthy 6 4 6 gentle 5 4 6 friendly 6 6 6 patient 5 6 4 extroverted 5 4 4 brave 7 4 4 courteous 5 4 4 money 3 4 4 loyal 4 4 6 honest 7 5 6 Tlaxcala Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 7 6 6 Education 6 5 4 Self confidence 7 6 5 sincerity 7 5 6 lazy 5 6 5 professional 6 6 6 trustworthy 7 6 7 gentle 6 4 6

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 40 J.Portillo - 41

Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers friendly 7 4 6 patient 7 3 4 extroverted 7 5 7 brave 7 4 6 courteous 6 4 5 money 5 4 5 loyal 7 5 4 honest 7 5 6 Cuba Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 5 4 4 Education 7 6 7 Self confidence 5 4 3 sincerity 6 5 5 lazy 4 4 4 professional 5 2 4 trustworthy 6 5 5 gentle 4 4 5 friendly 6 5 5 patient 5 4 6 extroverted 5 3 4 brave 4 4 4 courteous 3 4 6 money 6 4 5 loyal 4 5 6 honest 7 5 4 El Salvador Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 7 6 6 Education 6 6 7 Self confidence 7 6 6 sincerity 7 6 7 lazy 6 7 6 professional 6 6 6 trustworthy 6 5 7 gentle 5 6 6 friendly 6 6 5 patient 5 6 7 extroverted 6 6 7 brave 7 4 7 courteous 5 6 6 money 4 6 7

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 41 J.Portillo - 42

Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers loyal 6 6 5 honest 7 6 6 Jalisco Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 7 6 7 Education 7 6 7 Self confidence 7 5 7 sincerity 7 6 7 lazy 7 6 7 professional 7 6 7 trustworthy 7 6 6 gentle 7 6 7 friendly 7 6 6 patient 7 6 7 extroverted 7 4 7 brave 7 4 5 courteous 6 6 7 money 6 6 4 loyal 7 6 5 honest 7 6 7 Nicaragua Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 6 5 3 Education 4 4 4 Self confidence 4 4 4 sincerity 6 6 4 lazy 5 4 4 professional 3 6 4 trustworthy 5 6 3 gentle 6 4 4 friendly 4 3 4 patient 4 5 3 extroverted 4 4 4 brave 6 4 4 courteous 5 6 4 money 3 3 4 loyal 5 4 4 honest 6 4 5 Venezuela Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 42 J.Portillo - 43

Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 6 5 4 Education 4 4 5 Self confidence 6 4 5 sincerity 5 5 5 lazy 5 4 5 professional 6 4 4 trustworthy 4 4 5 gentle 5 4 5 friendly 6 4 5 patient 5 4 4 extroverted 5 5 4 brave 6 4 4 courteous 6 4 5 money 5 4 4 loyal 5 4 4 honest 6 4 4 Madrid Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 6 5 6 Education 6 6 5 Self confidence 6 4 4 sincerity 7 5 4 lazy 5 4 5 professional 6 6 3 trustworthy 6 4 5 gentle 5 4 5 friendly 4 3 5 patient 4 5 4 extroverted 5 4 4 brave 6 4 2 courteous 6 4 5 money 5 4 4 loyal 6 5 5 honest 7 4 4 Chile Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 6 4 5 Education 6 5 5 Self confidence 6 4 5 sincerity 5 5 6 lazy 5 5 5 professional 5 5 5

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 43 J.Portillo - 44

Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers trustworthy 5 4 5 gentle 5 5 4 friendly 4 6 5 patient 5 4 4 extroverted 6 4 5 brave 4 4 4 courteous 5 4 4 money 5 6 6 loyal 4 6 6 honest 5 5 4 Guatemala Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 4 4 5 Education 4 4 5 Self confidence 5 5 5 sincerity 5 5 5 lazy 6 4 5 professional 3 4 4 trustworthy 6 4 5 gentle 5 4 4 friendly 5 5 5 patient 6 4 5 extroverted 5 4 4 brave 4 4 4 courteous 5 4 4 money 5 4 4 loyal 6 5 6 honest 5 4 3 Michoacán Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 5 5 5 Education 6 5 4 Self confidence 5 5 4 sincerity 5 4 5 lazy 6 4 5 professional 5 5 6 trustworthy 5 4 5 gentle 5 4 5 friendly 5 4 6 patient 5 5 5 extroverted 5 4 4 brave 3 4 4

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 44 J.Portillo - 45

Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers courteous 5 4 5 money 4 4 4 loyal 3 4 5 honest 6 6 5 Ecuador Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 5 4 6 Education 6 4 6 Self confidence 5 5 3 sincerity 4 4 5 lazy 5 4 5 professional 5 5 4 trustworthy 6 4 5 gentle 4 4 4 friendly 4 4 4 patient 6 3 3 extroverted 4 4 4 brave 3 4 3 courteous 5 4 5 money 4 4 3 loyal 5 4 4 honest 7 4 4 Panamá Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 6 4 4 Education 6 4 3 Self confidence 4 4 6 sincerity 4 3 5 lazy 3 3 4 professional 5 3 4 trustworthy 3 4 3 gentle 6 4 5 friendly 4 4 2 patient 5 3 4 extroverted 5 4 5 brave 6 4 4 courteous 6 4 4 money 5 4 4 loyal 3 4 3 honest 3 4 3 Cataluña

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 45 J.Portillo - 46

Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 6 4 3 Education 6 5 6 Self confidence 5 3 3 sincerity 5 5 5 lazy 5 4 5 professional 5 5 4 trustworthy 5 4 4 gentle 6 4 4 friendly 5 4 5 patient 5 4 4 extroverted 5 4 4 brave 5 4 3 courteous 5 5 3 money 5 4 4 loyal 6 4 4 honest 6 4 5 Sonora

Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 2 4 1 Education 6 3 4 Self confidence 3 3 1 sincerity 4 3 3 lazy 5 4 4 professional 5 2 3 trustworthy 4 4 4 gentle 3 4 4 friendly 4 3 4 patient 3 4 3 extroverted 5 3 0 brave 2 2 0 courteous 3 4 4 money 5 4 4 loyal 6 4 4 honest 6 3 4 Peru Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 6 4 5 Education 4 5 5 Self confidence 7 6 5 sincerity 5 4 5 lazy 5 6 5

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Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers professional 4 5 5 trustworthy 4 4 5 gentle 6 5 5 friendly 5 5 4 patient 5 4 5 extroverted 5 4 5 brave 5 4 4 courteous 4 4 5 money 5 6 6 loyal 4 4 5 honest 7 5 5 Baja California Norte Native Spanish Nonnative Spanish Native bilingual Speakers Speakers Spanish/English Speakers Intelligent 6 4 5 Education 6 4 5 Self confidence 5 4 5 sincerity 6 4 5 lazy 5 4 6 professional 4 3 5 trustworthy 5 4 5 gentle 6 4 5 friendly 6 4 5 patient 5 4 5 extroverted 6 5 4 brave 5 4 4 courteous 6 4 4 money 5 4 5 loyal 5 4 5 honest 6 4 4

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 47 J.Portillo - 48 Appendix F

Grupo 3 (hablantes nativos del ingles y espanol): Modo de cada variante y pais

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0 Colombia Uruguay Argentina Oaxaca Tlaxcala Cuba El Salvador Jalisco Nicaragua Venezuela Madrid Chile Guatemala Michoacan Ecuador Panama Cataluna Sonora Peru Baja CA. N. Inteligente 5 6 3 5 6 4 6 7 3 4 6 5 5 5 6 4 3 1 5 5 Educacion 6 4 3 5 4 7 7 7 4 5 5 5 5 4 6 3 6 4 5 5 Confianza en si mismo 5 5 5 5 5 3 6 7 4 5 4 5 5 4 3 6 3 1 5 5 sincero 7 5 5 6 6 5 7 7 4 5 4 6 5 5 5 5 5 3 5 5 flojo 6 6 3 6 5 4 6 7 4 5 5 5 5 5 5 4 5 4 5 6 profesional 6 4 3 4 6 4 6 7 4 4 3 5 4 6 4 4 4 3 5 5 confiable 6 4 5 6 7 5 7 6 3 5 5 5 5 5 5 3 4 4 5 5 gentil 5 6 4 6 6 5 6 7 4 5 5 4 4 5 4 5 4 4 5 5 amigable 5 3 4 6 6 5 5 6 4 5 5 5 5 6 4 2 5 4 4 5 paciente 7 2 3 4 4 6 7 7 3 4 4 4 5 5 3 4 4 3 5 5 estrovertida 5 5 6 4 7 4 7 7 4 4 4 5 4 4 4 5 4 0 5 4 valiente 4 5 3 4 6 4 7 5 4 4 2 4 4 4 3 4 3 0 4 4 cortes 4 5 5 4 5 6 6 7 4 5 5 4 4 5 5 4 3 4 5 4 dinero 5 4 4 4 5 5 7 4 4 4 4 6 4 4 3 4 4 4 6 5 fiel 6 5 6 6 4 6 5 5 4 4 5 6 6 5 4 3 4 4 5 5 honesto 5 5 5 6 6 4 6 7 5 4 4 4 3 5 4 3 5 4 5 4 Inteligente Educacion Confianza en si mismo sincero flojo profesional confiable gentil amigable paciente estrovertida valiente cortes dinero fiel honesto

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Grupo 1 (hablantes nativos del espanol): Modo de cada variante y pais

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0 Colombia Uruguay Argentina Oaxaca Tlaxcala Cuba El Salvador Jalisco Nicaragua Venezuela Madrid Chile Guatemala Michoacan Ecuador Panama Cataluna Sonora Peru Baja CA. N. Inteligente 5 5 2 7 7 5 7 7 6 6 6 6 4 5 5 6 6 2 6 6 Educacion 4 5 3 4 6 7 6 7 4 4 6 6 4 6 6 6 6 6 4 6 Confianza en si mismo 6 5 2 5 7 5 7 7 4 6 6 6 5 5 5 4 5 3 7 5 sincero 7 6 6 5 7 6 7 7 6 5 7 5 5 5 4 4 5 4 5 6 flojo 4 5 5 6 5 4 6 7 5 5 5 5 6 6 5 3 5 5 5 5 profesional 7 5 5 3 6 5 6 7 3 6 6 5 3 5 5 5 5 5 4 4 confiable 6 7 5 6 7 6 6 7 5 4 6 5 6 5 6 3 5 4 4 5 gentil 6 5 6 5 6 4 5 7 6 5 5 5 5 5 4 6 6 3 6 6 amigable 7 6 6 6 7 6 6 7 4 6 4 4 5 5 4 4 5 4 5 6 paciente 7 7 7 5 7 5 5 7 4 5 4 5 6 5 6 5 5 3 5 5 estrovertida 5 6 4 5 7 5 6 7 4 5 5 6 5 5 4 5 5 5 5 6 valiente 6 6 5 7 7 4 7 7 6 6 6 4 4 3 3 6 5 2 5 5 cortes 7 5 6 5 6 3 5 6 5 6 6 5 5 5 5 6 5 3 4 6 dinero 5 4 5 3 5 6 4 6 3 5 5 5 5 4 4 5 5 5 5 5 fiel 5 4 6 4 7 4 6 7 5 5 6 4 6 3 5 3 6 6 4 5 honesto 7 6 7 7 7 7 7 7 6 6 7 5 5 6 7 3 6 6 7 6 Inteligente Educacion Confianza en si mismo sincero flojo profesional confiable gentil amigable paciente estrovertida valiente cortes dinero fiel honesto

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Grupo 2 (hablantes nativos del ingles): Modo de cada variante y pais

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

0 Colombia Uruguay Argentina Oaxaca Tlaxcala Cuba El Salvador Jalisco Nicaragua Venezuela Madrid Chile Guatemala Michoacan Ecuador Panama Cataluna Sonora Peru Baja CA. N. Inteligente 5 4 2 6 6 4 6 6 5 5 5 4 4 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 Educacion 4 4 2 4 5 6 6 6 4 4 6 5 4 5 4 4 5 3 5 4 Confianza en si mismo 3 4 4 4 6 4 6 5 4 4 4 4 5 5 5 4 3 3 6 4 sincero 4 4 4 4 5 5 6 6 6 5 5 5 5 4 4 3 5 3 4 4 flojo 4 4 4 5 6 4 7 6 4 4 4 5 4 4 4 3 4 4 6 4 profesional 3 4 2 4 6 2 6 6 6 4 6 5 4 5 5 3 5 2 5 3 confiable 4 3 4 4 6 5 5 6 6 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 gentil 4 4 4 4 4 4 6 6 4 4 4 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 5 4 amigable 4 3 7 6 4 5 6 6 3 4 3 6 5 4 4 4 4 3 5 4 paciente 4 5 4 6 3 4 6 6 5 4 5 4 4 5 3 3 4 4 4 4 estrovertida 3 3 5 4 5 3 6 4 4 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 3 4 5 valiente 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 2 4 4 cortes 4 4 4 4 4 4 6 6 6 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 5 4 4 4 dinero 4 4 3 4 4 4 6 6 3 4 4 6 4 4 4 4 4 4 6 4 fiel 4 4 4 4 5 5 6 6 4 4 5 6 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 honesto 5 4 5 5 5 5 6 6 4 4 4 5 4 6 4 4 4 3 5 4 Inteligente Educacion Confianza en si mismo sincero flojo profesional confiable gentil amigable paciente estrovertida valiente cortes dinero fiel honesto

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L1 interference in second language acquisition: beginning and intermediate learners of English and Spanish: Danielle H. Stewart

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Abstract

This paper reports on the results of a research study that investigated L1 interference. For this study, I was primarily concerned with the possible influence of a student’s first language (or native language, L1) on their second language (L2) output (or production). The data indicated that L1 interference does occur, however I also found that the interference decreased with grammatical structures that were likely to be explicitly addressed and well practiced. The data also indicated a third category of grammar errors: Over generalizations of grammar rules of L2, based on “learners’ perceptions of similarities and differences in the native and target languages” (Odlin 1991).

Este trabajo informa sobre los resultados de una investigación de interferencia de L1. Este trabajo se centra en la influencia posible de la primera lengua en la producción de la segunda lengua. La información indicó que ocurre L1 interferencia. Sin Embargo, descubrí que hay menos o no interferencia con estructuras gramaticales que fueron ensenadas explícitamente con anterioridad. También, la información indicó una tercera categoría de errores gramaticales: Los estudiantes generalizan excesivamente las reglas gramáticas de la L2. Estas generalizaciones son basadas en las percepciones de los estudiantes sobre las similitudes y las diferencias entre la lengua materna y la lengua destino (Odlin 1991).

Introduction

This present study aimed at investigating L1 interference in L2 acquisition, in the context in which adult learners whose first language is Spanish or English are learning the other language as a second language, by testing L2 output. I chose to study this because as an aspiring teacher I wanted to see for myself evidence of transfer and what structures might present difficulties.

In the process of my research for this study, I am reminded of a quote by journalist Russ Rymer (1992), “Linguistics is arguably the most hotly contested property in the academic realm. It is soaked with the blood of poets, theologians, philosophers, philologists, psychologists, biologists, anthropologists, and neurologists, along with whatever blood can be got out of grammarians.” And I am inclined to conclude that there is an equal lack of harmony within the linguistic field of Second language acquisition.

The study of Second Language acquisition has taken a long and rocky path and in particular the studies of cross-linguistics, language transfer, transfer errors and error analysis have fluctuated in and out of fashion a number of times. Some of the main debates among researchers have centered on these areas:

1. The nature of L1 acquisition versus L2 Acquisition (acquisition versus Learning) 2. Relativism versus Universalism 3. The relative significance of transfer errors (interference) in the sum of the second language

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learning processes (Doman 1980) and the relative usefulness of contrastive analysis/language transfer to pedagogy (Corder 1978).

Based on my research I have concluded that both language acquisition and language learning are at work in adult second language students. Although there does seem to be a Critical Period (CP) for language acquisition, cognitive studies (Blakeslee 1999) have found that some plasticity still exists in the language centers of the brain (along with the evidence of many adults who become fluent in a second language). And in a similar way language universals are still a core component in the brain of any user of language, but once a language is already acquired (as is the case with adult students) new learning goes through a filter and is influenced by that first language (including the phonetic, grammatical and cultural structures of which an L1 implies). Both Corder (1978) and Odlin (2002) address the doubts researchers have had as to the importance and applicability of constructive analysis and (transfer) error analysis because “not all difficulties and errors can be traced back to the influence of the mother tongue.” Even though some have said that transfer errors are only a small percentage of L2 errors, Chan (2006) reports that in one of her studies where their research identified more than 50 common lexico-grammatical error types, that most of them were interlingual.

Although cross-linguistic influence has been widely discussed and investigated in the field of second language (L2) learning (Carvalho 2006), and there is much information about the disagreements of the value of its study and its implications in both the world of linguistic science and pedagogy, I did not find many specific examples of the types of structures effected by transfer nor did I find the breadth of examples that would be useful for applying these theories to second language teaching. So for this study I have sought to confirm if transfer occurs in three specific grammar areas which based on a comparison of the two languages, Spanish and English, might present difficulty.

Method

I began my research by looking at a number of education websites in order to find examples of grammatical structures identified as common problems for students by teachers and Second Language education professionals. For example, the BBC Teaching English website has a collection of quizzes on a variety of grammar areas including “elementary errors,” “simple prepositions,” and “elementary auxiliaries. The OM Personal Multimedia website provides online English courses and also had a list of common errors specifically made by Spanish speakers learning English. The grammatical problem areas appear to fall into two major categories, structures that are an irregularity within the target language (L2) and structures that differ between the learners’ L1 and L2. Because I wanted to focus the study on L1 interference with the L2 output, I chose grammar structures from the latter category. I also used two textbooks, “Spanish/English Contrasts: A Course in Spanish Linguistics,” and “A New Reference Grammar of Modern Spanish,” in order to find and study grammatical structures that differ between Spanish and English, therefore presenting potential difficulties.

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After identifying grammatical structures commonly considered problem areas for Spanish speakers learning English, and/or English speakers learning Spanish, I chose three areas to focus on and built an exam (or rather 2 “equivalent” exams, one in Spanish and one in English) addressing these three areas. The three areas chosen for the exam were 1) prepositions, 2) infinitives and gerunds, and 3) negation. The exam elicited grammaticality judgments in a multiple choice format.

Participants:

The exam was administered to a total of 62 students. Based on the survey portion I removed nine participants from the final data summaries, whose language history or age at acquiring a second language was not compatible with the study. The remaining participants include 22 ESL students and 31 Spanish students, all at a beginning or intermediate level of study. Their first and second language mix was either L1 Spanish to L2 English or vice versa. They all began learning their second language after the age of 12. For the majority of students their primary L2 input was in the classroom with limited exposure to other sources.

Data analysis:

I compared the participants’ answers for each question between the two language groups and to the probability of correct answers if the students simply guessed at the answer. If the percentage of correct answers was significantly higher than the probability, it might indicate influence from instruction. If the percentage of correct answers was notably lower than the probability, it could indicate some other influence (or interference); because rather than guessing the students were choosing the incorrect answer for a reason.

I then compared this information to see if the incorrect answers were consistent between students and also considered the specific lexico-grammatical structure in question and compared those structures between Spanish and English. For example, the Spanish and English sentences (survey question number {A1a}) “Fue (a/*en/*de) un viaje” and “He went (*to/on/*at) a trip” each have three possible answers giving a 33% probability of choosing the correct answer if the students guessed. Only 18 percent of the Students of English chose the correct answer “on” and in all but one case the students that chose incorrectly, chose the same answer, “to,” leaving only one student that chose “at”. In Language classes “to” is often compared to the Spanish “a” and When you compare these results to the equivalent sentence in each language we can see that the preferred choice “*He went to a trip” is influenced by the Spanish sentence “Fue a un viaje.” The Spanish students scored higher on this question with 68 percent of the students choosing the correct answer, indicating instructional or experiential influence. However, in all

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 54 J.Portillo - 55 cases that the students chose an incorrect answer, they chose “en” also indicating a possible phonetic influence from the English sentence “He went on a trip.”

Results

The data discussed here is divided into the 3 areas of grammar structures, in the same order as they appear in the survey (see appendix A for a copy of the surveys); Prepositions, Infinitive and Gerunds, and Negation. The questions from each area are numbered A, B, C respectively, where question A3 is the 3rd question in the preposition area. For questions with multiple parts a lower case letter is added. The numbers are put in brackets to help separate them from the rest of the text (e.g. {A3b}). Figures 1,2,3 also coincide with the 3 grammar areas and shows the percentage of correct answers of each language group (students of Spanish and students of English) compared to the probability of correct answers for each question. For a spreadsheet showing the actual answers by each student for each question, see appendix B.

Prepositions: (see fig. 1)

Overall: Both students of Spanish and English had the lowest scores in this section as compared to the other sections. Prepositions present a particular difficulty for at least 2 reasons. 1) They seldom translate directly (for example, the Spanish “de” can translate to both “of” and “from”). 2) Preposition choices can also be affected by cultural conceptions (for example, conceptions of static space or motion) (Odlin 2002).

{A1a/b}: Fue (a/en/de) un viaje (a/en/de) la luna. He went (to/on/at) a trip (to/on/at) the moon. This question was discussed as an example in data analysis section above.

{A2}: Estaba parado (a/en/de/por) un semáforo. I was stopped (at/in/to/on) a traffic light. Both students of English and Spanish had particular difficulty with this question. The students of English predominately chose “in” instead of “at”. This could have been due to the similarity to “en” but it could also have been influenced by an English sentence like “I was stuck in traffic.” Therefore it is difficult to say if L1 transferred here. The students of Spanish did not seem to favor one particular answer, also making it difficult to discern if there was any L1 transfer.

{A3a/b}: Se sentó (a/en/de) la mesa (a/en/de/por) la sombra. He sat (at/in/to) the table (in/at/to/on) the shade. The students of Spanish had the lowest score for question {A3b} than for the other preposition questions. They preferred the answer “en” which most closely resembles the English sentence “in the shade” indicating L1 transfer.

{A4a/b/c}: Efraín nació a las 7:00 (a/en/de/el/para) la mañana (a/en/de/el/para) lunes 17 (a/en/de/el/para) enero. Efraín was born at 7:00 (in/on/for/at/of) the morning (in/on/for/at/of) a Monday (in/on/for/at/of) January. In the preposition section, both students of English and Spanish had the most success with questions 4a/b/c. The students of Spanish that chose the incorrect answer for question {A4a} did choose “en” instead of “de” which indicates transfer. However the

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 55 J.Portillo - 56 majority of students chose the correct answer. These questions deal with time and dates, structures that are usually taught explicitly and early on. It seems reasonable to conclude that student’s familiarity with these structures may counter L1 interference.

{A5}: El nino está vestido (a/en/de) verde. The boy is dressed (in/of/on) green. For most students who answered this question incorrectly they preferred the answer most like their L1, “of” for students English and “en” for Spanish students.

{A6a/b}: El tren llega (en/a/de/el/para) la estación después de las 8:00 (en/a/de/el/para) la noche. The train arrives (in/on/for/at/of) the station after 8:00 (in/on/for/at/of) night. Both students of Spanish and English scored better for question {A6b} than question {A6a}. For question {A6a}, the English students preferred “in” or “on” which both resemble the Spanish “en”. The Spanish students preferred “a” which they may have felt was comparable to the English “at,” However their answers were more varied making a claim for interference less sure.

Figure 1

Infinitives and Gerunds: (see fig. 2)

Overall: The students of English had more difficulty in this section than the students Spanish. This could indicate a difference with instruction or material covered in class. It could also be due to the more limited use of the gerund in Spanish and to the more varied use of the V+V-gerund structure in English. For example Spanish never uses the gerund as a noun (as English does) and only allows the V+V-gerund structure for a very small set of verbs, whereas English allows more verbs to accept a gerund and sometime allows for either the infinitive or the gerund with little change in meaning (for example I like to ski vs. I like skiing).

{B1a/b}: A Suzy le gusta (cocinar, cocinando) paella. Suzy enjoys (to bake, baking) cookies. Mark likes (to eat, eating) them.

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The students of English scored better on sentence 1b than on 1a. In sentence 1b “Mark likes…” takes the infinitive which is comparable to the Spanish construction (gustar + inf) whereas in sentence 1a “Suzy enjoys…” requires the gerund. The results here indicate transfer by the L1 Spanish/L2 English students but not by the L1 English/L2 Spanish students.

{B2a/b}: As with the question B1a/b the students of English predominantly chose the infinitive which correlates to their L1. It seems possible that the students of Spanish have learned that Spanish does not allow the gerund as a noun or at least that Spanish requires the infinitive in many cases when English uses the gerund.

{B3}: Carmen quiere (comprar, comprando) unos regalos. Carmen wants (to buy, buying) some presents. Both students of English and Spanish had less difficulty with this question. This was expected since both English and Spanish grammars use the same construction. The students of English that answered this question incorrectly were from the beginning ESL class. I had observed their class at the beginning of my research and made note that they were studying the English gerund. This seems to indicate an overgeneralization of their perceptions of English grammar rather than language transfer.

{B4}: Ella insiste en (pagar, pagando) por tarjeta de crédito. She insists on (to pay, paying) by credit card. This is the question from this section with which the students of Spanish had the most difficulty. These sentences are a textbook example of the difference between English and Spanish V+V constructions. In English the verb “insist” requires a relator + gerund, and in Spanish the verb “insister” requires a relator + infinitive. In all other ways these sentences feel very similar, especially with the verbs being cognates. This might make it more alluring to rely on L1 intuition. Both students of Spanish and English favored the structure required by their L1.

Figure 2

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Negation: (see fig. 3)

Overall: Both students of Spanish and English scored high in area of negation. The students of English gave the highest percentage of correct answers. However, both groups show reduced interference for most of the questions.

{C1} Tengo un poco de chocolate. (a) No tengo ningún chocolate. (b)No tengo alguno chocolate. ( c) Tengo ningún chocolate. I have some chocolate. (a) I don’t have any chocolate. (b) I not have no chocolat. (c) I no have any chocolate. Students of English, when choosing the incorrect answer preferred the sentence (b) which is most like there L1 and the students of Spanish when choosing the incorrect answer preferred sentence (b) which follows the rule of Spanish to begin the negative sentence with no, but then uses “alguno” which is more like their L1 and does not like double negatives. With such a high percentage of correct answers, this question at least showed reduced signs of interference

{C2} James corre después de la escuela. (a) James no hace corre después de la escuela. (b) James no es corer después de la escuela. (c) James no corre depués de la escuela. James runs after school. (a) James not run after school. (b) James no run after school. (c) James doesn’t run after school. Like the other negation questions, most of the students answered correctly and the students that answered incorrectly did not seem to favor one answer over the other providing no indication of transfer for either group.

{C3} Vimos a alguien en la calle. (a) Vimos a nadie en la calle. (b)No vimos a nadie en la calle. (c) No vimos a alguien en la calle. The students of Spanish, when choosing the incorrect answer preferred (c) the sentence which partially follows the Spanish rules but resists the double negative. However with 71 percent getting the correct answer, this again indicates reduced interference.

{C4} Ella hace algo. (a) Ella no hace algo. (b) Ella no hace nada. (c) Ella hace nada. She did something. (a) She no did nothing. (b) She did not do anything. (c) She not did something. Even when the students of English answered all the other negation questions correctly, many still answered question {C4} incorrectly. In all cases when the correct answer (b) was not chosen, then (c) was chosen. Answer (c) “she not did something” was the only answer that matched the positive “something” in the key sentence. This answer does not correlate to the Spanish equivalent sentence “Ella no hace nada” (which is more similar to (a) “she no did nothing.” This could indicate the students attempt to follow the English grammar that does not prefer double negatives.

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Figure 3

Discussion

As I said before, the common grammatical problem areas appear to fall into two major categories; structures that are an irregularity within the target language (L2) and structures that differ between the learners’ L1 and L2. In the first category, errors can occur due to overgeneralization of the target language grammar. Even native speakers of a language make these errors when first learning the language. For instance, when a child learning English as a first language says, “I runned” instead of “I ran” the child is attempting to follow the rule of adding “ed” to form the past tense. I chose sentences that focused on the difference between the two languages, structures from the second category, in order to concentrate on errors caused by transfer. However the data I collected also seems to indicate a third category, over generalizations of grammar rules of L2, based on “learners’ perceptions of similarities and differences in the native and target language” (Odlin, 1992).

Questions that indicated L1 interference include: A3a/b, A1a/b, A4a, A5, B1a/b, B2, and B4.

Questions that indicated reduced interference: A4a/b/c, (for the students of Spanish all section B questions except B4) B1, B2, and B3, C1,C3.

Questions that indicated overgeneralization due to students’ comparison of L1 and L2 differences or similarities: B3 (for the students of English), C4

The L1 transfer interfered with L2 output/selection of prepositions more than the other two areas for both students of Spanish and Students of English. Chan (2006) shows in her study that explicit metalinguistic instruction is useful for error correction when “explicit rules governing the correct usage of the target items are more easily framed,” but does make the concession that this type of instruction may be inappropriate for

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 59 J.Portillo - 60 certain structures, like prepositions. Odlin (2002) explains that preposition selection for second language learners in more complex than simply learning which L1 preposition translates to which L2 preposition. Even if there was a one to one comparison (which there usually is not) each language group does not necessarily use the “equivalent” preposition to describe certain relationships. The preposition question that they performed best on is a sentence structure that the students are simply more familiar with even though the two languages ask for different (not directly translated) prepositions. The transfer interfered less for the students of Spanish in the infinitive and gerund section, probably due to the more limited and consistent rules guiding this area of Spanish. In this area, some of the rules would be conducive to comparative teaching techniques like explaining that Spanish does not accept the gerund as a noun (as English does). However within each language, the rules that dictate which verbs accept v-gerund and which verbs accept v-infinitive, has to be learned through positive input. So it would seem to be the best approach for learning these structures in your second language as well. This is also the case for questions that indicated overgeneralization based on comparisons of the students L1 and L2.

Conclusion

The results do indicate L1 language transfer occurs. However they also indicate that the structures students are familiar with and are usually taught explicitly show fewer instances of transfer. The principles behind these results are what much contemporary pedagogy is based on. The nature of the grammar areas that presented the most difficulty and the errors which were caused by overgeneralization due to the student perceptions of the differences and similarities between the languages are the most interesting to me because of the possible applications for teaching practices and curriculum. If a certain structure doesn’t lend itself to explicit (comparative) teaching techniques or if errors occur with a student’s overgeneralization when attempting to follow what they know based on comparative techniques, then it seems that another format is called for. Teachers might have more success teaching target language prepositions by making less direct comparisons between L1 and L2 and by providing more positive input in order to familiarize their students with more specific examples of proposition use within the target language. For infinitives, gerunds, and negation, it seems that it would be useful to combine the comparative technique as well as increase exposure to positive input.

When teaching we are faced with individuals, but the education system asks us to teach a 30 person class as whole. Science asks us to generalize about the nature of language and language learning while individual humans do not even store their language knowledge or processing devices in the same way (Blakeslee). Although there are generalizations that can be made and teaching techniques that can improve the learning environment for all 30 people, some of the ideal solutions are not conducive for a 30 person class. However, as a teacher, to be aware of the interplay of these processes can only be helpful. It would be valuable for teachers to understand where universal rules leave us and relative influence might enter and to consider teaching models that can help

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 60 J.Portillo - 61 an adult access their language acquisition devise and at the same time taking advantage of their higher analytical powers to make language comparisons.

Acknowledgments I would like to thank Joel Eduardo Zarate and Joan Felt for their support and the student participants. I would also like to thank Dr. Jeffrey T. Reeder for his invaluable suggestions and guidance.

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Appendix A La encuesta y el examen lingüístico Por Danielle Stewart, estudiante de Sonoma State University, SPAN 490 Muchas Gracias por su participación.

Apellido, Nombre: Mujer / Hombre Años de educación formal: Lengua materna: Segunda lengua: ¿A qué edad comenzó a aprender el inglés? ¿Por cuánto tiempo escucha o habla el inglés diariamente o semanalmente?

¿En qué lugar tiene usted contacto con el inglés? (en su lugar de trabajo, en la escuela, en el parque, en casa)

Preposiciones: Por favor circule la respuesta correcta que corresponde al espacio en blanco subrayado. 1. He went ______a trip ______the moon. (to/on/at) (to/on/at) 2. I was stopped ______a traffic light. (at/in/on/to) 3. He sat ______the table ______the shade. (at/in/to) (in/at/to/on) 4. Efrain was born at 7:00 ______the morning ______a Monday ______January. (in/on/for/at/of) (in/on/for/at/of) (in/on/for/at/of) 5. The boy is dressed ____ green. (in/of/on) 6. The train arrives ______the station after 8:00 ______night. (in/on/for/at/of) (in/on/for/at/of)

Infinitivos y gerundios: Por favor circule la respuesta correcta que corresponde al espacio en blanco subrayado. 1. Suzy enjoys ______cookies. Mark likes ______them. (to bake, baking) (to eat, eating)

2. I prefer ______over ______. (to swim, swimming) (to run, running). 3. Carmen wants ______some presents. (to buy, buying) 4. She insists on ______by credit card. (to pay, paying)

Appendix A continued

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 62 J.Portillo - 63

Negaciones: Por favor escoja la respuesta negativa correcta para cada oración afirmativa. 1. I have some chocolate. 4. She did something. a). I don’t have any chocolate. a). She no did nothing. b). I not have no chocolate. b). She did not do anything. c). I no have any chocolate. c). She not did something. 2. James runs after school. a) James not run after school. b) James no run after school. c) James doesn’t run after school.

3. We saw somebody in the street. a) We not saw nobody in the street. b) We didn’t see anybody in the street. c) We no saw anybody in the street

Asistencia con el vocabulario: To go Ir A trip Un viaje He went Fue The moon La luna Stopped Parado Traffic light Un semáforo To sit Sentir The table La mesa He sat Sentó The shade La sombra To be born Nacer The train El tren To be dressed Estar vestido The station La estación To arrive Llegar Some presents Unos regalos To enjoy, to like Gustar Credit card La tarjeta de crédito To bake Cocinar (preparar, hornear) The street La calle To swim Nadar To prefer Preferir To run Correr To want Querer To insist Insistir To pay Pagar

Appendix A continued

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 63 J.Portillo - 64

Linguistic Survey and Exam By Danielle Stewart, student at Sonoma State University, SPAN 490 Thank you for your participation.

Last name, first name: Gender: M / F Years of formal education: Native Language: Second Language: At what age did you begin learning Spanish? How much time daily or weekly are you exposed to Spanish?

In what environments are you exposed to Spanish? (school, language class, work, home, etc)

Prepositions: Please circle the answer for each blank that best completes the sentence. 1. Fue ______un viaje ______la luna. (a/en/de) (a/en/de) 2. Estaba parado ______un semáforo. (a/en/de/por) 3. Se sentó ______la mesa ______la sombra. (a/en/de) (a/en/de/por) 4. Efrain nació a las 7:00 ______la mañana ______lunes 17 ______enero. (a/en/de/el/para) (a/en/de/el/para) (a/en/de/el/para) 5. El niño está vestido ______verde. (a/en/de) 6. El tren llega ______la estación después de las 8:00 ______la noche. (en/a/de/el/para) (en/a/de/el/para)

Gerunds and infinitives: Please circle the answer for each blank that best completes the sentence. 1. A Susy le gusta ______paella. (cocinar, cocinando) 2. Yo prefiero ______a ______. (nadar, nadando) (correr, corriendo) 3. Carmen quiere ______unos regalos. (comprar, comprando)

4. Ella insiste en ______por tarjeta de crédito. (pagar, pagando)

Appendix A continued

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 64 J.Portillo - 65

Negation: Please choose the correct negative sentence for each affirmative sentence. 1. Tengo un poco de chocolate. 4. Ella hace algo. a) No tengo ningún chocolate a) Ella no hace algo. b) No tengo alguno chocolate. b) Ella no hace nada. c) Tengo ningún chocolate. c) Ella hace nada. 2. James corre después de la escuela. a) James no hace corre después de la escuela. b) James no es correr después de la escuela. c) James no corre después de la escuela.

3. Vimos a alguien en la calle. a) Vimos a nadie en la calle. b) No vimos a nadie en la calle. c) No vimos a alguien en la calle.

Vocabulary Help: Ir To go Un viaje A trip Fue He went La luna The moon Parado Stopped Un semáforo Traffic light Sentir To sit La mesa The table Sentó He sat La sombra The shade Nacer To be born El tren The train Estar vestido To be dressed La estación The station Llegar To arrive Unos regalos Some presents Gustar To enjoy, to like La tarjeta de crédito Credit card Cocinar (preparar, hornear) To bake La calle The street Nadar To swim Preferir To prefer Correr To run Querer To want Insistir To insist Pagar To pay

Appendix B

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 65 J.Portillo - 66

Survey and Exam Data

Class level # A 1 a A 1 b A 2 A 3 a A 3 b A 4 a A 4 b A 4 c A 5 A 6 a A 6 b A score B 1 a B 1 b B 2 a B 2 b B 3 B 4 B score C 1 C 2 C 3 C 4 C score correct out of 21 Clase nivel ESL Master on to at at in in on in in at at 11 100% baking to eat swimming running to buy paying 6 100% a c b b 4 100% 21 100% ESL int 002 on on in on of in on on at 3 27% to bake to eat swimming running to buy to pay 4 67% a c b b 4 100% 11 52% ESL int 003 to at on in on in on in on in at 4 36% to bake to eat to swim to run to buy to pay 2 33% a c b b 4 100% 10 48% ESL int 004 to to in at in in on in of at in 7 64% to bake to eat swimming running to buy to pay 4 67% a c b b 4 100% 15 71% ESL int 005 to on in to in in at in of in at 4 36% baking to eat to swim to run buying to pay 2 33% a c b c 3 75% 9 43% ESL int 006 to at to at on in at of of at at 4 36% to bake to eat to swim to run to buy to pay 2 33% a c b c 3 75% 9 43% ESL int 007 to at at at on in on in of in at 6 55% bake eat swim to run to buy to pay 1 17% a c b b 4 100% 11 52% ESL int 008 at at on in on in on in of at at 5 45% baking eating to swim to run to buy paying 3 50% a c b b 4 100% 12 57% ESL int 009 on at in at in at on in on in at 6 55% to bake to eat to swim to run to buy to pay 2 33% a c b c 3 75% 11 52% ESL int 010 to to at at on in on at in on at 6 55% to bake to eat to swim to run to buy paying 3 50% a c b b 4 100% 14 67% ESL int 012 to at on in at in in on of on at 2 18% to bake to eat to swim to run to buy to pay 2 33% a c b b 4 100% 8 38% ESL beg 013 to on to in on in of of on in of 1 9% to bake to eat to swim to run to buy to pay 2 33% a c b c 3 75% 6 29% ESL beg 015 to on in in on for at in in for of 2 18% to bake to eat to swim to run to buy to pay 2 33% a c b c 3 75% 7 33% ESL beg 016 to on in in on in for at on at of 2 18% to bake to eat swimming running to buy to pay 4 67% a c b c 3 75% 9 43% ESL beg 017 to on in in to in on for in for on 3 27% to bake to to swim running to buy to pay 2 33% a c b c 3 75% 8 38% ESL beg 018 to at in to in in for on on for at 3 27% to bake eating to swim to run buying to pay 0 0% a a b c 2 50% 5 24% ESL beg 019 to at in in on on in in in on on 2 18% baking eat swimming run buying paying 3 50% b c b b 3 75% 8 38% ESL beg 020 to on in to on in on for of in for 2 18% bake eat swim rinning buy to pay 0 0% a c b b 4 100% 6 29% ESL beg 021 on on at in in on in in of in in 4 36% bake eat swimming running buying paying 3 50% a c b c 3 75% 10 48% ESL beg 022 to at in at at in for of on in for 2 18% to bake to eat to swim running buying to pay 2 33% a c c 2 50% 6 29% ESL beg 023 to at in to in in on at of on in 3 27% to bake to eat to swim running buying to pay 2 33% b b b 1 25% 6 29% ESL beg 024 to on to in in on for in on in in 2 18% to eat to run to to pay 0 0% b a b c 1 25% 3 14% ESL beg 025 on at in in on in on of of in for 3 27% to bake to eat to swim running buying to pay 2 33% a c b b 4 100% 9 43% 22 193 total correct 4 2 3 6 7 16 10 11 4 4 10 3 14 5 8 13 4 19 19 21 10 193 % correct 0.18 0.09 0.14 0.27 0.32 0.73 0.45 0.50 0.18 0.18 0.45 0.14 0.64 0.23 0.36 0.59 0.18 0.86 0.86 0.95 0.45 prob. Correct 7.26 7.26 5.5 7.26 5.5 4.4 4.4 4.4 7.26 4.4 4.4 11 11 11 11 11 11 7.26 7.26 7.26 7.26 prob. % 0.33 0.33 0.25 0.33 0.25 0.20 0.20 0.20 0.33 0.20 0.20 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33 out of 20 Spanish Master a a en en a de el de de en de 11 100% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a c b b 4 100% 20 100% Spanish int 026 a en de en de en para de de de en 3 27% cocinando nadar corriendo comprar pagar 3 60% a b c b 2 50% 8 40% Spanish int 027 en a de a en de a en en en 2 18% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a c b b 4 100% 11 55% Spanish int 028 a en en a por de en de en en en 5 45% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a a b b 3 75% 13 65% Spanish int 029 en de a a en de para de en a de 3 27% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagando 4 80% a c b b 4 100% 11 55% Spanish int 030 en de por de a en para de de en para 4 36% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagando 4 80% a c b b 4 100% 12 60% Spanish int 031 a de de en de de a de en a de 5 45% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a c b b 4 100% 14 70% Spanish int 032 a en en en de en a de en en de 6 55% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a c b b 4 100% 15 75% Spanish int 033 en a a a en en para de en en de 4 36% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a c c b 3 75% 12 60% Spanish int 034 en a a a en de el de de a de 6 55% cocinar nadando corriendo comprar pagar 3 60% a c b b 4 100% 13 65% Spanish int 035 a a a en en de el de en a de 7 64% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagando 4 80% a c b b 4 100% 15 75% Spanish int 036 a de en en en a de para a de a 3 27% cocinar nadar correr comprando pagar 4 80% b a c b 1 25% 8 40% Spanish int 037 en a por a por en de de en a en 2 18% cocinando nadar correr comprar pagar 4 80% a c b b 4 100% 10 50% Spanish int 039 a a por a por de el de de para de 7 64% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagando 4 80% a c b b 4 100% 15 75% Spanish int 040 a en en de de el de de a de 8 73% cocinar nadar corriendo comprar pagando 3 60% a c b b 4 100% 15 75% Spanish int 041 a a a a por de el de a a de 6 55% cocinar nadando corriendo comprar pagar 3 60% a b c a 1 25% 10 50% Spanish int 042 a a por a en en el de en en de 6 55% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagando 4 80% a c b b 4 100% 14 70% Spanish beg 045 en de en en en de en de de en de 7 64% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a c b b 4 100% 16 80% Spanish beg 046 a de en en por de en de a a de 6 55% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a c b b 4 100% 15 75% Spanish beg 047 a en por en en de de de en a de 5 45% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagando 4 80% a c b b 4 100% 13 65% Spanish beg 048 en a a en en de para en 3 27% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a b b b 3 75% 11 55% Spanish beg 049 a de en por de el de de a de 7 64% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a c b b 4 100% 16 80% Spanish beg 051 a a a en por en de de de a en 5 45% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagando 4 80% a c c a 2 50% 11 55% Spanish beg 052 a en en a de el de a para de 6 55% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagando 4 80% a a c a 1 25% 11 55% Spanish beg 053 a a en de por de de de de en de 8 73% cocinando nadando corriendo comprar pagar 2 40% a c b b 4 100% 14 70% Spanish beg 055 en a por en en de el de de en de 8 73% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% b c b c 2 50% 15 75% Spanish beg 056 a en a por de de en de de de 4 36% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a a b b 3 75% 12 60% Spanish beg 058 a de a en en de en en de para de 5 45% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a c c a 2 50% 12 60% Spanish beg 059 en a a a de de a el de a de 4 36% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a b b b 3 75% 12 60% Spanish beg 060 a en a a en de el de en a de 5 45% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a c b b 4 100% 14 70% Spanish beg 061 a en en a por de el de a en de 7 64% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% b c c a 1 25% 13 65% Spanish beg 062 a de por de a de a de de a de 6 55% cocinar nadar correr comprar pagar 5 100% a c c a 2 50% 13 65% 31 394 total correct 21 13 9 14 2 21 11 25 15 10 23 28 28 26 30 22 28 23 22 24 395 % correct 0.68 0.42 0.29 0.45 0.06 0.68 0.35 0.81 0.48 0.32 0.74 0.90 0.90 0.84 0.97 0.71 0.90 0.74 0.71 0.77 prob. Correct 10.23 10.23 7.75 10.23 7.75 6.2 6.2 6.2 10.23 6.2 6.2 15.5 15.5 15.5 15.5 15.5 10.23 10.23 10.23 10.23 prob. % 0.33 0.33 0.25 0.33 0.25 0.20 0.20 0.20 0.33 0.20 0.20 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.50 0.33 0.33 0.33 0.33

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 66 J.Portillo - 67

Works Cited: Blakeslee, Sandra. (1999). Old brains can learn new language tricks. In Nicholas Wade (Eds.), The Science times book of language and linguistics (pp. 122-125). New York: The New York Times.

Blakeslee, Sandra. (1997). When an Adult Adds a Language, it’s One Brain, Two Systems. In Nicholas Wade (Eds.), The Science times book of language and linguistics (pp. 119-121). New York: The New York Times.

Butt, John, & Benjamin, Carmen. (2004). A New Reference Grammar of Modern Spanish (4th ed.). Malta: McGraw-Hill books.

Carvalho, Ana Maria, & da Silva, Antonio José Bacelar. (2006). Cross-linguistic Influence in third language acquisistion: The case of Spanish-English bilinguals’ acquisition of Portuguese. Language Annals, 39(2), 185-202. Retrieved October 30, 2007, from EBSCO Host Research Databases.

Chan, Alice Y. W. (Spring 2006). An algorithmic approach to error correction: An empirical study. Foreign Language Annals, 39(1), 131-147. Retrieved October 30, 2007, from EBSCO Host Research Databases.

Corder, S. P. (1978). Error analysis, interlanguage and second language acquisition. In Valerie Kinsella (Ed.), Language teaching & linguistics: Surveys (pp 60-78). London: Cambridge University Press.

Errores Comunes, Common Errors. (n.d.). Retrieved October 30, 2007, from OM Personal Multimedia English Web site: http://www.ompersonal.com.ar/

Odlin, Terence. (2002). Language transfer and cross-linguistic studies: Relativism, universalism, and the native language. In Robert Kaplan (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of applied linguistics (pp 253-261). New York: Oxford University Press.

Odlin, Terence (1992, Summer). [Review of the book Contrastive Analysis for the contemporary Second Language classroom by Marcel Danesi; Robert J. Di Pietro]. The Modern Language Journal,

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 67 J.Portillo - 68

76(2), 231. Retrieved October 29, 2007, from JSTOR database.

Politzer, Robert L., & Ramrez, Arnulfo G. (1973). An error analysis of the spoken English of Mexican- American pupils in a bilingual school and a monolingual school. Language Learning, 23(1), 39-61. Abstract obtained from Blackwell Synergy.

Rymer, Russ. (1992). Annals of Science in “The New Yorker”, April 14. Retrieved December 14, 2007 from The New Yorker website: http://www.newyorker.com.

Whitley, Stanley M. (2002). Spanish/English Contrasts: A Course in Spanish Linguistics. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 68 J.Portillo - 69

Las similitudes y diferencias en el uso del subjuntivo en las lenguas romances: Tony Brown

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 69 J.Portillo - 70

Resumen Este reportaje informa sobre un estudio sobre las similitudes y diferencias en el uso del subjuntivo en las lenguas romances. La investigación se ha realizado mediante libros, artículos y estudios previos. Además se realizó una encuesta hecha con hablantes nativos a través de un foro electrónico. En el foro unas tres a cuatro personas de cada idioma recibieron las mismas frases a traducir a su propio idioma, incluyendo las construcciones gramaticales más coloquiales a las más formales. Tanto la encuesta como la investigación ofrecieron los mismos resultados. Los idiomas varían bastante en su uso del subjuntivo. El francés resultó ser el que menos lo emplea y el español y el portugués los que lo emplean con más frecuencia y variación.

Introducción Muchas teorías y opiniones han surgido en cuanto a las raíces del subjuntivo de las lenguas romances en latín y su variación de uso tanto entre el latín y sus lenguas hijas como entre las lenguas romances mismas.7 Por la naturaleza espontánea e subjetiva del subjuntivo habría que introducirse en la mente de los hablantes a lo largo de la historia para poder divisar los motivos del uso del subjuntivo en cada situación, lo que es, obviamente, imposible. Habiendo dicho esto debemos conformarnos con lo que ofrecen antiguos textos junto con teorías, especulaciones y opiniones sobre la evolución del subjuntivo y su uso en latín, además de las lenguas romances en sus principios.

Las lenguas romances aún vivas descendientes del latín, por otro lado, se pueden investigar no solamente a través de textos, puesto que como las lenguas aún viven, también vive la gente que las habla. Así, este estudio ha podido desvelar a cierta medida el uso del subjuntivo en las cuatro lenguas romances principales: el español, portugués, italiano y francés. Se han compilado las variaciones en el uso del subjuntivo usados hoy en día en cinco frases distintas. Juntos con las frases se encuentran comentarios sobre el uso del modo en cuestión.

De Val lo ha dicho de tal manera que no se puede superar, “Dentro de la conjugación es, si duda, el subjuntivo el sistema que más dificultades presenta, tanto para su análisis como para su traducción de unas lenguas a otras, aun tratándose exclusivamente de las lenguas románticas.” Es precisamente por estas “dificultades” que presenta—es decir por su subjetividad y matices sutiles, su falta de reglas estrictas—que hace este estudio tan importante. Arroja luz sobre la flexibilidad y variación, o falta de la misma, como es el caso en el francés, y además puede servir como recurso para quien ya sepa uno de los idiomas y quiera aprender otro.

Método

Los métodos usados en este estudio para indagar sobre el subjuntivo son dos. (1) El primer método es simple y directo. Se consultaron varios libros artículos y estudios anteriores en busca de la información adecuada para esta monografía. Las fuentes son estudios eruditos encontrados en la red, otros encontrados en la base de datos de Sonoma State University (SSU), libros de las bibliotecas de SSU y de la Marin County Civic Center Library. Pareciera que no haya ningún estudio ni libro que se enfoque en el tema que este estudio busca abarcar. (2) El segundo método tomó la forma de una encuesta realizada a través de un foro electrónico. Se eligieron cinco frases en las que el subjuntivo se puede encontrar, al menos en una de las lenguas estudiadas, y se las entregaron a los integrantes del foro. Se les pidieron repetidas veces por las

7 Las lenguas romances, o románticas, son todas aquellas lenguas que derivan del Latín.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 70 J.Portillo - 71 posibles variaciones en tiempo o modo verbal que no afectaran el significado de las frases.8 Las respuestas variadas y consecuentes discusiones han desembocado en los usos actuales del subjuntivo, o falta del mismo.

Resultados de la investigación

Figura A

Español 1) Si me hubiera/-se mirado, yo le habría mandado un beso. (pluscuamperfecto de subjuntivo, condicional perfecto) 2) Si me hubiera/-se mirado, yo le hubiera/-se mandado un beso. (pluscuamperfecto de subjuntivo, pluscuamperfecto de subjuntivo) 3) Si me miraba, le hubiera mandado un beso. (imperfecto, pluscuamperfecto de subjuntivo) 4) Si me hubiera/-se mirado, le mandaba un beso. (pluscuamperfecto de subjuntivo, imperfecto) 5) Si me miraba, yo le mandaba un beso. (imperfecto, imperfecto)

Italiano 1) Se mi avesse guardato, io li avrei mandato un bacio. (pluscuamperfecto de subjuntivo, condicional perfecto) 2) Se mi guardava, io li avrei mandato un bacio. (imperfecto, condicional perfecto) 3) Se mi guardava, io li mandavo un bacio. (imperfecto, imperfecto)

Portugués 1) Si tivesse olhado para mim, eu teria lhe mandado um beijo.9 (pluscuamperfecto de subjuntivo, condicional perfecto) 2) Si tivesse olhado para mim, eu tinha-lhe mandado um beijo.10 (pluscuamperfecto de subjuntivo, pluscuamperfecto de indicativo)

Francés 1) Si elle m'avait regardé, je lui aurais envoyé un baiser. (pluscuamperfecto de indicativo, condicional perfecto)

Figura B

8 Pequeños cambios en vocabulario entre los idiomas fueron inevitables. También se permitieron cambios de registro formal. 9 Esta frase es típico de Brasil. La forma peninsular de la frase que se escucha en Portugal es, “Si tivesse olhado para mim, ter-lhe-ia mandado un beijo” con el objeto indirecta interpuesto. 10 En Portugal esta construcción es común, pero no en Brasil. La forma peninsular de la primera frase que se escucha en Portugal es, “Si tivesse olhado para mim, ter-lhe-ia mandado un beijo” con el objeto indirecta interpuesto.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 71 J.Portillo - 72

Español 1. Me alegra que hayas llegado. (pretérito perfecto de subjuntivo) 1.1. Me alegra que llegaste. (pretérito de indicativo) 1.2. Me alegra que has llegado. (pretérito perfecto de indicativo) 2. ¡Que bueno que haya llegado! (pretérito perfecto de subjuntivo) 2.1. ¡Que bueno que llegó! (pretérito de indicativo) 2.2. ¡Que bueno que has llegado! (pretérito perfecto de indicativo) 3. Cuando vayas a España... deberías llevar mucho dinero. (presente de subjuntivo) 4. Es necesario que lleguen antes de las diez. (presente de indicativo)

Italiano 1. Sono contento che tu sia arrivato (pretérito perfecto de subjuntivo) 1.1. Sono contento che tu sei arrivato. (pretérito perfecto de indicativo) 2. Che bello che sia arrivato. (pretérito perfecto de subjuntivo) 2.1. Che bello che è arrivato. (perfecto de indicativo) 3. Quando andrai in Spagna dovrai portare con te molti soldi. (futuro de indicativo) 4. É necessario che arrivino prima delle dieci. (presente de subjuntivo)

Portugués 1. Estou contente que você tenha chegado (perfecto de subjuntivo) 1.1. Estou contente que você chegou. (preterito) 1.2. Estou contente de você chegar. (infinitivo personal) 2. Que bom que ele tenha cegado. (perfecto de subjuntivo) 2.1. Que bom que ele chegou. (preterito) 3. Cuando você for para España. (futuro de subjuntivo) 4. É preciso que vocês cheguem antes das dez. (presente de subjuntivo) 4.1. É preciso vocês chegarem antes das dez. (infinitivo personal)

Francés 1. Je suis content que tu sois arrivé. (perfecto de subjuntivo) 2. *** 11 3. Quand tu iras en Espagne, tu devras prendre beaucoup d'argent avec toi. (futuro de indicativo) 4. Il faut que vous arriviez avant dix heures. (Presente de subjuntivo) 4.1. Il vous faut arriver avant dix heures. (infinitivo)

Interpretación e análisis de los resultados

Como se ve (Figura A), el español cuenta con toda una serie de opciones, cada una con un matiz un poco diferente. La primera frase refleja el uso más tradicionalmente correcto aunque sea un poco formal para el habla cotidiano. Las últimas tres frases no se encuentran en España donde. Son, sin embargo son de uso común en varias regiones de Latinoamérica. La segunda

11 Esta forma no existe en francés, sin embargo, se reemplaza por otras construcciones.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 72 J.Portillo - 73 entonces sería la más aceptada por todo el mundo hispanohablante. Entonces, en esta construcción el uso del subjuntivo en Latinoamérica es menos.12

La primera frase italiana es la más usada y la más tradicionalmente correcta. Las otras dos que no emplean el subjuntivo y son de uso frecuente en algunos hablantes pero es más la excepción que la normalidad.13

Las dos frases portugueses son de uso común y ambas llevan el subjuntivo. No hay forma portuguesa que se considere correcta en el habla cotidiana que no lleve el subjuntivo.14

Como se ve con claridad aquí en el ejemplo del francés, este idioma ni siquiera emplea el subjuntivo. Por el contrario, en los otros idiomas el subjuntivo es de uso diario en esta construcción. Además, el francés es la lengua que menos posibilidades ofrece en cuanto a formas variadas de decir lo mismo.

En la Figura B vemos las variedades en la construcción de cada frase. El español y el portugués emplean el subjuntivo en, por lo menos, una variación de cada frase. En casos de futuro hipotético el italiano y el francés optan por el futuro de indicativo. El español y portugués rigen el subjuntivo en esta situación. En la frase de futuro hipotético el portugués se emplea el futuro de subjuntivo, el cual, de estos cuatro idiomas15, solo existe en portugués y español, aunque su uso en español sea arcaico.16

En todas las frases de las cuatro lenguas que expresan emoción (las de numero 1 y 2) que llevan el subjuntivo, está en el pretérito perfecto. El portugués y el español tienen el mayor número de alternativas si el hablante quisiera evitar el subjuntivo. El francés, en cambio, no ofrece otra opción más que el subjuntivo.

Es el portugués el único idioma que cuenta con un infinitivo personal17. Este tiempo se puede utilizar para evitar el uso el subjuntivo. El portugués es el único idioma que cuenta con este tiempo verbal. En la última frase francesa se utiliza el infinitivo (impersonal) para también evitar el uso del subjuntivo.

12 Hay otra construcción que se puede escuchar en algunas regiones de Latinoamérica, pero que de todos modos, se considera incorrecta: Si me habría mirado, yo le habría mandado un beso. 13Existen las siguientes frases pero son de uso infrecuente y se consideran incorrectas inclusive en el habla cotidiano: Se mi avrebbe guardato, io li avrei mandato un bacio y, Se mi avesse guardato, io li avessi mandato un bacio. 14 La forma que se considera incorrecta que más se usa es: Si teria olhado para mim, eu tinha-lhe mandado um beijo 15 Además del portugués, el gallego emplea el futuro de subjuntivo en el lenguaje actual. 16 El uso del futuro de subjuntivo en español se puede aún escuchar en documentos comerciales y tambien en el lenguaje cotidiano de algunas comunidades latinoamericanas. 17 El infinitivo personal tiene sus sufijos propios y varía en su morfología según la persona.

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Según el diccionario Clave (1997) el subjuntivo es “El modo que indica que la acción expresada por el verbo se concibe como irreal, subjetiva o subordinada a otra acción: En ‘Quiero que vengas’, el verbo venir está en subjuntivo.”

A pesar de que esta sea una de las definiciones más fieles a lo que realmente es el subjuntivo en el habla cotidiano de hoy en día, no llega a abarcar la inmensa variedad de casos en los que pueda ser adecuado el uso del subjuntivo. La definición exacta no existe, al modo le falta cohesión y también, no sorprende decir, en muchas ocasiones objetividad.

Se puede dividir el subjuntivo en dos categorías. (1) La primera busca expresar aquello a lo que la palabra alude. Es decir, se usa en casos de subjetividad, en donde el hablante quiere evitar una clara interpretación de la realidad. Por ejemplo:

Los espectadores no creen que Juárez ganara (o haya ganado) la carrera.

En esta frase el hablante ha optado por el subjuntivo, lo que puede significar que no está seguro que Juárez haya ganado, o no quiere asumir una postura sobre el asunto, aunque tal vez le hayan dicho que Juárez sí ganó, etc. El hablante bien podía haber escogido el indicativo lo que produce la frase:

Los espectadores no creen que Juárez ganó la carrera.

Esta da la impresión de que lo dicho está basado en la realidad o que por lo menos el hablante así lo ve. Lo importante aquí es el hecho de que uno pueda elegir entre el modo indicativo o subjuntivo. Sin la opción de optar por emplear el indicativo el subjuntivo pierde su subjetividad y pasa a formar parte de la segunda categoría.

En la (2) segunda categoría tenemos el uso del subjuntivo como señal de subordinación. Esto quiere decir que el subjuntivo se utiliza en una frase meramente porque la gramática de la lengua lo rige. Por ejemplo:

(1) Es importante que cierres bien la puerta.

(2) Cuando lleguen mañana, estaré ahí.

La frase no lleva nada de subjetividad. El hecho de que no haya opción implica la objetividad.

El uso del subjuntivo en español es, tal vez, el más extenso de todos los idiomas romances. Junto con el portugués y gallego son las únicas leguas provenientes del latín que cuentan con el futuro de subjuntivo, que ni siquiera latín tenía. El futuro surgió de una mezcla entre el futuro perfecto de indicativo y el perfecto de subjuntivo en latín (Solomon, 2007, p. 415).

Según De Val (1972) el gallego, curiosamente no tiene como sus dos parientes más similares, ningún subjuntivo compuesto.

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Ferrell (1999) halla que francés estaría al otro extremo del espectro de español empleando el subjuntivo casi únicamente como señal de subordinación. Curiosamente, el disminuyente uso del modo en francés es un fenómeno bastante reciente, de los últimos cien años. Aunque todavía cuenta con el imperfecto y el pluscuamperfecto han caído en desuso. (p. 36-47)

En el subjuntivo en rumano se nota la influencia de los idiomas del este. El presente de indicativo y subjuntivo, por ejemplo, son iguales, salvo en la tercera persona singular y plural. (Elcock, 1960, p. 481-488)

.

Conclusiones

A pesar del hecho de que se hayan realizado pocos estudios de enfoque especifico en los varios usos del subjuntivo en las lenguas romances, como se comparan, como evolucionaron y su relación con el latín, muchos estudios se han enfocado en temas más amplios tratándose del uso literario del subjuntivo, o la evolución del latín a las lenguas romances sin mucha énfasis en el subjuntivo en sí

En fin este estudio no ha logrado determinar indisputablemente el grado de uso del subjuntivo en las lenguas en su totalidad. El objetivo de este estudio era más alcanzable, aclarar a cierta medida la confusión y desacuerdo que siempre parece siempre acompañar el subjuntivo. De acuerdo con los datos recogidos, el uso del subjuntivo no se perfila con claridad, e incluso deja serias dudas en el aire de difícil resolución tanto ahora como en el futuro. Dicho esto, el español podría ser la lengua que más extensivamente usa el subjuntivo y que más la usa en su función de hacer posible la subjetividad a través de la elección entre el indicativo y el subjuntivo. Sin embargo, el español parece ser la que más alternativas tiene para, así, evitar el subjuntivo, lo que podría llevar a que el subjuntivo se pierda más rápidamente en este idioma que en otros. El portugués y el gallego tienden emplear el infinitivo personal en muchos casos. El italiano y el francés a menudo prefieren el indicativo, el italiano optando por el futuro o presente y el francés con frecuencia también por el infinitivo. El francés además es la lengua que menos utiliza el subjuntivo hasta tal punto que ha perdido casi por completo su subjetividad.

¿Significa la caída en desuso del subjuntivo en idiomas como el francés la decadencia del idioma en sí? Yo diría que no. Hace siglos que los eruditos estudian el latín y sus descendientes—el latín vulgar y las romances en todas sus etapas—y aún no pueden llegar a un acuerdo en cuanto al uso ‘correcto’ u original del subjuntivo. Como alega Väänänen (1979), “El latín, en efecto, no es más, bajo todos sus aspectos, que una transición entre dos estados idiomáticos, el indo-europeo y el romance; las diferencias variedades romances representan, en cierta manera, los dialectos medievales y modernos del latín.” Y sigue, afirmando que, “La idea que se tiene del latín es con demasiada frecuencia la de una lengua no sólo unida, sino también fijada de una vez para siempre y como inmutable.” (p. 26) Lo dice perfectamente. Las lenguas están vivas y como tal evolucionan. No hay momentos de absoluta pureza, como no hay momentos de absoluta decadencia. Los franceses han encontrado otras formas de expresarse sin la necesidad del modo subjuntivo. Además, puesto que el uso del subjuntivo se exige en muchísimos casos no hay la opción del indicativo y en tales casos por ende no es ni subjetivo ni práctico.

Agradecimientos

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Antes que nada quiero reconocer a wordreference.com y todos los miembros del mismo. Les agradezco mucho toda la ayuda que me han aportado. No sé cómo hicieron para aguantar mi inundación de preguntas sobre todos los matices del uso del subjuntivo en sus respectivos idiomas.

Les quiero agradecer a quienes me han apoyado y ayudado con los varios idiomas a lo largo del estudio. Rut, gracias por tus aportaciones y muchas opiniones sobre mi estilo de redacción. Simone, nunca olvidaré las largas noches que pasamos alrededor de la mesa del comedor, vos con tu espressssso, o sea, tu café y tus interminables preguntas sobre la pronunciación americana y yo con mi té y mi pronunciación malísima aunque sea el ingles es mi primer idioma. Carlos, no tengo forma de explicarte cuanto que te quiero. Serás para siempre mi amigo y compañero y el estudio de idiomas. Ju y Fe, sus sonrisas me iluminan los días. Gracias por su paciente ayuda. Jean, usted no sabe lo mucho que te admiro. Usted es una inspiración.

Obras Citadas

De Val, M. Criado (1972). Fisonomía del Español y de las Lenguas Modernas. Madrid: S.A.E.T.A..

Elcock, W. D. (1960). The Romance Languages. London: Farber & Farber Unlimited.

Väänänen, Veikko (1979). Introducción al Latín Vulgar. Madrid: Editorial Gredos.

Ferrell, Julia E. (1999) The development of subjunctive use with expressions of emotion from Latin to Spanish. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, United States -- Michigan. Retrieved November 29, 2007, from ProQuest Digital Dissertations database. (Publication No. AAT 9929821).

Solomon, Julia G. (2007, March, 27). El futuro de subjuntivo en español Su historia: su situación y su futuro. Neophilologus, 91:3, Retrieved November 27, 2007, from http://0- gateway.proquest.com.iii1.sonoma.edu:80/openurl?ctx_ver=Z39.88- 2003&xri:pqil:res_ver=0.2&res_id=xri:ilcs-us&rft_id=xri:ilcs:rec:mla:R03947599

González, C. M.. (Ed.). (1997). In Clave Diccionario de uso del Español Actual (1nd ed., Madrid: Edciones SM.

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. A Phonological Comparison of Five Uto-Nawa Languages: O’odham, Yaki, Raramuri, Wichol & Nawatl: Andrés M. Sabogal

Abstract

The necessity to address Native American languages has never been greater as many deal with the danger of extinction and most of them suffer extreme negligence from their respective governments. In light of the need the revitalize indigenous languages of the Americas, I attended

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the Gathering of the Indigenous peoples of the Americas, held in Sonora, Mexico in 2007. There I recorded 34 words in five languages from the Uto-Nawa linguistic Family. I then compared the phonological systems to gather a better understanding of their pronunciation and spelling systems. These are five languages studied: O’odham from Arizona, Yaki from Sonora, Rarámuri from Chihuahua, Wichol From Nayarit~Jalisco and Nawatl from Central Mexico.

Introduction

Throughout my travels in Abyayala18, I have seen a pattern of cultural oppression that targets native groups as obstacles to progress, and presents as a solution assimilation into western culture as the only way to advance or modernize. This westernization is bluntly and tragically seen in language. According to Ethnologue (2005) there are 1,002 languages native to the Americas. This however, is rapidly changing since they have all been forced, for at least three centuries, to learn and adopt an European language. Most commonly these are Spanish, English or Portuguese. The degree of cultural invasion varies from country to country and from group to group, but it could be generalized that speaking a Native Abyayalan language has been a considered hindering to the developed of the nations of this hemisphere. Although the Native language statistics are depressing, we have had linguists dedicated to its study for over a century, which gives hope for the survival of the incredible diversity found on this continent.

The field of comparative linguistics has shed highly significant light on the relationships of world languages. Through word and typological comparison of languages, linguists have come up with convincing data that suggests that a large number of languages are offshoots of ancestor languages. One of the most studied and best known of these families is the Indo-European, which connects Latin, Greek & Sanskrit to a common ancestor, the Proto Indo-European. If you continue to browse on other language families from other parts of the world, you will see a lot of consistency on the amazing groupings of the families of the so-called “old world”, they are very well researched and well documented. By contrast there is a great number of conflicting hypothesis on language relationships of the so-called “new world”. To my personal judgment, and to my own disappointment, they are the least studied languages of the world, especially in South America. This conclusion has inspired me to perform this project even if it is a tiny step to inspire further research on Indigenous American languages.

In the present work I decided to focus on the Uto-Nawa family of languages. Clearly the name of a language family is highly arbitrary. The word Indo-European completely ignores its West Asian elements; just as the word Niger-Congo does not do any justice to the hundreds of languages in represents either. Now, the term Uto-Nawa, for the last century or so has been called “Uto-Aztecan” in English and “Uto-Nahua” in Spanish. Edward Sapir documented the term when he discovered a clear relationship between Colorado Ute and Nahuatl. I find this arbitrariness in naming families a factor that will make these names morph or evolve as new findings from further research come to light.

The people who speak Nahuatl collectively refer to themselves as “Nahua” or “Nahuatlaca”. On the other hand the term “Aztec” was used by the Spanish conquerors to refer to the empire they encountered in Central Mexico. The previous empires, the Toltec and the Teotihuacan, also spoke Nahuatl; thus, Aztec would be better defined as a historical period and not a language. Now, I propose in the present work the alternative English spelling “Nawa”, due to the mere fact that Spanish uses de cluster “hu” for the phoneme /w/ because, the letter “w” was never

18 Abyayala is a kuna word that many natives have adopted for the American continents.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 78 J.Portillo - 79 adopted by Castilian Spanish and continuing this deficiency into English could easily confuse those who are newly introduced to the linguistic family.

The family includes about 32 languages spoken as far north as Oregon-Idaho-Wyoming, as far east as Oklahoma, as far west as Eastern California and as far South as El Salvador. Even though it excludes 30 languages, the term Uto-Nawa can still be used as a relative geographical center. The Family is divided into eight branches, one of them, the Tubatulabal, consisting of one language of the same name, is considered extinct. These are the remaining seven subdivisions: Numic, Takic, Hopi, Tepiman, Taracahitan, Corachol & Nawan. The five languages recorded belong the latter four branches, and they are19: O’odham20, Yoeme21, Rarámuri22, Vixaritari Vaniuki23 and Nawatl.

In 1967, Wick Miller published a “Uto-Aztecan Cognate Set” through the University of California press. The work is impressively extensive. It includes around three hundred words, each in as many languages as he could find from the family. The drawback is that there are many ambiguities in spelling and, by extension, pronunciation. This drawback allowed me to shape my study. I decided to record a cognate set of 34 words in five languages and transcribe them phonologically using the International Phonetic Alphabet. Then creating a concise set of phonemes and allophones for each of the languages.

Method

I attended the Gathering of Indigenous Peoples of the Americas, held in Yaki Territory, Sonora, Mexico from the 11th through the 14th of October 2007. I took my mini-disc recorder, a flat-condenser microphone and my list of thirty-four words. I assumed that there would be many delegates from several groups belonging to the aforementioned family present. The state of Sonora seemed to be located in a relatively central location in the geography of the linguistic family. Additionally the blog gave me the impression that it was going to be a big gathering. Fortunately, there were about 1000 attendants and 52 indigenous groups represented. I approached delegates from several tribes and kindly asked them if they would collaborate with my research by recording thirty-four words in their respective language. I shared with them that my intention was not steal cultural wealth for my own gain, but to put my grain of sand in the revitalization and the recognition of indigenous languages as a form of cultural resistance and wellbeing. Fortunately six people volunteered to record the cognate set in five languages belonging to the family, I had a repeat for Yoeme. Upon my return I repeatedly listened to the recordings while I researched dictionaries and other literary publications on the phonology of the five aforementioned languages. I found four dictionaries that were of extreme help. I did not, however, find one for Yoeme; I only found a short vocabulary list online. I transcribed the cognate set using my moderately basic knowledge of the International Phonetic Alphabet and aided by their respective dictionaries.

19 In the present work I will alternate using their preferred names, as stated by the interviewees, and their better known names. 20 Also known as Papago and Pima. 21 Also known as Yaqui. (Yaki). 22 Also known as Tarahumara. 23 Also known as Huichol. (Wichol).

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Results

Peculiarities by language. O’odham

Labial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Labiovelar Glottal

Plosive p b t d k ɡ ʔ

Nasal m n ɲ Fricative s ʂ h

Affricate ʧ ʤ

Aproximant ɭ j w

Front Central Back Close i i: ɨ ɨ : ʊ ʊ: Close-mid Open-mid ɔ ɔ: Open a a:

The O’odham language belongs to the Tepiman branch, which they share with Tepehuan and Pima Bajo. It is primarily spoken in Arizona, although their reservation goes down to Sonora where there is an estimated 153 speakers24. In total they account for 11,81925 speakers. This makes O’odham the largest Uto-Nawan language in the U.S. and the 7th largest Native Abyayalan language in the Nation.

The O’odham-English Dictionary by Saxton (1969) was of extreme help in understanding its phonemes and allophones. However I used the Alvarez-Hale orthography, as it is the one used officially in by the Tohono O'odham Nation and the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community; although the Saxton orthography is also common and is official in the Gila River Indian Community.

Overall I found the sounds of this language to be the most different out the five languages. The use of retroflex sounds was quite unique for the family. The retroflex plosive /ɖ/ and the retroflex lateral approximant /ɭ / did not occur in any of the other languages. On the other hand the retroflex fricative /ʂ/ also exists in Vixaritari Vaniuki. An interesting example of their

24 www.cdi.gob.mx 25 www.sil.org/ethnologue.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 80 J.Portillo - 81 unique retroflex fricative is in the original pronunciation of “Tucson”, Cuk ṣon, [ʧʊk ʂɔn] which means, “Black Spring”.

Additionally the amount of devoicing is highly interesting, which I imagine to be a very difficult phenomenon to learn. For example “uwi”, (woman) is pronounced [ˈ ʔʊʍi]. Like this many words lose their last phoneme, or in some cases the syllable, as it becomes a “ghost” sound. Many of the words I recorded end in /g/ according to the dictionary but in the recording they sound a lot more like /k/. In terms of vowel sounds they interestingly lack a front-mid vowel. The back vowels are specifically open-mid rounded /ɔ/ and an in-between close and close mid /ʊ/, the same as the English “foot”, [fʊt]. Additionally the existence of an extra short vowel is highly puzzling26. Here is the complete chart of phonemes of O’odham.

Yoeme

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Labial-Velar Glottal

ʔ Plosives p b t k bʷ Nasal m n Flap ɾ Fricative s h Africate ʧ Aproximant l y w

Front Central Back Close i i: í u u: ú Close-mid e e: é Open-mid o o: ó Open a a: á

The Yakis comprise of a community of 23,41127 out of which 64.3% speak the language. They reside primarily in southern Sonora, but there is a community of about 400 in Arizona. Their language belongs to the Taracahitan branch, which they share with Mayo, Rarámuri and Warijío. Mayo, their closest neighbor shares 90% of intelligibility with Yoeme28. Their name originates from their name for the land they have historically inhabited, the Hiakim. They, however, prefer the term Yoeme, which means “human”.

The phonemes are pretty straightforward in comparison with the other four languages, the only unique consonant is / bʷ/, which happens to correspond repeatedly with the more common / kʷ/ found in Nawatl and Wichol, as in the words for “song”: Yaki [bʷiíkim], Wichol [kʷikáɾ i] and Nawatl [ˈ kʷiː katɬ ].

26 I can only say that I heard the extra short [ĭ], but the article in wikipedia attests of the existence of extra- short vowels for all. 27 www.cdi.gob.mx. 28 ethnologue.org

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The Yoeme language clearly employs tones, but whether the tones are tonemes is still up in the air. (Demers, Escalante, Jelimek, 1999.) exemplify the possibility of tonemes with the minimal pairs “teéka” “lay down” and “téeka” “sky”. The first one presents a low-high contour, whereas the second one presents a high contour. In my own experience listening this were the two clear tones used by both of the speakers recorded. However (Demers, et al) discards the possible conclusion of the existence of tonemes because they did not find a low-high contour in a short vowel.

Crumrine (1961) presents the existence of the following allophones: /ʧ /=[ʦ]~[ʧ ] /b/=[b]~[β]~[v] /n/=[n]~ [ɳ] /k/=[k]~[q] & /i/=[i]~[ɪ ] /e/=[e]~[ɛ ] /u/=[ɨ ]~[ʊ]~[u] /o/=[o]~[ɔ]~ʌ] /a/=[a]~[ə].

Rarámuri

Labial Alveolar Palatal labio-velar Velar Glottal Plosive p b t k g ʔ Nasal m n Flap ɾ Thrill r Fricative s ʃ h Affricate ʧ Approximant l j w

Front Central Back Close i i: u u: Close-mid e e: Open-mid o o: Open a a:

According to CDI, there are 121’835 Rarámuris, and 72% speak the language. This makes it the second most spoken language in the Uto-Nawa family. They primarily reside in the state of Chihuahua. They belong to the Taracahitan branch, which they share with Yoeme.

Their phoneme list displays the thrill /r/, quality shared only with Wichol but doesn’t occur in the other three languages. Similarly the palatal fricative /ʃ / as a phoneme is only shared with Nawatl.

Wichol Vixaritari Vaniuki

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(viixáaritaari vaníuki)

Labial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Labio-Velar Velar Glottal Plosive p t kʷ k ʔ Nasal m n Flap ɾ Thrll (r)* Fricative (ʃ )* (ʂ)* h (z)* (ʐ)* Africate ʦ Approximant (ɹ )* j w** * written as /x/. McIntosh & Grimes write that the eastern dialect uses the retroflex variables whereas the western uses the alveolar variables. ** written as /v/

Front Central Back Close i i: í ɨ ɨ : ɨ u u: ú Close-mid e e: é Open-mid Open a a: á

The Vixarika live in the states of Jalisco, Nayarit and Zacatecas. They account for 43.92929 people and 83.9% speak the language. They are better known as the Wichol (Huichol)”.

In terms of the phonemes of the language, the first thing that stands out is the complex set of allophones of the phoneme /x/ or /z/30. Iturrioz (2004) gives us the following set of allophones: voiced alveolar thrill [r], voiced alveolar fricative [z], voiceless retroflex fricative [ʂ] and voiceless post-alveolar fricative [ʃ ]. However, judging from the recording I also hear the voiced alveolar approximant [ɹ ], very similar to the one used in English as in the word “red”, as well as a voiced retroflex fricative [ʐ].

Iturrioz also provides highly interesting insights onto the evolution of these allophones in Vixaritari Vaniuki, observing Spanish loanwords and how they were adopted differently throughout the centuries. His hypothesis is that the XVIII C. marks a turning point in the evolution of the phoneme /x/ both in Wichol as in Spanish. The following is his proposed phonological evolution of the phoneme.  The Spanish sounds [s] and [ʃ ] were assimilated as the Wichol phoneme /x/ with the then existent Wichol sound [s]31.  As time passed the speakers curled the tongue to evolve as the retroflex [ʂ]  Then it morphed into the thrill [r].

29www.cdi.gob.mex 30 The /x/ seems to have been used historically, whereas /z/ seems to be a new idea, but it is still seldom used. 31 Iturrioz proposes the idea that the peninsular pronunciation of [s] as an alveolar fricative, not as the dental fricative used in American pronunciation could be the original pronunciation of /x/ by the time of contact.

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 Previous to the adaptation of the thrill, Spanish words that used the thrill were learned as flaps.  Old loanwords like “corral” converted the thrill into the flap; /kuraru/-[kuɾ aɾ u].  Post-XVII C. loanwords such as “correa” kept the thrill: /kuxira/-[kuriɾ a].  During the colonial era the letter /x/ in Spanish was pronounced as voiceless fricative palatal [ʃ ].  By the XVIII C. it became the voiceless fricative velar [x], and at the turn of the century the orthography was revised where /x/ became the letter /j/.  All the present allophones of the phoneme /x/ in Wichol were originally [s],  Old loanwords like “navaja”, /navaxa/-[nabaʃ a] adopted as [nawasa] & “jabón” /xabón/- [ʃ abón] into Wichol [sapuni].  By the XIX C. the sound [s] had disappeared from Wichol as it had evolved, words adopted from Spanish after the XIX C. were assimilated as /ʦ/. Thus Andrés is pronounced as [ʔantɨɾeʦi].

The following is a list the allophones I found.

/ʦ/=[ʦ]~[s]~[ʧ ]~ [ʤ] /x/=[ʂ]~ [r]~ [ʃ ]~[ʐ]~ [ɹ ] /r/=[ɾ ]~[l]

In terms of orthography Joseph Grimes (1959), probably the most productive linguist who has worked with Wichol, writes the /ɨ / as /ʌ/ and considers it a high back unrounded vowel. However, in the dictionary collaboration with McIntosh they use /ï/ whereas Iturrioz uses the /ɨ /and considers it a central high unrounded vowel.

According to Iturrioz there is only one back vowel phoneme which could be pronounced high or low, however he uses /u/. This means /u/ has the allophones [u]~[o]~[ɔ]~[ɒ]. This further proves the ungroundedness of the spelling of their ethnonym “Huichol”, and allows for a modern, Wichul. Additionally Iturrioz also mentions the existence of /ɛ / as an allophone of /e/, which I found in the word “sky” [taɛ ː ˈ má] /taemá/. Two especial diphthongs I found in Wichol are /ɨ i/ and /iɨ /.

In regards to tonemes the data is a quite complex. In the dictionary compiled by McIntosh and Grimes, the use of an acute accent mark denotes stress, which is said to be phonemic. However they did not include any information on the tonal system of Wichol. In 1959 Grimes wrote the article “Huichol Tone & Intonation”, in which he clarifies the existence of an Intonation system, where intonational phrases32 display a system of four tones, and the Tonal system, where syllables alternate between two tones. The study points out that the intonational phrase is divided into the Precontour and the Phrase Nucleus. The first displays either a two- pitch alternation or occasionally a three-pitch possibility, whereas the latter displays a four-pitch system.33 In the Precontour, 3 and 1 alternate repeatedly, and at times 2 is introduced, but it always goes to 3. However at the Phrase nucleus, four pitches are displayed which allow for these variations: {3-1}, {4-1},{3-2},{3-4},{2-4}. Additionally Grimes accounts for the existence

32 Not to be confused with grammatical phrases 33 Grimes conveniently names the tones 1, 2, 3 & 4 (from low to high frequencies)

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 84 J.Portillo - 85 of these glides {2-3}, {2-1}, {3-1}. Moreover Grimes notes that there is no corresponding relationship between vowel length and pitches, and thus concludes that Vowel length and Tones are independently phonemic in Wichol. Stress could also be phonemic, but Grimes writes about a possible correspondence between stress and pitch, where it could be that the higher pitch syllable always gets the stress, thus putting it under the same parameter as the toneme. Overall I gather that words alone involve two tones, and thus I represent the data as such, however these two tones have variability (allophones) in the context of full ideas.

Nawatl

Labial Alveolar Palatal Labio-Velar Velar Glottal Plosive p t kʷ k ʔ Nasal m n Fricative s ʃ Africate ʦ ʧ tɬ Approximant l j w

Front Central Back Close i i: Close-mid e e: Open-mid o o: Open a a:

According to CDI 67.5% of the 2,445,969 people who claim to have Nawa ancestry speak the language. Nawatl is spoken in almost every state in Central Mexico; Distrito Federal, Guanajuato, Guerrero, Hidalgo, Jalisco, México, Michoacán, Morelos, Oaxaca, Puebla, San Luis Potosí and Veracruz. This is the most spoken Uto-Nawan language and the second after K’iche’ Mayan most spoken from Panama to the North pole34.

The most peculiar sound of the language is [tɬ ]. The prominence of this phoneme led me to assume that it would be something shared my many more languages of the family, but surprisingly, Nawatl is the only one out of the five languages studied. Another interesting phenomenon is the absence of [h], which occurs in the other four languages.

In terms of the vowels, Nawatl, with its 8 vowel phonemes, has the smallest vowel inventory out of the five languages of this study. However the only back vowel /o/ includes the allophone [ʊ].

Discussion

After comparing the sound systems of these five Uto-Nawa languages, I arrive at several questions. As a Spanish speaker it is simple to deduce that the use of the thrill in Rarámuri and Wichol are clear examples of adaptations from Spanish. However, What accounts for the repeated devoicing of the last vowel of the word in O’odham?, or Do other Uto Nawa languages, besides

34 Ethnologue.

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O’odham distinguish three vowel lengths? Additionally, Where did Nawatl get the /tɬ / phoneme, if no genetically related neighboring language uses it?.

Overall I do see how the five languages are genetically related. The cognate set that I found to be the most convincing and consistent was: “Moon”;

O’odham [ˈ mɔʂɔd] maṣad Yaki [ˈ meéʧ a] meecha Rarámuri [mɪ ˈ ʧ aʔ] michá Wichol [ˈ mɛ ː ʦa] mesa Nawatl [ˈ meːʦtɬɪ] mētz-tli

However other cognate sets, which could be though of as presumably basic do not show the same consistency, like the word “Mother”:

O’odham [ˈ ʤɨ ʔĭ] je’e Yaki [ˈ maála] aje+ Rarámuri [ʔiˈ jeʔə] iyé Wichol [waˈ lúːʤĭ] waruusi Nawatl [ˈ naː na] nān-tli

My original curiosity to see first hand the degree of separateness within the subdivisions of the Uto-Nawa was satisfied. I saw clearly how Yoeme and Rarámuri belong to the same branch, as they are very similar. On the other hand the neighboring O’odham displays a much higher degree of separation, judging from the lexical and phonological evidence. Regardless of my conclusions, I provide the data in the appendix, which as the heart of the project will allow the reader to analyze as they wish.

Conclusion

The phonological comparison of these five Uto Nawa languages led me to conclude that the commonalities in sound between the languages could efficiently help us in generating Proto Uto-Nawa phonological hypotheses. On the other hand, the phonemes that appear to be radically different from those common to one genetic family, could be assimilations from neighboring non- related languages. The following chart displays the commonalities among the five languages.

Labial Alveolar Palatal Labio-Velar Velar Glottal Plosive p t k ʔ Nasal m n Approximant j w

 Four of the languages have /s/. Wichol only has it as an allophone.

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 Four of the languages have / ʧ /. Wichol has it as an allophone.  Four of the languages have /h/. Nawatl lacks it.  Three of the languages have /l/. Wichol has it as an allophone & O’odham has the retroflex version. /ɭ /  For the most part, all languages exhibit what could be a lack of consonant clusters. The majority of syllables are of the CV or CVV form.

Front Central Back Close i i: Close-mid Open-mid Open a a:

 All languages distinguish between long and short vowel.  Four languages have the close-mid front vowel /e/. O’odham lacks it.  Three languages use the /u/. O’odham uses the /ʊ/ as well as Nawatl, only as and allophone.  Three languages use the /o/. Wichol uses it as an allophone and O’odham uses /ɔ/ instead.  In all languages I found a clear distinction between semivowels and vowels. For example, /ye/ & /ie/ would almost be identical if not fully identical in Spanish. Uto-Nawa /ie/* would be much closer to the hiatus written /íe/ in Spanish, but it represents one syllable, whereas in Spanish or English it would be two. In /ye/* the /y/ would be a clear short semi-vowel.

Acknowledgements

I would like thank Sonoma State University for providing the research grant that made this research project possible. Similarly I would like to thank Professor Jeffrey Reeder for the incredible academic support throughout this project. Lastly, I would not have been able to write this paper if the six volunteers who provided their time, effort and off course, ancient linguistic wealth, would not have been so kind as to share their highly valued words and their inspiration for the revitalization of their languages.

i. Mira owe’enehe, from Guachochi, Chihuahua. (Rarámuri). ii. Octaviano Martínez Sanchez, From Chimalaco, San Luis Potosí. (Nawatl) iii. José García Levis, From Wɔʔɔʂa, Sonora. (O’odham). iv. Rubén, from Vícam, Sonora. (Yoeme) v. Juan Baheka Síbaha Meya, From Vícam, Sonora. (Yoéme). vi. & Rosalí Salvador Carrillo, From San Miguel huaixtita, Jalisco. (Vixarika).

Works Cited

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 87 J.Portillo - 88

Cambridge University. (1999) “Handbook of the International Phonetic Association. A guide to the Use of the International Phonetic Alphabet”. Cambridge. Cambridge University press. Crumrine, L. S. (1961). The Phonology of Arizona Yaqui. Tucson. The University of Arizona Press. Demers, R., Escalante, F., Jelinek, E.. (1999). “Prominence in Yaqui words”. International Journal of American Linguistics. University of Arizona. Grimes, J. E. (1959). Huichol Tone and Intonation. International Journal of Linguistics. Cornell University. Hilton, K. S. (1959). 1993. “Diccionario Tarahumara de Samachique. Chihuahua, Mexico”. Instituto Lingüístico de Verano. Iturrioz L, J. L., (2004). “Lenguas y literatura indígenas de Jalisco”. Guadalajara. Editorial Agata. Karttunen, F. (1983). “An analytical dictionary of Nahuatl”. Austin. Unversity of Texas press. McIntosh, J. B. &. Grimes, J. E.. (1954). Niuqui ʼ Iquisicayari (Vocabulario huichol-castellano castellano-huichol). Mexico: Instituto Lingüístico de Verano. Miller, W. R. (1967).”Uto-Aztecan Cognate Sets”. Berkeley and Los Angeles. University of California press. Rodriguez V., M,. (2006). “Español-Yaqui”. http://aulex.ohui.net/aulex.php. Saxton, D. & Saxton L. (1969). Dictionary: Papago & Pima to English (Oʼ odham—Mil-gahn); English to Papago & Pima (Mil-gahn—Oʼ odham). Tucson. The University of Arizona press. (2007). “O’odham language”. www.en.wikipedia.org/wiki/O'odham_language (2005). “Languages of the world”. www.ethnologue.com. (2007) “Los pueblos Indigenas de Mexico”. www.cdi.gob.mx.

Appendix

The cosmos

Miller’s Englis Oˀ odham Yoeme Raramuri Wichol Nawatl P.U.N. h

*pa Wate [ˈ ʂɔː dag] [baáˈ ʔam [waʔˈ wikɪ [háː ] [ˈ aː tɬ ] r ṣuː dagi ] ] haa ātl vaa’am ba’huí

*ta Sun [ˈ tɔʂ] [ˈ aáʔa] [raˈ jeː nari] [ˈ tá.ʊ] [toː naˈ tiʷ] taṣ taa’a rayénari táu tōnatiuh

*meya Moon [ˈ mɔʂɔd] [ˈ meéʧ a] [mɪˈʧ aʔ] [ˈ mɛ ː ʦɐ] [ˈ meː ʦtɬ ɪ ] *mea maṣad meecha michá mésa mētz-tli

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*kʷi Earth [ˈ ʤɨ wɨ d] [bʷɪ a] [weʔˈ we] [kʷɪ e] [ˈ tɬ aː liʔ] jeweḍ vwia [wɪˈʔe] kuíe tlal-li hui’yé cahuí

*te Sky [ˈ ɖaː mkaː ʧ ɨ [áanɪɐ] [raʔˈ wɪ ʧ ĭ [taɛ ː ˈ má] [ɪ ɬ ˈ wikaʔtɬɪ] m] té ː ka+ ] taemá ilhuica-tl daː m kaː cim rehuigach muyúawi+ i *su Star [ˈ hʊʔʊ] [ˈ ʧ óki] [sapʊˈ ri] [rúˈ ɾ áː vɛ ] [siːˈtɬ alin] hu’u choki soporí xuráwe cī tlal-in

*patu River [ˈ aː kɨ mɨɭ] [ˈ baʔtúɛ ] [waˈ koʧ ĭ ] [ˈ háʔtɨɐ] [ˈ weː jatɬ ] *aki aː kimel batwe bacochi hatïa huēyā-tl hatuxáme (large water) *ātōyā-tl+ (flowing water) Sea [gɨ ˈ kaː ʧ k] [ˈ baáwɛ huarú [ˈ haː ɾ amáɾ [ weː jɐʃ oʃ oˈ wilotɬ ] ge kaː cki ] ba’huechi+ a] huēyaxoxohuī lo (large lake) haramara tl huēi (large) axoxohuī l-li (deep green water)

Plants

Miller’s English Oˀ odham Yoéme Rarámuri Wichol Nawatl P.U.N.

*se Flower [ˈ hɨ ɔsɨ g] [ˈ seéwɐ [siˈ watʰ ] [tuː ˈ túlɪ ] [ˈ ʃ oː ʧ ɪ t *si heosig ] sihuáchari tuutú ɬ ] *so saawa se’huá xōchi-tl

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Miller’s English Oˀ odham Yoéme Rarámuri Wichol Nawatl P.U.N.

*sunu Corn [hʊː ɲĭ ] [ʃ uˈ nuː ku] [ʔiˈ ʔkú] [ˈ sintɬ ɪ ] huː ñi sunú ‘ikú cin-tli (dried ears)

*paʦi Corn on muː la [ˈ bátʧ ɪ ] pachí+ kuauyáa ēlō-tl+ the cob taː tami ri+

Bean [mʊː ɲĭ ] [ˈ muúnɪ [muˈ nɪ ] [ˈ múː mə [etɬ ] muː ñi ] muní ] etl múume *kusi Tree [kʊih] [ˈ húja] cusí+ [kɨˈjé] [ˈ ʦomitɬ ] *hu (wood/stic kui juya kïyé cuahui-tl+ *kui k) (mezquite) ju+ uː s+

*woko Pine tree huk+ wókoʔ+ [oˈ koː k] hukú+ oco-tl+ *hoko ocó chopé+

Grandparent-grandchild relationship

Miller’s English Oˀ odham Yoéme Rarámuri Wichol Nawatl P.U.N.

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Miller’s English Oˀ odham Yoéme Rarámuri Wichol Nawatl P.U.N.

Maternal [ˈ baː b] [ˈ ápa] [ˈ paː ɾ oʧ ĭ ] Grandfather baː b aparocha [teʊˈ káː lĭ ]

teukari (man’s) [kʊː llɪʔ] Paternal wosk+ havoi+ ochíkari+ cōl-li Grandfather miitári+ (woman’s)

*su Maternal [ˈ hʊʔʊʈ ] [ˈ áː su] [ʔuːˈʃ uʔ]

Grandmother hu’ul ‘ásu usú

[ˈ kúʤĭ ] [ˈ siː siʔ] *ka Paternal kaː k+ [háː ka] acáchura+ kúsi cih-tli Grandmother ka’a+

ba’amaḍ+ aparocha+ (maternal (maternal [teʊˈ káː lɪ ] Grandfather’s) Grandfather’s) teukari wosmaḍ+ ochícari+ (paternal (of man) [ˈ iʃ wi] (paternal Grandfather’s) Grandfather’s) ixhuī uh- Grandchild moː s+ [ˈ áamo] [uˈ ʃ uwa] ma’ï+ tli (maternal ‘ámu’ (of woman) usú Grandmother’s) (maternal (maternal Grandmother’s) ka’amaḍ+ Grandmother’s) (paternal acáchura+ grandmother’s) (paternal grandmother’s)

Nuclear family Kinship

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Miller’s English Oʔodham Yoéme Rarámuri Wichol Náwatɬ P.U.N.

*su Woman [ˈ ʔʊwi] [ˈ hámut] [muˈ kiʔĭ ] [ʔuːˈká] [siˈ waː tɬ ] *hupi uwi jamut muquí ˈ uká cihuātl oka+ (old woman) *tawa Man [ˈ ʧɨ .ɔʧ] [ˈʔoʔów] [rihoĭ ] [ʔʊː ˈ kí] [ˈ tɬ aː katɬ ] *tewi ceoj oowia rijoy ‘ukí tlāca-tl *tana joéme+ owí+ tewi+ *tiho takáa+ (human)

*ye Mother [ˈ ʤɨ ʔĭ ] [ˈ maála] [ʔiˈ jeʔə] [waˈ lúː ʤĭ ] [ˈ naː na] *nan je’e aje+ iyé waruusi nān-tli ‘ae+ huiyé *na Father [ˈ ɔː g] [ˈ áʧ ɜɪ] [ˈ tatar] [ˈ kʷéː ʧ ĭ ] [ˈ taː taʔ] *tata oː g (man’s) tata kuéesi tah-tli *ok apki+ hapʧ i+ (woman’s) (woman’s) (woman’s) onó kemási+ (man’s) (man’s) marí ‘ukiyáari+ (woman’s)

Wife [ˈ ɔː ksɨ ga] [huúˈ bíh] [muˈ kiwaɾ aʔ] [ˈ ʔɨ jɐ] [tɬ aˈ wikal] oksga juubi upí+ ˈ ïya nāmic-tli+ ˈ ukarái+ cihuātl *kuna Husband [ˈ Kɨ ː ɭ ĭ ] [ˈ kúunɐ] [rahojumar] [ˈ kɨːnnɐ] [tɬ aˈ wikal] *kuma keː li cunáwai+ cuná+ kïna nāmic-tli+ (old) kuː n+ *ki Son [joéˈ mɛ ] [raˈ na] [kʊˈ ne] [aː swək] raná conē-tl

kí+ (infant) [ˈ ɔɭ ɨ ɖag] (woman’s) cihuaconetl+ alidag nó+ [niːˈwé] (infant girl) (man’s) (man’s) niwé [oˈ kiʧ pɪ l] uusi+ nunúutsi+ (child) oquichpil-li [ˈ maʈ ] (child) (adolescent boy) Daughter [ˈ maáɾɐ] kirá+ maḍ (woman’s) tēlpoca-tl+ (woman’s) [aː swək] mará+ (adolescent boy) (man’s) [iʧ poˈ ka] ichpoca-tl (adolescent girl)

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Animals

Miller’s English Oˀ odham Yoéme Rarámuri Wichol Náwatl P.U.N. *mas White-tail [ˈ siː x] [ˈ maáso] [maˈɾiʧ ĭ ] [ˈ máː sa] [maˈ saː tɬ ] Deer siː ki maaso chamarí máxa mazā-tl

*su Mule Deer [ˈ hɔawĭ ] soháwi+ *ʦu huawi *ko Snake [ˈ hɔa [baáˈ kot] [ʃ inóː i] háikï+ [koːˈaː tɬ ] *kowa ː mɔʈ ] vaakot sinohui huriekame+ cōā-tl kúː + wamaḍ

Rattlesnake ko’owi+ sayahui+ [ˈ ráː je] xáye

Turkey [ˈ toː wa] [wíholo] [ʧ iˈ wiː ] ‘áawu+ [weʃ oˈ loː tɬ ] toː wa chiiwi+ chihuí huehxōlō-tl

*witu Turkey nuː wi+ wiː ru+ [wiˈ lu] wíirïkï+ tzopilotl+ *nu Vulture tekoe+ huirú maraika+ (buzzard) * kʷa Eagle [ˈ baʔag] bʷasaʔaka+ á’hue+ weeríka+ [ˈ kʷaː htɬ i] * kʷi ba’ag kuaaxuu+ cuāuh-tli (heron) * kʷi Hawk wishag+ taː we+ cusá+ [ˈ kʷíː ʐʊ] cuī x-in+ haupal+ juchaji+ (white) kuíxï (Red-tailed) (Falcon) rahuihui+ (Red-tailed) (black)

Feather [ˈ aː ʔa] [ˈ bowá] [ˈ lɐpʃə] [muˈ víeː lə] [ˈ iɬ witɬ ] a’an voa bo’huara muwíeri ihhui-tl macwidag+ (shaman’s) (curing) ‘aná+ (arrow’s) samïráave+

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Arts

Miller’s English Oˀ odham Yoéme Rarámuri Wichol Náwatl P.U.N

music [ˈ pi.estʰ ] [ˈ bʷíː kam] [ʃ iˈ mɛ ː ʔ] [raˈ wéː lə] simé xawéri Cuicayotl+ (to play an (rabel~rabab) Cuicatlamatiliztli+ instrument) Tlatzotzonalotl+

Song ne’i+ bʷiíkim+ huicala+ kʷikáɾ i+ [ˈ kʷiː katɬ ] cuī ca-tl *kʷika Sing ne’e+ bʷiíka+ huicará+ kʷika+ kʷika+ a’aga+ nawahí+ cuī ca (hymns)

Drum [ˈ tambɔɾ ɔ] [ˈ kúbɐhɪ h] [raː mˈ poɾ a] [téʔpʊ] teponāz-tɬ i+ tamblo ba:wéhai+ rampora tépu (log drum) (water) kampori+ (upright drum) huēhuē-tl+ (giant) (upright drum) *ʔay Rattle [ˈ ʂawkɔʈ ] [ˈ ájəm] [aˈ saːʊra] [ˈ kaíʦɐ] [aː jaˈ kaʃ tɬɪ] ṣawikuḍ sáhuara āyacach-tli cekoṣda+ (matachín) káisa (ankle) sayécari+ (paskolero) *kus Flute [ˈ koɨ hkɔʈ ] kusía cuséra+ kɨ ráɨ ta+ [akatɬ apiːˈʦali] (reed flute) tlapī tzal-li *neka Dance [ˈ waɨɾadag] [ˈ páhkolɐ] [ˈ paʃ kola] [tɨ jaʔaˈ mɨ tə] [teomiˈ totɨ ɬ ɪ ] wailadag [ˈ páskolɐ] tutúburi+ neiya mihtohtli

keihina+ [ˈ jiʔíwɐ] ahuí+ (matachines) yiiwa

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Preferred Sentence Structure And Word Order For Adult English-speaking Learners of Spanish: John D. Noland

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Abstract

This paper is a report on the study of preferred sentence structure and word order of adult English-speaking learners of Spanish. Grammatical syntax of sentence structure and word order from published textbooks and other papers documenting similar areas of study were consulted. A new study of ten adult English-speaking learners of Spanish was conducted and recordings of their English to Spanish interpretations were later analyzed. This study presents information from all the sources as well as the structure results from my own study.

Introduction

By examining different sources of information my goal was to determine the preferred or more common sentence structures and word orders employed by adult English-speaking learners of Spanish when speaking Spanish. I purposely stayed away from written Spanish translations and focused on spoken speech and subjects that come up during regular daily conversations. I was concerned that a written translation would produce a more formal product, forcing the person doing the translation to think about grammatical syntax simply because they were producing a written product instead of a verbal response. One of my premises was that verbal responses, while they have at least some level of “accepted formal syntax,” are less formal than written responses. Verbal responses are completed more quickly and therefore are more likely to be how a newer adult learner of Spanish is going to use their new language.

I hope to determine any common patterns used by the speakers and if I do, see if they mirror or are similar to preferred English sentence structure or word order. I also want to determine if the preferred patterns followed the textbook examples of Spanish sentence structure and word order. The following is an example of different ways of stating the same thing, with a different pattern. “That’s the house my father bought” versus “My father bought that house.” Is the speaker trying to emphasize the house or that his father bought it? Or could it simply be word order preference?

Method

Three separate investigative steps or prongs were utilized to collect data. First, I used two published textbooks to determine grammatical rules and the variety of acceptable patterns for sentence structure and word order. I kept in mind the goal of spoken speech is communication and there are often times where speech is not grammatically correct for a written product, but still clearly conveys the speaker’s point. Second, I examined two previous studies that have looked at sentence structure and word order and what effects they may have on English to Spanish verbal interpretation and the acquisition of Language. The third prong of my investigation was conducting a test on a group of 10 adult English-speaking learners of Spanish. Each test group subject had at least some basic knowledge of Spanish as they had to interpret or change English phases in the forms of statements and questions into Spanish. The test group also had fluent Spanish and English speakers. The phrases were read to the test subject and then their responses were digitally recorded and later transcribed. The transcriptions were analyzed for the preferred sentence structure and word order used by the test subjects to make statements, questions and answers to questions. The goal was to determine if a preferred sentence structure or word order

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 96 J.Portillo - 97 pattern could be determined. The pattern or patterns may serve to support the textbooks’ or other studies’ declarations or serve as a teaching aid for adult English-speaking learners of Spanish.

The two textbooks consulted were, A New Reference Grammar of Modern Spanish (Butt & Benjamin 2004) and A Course in Spanish Linguistics Spanish/English Contrasts 2nd Edition (Whitely 2002). Both supplied numerous examples of grammatically correct written Spanish, particularly in the basic sentence structure of Verb Phrase plus Subject Phrase or Subject Phrase plus Verb Phrase to create a sentence. Using these sources was helpful to substantiate baseline rules as well as tendencies. Butt and Benjamin state there may be no required word order for Spanish by stating the following. “This chapter assumes - rather arbitrarily - that the ‘normal’ word order in Spanish sentences is Subject-Verb e.g. Mario llega hoy ‘Mario’s arriving today’, and Subject – Verb – Object, e.g. Olivia come una manzana “Olivia is eating an apple” and that other arrangements of Verb, Subject and Object are departures from the norm.” (Butts & Benjamin p. 537). Butt and Benjamin first place the word normal in quotation marks and complete the explanation with the word norm.

In regards to questions, Butt and Benjamin state more strongly the correct grammatical word order or structure for direct and indirect questions is Verb – Subject. “Verb – Subject order is required when a question word opens the sentence. Verb – Subject order is also required in indirect questions in the clause following question words.” (Butt & Benjamin p. 539).

Whitely explains word order differently by using two sets of rules. I found only his first set of rules to be of value for my investigation. The first set of rules is phrase structured rules (PSRs) which “specify the underlying patterns of deep structure by describing the parts or CONSTITUENTS of a sentence…” (Whitely p. 214). The “constituents” are all the different elements of sentence such as a noun, verb, adjective, article, adverb etc). It is very easy to become lost when applying or thinking about each different element of a sentence and where the element may be placed and still be grammatically correct. That said, Whitely simplifies for us the pattern for word order for a complete sentence using his definition of a sentence as the following. “A sentence consists of a noun phrase joined with a verb phrase.” (Whitely p. 214). Whitely further states that a verb phrase joined to a noun phrase would typically be considered grammatically incorrect.

In regards to word order in questions, Whitely places them into three categories, tag questions, yes or no questions and information questions. A tag question is when a “tag” is added to the end of a declaration. For example, John’s not calling, is he? Spanish holds to this same pattern, Los vecinos llegarán a las seis, ¿no?. The tag word ¿verdad? can be used in place of ¿no? A yes or no question expects or requires a yes or no answer and is accomplished with voice intonation indicating to the listener, it is a question. Mary left the room? ¿Salió María del cuarto? Notice the subject verb and verb subject difference between the two questions.

An information question is one that seeks more than a yes or no answer and is grammatically structured or patterned in Spanish with the question word (quién, cómo, por qué, dónde, qué) prior to the verb. In English I can ask, “He came from where?  Where did he come from?  From where did he come?” (Whitely p. 244). However with Spanish, the order is the Verb – Subject because “the whole PP (prepositional phrase) must be fronted because Prep

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 97 J.Portillo - 98 can never be “stranded” or left behind.” (Whitely p. 245). Of course the question word will front the Verb – Subject. For example, the English question of, “He came from where?” (Subject – Verb –Interrogative) changes to “De dónde vinoDe dónde que viene.”

I discovered two studies dealing with word order that were helpful. “Lexical and discourse factors in the second language acquisition of Spanish word order” by Tammy Jandrey Hertel examined word order such as subject-verb and verb-subject. Hertel broke the structures into different types of responses, which are often framed by discourse, however, “…in Spanish both SV and VS order are possible,” (Hertel p. 275). Hertel’s example, “Juan yelled (not Pedro) changed to Juan gritó (no Pedro) or Gritó Juan (no Pedro)” is guided by what information one may already know about the conversation. Many sentences and especially answers to questions can be formed with non-standard structures when someone knows some context of the exchange, or when it’s “framed by discourse.”

The second study I used was, “Representation, processing and working memory in a second language,” by Alan Juffs. Juffs’ investigation included Chinese, Japanese and Spanish students dealing with the processing of English as it relates to word order. This study was not all that helpful in my specific area, but did shed light on testing processes related to language acquisition. Juffs wrote about learning via learning chunks. That is, perhaps phrases learned such as, “John runs every day in the park,” is a “chunk” of information that teaches more than vocabulary. The Subject Verb order is learned along with vocabulary, almost subliminally. “…learning and L2 consists of learning chunks that can be considered lexical constructs…” (Juffs p 221). Some adult learners may take the sentence structure or word orders learned in one sentence and simply apply it to another phrase or sentence. “John gets up ever day at six.”

Below are the lists of statements and questions read to each test subject. Remember these were read to the test subjects in an effort to keep them from seeing the sentence structure and word order. While each test subject heard the original structure, I was concerned having a second receptor, such as vision, would more strongly dictate or direct to them how the Spanish sentence or word order was suppose to be created. One will notice there are two sets of statements and questions. A different set was presented to test group A than to test group B and each group consisted of 5 test subjects. “Pete is arriving at 4 o’clock today” was used for test group A and “At 4 o’clock today, Pete is arriving” was presented to test group B.

Test Group A Statements: 1 Pete is arriving today at 4 o’clock. 2 Mary drives a red car to work every day. 3 The computer I want to buy is not for sale yet. [sentence w/main clause] 4 That’s the girl from New York I talked to (yesterday). [sentence w/relative clause] 5 The problems with the tax system are impossible to fix. 6 He told him that she would come tomorrow. 7 He hit me just before she came in. 8 I have to by new tires for my car. 9 The red car crashed into the blue truck when it ran a stop sign. 10 She’s going to tell him today, that she doesn’t want to study it. 11 He said that she likes us. 12 I told him I like her because she’s funny and intelligent.

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Questions: 1 Did he hit you before or after she came into the room? 2 Did you know mom is going to Mexico next year? 3 Can you tell me where the bookstore is? 4 Who told you about the problem? 5 What is the price of the computer? How much is the computer? 6 When do we leave for the airport? What time do we leave for the airport? 7 Where can we find the bus station? Where is the bus station? 8 Why did you call the police department? 9 How did you learn so much so quickly? 10 Why do you study Spanish?

Have speaker give a short answer for questions one, two and three.

Test group B

Statements: 1 At 4 o’clock today, Pete is arriving. 2 Every day, Mary drives a red car to work. 3 I want to buy a computer that is not for sale yet. [Sentence w/main clause] 4 That’s the girl I talked to (yesterday) that’s from New York. [Sentence w/relative clause] 5 To fix the problems with the tax system is impossible. 6 He told him that she would come tomorrow. 7 Just before she came in, he hit me. 8 I have to by new tires for my car. 9 The red car crashed into the blue truck when it ran a stop sign. 10 Today she’s going to tell him she doesn’t want to study it. 11 He said that she likes us. 12 I told him I like her because she’s funny and intelligent.

Questions: 1 Did she come into the room before or after he hit you? 2 Do you know mom is going to Mexico next year? 3 Can you tell me where the bookstore is? 4 Who told you about the problem? 5 What is the price of the computer? a. How much is the computer? 6 When do we leave for the airport? b. What time do we leave for the airport? 9 Where can we find the bus station? c. Where is the bus station? 10 Why did you call the police department? 11 How did you learn so much so quickly? 12 Why do you study Spanish?

Have speaker give a short answer to questions one, two and three.

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Test subjects were advised to present the statement or question in Spanish any way they so chose. They were also advised if they didn’t know a word in Spanish, they could substitute it with a word in English. For example, if a test subject didn’t know the word for “lawn” in Spanish (césped) and needed to state “I cut the lawn yesterday” they could respond with “Corté the lawn ayer” or some other interpretation.

Results

All the Spanish interpretations from the test subjects were digitally recorded and later transcribed so the responses of each test subject could be examined. Take note that test subjects were allowed to place English words into their interpretations when they did not know the word in Spanish. This aided with the speed of their interpretations. Also, There were several errors made by test subjects. Errors such as using the incorrect gender with articles or incorrect verb conjugation or tense occurred. These errors were not corrected in the translations, so each translation is the literal interpretation of the test subject. Each translation was then examined to determine if there was a preferred sentence structure or word order used by test subjects. The translations were also examined to see if the same sentence structure that was used in the original English versions were followed; Subject Phrase plus Verb Phrase or Verb Phrase plus Subject Phrase.

Analysis of the translations revealed that test subjects used the same sentence structure presented to them 98% of the time. That is, if the sentence structure or word order was presented as Subject Phrase plus a Verb Phrase, the response came back in the same structure. Appendix A will show a break down of each interpretation, however; look at the following example from Test Group A.

Pete is arriving today at 4 o’clock. a. Pedro está viniendo a las cuatro. b. Pete va a llegar hoy a las cuatro. c. Pete va a llegar hoy a los cuarto. d. Peter está llegando al las cuatro. e. Pedro va a llegar ahora a las cuatro.

Even though there is some variation as to the verb used (venir and llegar) and the adverb for today (hoy and ahora), each test subject used a Subject Phrase plus a Verb Phrase. Test subjects did this almost all the time whether it was a statement or question they were asked to interpret.

Some interesting results were discovered when examining the responses to questions. Each test subject was asked three different questions. Each was told to play the part of the person being asked the question and then to provide an answer consisting of something more than a one- word response such as yes, no, maybe etc. While the responses were short, there was greater diversity among the Subject Phrase plus Verb Phrase or Verb Phrase plus Subject Phrase structure

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 100 J.Portillo - 101 to make a sentence than when I asked them to change something to Spanish. From the 10 test subjects, there were a total of 30 responses to questions. I learned 77 % used Subject Phrase plus Verb Phrase and 23% used Verb Phrase plus Subject Phrase to create their response.

Discussion

The results of my investigation have not yielded clearly what I was looking for. I was attempting to discover a preferred sentence structure or work order for Adult English-speaking learners of Spanish. I had specifically wanted to stay away from having test subjects write responses. One of my theories was that one gives a more relaxed and natural response during verbal speech than via a written product.

I read the phrase or question to each test subject without verbally trying to emphasize any one word or part of the sentence. I then asked for their interpretation. However, with 98% of all the responses following the same pattern or structure as the original English structure, I must conclude the reading of a structure may have dictated or strongly suggested what structure the subject used. I found this true with even the more advanced or fluent Spanish-speakers. In test group A; the more skilled or fluent Spanish-speakers were subjects, “b, d and e.” In test group B they were, “b, and e.”

After analyzing the responses, I believe I may have only received a test subject’s preferred sentence structure and word order when they were answering questions. I conclude this because of the greater diversity verb and subject order and the manner in which the test subject provided the answers. When interpreting an already formed statement or question, at least half of the test subjects waited for approximately 3-5 seconds prior to responding. When asked a question, the responses of all the test subjects came much quicker, perhaps one to two seconds after the question. However, even a question can dictate or strongly suggest how the response will be formed. Questions need to be carefully created to give the person responding several different possible options on not only the answer, but also the structures to which the answer can be given. If asked, “¿Qué haciste durante tus vacaciones?” or “What did you do during your vacation?” there are lots of possibilities. But if asked, “What city did you go to during your vacation?” you may get simply a name such as San Francisco.

Conclusion

I was not able to come up with a clear conclusion as to preferred word order or sentence structure. I believe the manner in which I investigated my subject led to the sentence structures produced by the test subjects. The majority of the responses came after I asked for a Spanish interpretation of an already formed statement or question in English. It wasn’t until I examined the responses to the questions I posed to test subjects that I realized their responses may have been more of their preferred structure. As previously stated, the answers or responses to questions revealed more diversity of Verb Phrase plus Subject Phrase or Subject Phrase plus Verb Phrase structure. I believe this was because no suggested structure was presented.

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I was not successful in regards to my original goal, but was able to determine how I might study this subject again in the future. I would carefully select questions or topics of discussion for test subjects to respond to. The questions or topics would allow for multiple types of responses and allow for the test subject to freely choose what they wanted to say and how they wanted to say it.

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Works Cited

A New Reference Grammar of Modern Spanish, 4th, Edition. John Butt and Carmen Benjamin. McGraw Hill, 2004.

Spanish/English Contrasts: A Course in Spanish Linguistics. 2nd Edition. M. Stanley Whitley. Georgetown University Press, 2002.

Hertel, Tammy Jandrey, (2003). Lexical and discourse factors in the second language acquisition of Spanish word order. Retrieved October 4, 2007 http://slr.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/19/4/273.pdf

Juffs, Alan, (2004). Representation, processing and working memory in a second language. Retrieved October 10, 2007 http://www.pitt.edu/~juffs/

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Appendix A

Below are the original English versions of the sentences and question presented to each participant. Their responses are literal transcriptions of their interpretations and will included the grammatical errors made by the test subjects.

Test Group A (Statements)

1 Pete is arriving today at 4 o’clock. f. Pedro está viniendo a las cuatro. g. Pete va a llegar hoy a las cuatro. h. Pete va a llegar hoy a los cuarto. i. Peter está llegando al las cuatro. j. Pedro va a llegar ahora a las cuatro.

2 Mary drives a red car to work every day. a. María maneje un carro rojo a trabajo todas las días. b. Mary maneja un carro rojo al trabajo diario. c. Mary maneja un carro rojo a su trabajo cada día. d. Cada día María maneja un coche rojo a trabajar. e. María usa un carro rojo va a trabajar todos los días.

3 The computer I want to buy is not for sale yet. [sentence w/main clause] a. El computer que quiero comprar no está vender hoy. b. La computadora que yo quiero comprar todavia no la venden. c. Ya no está viniendo la computadora que quiero comprar. d. La computadora que quiera comprar no todavia a vender. e. La computadora que quiero comprar todavia no está de venta.

4 That’s the girl from New York I talked to (yesterday). [sentence w/relative clause] a. Esta es la chica que yo hablaba ayer de Nueva York que hablaba ayer. b. Esa es la mujer de Nueva York que hablé con ella ayer. c. Ella es la muchacha de Nueva York con quien yo hablé ayer. d. Esa una chica de Nueva York que habla ayer. e. Esa la muchacha de Nueva York con hablé ayer.

5 The problems with the tax system are impossible to fix. a. Las problemas de la sistema de los taxes son impossible para recoger. b. Los problemas con el sistema taxis es impossible arreglar. c. Sea imposible arreglar la problemas que tienen con la system de taxes. d. El problema que la sistema impuestos es muy difícil to fix. e. Los problemas el sistema de taxis no se puede componer.

6 He told him that she would come tomorrow. a. Él me dicho que ella sabía venir mañana. b. Ella le dijo que ella vendría mañana. c. Él me dijo que ella vendría mañana.

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d. Subject could not interpret sentence. e. Él le dijo que ella vendría mañana.

7 He hit me just before she came in. a. Él me pegé antes de ella entrada. b. Él me pegó un poco antes de que ella entrada. c. Él me pegó inmediatamente antes de cuando ella llegué. d. Me golpe prior de ella entrar. e. Él me pegó antes de que entrada ella.

8 I have to by new tires for my car. a. Debo comprar llantas nuevos para mi carro. b. Tengo que comprar llantas nuevos para mi carro. c. Tengo que comprar llantas nuevas para mi carro. d. Necesito comprar nuevas llentos de me coche. e. Tengo que comprar llantas nuevas para me carro.

9 The red car crashed into the blue truck when it ran a stop sign. a. El carro rojo chocaro en un trucue azul cuando no para alla en signal. b. El carro rojo chocó con la camioneta azul cuando se pasó el alto. c. El carro rojo chocada con la camioneta azul cuando pasaba para aqui sin pagando el stop sign. d. Cuando el coche rojo went through the stop lo choqué el coche azul. e. El carro rojo chocó contra la camioneta azul cuando se pasó la ruz roja, el carro.

10 She’s going to tell him today, that she doesn’t want to study it. a. Ella va decir él que ella no quiere estudiar este. b. Ella le decirá hoy que no quiere estudiarlo. c. Ella le va a decir hoy que ella no lo quiere estudiar. d. Hoy le dira que no quiera estudiar. e. Ella le va a decir ahora a él que no lo quiere estudiar.

11 He said that she likes us. a. Él dice que él te gusta nosotros. b. Él dijo que ella nos quiere. a. Él dijo que le gusta este. b. Dijo que nosotros gusta ella. c. Él dijo que ella nos quiere.

12 I told him I like her because she’s funny and inteligent. a. Me dicho él que me gusta ella porque ella es inteligente y funny. b. Yo lo dije él que la queiro ella porque es divertida y inteligente. c. Yo le dije que a mi gusta ella porque es una persona chistosa y intelegente. d. Le dije que me gusta mucho porque ella es cómico y intelegente. e. Yo le dije a él que a mi me gusta ella porque ella es chistosa y intelgente.

(Questions)

2 Did he hit you before or after she came into the room? a. ¿Él pegue a usted antes que usted entra el cuarto or after he entered the room?

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b. ¿Él te golpeó antes o despues de que ella entró el cuarto? c. ¿A cierto pegó antes o despues de cuando ella entrada el cuarto? d. ¿Te golpe antes de él entra el salon o antes de? e. ¿Él te pegó antes o despues que ella entrada al cuarto?

3 Did you know mom is going to Mexico next year? a. ¿Sabes que mamá está viniendo a México lo proximo año? b. ¿Tu sabias que mamá va a ir a Méxic el proximo año? c. ¿Supiste que mamá va a México en el año que viene? d. ¿Sabe que nuestra madre va a México en el proximo año? e. ¿Sabiá que mi mamá va a ir México el año que entra?

4 Can you tell me where the bookstore is? a. ¿Usted me dice donde está la tienda de libros? b. ¿ Me puedes decir dónde está la libreria o la tienda de compara libros? c. ¿ Me puedes decir dónde está la tienda donde se venden libros? d. ¿Puede decir dónde es la biblioteca? e. ¿Me puedes decir dónde está la tienda de libros?

5 Who told you about the problem? a. ¿Quien dice usted como la problema? b. ¿Quien te dijo del problema? c. ¿Quién te dijo algo de la problema? d. ¿Que te dijo sobre el problema? e. ¿Quién te dijo del problema? 6 What is the price of the computer? a. ¿Cuál es el precio de la computador? b. ¿Cuál es el precio de la computadora? c. ¿Cuánto cuesta la computadora? d. ¿Qué es la costa de la computadora? e. ¿Cuánto questa la computadora?

How much is the computer? a. ¿Cuánto es la computador? b. ¿Cuánto cuesta la computador? c. ¿Cuánto dinero para la computadora? d. ¿Cuánto es la computadora? e. ¿Cuánto cuesta la computador?

6 When do we leave for the airport? a. ¿Cuándo salimos por el aeropuerto? b. ¿Cuándo nos vamos por el aeropuerto? c. ¿Cuándo vamos a salir para el aeropuerto? d. ¿Cuándo salimos al aeropuerto? e. ¿A qué hora nos vamos al aeropuerto?

What time do we leave for the airport? a. ¿A qué hora salimos por el aeropuerto? b. ¿A qué hora nos vamos por el aeropuerto? c. ¿A que hora salimos para el aeropuerto?

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d. ¿Qué hora salimos al aeropuerto? e. ¿A qué hora nos vamos al aeropuerto?

7 Where can we find the bus station? a. ¿Dónde encontramos el estación de autobuses? b. ¿Dónde podemos encontrar la parada del camión? c. ¿Dónde vamos encontrara la estación para los autobuses? d. ¿Dónde es la bus station? e. ¿Cómo encontramos la central camioneta?

Where is the bus station? a. ¿Dónde es el estación de autobuses? b. ¿Dónde está la estación del camión? c. ¿Dónde está la estación para los autobuses? d. ¿Dónde es la bus station? e. ¿Dónde está la central camioneta?

8 Why did you call the police department? a. ¿Por qué llame el departamento de la policía? b. ¿Por qué llamaste la polícia? c. ¿Me puedes decir la razon que llamaste la estación de polícia? d. ¿Por qué llama la polícia? e. ¿Por qué hablastes al departamento de polícia?

9 How did you learn so much so quickly? a. ¿Cómo aprende tan mucho tan rapido? b. ¿Cómo aprendiste tanto tan rápido? c. ¿Cómo aprendiste tanto en poco de tiempo? d. ¿Cómo aprenda mucho en poco tiempo? e. ¿Cómo aprendistes tanto, tan rápido?

10 Why do you study Spanish? a. ¿Por qué estudie español? b. ¿Por qué estudias español? c. ¿Por qué estudias español? d. ¿Por qué estudiá español? e. ¿Por qué estudias español?

Have speaker give a short answer for questions one, two and three.

1. Did he hit you before or after she came into the room? a. Él me pegue antes de yo entrada el cuarto. b. Despues de que entré el cuarto. c. Él me pegó despues de cuando ella entraba el cuarto. d. Me golpe despues de entra la salon. e. Me pegó despues que ella entró el cuarto.

2 Did you know mom is going to Mexico next year? a. No, no sé este. b. Sí, ya me dijo.

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c. Ya lo sé. d. No, no sé. e. Sí, ella me había dicho.

3 Can you tell me where the bookstore is? a. Tengo un idea. Es en la esquina de el calle 4 y D. b. Está acruza la calle. c. En realidad no sé exactamente, pero pienso que si caminas en esta calle va a estar en la izquierda. d. Sí, el librería es en Santa Rosa. e. Sí aquí está cercas.

Test Group B (Statements)

1 At 4 o’clock today, Pete is arriving. a. A las cuatro esta tarde, Pete regrese aquí. b. A las cuatro de la tarde hoy, Pete va a llegar. c. Peter va a llegar al cuarto en tarde. d. Pete llegará a las cuatro de la tarde hoy. e. A las cuarto de la tarde hoy, Pete está llegando.

2 Every day, Mary drives a red car to work. a. Todos los días María maneja una auto roja a trabaja. b. Cada día María maneja un carro rojo al trabajo. c. Cada día María manejó un carro rojo a trabajar. d. María maneja un carro rojo todos los dias. e. Todos los días María maneja un carro rojo al trabajo.

3 I want to buy a computer that is not for sale yet. [Sentence w/main clause] a. Quiero comprar una computddor que no pueden comprar. b. Quisiera comprar una computadora que todavia no se vende. c. Quiero comprar un computadora que no es vendió precios bajos. d. Quiero comprar una computadora que no está la venta. e. Quiero comprar una computadora que aún no está la venta.

4 That’s the girl I talked to (yesterday) that’s from New York. [Sentence w/relative clause] a. Hablo un mujer ayer ella está de Nueva York. b. Ella es la mujer con quien hablé ayer que es de Nueva York. c. Esa es la muchacha yo hablé ayer. Ella es de Nueva York. d. Esa es la muchacha con que hablé ayer. Ella es de Nueva York. e. Esa es la muchacha con quien hablé ayer que es de Nueva York.

5 To fix the problems with the tax system is impossible. a. Es imposible para arreglar los problemas con el tax system. b. Arreglar las cosas con los taxis es imposible. c. Es imposible reparar los problemas con impuestos. d. Para corregir problemas de la sistema de los impuestos es imposible. e. Para arreglar los problemas con la sistema de impuestos es imposible.

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6 He told him that she would come tomorrow. a. Él dele a él que ella vas a estar aquí mañana. b. Le dijo que llegará o vendría mañana. c. Él me dijo que ella va llegar mañana. d. Él le dijo que vendría mañana. e. Él me dijo que ella vendría mañana.

7 Just before she came in, he hit me. a. Despues de ella entra aquí ella la pegame. b. Antes que entró me golpeó. c. Él me pegó antes segundos ella llegó. d. Poquito antes de que entrada él me pegó. e. Poco antes de que ella llegara él me pegó.

8 I have to by new tires for my car. a. Yo necesito comprar llantas por mi carro. b. Tengo que comprar nuevas llantas para mi carro. c. Tengo que comprar llantas para mi carro. d. Tengo que comprar llantas nuevas para mi auto. e. Tengo que comprar nuevas llantas para mi auto.

9 The red car crashed into the blue truck when it ran a stop sign. a. El auto rojo pega el troque azul cuando el troque manejaba the stop sign. b. El carro rojo chocó con el azul truca cuando pasó por la luz roja. c. Cuando el carro rojo no paré el stop sign chocó con camioneta azul. d. El carro rojo chocó con la truca azul cuando es pasó el alto. e. El carro azual chocó contra la truca roja cuando se pasó la luz.

10 Today she’s going to tell him she doesn’t want to study it. a. Hoy ella dile a él no quieres estudiarlo. b. Ahora le va a decir que no quiere estudiarlo. c. Hoy ella va a decir a él ella no va a estudiarlo. d. Hoy le va a decir a él que no lo quieres estudiar. e. Hoy ella le va a decir que no lo quiere estudiar.

11 He said that she likes us. a. Dice que ella le gusta. b. Él dijo que ella nos quiere. c. Él dijo nos gustan. d. Él dijo que nos quiere. e. Él dijo que ella nos cae bien.

Questions

1 Did she come into the room before or after he hit you? a. ¿Entré el cuarto despues o alta de pegalo? b. ¿Él intró en el cuarto antes o despues que le golpeó? c. ¿Ella entrar el cuarto antes o despues él te pegó? d. ¿Ella entró antes o despues de que él te pego? e. ¿Ella intró el cuarto antes o despues de que el te pegó?

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2 Do you know mom is going to Mexico next year? a. ¿Sabes mamá irá a México el año proximo? b. ¿Tú sabe que mamá va a ir a México el año que viene? c. ¿Sabes mamá va venir México el año proximo? d. ¿Sabias tú que mamá va a ir a México el año que entra? e. ¿Sabías que mamá va a ir México el año que viene?

3 Can you tell me where the bookstore is? a. ¿Puede dónde está el bookstore? b. ¿Me puedes decir dónde está la tienda que vende de libros? c. ¿Porfavor, sabes donde está el biblioteca? d. ¿Me puedes decir dónde está la libreria? e. ¿Me puedes decir dónde está la libreria?

4 Who told you about the problem? a. ¿Quién dele al una problema? b. ¿Quién te dijo del problema? c. ¿Quién te dijo sobre del problema? d. ¿Quién te dijo del problema? e. ¿Quién te dijo sobre problema?

5 What is the price of the computer? a ¿Cuánto cuesta el computador? b ¿Cuál es el precio para la computadora? c ¿Cuánto cuesta la computadora? d ¿Qué es el precio de la computadora? e ¿Cuál es el preció de la computadora?

How much is the computer? a. ¿Cuánto cuesta el computador? b. ¿Cuánto se vende la computadora? c. ¿Cuánto cuesta la computadora? d. ¿Cuanto cuesta la computadora? e. ¿Cuánto cuesta la computadora?

6 When do we leave for the airport? a. ¿Cuándo salimos por el aeropuerto? b. ¿Cuándo nos vamos al aeropuerto? c. ¿Cuándo vamos a salir para el aeropuerto? d. ¿A qué hora nos vamos al aeropuerto? e. ¿Cuándo nos vamos a salir al aeropuerto?

What time do we leave for the airport? a. ¿A qué hora salimos por el aeropuerto? b. ¿A qué horas nos vamos al aeropuerto? c. ¿A qué hora vas a salir para el aeropuerto? d. ¿A qué hora nos vamos para al aeropuerto? e. ¿A qué hora nos vamos a salir al aeropueto?

7 Where can we find the bus station?

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a. ¿Donde pueden encontrar la estación el bus? b. ¿Dónde podemos encontrar el bus station? c. ¿Dónde encontramos el estación de autobuses? d. ¿En dónde podemos encontrar la estación del autobus? e. ¿Dónde podemos encontrar el estación del autobus?

Where is the bus station? a. ¿Dònde está la estación de bus? b. ¿Dónde está el estación de buses? c. ¿Dónde está el estación de autobuses? d. ¿En dónde está la estación del autobus? e. ¿Dónde está la estación del autobús?

8 Why did you call the police department? a. ¿Porque llamar a la policía-a la departamento de? b. ¿Por qué llamastes el departamento polícia? c. ¿Por qué llamó la polícia? d. ¿Por qué llamaste el departamento de polícia? e. ¿Por qué llamó el departamento de polícia?

9 How did you learn so much so quickly? a. Participant had no response-could not formulate a response. b. ¿Cómo aprendistes tanto, tan rápido? c. ¿Cómo aprender tan cosas muy rápido? d. ¿Cóma aprendiste tanto, tan rápidemente? e. ¿Cómo aprendiste tanto, tan rápido?

10 Why do you study Spanish? a. ¿Por qué estudias Español? b. ¿Por qué estudias español? c. ¿Por qué estudia español? d. ¿Por qué estudias el espanol? e. ¿Por qué estudias español?

Have speaker give a short answer to questions one, two and three.

1 Did she come into the room before or after he hit you? a. Ella entrar en el cuarto despues de pegalo. b. Entró la pieza antes que me golpeó. c. Ella entró el cuarto antes que él me pego. Ella vio todo. d. Ella entró despues de que él me pegó. e. Entró despues de que él me pegó.

2 Do you know mom is going to Mexico next year? a. Sí lo sabe. b. No sabia que mamaá iba a ir México. c. Sí, yo sé mamaá va a venir a México. Ella va a visitar mis primos. d. Sí, ella me lo dijo. e. No, no sabía que va a ir México.

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3 Can you tell me where the bookstore is? a. Es en el calle Fourth Street. b. Sí lo puedo decir dónde está la tienda vente de libros. c. No, yo no puedo leer. d. Sí, la libreria está dos cuadras del departamento de postal. e. Sí está a la esquina de la calle que siga

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Code-switching in the musical genre of reggaetón/Cambio de código lingüístico en el género de reggaetón: Margarita Ochoa & Jessica Olvera

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Extracto

Este papel reporta sobre una investigación que jamás se había realizado del cambio de código lingüístico en el género de reggaetón. Es uno de los géneros musicales que a crecido extremamente en los Estados Unidos y otras partes del mundo por los últimos 10 anos. Es un género que es muy popular entre la juventud, sin importar su pertenencia étnica. Muchos de los artistas de este género vienen de raíces latinas pero que en la mayoría de su vida han vivido en los Estados Unidos. Lo que nos atrae de esta música esta música a mi compañera y a mi es su apelar como el ritmo y sonido, pero lo que nos llamo la atención aun mas fue la manera interesante y diferente que estas canciones son interpretadas en las líricas. Muchas de las líricas son en ingles y en español, en donde en una canción eres capaz de escuchar al artista expresarse en ingles y español en la misma frase. Mi compañera y yo estuvimos muy interesadas en investigar las posible(s) causa(s) por la razón de este estilo, así que nosotras decidimos hacer nuestra investigación sobre este tema. Nuestra pregunta principal para nuestra investigación es; ¿Por qué cantantes del género de reggaetón usan esta forma de cambio en sus canciones?

Definición

Reggaetón:

El reggaetón es un genero relativamente nuevo que arraso durante los anos 90’ en los Estados Unidos hasta hoy. Es un género que mezcla otros géneros de música tales como el reggae, hip- hop, salsa, merengue, y otros ritmos caribeños fusionados, conocido como el reggaetón. El atractivo del reggaetón concité en su combinación única de cadencias bailables, ritmos contagiosos y una lírica intensa. El reggaetón es conocido como una nueva forma de expresarse, con temas diversos desde la desigualdad social, amor, mujeres, hasta el orgullo cultural. Muchas de las canciones son cantadas en ingles y en español, los reggaetoneros usan sus letras bilingües y mensajes biculturales para poder comunicarse con la juventud.

Code-switching/ Cambio de código lingüístico:

Es una mezcla de ingles y español, el cambio de código lingüístico es un comportamiento increíble entre bilingües. Es cuando una persona esta hablando y cambia de una lengua a otra en la misma frase. El cambio de un lenguaje ocurre por dos razones: por que el hablante no sabe la palabra en el momento o porque una palabra o frase es mas disponible.

Introducción La decisión de hacer una investigación sobre el cambio de código lingüístico en el género de reggaetón nació porque se nos hace muy interesante la manera en que este

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics

genero de música esta creciendo y cada vez se esta haciendo mas aceptada por personas que son bilingües y monolingües. Cuando nosotras vamos a algún lugar como a una discoteca, siempre vemos personas monolingües o personas de otras decadencias que no son latinas bailando y disfrutando de canciones de artistas como Daddy Yankee, Don Omar o de Pitbull, lo cual se nos

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 114 J.Portillo - 115 hace interesante ya que estas canciones son escritas en ingles y en español, ósea usan el cambio de código lingüístico en su música.

Método

En el articulo titulado: “The Role Of Language Codeswitching in Increasing Advertising Effectiveness Among Mexican American Youth,” escrito por Melissa Maier Bishop, la escritora expresa su teoría que para una persona bilingüe que tiene facilidad de usar dos idiomas, simplemente es mas facil expresarse usando el cambio de código lingüístico en vez de expresarse usando solo un idioma. Esto puede ocurrir cuando una palabra se aprende primero en un segundo idioma y la persona por esta razón talvez se sienta mas cómoda usando vocabulario del segundo idioma en una platica que se este llevando acabo en su idioma natal.

Esta información nos ayudo a entender que el cambio de código lingüístico puede ayudar a una comunidad donde hay diferentes minorías étnicas a retener un sentido de identidad cultural. Por ejemplo hay jergas que se usan para dar a un grupo de personas un sentido de identidad y para distinguirse de la sociedad en general. Así que nosotras quisimos saber de donde son estos artistas de reggaetón. Si es que el uso del cambio de código lingüístico en su música es en efecto una forma de mantener su identidad, entonces estos artistas deben venir de una minoría. Así que uno de los métodos que usamos para contestar nuestra pregunta de porque los cantantes de reggaetón usan el cambio de código lingüístico en su música fue buscando información sobre donde nacieron estos artistas, donde crecieron, y que idiomas hablan.

Otro método que usamos para contestar nuestra pregunta fue escuchando canciones de diferentes artistas de la música de reggaetón. Nos enfocamos en 10 de los artistas más populares del momento y 15 canciones de estos. Las tácticas que usamos para escoger los artistas que serian parte de nuestra investigación fueron las siguientes: buscamos entre las listas de los nominados a los premios Billboard Latino, buscamos artículos de

los artistas mas prominentes del reggaetón, y escuchamos la estación de radio La Kalle 100.7FM/ 105.7 FM. En esta estación de radio no solo se escuchan la mayoría del tiempo música de reggaetón, sino que también sus locutores durante la programación, están usando constantemente el cambio de código lingüístico. Queríamos saber que tipo de cambios lingüísticos usaban.

Como no se han echo estudios previos sobre nuestro tema del uso del cambio de código lingüístico en la música del genero de reggaetón, buscamos artículos profesionales sobre por que las personas en general usan el cambio lingüístico al hablar en sus conversaciones diarias y los

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 115 J.Portillo - 116 incorporamos a nuestra investigación. Hay muchas teorías y estudios sobre el cambio de código lingüístico, pero no se ha estudiado casi nada sobre el código de cambio en la música de reggaetón, ya que la fama de este género es muy nueva. En adición a los artículos decidimos que queríamos saber la opinión del público, así que hicimos varias encuestas. Entregamos 15 encuestas a personas al azar de diferentes pertenencias étnicas y de diferentes edades. Más sin embargo de las 15 encuestas que repartimos solo recibimos 10 de regreso con respuestas. Las preguntas que hicimos en las encuestas fueron las siguientes: sexo, edad, donde naciste, te gusta el reggaetón ¿por que?, y también la pregunta mas importante: En muchas canciones del reggaetón, como en las de Daddy Yankee, Don Omar, Pitbull y muchas mas usan el cambio de código lingüístico (ingles/español) por que creían que es la razón. Los resultados de las encuestas fueron muy interesantes y reesforzaron nuestras teorías.

Resultados

Un total de 10 encuestas fueron evaluadas sobre la opinión del publico acerca de el uso de cambio de código y sobre la información de a fondo de las personas que tomaron estas encuestas. Aunque solamente se les hizo una pregunta hubo tres respuestas diferentes que fueron repetidas por muchas personas; la primera conclusión que sacamos sobre la opinión de las personas fue que la razón por la que existe el cambio de código en el reggaetón es porque el artista no es competente en un solo idioma, otra razón posible fue para poder llagarle a un publico diverso y vender mas discos en el medio artístico, y la ultima posible razón fue para crear un énfasis en la canción para que el mensaje fuera enviado con mas influencia. Las personas que contestaron las encuestas fueron de diferentes pertenecías étnicas, edades, nivel académico y nacionalidad. Después de evaluar todas las encuestas los resultados fueron

muy interesantes. De 10 personas la respuesta que obtuvo más votos del cambio de código fue la razón por la que se usa en el reggaetón para llegarle a más público. Nosotras pensamos que el resultado seria otro, de acuerdo a la investigación y los artículos que habíamos leído, pero como se puede ver debajo los resultados fueron los que son presentados en lo siguiente.

Discusión

El reggaetón es un género musical muy popular que ha incrementado desde los últimos anos de los 90s hasta hoy en día. Es un genero que lo escuchan muchas personas sin importar su pertenencia étnica. Aunque hubo tres opciones para escoger en la encuesta, hubo dos razones principales por la que se usa el cambio de lenguas (ingles/español) en el reggaetón. La primera opción, y la que obtuvo mas votos del publico fue para llegarle a mas de un publico. De acuerdo

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 116 J.Portillo - 117 al articulo Mad Hot Reggaetón, del periódico New York Times, el reggaetón esta uniendo a muchas personas de diferentes pertenencias étnicas, este genero ya obtiene su propia estación de la cadena de Univision, La Kalle 105.9/92.7 FM en Nueva Cork y 100.7 FM en California. También es muy popular en las discotecas o lugares públicos donde hay mucha diversidad. La segunda opción que obtuvo más votos fue que los reggaetoneros aunque son de decadencia Latina no pueden expresarse en un solo idioma ya que muchos de ellos han vivido en los Estados Unidos y en barrios urbanos en donde se acostumbra hablar en los dos idiomas, de acuerdo a opiniones de personas que sabían un poco sobre la biografía de sus artistas favoritos.

Aunque solamente nos regresaron 10 encuestas de 15 al igual que también esta sea la primera investigación para documentar la razón del por que se usa el cambio de código lingüístico en el genero de reggaetón, es casi imposible determinar si estas sean las mismas opiniones del publico en otras partes de los Estados Unidos o si de acuerdo a lo que encontramos después de leer muchos artículos, escuchar las líricas de reggaetón y preguntarle al publico, tal vez sea necesario investigar aun mas allá de de lo que posiblemente hay sobre este genero. Adicionalmente, unas entrevistas a personas que estén relacionadas con el reggaetón o si es posible seria aun mas efectivo si se pudiera realizar una entrevista al propio reggaetonero para tener respuestas mas significantes.

Conclusión

Después de realizar nuestra investigación, concluimos que hay dos razones por las cuales los reggaetoneros usan el cambio de lenguas en su música. Una de las razones es porque el cambio de código lingüístico es parte de su identidad. La mayoría de estos artistas vienen de lugares donde se hablan los dos idiomas, ingles y el español. Es por eso que el uso de cambio de código lingüístico les ayuda expresarse mejor en su música. Después de estudiar y analizar las líricas de varias canciones descubrimos que para que estos cantantes puedan crear un mensaje mas impactante en sus canciones, estos cantantes cambian de una lengua hacia a la otra.

La otra razón por la que ellos usan el cambio de código lingüístico es para llegarle a múltiples audiencias al mismo tiempo. Por ejemplo: ellos les venden a las personas que hablan español y las personas que hablan ingles. Eso significa más dinero porque los dos consumidores compran sus discos. Queremos concluir con este pensamiento, “If there’s a language barrier in music, reggaeton helps it disappear.

Reconocimientos

Las investigadoras de este proyecto, Margarita Ochoa y Jessica Olvera, quieren ofrecerles un agradecimiento especial a todas las personas que nos ayudaron a ser esta investigación ser posible. A las personas que nos ofrecieron su interminable música de reggaetón, sin su cooperación no hubiéramos podido analizar todas las líricas necesarias. También a todos los participantes que nos hicieron el favor de contestar nuestra encuesta para nuestro estudio, su cooperación nos ayudo mucho para llegar a nuestra conclusión. En especial al profesor Jeffrey Reeder, por guiarnos durante todo el proceso de nuestra investigación, además de ofrecernos su apoyo y motivación que inculco en nosotras. Muchas gracias a todos por ayudarnos hacer este proyecto sobre el cambio de código lingüístico en el genero de reggaetón hecho realidad.

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Trabajos Citados

Bishop, Melissa Maeir. “The role of Language Code-switching In Increasing Advertising Effectiveness Among Mexican American Youth. (http://dispace.uta.edu/bitstream/10106/13/1/umiuta-1510.pdf)

Lipski, John M. “Code-switching or Borrowing? No se so no puedo decir, you know. (http://www.lingref.com//cpp/wss/2/paper1136.pdf)

Navarro, J. (2005) “Mad Hot Reggaetón”. New York Times. Recuperado July 7, 2005 (http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/17/fashion/sundaystyles/17reggaeton.html?_r1&page...

Reggaeton In Cuba. Glosario. (http://www.reggaeton –incuba.com/esp/index.html)

Reggaeton Lyrics. (2007) (http://www.azlyrics.com/lyrics/daddyyankee/impactoremix.html)

(http://www.elyrics.net)

Wadhwain N., A. (2006) “Reggaeton se abre paso en Mercado musical de EE.UU/Rompe barreras y adopta influencias del hip-hop y el reggae”. Recuperado 17 de Agosto 2006 (http://usinfo.state.gov/esp) Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics

Liricas:

Ayala, R. (2004). Oye Mi Canto [Recorded by N.O.R.E] On Oye Mi Canto [CD]. U.S.A: Def Jam label.

Gómez, R. (2005) Atrevete-te [Recorded by Calle 13] On Calle 13 [CD] U.S.A: White Lion Records.

Martinez, Raul. (2006) Lengua Afuera [Recorded by PitBull] On “Ay Chico” [CD] U.S.A: White Lion Records.

Storch, Scott. (2007) Impacto [Recorded by Daddy Yankee] On The Big Boss [CD] U.S.A: El Cartel Label.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 118 J.Portillo - 119

Poesía vanguardista latinoamericana: Un análisis lingüístico de la poesía de Oliverio Girondo: Luis A. Tijero

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I. Resumen

Este trabajo presenta un análisis lingüístico de la obra literaria de Oliverio Girondo. Aquí se estudia la evolución del uso del lenguaje a través de las diferentes etapas en su obra. En la obra literaria de Oliverio Girondo se reconocen tres etapas distintas en las cuales el uso del lenguaje varía. Para el presente análisis se han tomado varios ejemplos de poemas de las distintas etapas y se han estudiado diferentes características lingüísticas, tales como la sintaxis y la semántica, la elección de palabras, el uso de tiempos verbales, etc. Después se hizo una interpretación de los resultados obtenidos en la que se concluyo que a medida que avanza su obra, el poeta va experimentando cada vez más el lenguaje en busca de nuevas formas de expresión.

II. Introducción

La obra literaria de Oliverio Girondo no ha sido estudiada tan extensamente como la de otros escritores de la vanguardia latinoamericana.35 Esto es cierto a pesar de que a Girondo se le han dado títulos como: precursor, como lo menciona su amigo y también poeta Ramón Gómez de la Serna; último poeta, Según Antelo36 (1999); poeta surrealista por antonomasia de la “Generación del 22”, lo llama Pinto37; primer “explorador”, el primer “aventurero” de nuestra literatura, son atributos que Victoria38, en fin su importancia como escritor se reconoce. Sin embargo su obra sigue siendo poco estudiada. Dentro de Argentina es un tanto ignorada, tal vez por el hecho de que la atención está enfocada a escritores tan famosos como Borges. Fuera de Argentina, la obra de Girondo menos conocida aún. Por ejemplo en inglés lo único que se puede encontrar son escuetas biografías y casi nada de crítica sobre su obra literaria. Una excepción a esto fue un artículo muy completo encontrado en la base de datos Dictionary of Literary Biography.

La mayor parte de los estudios existentes sobre el autor están hechos en español, y de estos la mayoría han sido realizados en argentina. Uno de estos es el que hizo Del Corro (1976). En este estudio se analiza la obra de Girondo teniendo como punto de enfoque el signo39 como paradigma de su poesía. Otro estudio completo sobre Girondo es el realizado por Retamoso (2005), en el que estudia la evolución poética de Girondo de manera cronológica. Yurkievich en su libro Fundadores de la nueva poesía latinoamericana (2002), guarda una sección para Oliverio Girondo en la que da una introducción a su poesía, que si bien no es muy extensa resume las principales características en la obra girondana. La Biblioteca virtual de Miguel Cervantes tiene también una monografía bastante completa de la vida y obra del poeta argentino. Aquí se encuentran algunos poemas recitados por el mismo autor.

La falta de suficientes estudios sobre Girondo no quiere decir que su obra no sea importante. El carácter explorativo y de constante renovación de Girondo lo lleva a experimentar

35 Tal es el caso de Jorge Luis Borges compatriota de Girondo, y que vivió en la misma época. Sobre Borges se ha escrito prolíficamente desde sus inicios como escritos hasta la fecha, varios años después de su muerte. 36 Encontrado en: Oliverio Girondo: Obra Completa. Edición critica. Raúl Antelo Coordinador. Madrid; ALLCA XX, 1999. 37 Ibíd. 38 Ibíd. 39 El autor define signo en dos niveles, como significado y como significante

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 120 J.Portillo - 121 con nuevas formas de expresión. Al hacer esto, al estar constantemente mudando su forma de expresión, se puede apreciar una variedad lingüística interesante. Este prestamente es el objetivo del presente trabajo, encontrar las formas variadas de lenguaje en las que Girondo experimenta a través de su obra literaria. Antes creo que es importante hacer una mención biográfica del poeta.

Oliverio Girondo nació un 17 de agosto de 1891 en la ciudad de Buenos Aires, en el seno de una familia acomodada. Pasa su infancia en la capital argentina, aunque gracias a la buena situación económica de la familia le permite viajar a Europa, donde realiza sus estudios secundarios. Al terminar sus estudios juveniles regresa a Buenos Aires donde comienza su actividad literaria. Acuerda con sus padres estudiar la carrera de Derecho siempre y cuando ellos le financien visitas periódicas a Europa. Durante estos viajes forma relaciones literarias y de amistad con artistas y escritores que lo introducen a diferentes corrientes estéticas. En Madrid conoce al escritor Ramón Gómez de la Serna, con quien entablaría una buena amistad. También viaja a Egipto, Italia, Brasil y Francia; como resultado de estos viajes su primer libro de poemas Veinte poemas para ser leídos en el tranvía es publicado en Francia en 1922. El siguiente año lo dedica a viajar por toda España y a crear el segundo libro Calcomanías que es publicado precisamente en Madrid en 1925. En Buenos Aires funda, junto a otros escritores y artistas, la revista literaria Martín Fierro en 1924. La finalidad de la revista era promover las nuevas corrientes artísticas de vanguardia. Después de la disolución de la revista en 1927, por incompatibilidad de visiones políticas, Girondo avanza en su obra poética con la publicación de su tercer libro, Espantapájaros (al alcance de todos) publicado en Buenos Aires en 1932. Por medio de una inusual campaña publicitaria logra que el libro se agote en el primer mes de su publicación. En 1937 lanza su único relato Interlunio. Este salio acompañado ilustraciones oscuras y un tanto macabras del artista Lino Spilimbergo. Su siguiente libro La persuasión de los días se publica en 1942. El siguiente año contrae matrimonio con la escritora Nora Lange, después de una larga relación. En 1946 aparece Campo nuestro, poema largo que se considera un paréntesis en la obra de Girondo. Su último libro En la masmedula es publicado en 1953. Después sufre un accidente en 1961 que lo deja disminuido durante los últimos años de su vida. Oliverio Girondo muere en Buenos Aires el 24 de enero de 1967.

III. Método

A lo largo de la obra literaria de Oliverio Girondo los críticos reconocen tres etapas distintas. La primera esta constituida por los primeros dos libros, Veinte poemas para ser leídos en el tranvía (1922) y Calcomanías (1925). Schwartz40 ha caracterizado los libros esta etapa como “un universo de orientación internacionalista, estructurados en torno al tradicional Diario de Viajes”. En la segunda etapa se encuentran Espantapájaros (Al alcance de todos) (1932) e Interlunio (1937). En esta etapa la actitud cosmopolita del mundo se vuelve una actitud ante el hombre Del Corro (1976). En La última etapa están los textos Persuasión de los días (1942) y En la masmedula (1953). En medio de estos libros esta Campo nuestro (1946), que se considera aparte de la continuidad en la obra de Girondo. Los textos críticos concluyen que Campo nuestro un tropezón en el trayecto poético de Girondo comentó Perednik41 en su artículo “Campo nuestro y propiedades Criticas”. La última etapa es caracterizada, según Del Corro, como una actitud ante el todo. También es un descenso a las simas del lenguaje y la existencia, dijo el poeta y critico Enrique Molina42.

40 Ibíd. 41 Ibíd. 42 Citado en: “Oliverio Girondo obra literaria”. Biblioteca virtual de Miguel Cervantes.

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En el presente análisis se toman en cuenta las tres etapas en la progresión poética de Girondo. Se descarta el análisis de todo otro material que no sea perteneciente a las tres etapas reconocidas. Por ende, El texto Campo nuestro no es considerado para análisis. Tampoco son estudiados otros textos o poemas que el autor escribió no incluidos en los libros arriba mencionados. Para realizar este estudio se tomaron ejemplos de poemas pertenecientes a cada una de las tres etapas ya discutidas. La selección de los poemas es arbitraria debido a que la intención es de resaltar aquellos que mejor caracterizan cada etapa. El número también es arbitrario debido a que hay gran variación en la cantidad de poemas contenidos en cada etapa. En el análisis de los poemas se busca analizar la estructura su estructura así como los diferentes recursos lingüísticos usados. En cada etapa se hace un análisis lingüístico poniendo énfasis en: tipo de palabras usadas, modos verbales, tiempos; así como también algunos aspectos de sintaxis, semántica y fonética. Otros recursos lingüísticos son destacados según sean relevantes. Debido a que no se analiza cada uno de los poemas las conclusiones que se extraen del análisis son generalizaciones de los patrones encontrados.

IV. Resultados

A Continuación se presenta un resumen de los resultados del análisis de cada poema escogido para cada etapa. Los resultados están divididos en tres secciones correspondientes a las tres etapas en la obra de Girondo. Al hacer esto se pueden ver los rasgos que los poemas en cada sección tienen en común además de ver los mismos contrastes y variaciones dentro de la misma etapa.

Primera etapa

En el primer Libro Veinte poemas para ser leídos en un tranvía (VP) la forma de los poemas se alterna entre verso, y prosa lírica. En “Paisaje bretón” el objeto de descripción es un paisaje rural británico. En este poema hay una mezcla de verso y prosa. Formalmente es verso, pero cada estrofa forma más o menos una oración:

Dounarnenez, en un golpe de cubilete, empantana entre sus casas como dados, un pedazo de mar, con un olor a sexo que desmaya.

Algo que notar es que en cada estrofa, con excepción de la segunda que está formada por dos exclamaciones, es que en medio del sujeto y el verbo siempre hay por lo menos un sintagma o frase que ayuda a describir la acción. El modo verbal predominante es indicativo con excepción de una frase en modo subjuntivo. El tiempo verbal es en presente en todo el poema. Hay bastante uso de metáforas

En “Apunte callejero” también de VP la estructura es completamente en prosa y todas las oraciones son completas. El poema cuenta con tres párrafos cortos. El primero está escrito en forma impersonal, mientras que los otros dos están escritos en primera persona. Todo el poema esta escrito en presente, y aunque hay un verbo en futuro el sentido se de presente: “pienso donde guardaré los quioscos, los faroles, los transeúntes, que se me entran por las pupilas”. El verbo principal es pensar, que es el que denota la acción. En esta oración también se puede ver el uso de

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 122 J.Portillo - 123 bastantes substantivos que ayudan a llenar el panorama que se describe. A través del poema hay el uso de palabras deícticas, o sea palabras que dependen exclusivamente del contexto para poder ser entendidas. Por ejemplo cuando dice: “En un quito piso, alguien se crucifica al abrir de par en par una ventana.” La palabra crucificar no se entendería o tendría un significado ambiguo de no ser por que se nos explica que sucede cuando se abre la ventana de par en par. Entonces entendemos que la imagen es de alguien con sus manos extendidas al momento de abrir la ventana. La palabra crucificar, entonces se convierte en una metáfora. Otro ejemplo de esto es el último párrafo, que en realidad es sólo una oración, que dice: “Al llegar a una esquina, mi sombra se separa de mí, y de pronto se arroja entre las ruedas de un tranvía”. Por el contexto entendemos que la oración se refiere una persona caminado cerca de una pared y luego cerca de un tren de modo que la sombra parece separarse y arrojarse. El Segundo Libro, Calcomanías los poemas son escritos en verso con excepción del último, titulado “Semana santa”. En este libro el tema es España. A través del libro se describen diferentes lugares y tradiciones de España. Por ejemplo en “Calle de las sierpes”, poema dedicado a su amigo ramón Gómez de la Serna, Girondo describe la calle más famosa de la ciudad de Sevilla. El tiempo usado en el poema es presente. Esto es importante ya que al referirse a cosas tan específicas en presente crea la imagen de una escena congelada en el tiempo, como una fotografía. Todas las oraciones son desde un punto de vista en tercera persona en la que el narrador se sale de la escena. De los diez poemas que conforman el libro sólo en uno se hace una alusión en primera persona. En “Escorial las primeras líneas dicen: “A medida que nos aproximamos / Las piedras se van dando mejor”. Por lo demás todo el poema, como todos los otros, está hecho en tercera persona. El tipo de adjetivos y verbos en este poema es interesante. Estos se le atribuyen a cosas para las que no están destinados. Por ejemplo, describir al escorial como “Desnudo, anacorético”, decir que las “cigüeñas meditan…”, o que “las campanas espantan a los ángeles” da ambigüedad al significado de las palabras.

Segunda etapa

Espantapájaros (Al alcance de todos) es un libro de poemas en prosa, con la excepción de dos casos especiales; el caligrama del espantapájaros que aparece en la primera página del libro y el poema 12 que aparece a la mitad del libro. En el libro los poemas se alternan casi de forma consecutiva entre la forma impersonal y primera persona. El Poema 4 esta escrito en primera persona. El tiempo verbal usado es el pretérito perfecto y el modo es en indicativo. En este poema abunda el uso de la paranomasia, es decir de palabras que son similares fonéticamente. Por ejemplo el poema comienza: “Abandoné las carambolas por el calambur, los madrigales por los mamboretás, los entreveros por los entretelones, los invertidos por los invertebrados. Deje la sociabilidad a causa de sociólogos, de los solistas, de los sodomitas, de los solitarios”. La semejanza fonética entre las palabras usadas para comparar el antes y ahora dan un sentido de ambigüedad al poema. Puesto que se compara el pasado con el presente, cuando se lee y se encuentra tal semejanza hace pensar no hay cambio, esto a pesar de que las palabras con paronomasia no tienen mucha relación entre si.

El poema 18 esta escrito en forma impersonal. Aquí es interesante notar que con la excepción de dos verbos todos los demás tienen la forma de infinitivo o de gerundio. Otra característica de este y otros poemas en el libro es la repetición. La idea de llorar se repite a través del texto. Como se ve en esta primera parte del texto:

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Llorar a lágrima viva. Llorar a chorros. Llorar la digestión. Llorar el sueño. Llorar ante las puertas y los puertos. Llorar de amabilidad y de amarillo. Abrir las canillas, las compuertas del llanto. Empaparnos el alma, la camiseta. Inundar las veredas y los paseos, y salvarnos, a nado, de nuestro llanto... Asistir a los cursos de antropología, llorando. Festejar los cumpleaños familiares, llorando. Atravesar el África, llorando...

Interlunio Es un relato de difícil categorización pues es demasiado corto para ser novela y muy largo para ser un cuento, así lo ha dicho Retamoso (2005). Aunque Interlunio no es una obra poética en el sentido formal se incluye en esta etapa por su carácter indispensable para la comprensión del poeta en sus libros posteriores, Del Corro (1976). Por su naturaleza tan extensa, es difícil analizar sus características lingüísticas con detalle. Una de las particularidades de este texto es que intercala la forma en primera persona con la forma impersonal. Otro fenómeno a destacar es el uso de palabras y oraciones que crean un contraste entre lo local y lo extranjero, favoreciendo lo local. “Europa es como yo” dice el personaje que con quien el narrador/personaje se topa en un bar, “algo podrido y exquisito…La tierra ya no da para más. Es demasiado vieja. Está llena de muertos”. Después se dice, “Aquí, en cambio, la tierra es limpia y sin arrugas. Ni un camposanto, ni una cruz”. También son destacables las imágenes surrealistas creadas a lo largo del relato. Esto es la continuación de lo que sucede en Espantapájaros, donde por ambigüedad de semántica, comparaciones absurdas, y demás recursos el autor crea mundos raros e ilógicos.

Tercera etapa

Esta etapa la comienza su siguiente libro Persuasión de los días. En este libro Girondo abandona su forma anterior prosaica para adoptar la forma más clásica de la poesía que es la lírica. Además de estar en verso los poemas por lo general llevan una métrica raramente vista en poemas anteriores. Y aunque hay gran variedad, los poemas en Persuasión de los días tienen formas más clásicas de poesía. El mejor ejemplo es el primer poema del libro “Vuelo sin orillas”. En éste la métrica es uniforme a lo largo del poema. Está compuesta por siete estrofas de ocho versos cada una. Los versos son heptasílabos, además hay rima, cosa que no había en los poemas anteriores. Basta la primera estrofa para ilustrar todo lo dicho:

Abandoné las sombras, las espesas parees, los ruidos familiares la amistad de los libro, el tabaco, las plumas los secos cielorrasos; para salir volando, desesperadamente.

Lingüísticamente esta estructura se sostiene en casi todo el poema. Por ejemplo el segundo verso de cada estrofa tiene la forma de sintagmas adjetivales, con excepción del último que es un sintagma verbal. Además la mayor parte del poema esta compuesto precisamente por sintagmas adjetivales y verbales. En el poema se intercalan los dos aspectos del pretérito, el perfecto y el imperfecto. Una característica que se conserva de la etapa anterior es la repetición. Esto se ve en

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 124 J.Portillo - 125 poemas como “Arena”, “Es la baba” y en “Hay que compadecerlos” principalmente, aunque esto es recurrente en el libro.

Su último En la masmedula es la culminación de esta etapa. Aquí ocurren varios cambios en cuanto al uso del lenguaje. La mayoría de estos cambios tienen que ver con quitar la función comunicativa del lenguaje. Una forma de lograr esto es alterando la sintaxis de las oraciones. Esto se ve desde el primer poema “La mezcla”. Por ejemplo las primeras cuatro líneas dicen:

No sólo el fofo fondo los ebrios lechos légamos telúricos entre fanales senos y sus líquenes

Para empezar no hay verbo, entonces no se comunica una acción. No hay un sujeto claro que indique un punto de referencia. La yuxtaposición de adjetivos y sustantivos en forma arbitraria sin obedecer las reglas de la sintaxis no permite reconocer sintagmas claros. Además no hay signos de puntuación ni en este ni en ningún otro poema en este volumen.

Otro fenómeno interesante es el que ocurre a nivel léxico. En muchos poemas de este libro ocurre una aglutinación de palabras para formar una nueva palabra que caréese de semántica. Un buen ejemplo de este fenómeno está en “El puro no”

El no el no inóvulo el no nonato el noo el no poslodocosmos de impuros ceros noes que noan noan noan y nooan y plurimono noan al morbo amorfo noo no démono no deo sin son sin sexo ni órbita el yerto inóseo noo en unisolo amódulo sin poros ya sin nódulo ni yo ni fosa ni hoyo el macro no ni polvo el no más nada todo el puro no sin no

En este poema también se puede ver otro fenómeno prevalente en esta última colección de poemas, que es el énfasis que existe en la fonética. Aquí se destaca claramente el fonema /n/. Luego hay otros poemas donde son otros sonidos los que tienen un énfasis. Por ejemplo, en el poema “Noche tótem se destaca /s/ y en “yolleo” el /ll/

Por último hay poemas en los que prácticamente todo el lenguaje es reconstruido o inventado. “Mi lumia” es un buen ejemplo. La léxica es apenas reconocible, la sintaxis se quiebra y la semántica es inexistente.

Mi Lu mi lubidulia

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mi golocidalove mi lu tan luz tan tu que me enlucielabisma y descentratelura y venusafrodea y me nirvana el suyo la crucis los desalmes con sus melimeleos sus eropsiquisedas sus decúbitos lianas y dermiferios limbos y gormullos mi lu mi luar mi mito demonoave dea rosa mi pez hada mi luvisita nimia mi lubísnea mi lu más lar más lampo mi pulpa lu de vértigo de galaxias de semen de misterio mi lubella lusola mi total lu plevida mi toda lu lumía. V. Discusión

Después del análisis lingüístico de varios ejemplares de poemas a lo largo de la obra literaria de Oliverio Girondo se pueden ver algunos patrones en cuanto al uso de lenguaje se refiere. Primero, la obra de Girondo puede entenderse como un recorrido y una búsqueda, así lo afirmó Retamoso (2005). En sus palabras concluyó que la obra girondana puede ser leída “como una suerte de itinerario textual caracterizado por experimentar formas nuevas aún cuando lo sean simplemente como reposición de formas tradicionales que previamente se habían desechado”. Este carácter explorador se puede ver a lo largo del quehacer poético de Girondo. Lo vemos desde su primer libro donde usa una mezcla de prosa y lírica en sus poemas. En su segundo libro regresa a una poesía en verso, sin que esto reste su narrativa prosaica. En toda la primera etapa se puede ver un expresionismo en el cual se acentúan ciertos rasgos y formas de los objetos a modo de que se crea una especie de fotografía. En la segunda etapa vemos que se aleja del lenguaje pintoresco y prefiere un lenguaje más reflexivo. Esto se ve claramente en Espantapájaros donde prefiere adoptar la prosa para ilustrar sus reflexiones. El la alternancia entre formas de primera y tercera persona ayudan a que se de esta reflexión. La excepción al caso como ya se había mencionado antes es el caligrama en con la figura de un espantapájaros y el poema 12 a la mitad del libro; el cual está conformado por una serie de 24 líneas formadas por tres sintagmas verbales cada una; estos en forma reflexivo/reciproco (Se miran, se presienten, se desean). Esta elección del ‘se’ através del poema calificado por Hualde (2001) como una de las unidades más difíciles de clasificar le da mayor énfasis a la idea de exploración emprendida por Girondo. En cuanto al lenguaje, vemos una exploración de recursos lingüísticos como la paronomasia, la comparación y la repetición. En el siguiente libro, Interlunio ahonda más en la prosa al presentar un solo relato largo de difícil categorización. Después vuelve a formas clásicas, que el no había usado antes, de poesía. Para culminar en su libro En la masmedula con formas novedosas en las que el lenguaje es explotado al máximo para obtener formas de expresión que traspasan la semántica y la léxica.

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El segundo rasgo en la poesía de Girondo es la caracterización de tres etapas o momentos distintos en los que se reflejan tres distintas actitudes del poeta. Del Corro (1976) definió estas actitudes como: tres momentos de progresión; El primero una actitud ante las cosas; el segundo una actitud ante el hombre; y el tercero una actitud ante el todo. Al ver solamente los rasgos lingüísticos se puede concluir positivamente estas aseveraciones. En la primera etapa sin duda el objeto es el mundo exterior. Mediante el uso de amplias descriptores, deícticos, una forma impersonal y tiempo presente en casi toda la etapa, se desarrolla una visión del mundo que rodea al poeta. En la siguiente etapa la actitud se vuelca a lo interior para reflexionar sobre distintas preocupaciones del hombre; tales como el concepto de la belleza, miedos, sueños, dudas y emociones. Esto se logra con el uso excesivo de repetición comparaciones, en su mayoría carentes de lógica. Estos recursos crean una imagen surrealista de ambigüedad que insten en la introspección. En la tercera etapa el desplome del lenguaje común por uno exótico permite, al mismo tiempo una mirada al cosmos así como también un decenazo a lo íntimo y básico. Lingüísticamente algo tan básico y primordial como lo son los sonidos del lenguaje, sin que otras estructuras más complejas como la léxica y la semántica importen tanto.

Por último, se puede ver, en la obra girondana una progresión descendiente en cuento a la función comunicativa del lenguaje. En un principio el lenguaje tiene una función principalmente comunicativa. Como ya se vio los dos primeros libros son como diarios de viaje en los que lo importante es la descripción de los objetos observados. Luego la función comunicativa del lenguaje se ve reducida en la segunda etapa en lo que más importa la expresión de distintos sentimientos. Al final ya en la tercera etapa, específicamente en el último libro, la función comunicativa del lenguaje se ve tan atrofiada que lo que más importa es reflejar una actitud que comunicar o siquiera expresar algo.

VI. Conclusión

El objetivo de este trabajo como es establecido en la introducción era el de encontrar la diversidad del uso de lenguaje a través de la obra poética de Oliverio Girondo. Al final del análisis creo que este objetivo se ha logrado. Como se ha expuesto Girondo ha hecho uso de distintos recursos lingüísticos en su constante renovación artística. Esto se ve reflejado desde un principio de su poesía donde utiliza formas no tan convencionales poco usadas por otros autores. Sobre su segundo libro el mismo Borges43 comenta con asombro “Girondo es un violento. Mira largamente las cosas y de golpe les tira un manotón. Luego, las estruja, las guarda”. Luego, su segunda etapa conformada por 24 poemas en prosa y un relato cuya designación sigue pendiente, ¿Es este un súper-cuento o una micro-novela? Los críticos aún no se ponen de acuerdo. Y que más decir de la última etapa aparte que es toda una innovación en cuanto al uso del lenguaje se refiere. Por esto creo que se cumplido el objetivo de ver en la obra de Girondo una constante exploración de nuevas y variadas formas de expresión.

43 Encontrado en: Oliverio Girondo: Obra Completa. op. cit.

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VII. Obras citadas

Obra Primaria

Oliverio Girondo: Obra Completa. Edición critica. Raúl Antelo Coordinador. Madrid: ALLCA XX, 1999.

Obras Secundarias

Antelo, Raúl. ‘Introducción del coordinador”, en Oliverio Girondo: Obra Completa, op. cit.

Borges, Jorge Luis. “Oliverio Girondo: Calcomanías”, en Oliverio Girondo: Obra Completa, op. cit.

Del Corro, Gaspar Pío (1976). Oliverio Girondo: Los límites del Signo. Buenos Aires: Fernando García Camberiro.

Hualde, J. I.., Olarrea, A., y Escobar, A. M. (2001). Introducción a la lingüista hispana. Reino Unido: Cambridge University Press,

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Oliverio Girondo. Biblioteca virtual Miguel De Cervantes. Última fecha de acceso 10 de oct. 2007, http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/bib_autor/Girondo/obra.shtml

Perednik, Jorge Santiago. “Campo nuestro y propiedades críticas”, en Oliverio Girondo: Obra Completa, op. cit.

Pinto, Juan. “Oliverio Girondo, poeta surrealista”, en Oliverio Girondo: Obra Completa, op. cit.

Retamoso, Roberto (2005). Oliverio Girondo: el devenir de su Poesía. Argentina: UNR.

Schwarts, Jorge. “La trayectoria masmedular de Oliverio Girondo”, en Oliverio Girondo: Obra Completa, op. cit.

Victoria, Marcos. “Un experimento de Oliverio Girondo”, en Oliverio Girondo: Obra Completa, op. cit.

Yurkievich, Saúl (2002). Fundadores de la nueva poesía latinoamericana. Barcelona: Edhasa.

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Análisis lingüístico de code-switching en la película Quinceañera: Alfonso Rodriguez

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Abstracto

Recientemente, ha estado creciendo un interés de investigación por las interrelaciones que existen entre los dos lenguajes español-inglés entre personas bilingües. En los estados unidos por la populación que ha estado incrementado por hispanos bilingües se ha estudiado el contacto que existe entre español e inglés en sus conversaciones. El análisis de la investigación esta basado en dos partes, la primera parte esta enfocado en la observación de diferentes autores y la segunda parte esta enfocada en mi estudio. El énfasis en mi estudio esta basado en la película Quinceañera. El estudio del análisis esta enfocado en el fenómeno que se da en los discurso por protagonistas en la película. El fenómeno que muchos bilingües lo introducen en las conversaciones es conocido como code-switching. Se analizaran los diferentes elementos que contribuyen por lo que las personas en su discurso introducen code-switching. Del mismo modo los hallazgos son de mayor importancia ya que revelan sucesos en las vidas contemporáneas de los hispanos bilingües en los Estados Unidos.

Introducción

El análisis de code-switching en la película Quinceañera es de mayor importancia ya que es uno de los primeros estudios que se han hecho no solo en esta película sino en general. Se ha decidido destacar en esta rama por la misma razón de que muy pocos estudios sean hecho. Lo mas interesante de este estudio es que esta basado el estudio en una familia bilingüe que intercambian lenguas en sus conversaciones. Dicho ejemplo es parte de la realidad que se vive en muchas familias bilingües en los Estados Unidos y podemos decir que esta reflejando cierto fenómeno.

Hoy un factor importante, que es distinguido en los latinos bilingües es la influencia del uso del lenguaje del inglés en el español o el español en el inglés en las conversaciones. Como se ha mencionado anteriormente un fenómeno común que se da en conversaciones de personas bilingües entre español e inglés u otra lengua es nada menos que code-switching. Ha habido muy pocas aclaraciones en lo que cabe acerca de la naturaleza de este fenómeno en su relación con interferencia. Sin embargo muy pocos estudios se han hecho en el tópico de code-switching en una película. Por otra parte muchos estudios se han efectuado en diferentes ámbitos. El fenómeno de code-switching en la película es muy interesante por que en los protagonistas encontramos características diferentes que hacen que haya más interés en el estudio. El estudio en este caso es español-inglés code-switching en la película Quinceañera la intención es de saber un poquito mas de bilingüismo lingüístico y proveer una intensa descripción en el análisis de code-switching. En este estudio se va a demostrar que personas bilingües hablantes usan code-switching como respuesta hacia una situación social pero también como un instrumento personal que usan ambos para colorear el discurso como para enfatizar lo que se ha dicho.

Muchos lingüistas han definido code-switching de diferentes maneras, en este caso usare la definición siguiente: la alternación de cambio de código o code-switching uno de los fenómenos más frecuentes en las comunidades bilingües, no es otra cosa que el uso alterno de dos lenguas en el mismo discurso. Para complementar ya lo dice Guadalupe “Two distinct areas: the nature of code-switching when it occurs in response to a social situation; the nature of code- switching when it is dependent upon the individual speaker’s personal preference, inclination, or need, given that the social situation in question permits either code”(Valdes 96)44. Esta cita

44 Latino Language and Communicative Behavior

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 131 J.Portillo - 132 ayudara para analizar los ejemplos de code-switching en el discurso de los protagonistas en la película. Así mismo será demostrado que hablantes bilingües usan la alternación de la lengua como herramienta para pasar el significado del mensaje hacia el interlocutor. Es de mayor importancia reconocer que en las conversaciones el contexto entre los protagonistas diferenciaba o se dictaba cuando ocurría el code-switching.

Método

El estudio fue hecho en la película Quinceañera donde una familia bilingüe vivía en Echo Park, Los Angeles California. Los datos fueron colectados de la misma película puesto que consistía en analizar cada una de sus conversaciones enfatizando donde el contexto. El método consistía en transcribir las conversaciones de los miembros de la familia especial mente donde se hacia el code-switching. El estudio se hizo en la variación de code-switching como ocurría en el discurso de los personajes principales. Las características de los diferentes personajes fueron de mucha importancia ya que fueron útiles al analizar los discursos. Se fue analizando cada una de las conversaciones y su contexto ya que se encontró que el uso de la lengua era diferente de acuerdo a su interlocutor al mismo tiempo que la atmósfera en que se realizaban las conversaciones. Una vez que las conversaciones fueron transcribidlas se analizaron en su contexto, quien era el locutor al igual que el interlocutor, al igual que la estructura del intercambio de la lengua. La intención es de examinar lo que influye al hablante a hacer code- switching al igual las ventaja o desventajas que hay si existen. La observación de las consecuencias en donde ocurre el cambio de código es motivada por el contexto. Ya lo comenta Lance “the language switching does not occur simple because the speaker does not know a particular word in one language or the other; rather the word or phase that is most readily available at the moment” (Lance 138). Esta cita contribuye al estudio de la película en los protagonistas puesto que el code switching en las conversaciones ocurría espontáneamente en ellos.

Resultados

Los resultados fueron impresionantes ya que contribuyeron a la hipótesis de los resultados que se había pensado. La hipótesis manifestaba que el fenómeno de code-switching era parte de la contribución hacia la sociedad de promover el bilingüismo. Por la diversidad de características en los protagonistas se ha encontrado y planteado que diferentes circunstancias en el ambiente se manifiesta el code-switching. Por otra parte se descubrió que la película promueve los discursos hechos por familias bilingües hoy en día en los Estados Unidos. Podemos decir que la película proyecta la realidad e influye a la sociedad. En el contexto de las conversaciones encontramos que inglés mayormente es usado en lugar de trabajo como en lugares públicos y por otra parte el español primordialmente es el lenguaje de la casa. También este estudio presenta la investigación que fue parte de conversaciones espontáneas donde los protagonistas interactuaban diferentes ideas.

Los siguientes datos discuten los resultados del análisis cual compromete la primera parte del estudio donde se prueba que la película es lo que se da en familias bilingües en los Estados Unidos. El estudio solamente provee la información sustraída de la película. Una observación general es que el español no solamente era el lenguaje de los miembros de la familia sino al igual que inglés. Como refencia “Por intercambio de codigos se entiende el uso alterno de dos lenguas por el mismo hablante durante un hecho de habla”(Corvalan 179). Esta cita apoya los siguientes datos. Se descubrió que code-switching ocurrió en aproximadamente un tercio de las conversaciones producidas por los protagonistas. Al mismo tiempo se encontró los desenlaces

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 132 J.Portillo - 133 siguientes: Magdalena, es una chica de catorce años monolingüe que es nacida en Los Estados Unidos el uso de la lengua en su contexto es muy diferente dependiendo con quien esta conversando. Por ejemplo cuando Magdalena habla con su mamá, María, le habla en español excepto cuando se trata de algo importante y especialmente cuando le esta preguntando algo significativo. Magdalena en sus conversaciones con su papá, Ernesto, habla en inglés. Cuando ella habla con su novio, Herman, y amigas todas sus conversaciones son en inglés. En el caso de María la mamá de Magdalena, no nacida en los Estados Unidos, cuando habla con ella hay una varias de intercambio de code-switching aunque muy limitado. María, una mujer de treinta y ocho años de edad, todas las conversaciones con las personas mayores de edad son en español pero cuando habla con su hijo Júnior de ocho años son en inglés. Ernesto, un hombre de cuarenta y dos años de edad el papá de Magdalena, no nacido en los Estados Unidos, solamente dos veces habla en inglés una con su cuñado que es al principio de la película y la otra es al final cuando le esta pidiendo perdón a Magdalena. Herman, un chico de veintidós años monolingüe nacido en los Estados Unidos sus conversaciones son en inglés ya sea cuando habla con Magdalena o con su madre o amigos. Tío Tomas, un anciano de ochenta y tres años de edad no nacido en los Estados Unidos, sus conversaciones con Magdalena y Carlos son en inglés pero cuando habla ya sea con María o Ernesto son en español. Carlos, un cholo de veinte cinco años sus conversaciones son en inglés. Tía Silvia, una mujer de cuarenta años no nacida en los Estados Unidos, frecuente mente sus conversaciones son tanto en inglés como en español.

En la tabla enseguida encontramos algunas de las conversaciones por los protagonistas en la película donde fomentan code-switching. Al analízalas podemos encontrar que el contexto forma parte del fenómeno. Se ha encontrado que se utiliza el camabio de codigo cuando los protagonistas se encuentran en cituaciones emocionales. En estas cituaciones emocionales los protagonistas manifiestan un interes no explicable por enlazar ambas lenguas. Parte de los mismo resultados algunas caracteristicas son atraidas por la audiencial.

Protagonistas Code- Interlocutor Contexto Características switching Magdalena (a) I am Ernesto (Papa) Discussion muy Mujer, catorce telling you, I servera años, have not monolingüe being with a boy Ernesto (a) Vete no te Magdalena La esta Hombre, quiero ver regañando y cuarenta años esta enojado entre una discusión María (a) Go to your Magdalena Le ordena en Mujer, catorce room una forma muy años, fuerte monolingüe Tío Tomas Aquí esta, let Amiga de la Conversacion Hombre, me take care familia normal ochenta y tres of him años de edad nomolingüe

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Protagonistas Code- Interlocutor Contexto Características switching Ernesto De aqui en Magdalena Arrepentido Hombre adelante todo cuarenta años sera diferente. de edad I promise

Protagonistas Code-switching Interlocutor Contexto Características

María (a) Pero Eiline se Magdalena Conversacion 38 años, mujer veía bonita con normal Monolingüe su vestido (b) Tu tía Silvia dijo que te lo iba a regalar para tu 15añera (c) Como que that is nice Magdalena (a) Yeah María Conversacion Mujer, catorce (b) That is nice años, (c) Ya se mamá monolingüe pero es que I kind of want a new dress for my Quinceañera María (d) Hay que niña Magdalena Esta sorprendida de donde sacas esas ideas Magdalena (e) Please, por María Le esta haciendo favor mama. una propuesta, y Just talk with le esta daddy about it suplicando al please. mismo tiempo. Prometemelo, thank you mama.

Discusión

A continuación proveeré un resumen de lo que considero lo más importante del análisis de code-switching en la película. También presentare algo de a hipótesis que yo había pronosticado. La información encontrada en el análisis en la película Quinceañera revela como ejemplo de muchas familias latinoamericanas bilingües no promueven la cultura de la lengua en el hogar. En al película encontramos una serie de acontecimientos en el contexto que hacen que los protagonistas hagan el code-switching.

En cierta forma la familia que esta en la película en este caso se pudiera decir que no promueven que se siga la cultura en o las reglas de hablar en español en la casa. Como ejemplo personal usare mi familia. Yo pertenezco a una familia de seis incluyendo a mis padres. Yo soy el mayor y hay unos hermanos de diecinueve y diecisiete y quince. Ambos hermanos podemos

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 134 J.Portillo - 135 conversaciones en español o inglés pero cuando se trata de comunicarnos con nuestros padres debe de ser en español. Esto significa que hay reglas en el uso del lenguaje y como implementarlo. Con estos resultados manifiesto que cuando se mezclan ambas lenguas es una reacion de la persona dependiendo su educacion, sexo, edad y en el lugar donde a vivido.ya lo dice Wei “it is important to remember that xode-switching is only one of many linguistics resources available to bilingual speakers ( Wei 1730).45

Conclusión

Los resultados del estudio nos llevan a las siguientes conclusiones. Este estudio provee una descripción de conversaciones en español-inglés que ocurrieron en la familia bilingüe. Parte de esta investigación esta enfocada en el discurso de los miembros de la familia en la película Quinceañera y nos llevan a las siguientes conclusiones. Magdalena es una chica de catorce años monolingüe un tercio de sus conversaciones introduce code-switching. En ella miramos que habla inglés cuando esta con su novio y amigas pero cuando esta en casa habla español. Carlos un chico de veinte cinco monolingüe sus conversaciones son el 100% en inglés. Maria una mujer de treinta y ocho años las conversaciones con su esposo son en español, con Júnior inglés pero con Magdalena hay una mezcla. Ernesto por lo tanto sus conversaciones en ingles es muy limitadas ya que solamente hizo el cambio en dos ocasiones. Tío Tomas cuando se dirige con personas que el sabe que son monolingües, Carlos y Magdalena, usa la lengua adecuada pero cuando hay limitaciones se dirige en la lengua mejor entendida. Herman un chico de veintidós sus conversaciones son en ingles. Silvia una mujer que sabe perfectamente como introducir la lengua dependiendo su interlocutor fomenta mas el code-switching.

Propongo que además de investigaciones en lo que cabe al fenómeno de code-switching en otras áreas se hagan mas en esta rama. Dada a la falta de recursos en el análisis de code- switching en películas motivo para se pueda difundir a profundidad mas estudios. En la película Quinceañera encontramos una diversidad de conversaciones dadas por los protagonistas, con diferentes características, donde el code-switching es un factor de importancia. El estudio de code-switching seguirá siendo un tópico para explorar y siempre habrá algo que decir ya que contribuye tanto a la cultura, la lengua y las relaciones interculturales. Finalmente, code- switching es un fenómeno que se puede entender y emplear como una producción del hablante como referencia de la lengua.

Reconocimientos

El autor le agradece a su familia especialmente a su mamá Margarita, profesores, novia por el tremendo apoyo en la jornada hacia el final del proyecto y a los Teambuilders.

Referencias

Auer, Peter (1998). Code-Switching in Conversation. New York: Routledge.

45 Code-Switching in Conversation

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 135 J.Portillo - 136

Lance , Donald M (1975). El Lenguaje de los Chicanos. Arlington, Virginia: Center for Applied Linguistics.

Silva-Corvalán, Carmen (1998). Sociolingüística Teoría y Análisis. Madrid España: Alhambra.

Glatzer, Richard (2006) Quinceañera, Kitchen Sink Entertainment

Lipski, John M. (2005).Code-Switching or Borrowing? No se so no puedo decir, you know. Selected Proceeding of the Second Workshop on Spanish Sociolinguistics, ed.. 1-15.

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Apéndice A

Grafica de conversaciones transcribidlas.

Protagonista code switching interlocutor contexto Magdalena Yeah Mamá Esta apunto de dormirse María Pero Eiline se veía bonita con su Hija Se esta vestido, estaba hermosísimo. despidiendo Magdalena It was beautiful Mamá Le responde sin ganas María Tu tía Silvia dijo que te lo iba a Hija Muy regalar par tu 15añera emociondada Magdalena That is nice Mama Sin ganas repnde Mamá Como que that is nice Hija Se sorprende Magdalena Ya se mamá pero es que I kind Mamá Discutiendo of want a new dress for my15anera Magdalena Mama, can I get a hammer limo, Mamá Esta if you save money for the suplicando un quinceañera instead of the dress favor Mamá Que? Magdalena Can I get a hammer limo the Mamá Esta same that Eilienn repitiendo Mamá Hay que niña de donde sacas Hija No lo puede esas ideas creer Magdalena Please, por favor mamá. Just Mamá Esta talk with daddy about it please. emocionada y Prométemelo. Thank you haciendo una mamá. suplica Mamá It’s getting cold tonight. Mi Hija Pregunta hija, mi hija, have you being with Herman Magdalena No mom no, I have not being Mamá Respuesta with him Mamá I mean, Having relations Hija Aclaracion Mamá Cuando fue la ultima vez que Hija Pregunta no tuviste una visita mensual normal Papá Como pudiste que pasara, mira Su esposa Discusión en el estado que esta ella ahora Papá Vete Hija Enojo Papá Como crees que se siente tu Hija madre ahora, después de la vergüenza que has traído a esta casa y no solo eso a nuestra iglesia que es peor

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Protagonista code switching interlocutor contexto Magdalena It’s not what you think. The test is wrong Papá No ese examen no esta Hija equivocado Magdalena It is Papá Papá El que fornica contra su propio Hija cuerpo peca Papá Mientes, mientes Hija Magdalena I am telling you, I have not Papá being with a boy Papá Vete no te quiero ver. Hija Mamá Go to your room, let me handle Hija this Mamá How many tamales do you want Hijo Junior Junior Three mom Mamá Y tu Magdalena It is ok mami, I am not hungry

Ernesto Gracias por todo Silvia Silvia Silvia De nada Ernesto Silvia La cantidad de tiempo que me ha Family costado friends

Tío Tomas Ella esta muy bien María María No pude dormir toda la noche Tío Tomas Tío Tomas Mientras tanto no te apures ella esta bien con migo

Tío Tomas Todo ya esta bien, ya sabes que Magdalena Platicando esta es tu casa

Amiga de la Catorce años General Expresión de familia admiración Papá Tu madre me dijo que había sido Hija como una especie de milagro Magdalena There is a scientific explanation Papá Papá A veces el Señor actúa en Hija formas que no entendemos Magdalena Everything his doing Papá Papá Magdalena podrás perdonarme Hija algún día Magdalena Si Papá Papá De aquí en adelante todo será diferente. I Promise

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 138 J.Portillo - 139

Mood Variability among First and Second Generation Spanish Speakers: Sarah Symonds-Whight & Whitney Cole

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Abstract

This paper reports on a study of mood selection among first and second generation Spanish speakers. A survey was handed out to English/Spanish bilingual subjects with varying degrees of bilingualism in order to determine their preference of mood in specific situations. These surveys were analyzed according to grammatical rules of the subjunctive as well as other researchers’ findings. The results of this study indicate that there is a decline in the use of subjunctive among the second generation Spanish speakers, suggesting that the English language has an effect on the Spanish language.

Introduction

The Spanish language contains strict rules in regards to the use of the subjunctive, where there is a specific context for its use. Briefly defined, the subjunctive is a verb mood that is most commonly used to express doubt, uncertainty and emotion. The Cambridge Dictionary defines the subjunctive as a set of forms of a verb, in some languages, that refer to actions which are possibilities rather than facts and Butt (2004) states that it most often occurs in clauses proceeded by que, cuando, en cuanto, and after other subordinating conjunctions. There are three simple moods of the Spanish subjunctive including the present, the imperfect and the future and it is important because it expresses nuances that English does not. It also removes ambiguities that affect English now that it has more or less lost the subjunctive (Butt, 2004, 246). In recent years, the selection of mood relies more on the meaning one wishes to convey rather than the grammatical rules associated with the subjunctive (Whitley, 2002). Previous studies done on subjunctive use sought to find variability among Spanish speakers due to location, age and gender. For example, Studerus (1995) found subjunctive variability in his study due to the location of his subjects in Laredo and Nuevo Laredo. A more recent study was conducted by Isabelli in 2006, and her experiment focused on generational and social differences concerning the use of the subjunctive, rather than location. The present study does take into account location, but more importantly looks at the first and second generation Spanish speakers regarding the application of grammatical rules of the subjunctive.

The subjunctive mood is particularly fascinating to study because it validates the concept that language is not permanent and that it is constantly changing to meet the needs of its speakers. In addition, mood variability illustrates how culture and language are intertwined in that different cultures can influence how a native language is spoken through adaptation of that culture. While the subjunctive is a useful component of the Spanish language, it is plausible that second generation speakers who are exposed to the English language will show a decline in the use of the subjunctive.

Method There were twenty surveys handed out to first and second generation Spanish speakers in California with varying degrees of bilingualism.46 The survey consisted of 23 questions, five of which consisted of biographical data, including place of origin, duration of time in the United States and education level (see Appendix). These types of questions were utilized to determine which generation the subjects represented. Eighteen questions required the subjects to determine the verb preference they considered most natural or most likely to occur in their speech when

46 Only 18 surveys were collected, of which 13 were from first generation Spanish speakers and the remaining five were from second generation Spanish speakers. All subjects are of Mexican heritage.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 140 J.Portillo - 141 applied to a specific context. Within these 18 questions, three allowed the subjects to respond freely, without direction. The questions used in the survey were based on Studerus’s (1995) study, which included open-ended questions to allow for more spontaneous and natural answers, comment-type sentences where subjects have to choose between subjunctive or indicative verb forms, and lastly, dubitative-type sentences that express doubt and belief. These questions were chosen due to the fact that they entail specific trigger words or phrases related to the subjunctive mood, although some questions were more ambiguous in terms of verb preference. To determine the frequency of subjunctive use among the two generational groups’ each survey was analyzed based purely on the subject’s choice of the subjunctive or not. For each question, on each survey, excluding the first five background questions, a tally mark (I) was assigned if the subjunctive mood was selected and an X was used to indicate the other verb tenses. The total number of X’s and I’s were separately divided by the total number of responses from the 18 questions where subjects chose their preferred verb tense. This equated to the approximate percentage of subjunctive use among the two generations.

Results

A total of 18 surveys were analyzed from both the first and second generation groups. In the first generation group of Spanish speakers, the results indicated that the subjunctive was selected 48% of the time and not selected 52% of the time. In the second generation group of Spanish speakers, the subjunctive was selected 29% of the time and not selected 71% of the time. The data is represented in Figure 1.1 below:

Figure 1.1: Percentage of Use among the two Generations

80%

60%

40% Yes No 20%

0% 1st Generation 2nd Generation

Table 1.1: Usage Rate of the Subjunctive Mood47

Generation Subjunctive used No Subjunctive First 110/234 122/234 Second 26/90 64/90

Discussion

The data suggests that there is a significant decline in the use of the subjunctive among second generation Spanish speakers when compared to the first generation. There are numerous explanations for this decline. The most likely cause for this is the influence of the English

47 The value of 234 is equal to the total number of questions from all first generation surveys and 90 is the total number of questions from second generation surveys.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 141 J.Portillo - 142 language on the Spanish speaker. The second generation is often exposed to English more so than the first generation. Since English has virtually lost its need for the subjunctive a second generation Spanish speaker in the United States would be more likely to eliminate the use of subjunctive in their speech. Another aspect of this has to do with the duration of time in the United States. According to the survey results, the majority of second generation Spanish Speakers were raised in the United States and attended a formal American school for at least eight years. This could affirm the idea that exposure to the English language, especially in a formal setting, affects grammatical components of their native Spanish language. In contrast to the second generation group, most first generation subjects spent the majority of their time attending a school in Mexico for at least four years and when they immigrated to the United States, they either did or did not attend a formal American school. Therefore, it is possible, from the data, that the first generation maintains a more traditional Spanish whereas the second generation speaks more informally due to these English influences. While this data focuses on generation as the reason for the decline in subjunctive use among the second generation group, other studies suggest that other factors influence the use of subjunctive. The results from this study were taken in California while other studies were conducted outside of California such as Texas, Mexico and Nevada suggesting that the variability of mood selection is due to factors such as location. Studerus (1995) is one such researcher, who after conducting his study on the Texas-Mexican border, found that the largely Spanish-English bilingual Mexican-American group generally preferred less subjunctive than the monolingual Spanish-speaking Mexican group. This seems to allude to the fact that the group on the Mexican side of the border does not have the same English influence that the Spanish-English bilingual Mexican-American group has. Isabelli (2006), another researcher who studied Spanish speakers in Nevada, states that location is important but that social factors present in the community also play a role in Native speakers’ grammatical development thus affecting the production of the subjunctive mood. Social factors such as implementing certain education programs to strengthen language skills will affect the use of their native language. Therefore, her research along with Studerus’s concludes that location is a factor in whether or not Spanish speakers use the subjunctive. As previously stated, the surveys handed out contained a variety of questions which encouraged the use of the subjunctive. These types of questions included comment-type, dubitative-type and open-ended questions. Studerus (1995), states that when the comment matrix assumes the truth of the embedded proposition this is considered a comment-type sentence. Question number three, in the second part of the survey, illustrates a comment type sentence:

3. Es maravilloso que ellos no ______(estar) enfermos. (It is marvelous that they are not sick).

Based on definitions of the subjunctive and the hypothesis of this study, it was expected that the first generation group would use the subjunctive mood of estar while the second generation would not. This was expected because of the trigger phrase es maravilloso que which indicates that the subjunctive should be used. The survey results showed that the majority of the first generation responded with esten (the subjunctive mood form) and the majority of the second generation responded with están (the present tense form) which proves the expected hypothesis. The dubitative-type sentences according to Studerus (1995), who references Terrell and Hooper, explains in such matrices such as no creer and negar que, nothing is asserted nor is anything assumed. Question six, in the second section of the survey, is an example of a dubitative-type sentence:

6. Ella no cree que ese abogado ______(ser) muy honrado. (She doesn’t believe that that lawyer is very honest).

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Here it was expected that the first generation Spanish speakers would use sea which is the subjunctive mood of ser and that the second generation Spanish speakers would use es which is the present tense of ser. From the survey results, these expectations were validated in that both groups used the predicted verb forms. The open-ended questions were designed to give the subjects the freedom to respond without any restriction on grammatical structure. Question number 16, in the third section of the survey, is an example of an open-ended question:

16. ¿Qué va a hacer hoy? (What are you going to do today?)

In reference to the hypothesis, it was again expected that the first generation would answer this question with the subjunctive mood and the second generation would find a different way to express their idea without using the subjunctive. Interestingly enough, the survey results showed that neither first nor second generation responded to this question using the subjunctive. The first generation used the future tense or ir + a and the second generation group solely used the ir + a construction. Although this example contradicts our hypothesis, it can be attributed to the idea that the question is structured in such a way that the subject is not encouraged to use any specific verb form whereas the first two examples are not as natural for everyday conversation and they control the context in which the subject is responding. Since the survey consisted of more than one open-ended question and the majority of both generations did not use the subjunctive, it can be assumed that there is a lack of importance in grammatical rules. In recent years the subjunctive has become more flexible because it is not based on grammatical rules as much as it is based on the message the speaker wishes to convey. Therefore, the fact that the survey questions contained trigger words specifically designed to encourage the use of subjunctive and the fact that it was not selected by the subjects proves that the subjunctive is more about individual interpretations rather than concrete rules. An interesting observation made, among the first generation was that, even though they used the subjunctive more overall, when it was required and not used the subjunctive was sometimes replaced with the imperfect, preterit or conditional tenses. Question 15 is an example of when the subjunctive was required and not used:

15. Ella no veía que nosotros ______(estar) aquí. (She didn’t see that we were here).

In this sentence the first generation group used estábamos, which is the imperfect tense of estar when they should have used estuviéramos. Another example where the subjunctive was not used is question two:

2. Es una lástima que mis primos no ______(llegar) a la fiesta. (It is a shame that my cousins did not arrive at the party).

In this instance, Es una lástima should have triggered the use of the subjunctive which is lleguen however many of the first generation subjects used llegaron which is the preterit tense of llegar. Finally, question fourteen demonstrates the use of the conditional tense in place of the subjunctive:

14. Ese día ella no dudaba que Juan ______(regresar) a tiempo. (That day she didn’t doubt that Juan would return on time).

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In this sentence, the trigger phrase no dudaba que should have prompted the subject to use the subjunctive. Instead, the first generation Spanish Speakers chose regresaría which is the conditional tense instead of regresara the subjunctive mood form. All of these examples illustrate the idea that in certain contexts the subjunctive does not always function to express the idea the speakers wants to convey. In addition to this observation, it was also noted that although the subjunctive was encouraged in all of the survey questions, there were times when the form of the subjunctive mood was incorrect. For example, instead of using the present subjunctive it was replaced with the imperfect subjunctive. This is evident in question number eight:

8. Consuelo niega que Pepe ______(haber) robado la pulsera. (Consuelo denies that Pepe has stolen the bracelet).

The majority of the first generation Spanish speakers used hubiera which is the imperfect mood of the subjunctive when grammatically they should have used haya which is the present mood of the subjunctive. This further demonstrates that Spanish speakers in general are not emphasizing the importance of the grammatical rules regarding the use of the subjunctive.48 According to Butt (2004) the subjunctive mood does not vary much throughout the Spanish speaking world. There are many variants and dialects of the Spanish language; however the subjunctive mood is one aspect that remains consistent in its use. The majority of subjects surveyed in this study were of Mexican origin therefore the results are not necessarily representative of everybody, despite the fact that the subjunctive mood does not vary among Spanish speaking countries. In addition, there was an unequal amount of surveys from each generation, so this data cannot be generally applied to all first and second generation Spanish speakers.

Conclusion

This research has attempted to determine if there exists a difference in the use of the subjunctive mood among first and second generation Spanish speakers. This study focuses primarily on generation as a factor in subjunctive production, in contrast to Isabelli (2006) and Studerus (1995) who concentrated on aspects such as social structure, age, gender and location. Isabelli (2006) concludes that the diminished preference of the subjunctive mood by the second and third generation Latinos suggests that these speakers are considered to be undergoing language simplification because they are losing or have lost the semantic ability to express degrees of assertiveness and degrees of meaning and/or subjectivity. The present study found that the first generation group preferred the subjunctive approximately twice as much, which suggests that the English language could be the underlying reason for the simplification of the Spanish language. Isabelli (2006) also concludes that social factors play a role in the preservation of Spanish in the Latino community. She states the importance of specific education programs not only at the elementary level, but also at the high school level to strengthen the linguistic areas where simplification is in progress. This reiterates the idea that education in the native Spanish

48 An interesting aspect of the surveys was the way in which the subjects from both generation groups spelled certain conjugated verbs. For example, subjects often spelled tuvieron as tubieron, voy as boy, iba as hiba and habia as abia. Since second generation Spanish speakers usually attend an American school where reading and writing are highly emphasized within the curriculum, their writing skills are at a more advanced level than those of the first generation who often lack a formal education. This lack in education among the first generation group affects their acquisition of writing skills and language in general.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 144 J.Portillo - 145 language is imperative to maintaining its complex components, allowing speakers to retain the subjunctive as well as other grammatical aspects of the language. Studerus (1995) focused his study on subjunctive use among Spanish speakers; however he hypothesized several different factors that influence mood variability, mainly pertaining to location with less emphasis on age and gender. He concluded that mood variability is affected by location, but age and gender were not conclusively proved to be factors contributing to mood selection. In regards to location, the present study also found variability in subjunctive use which suggests that where the speaker resides and their duration of time in the United States affects how the subjunctive is produced. Furthermore, Studerus (1995) claims that sentences introduced by comment, dubitative, assertion, and report matrices show variability in mood use in every example studied and in Nuevo Laredo, Texas and Laredo, Mexico. The present study questions were based on the sentence structure that Studerus used and even though the sentences contained specific trigger words to promote the use of the subjunctive, the results were not as overwhelmingly obvious as those of Studerus because he had so many different hypotheses enabling him to better categorize his results. Overall, the results of the present study were similar to those of Studerus in that the second generation group generally preferred less subjunctive than the first generation Spanish-speaking group. Future studies should focus on testing more than one hypothesis because it makes it easier to understand clear differences affecting mood variability. Furthermore, studies should focus on a more diverse group of people among the Spanish speaking world, in order to get a broader range of data and input from various regions. Finally, there could be more than one factor contributing to the decline in subjunctive use and future studies that focus on more than one factor increases the probability of better understanding reasons for this decline.

Acknowledgements

Thank you to our subjects who contributed to this research and to Dr. Jeffrey Reeder for guidance and support for this study.

Works Cited

Butt, J. & Benjamin, C. (2004). A New reference grammar of modern Spanish. New York: McGraw Hill.

Isabelli, A.C. (2006, March) Mood selection: A look at northern Nevada Latinos. Academic Exchange Quarterly. Retrieved October 1, 2007, from http://goliath.ecnext.com/coms2/gi_0199-5569092/Mood-selection-a-look-at.html

Studerus, L. (1995, May). Mood variability in border Spanish. Bilingual Review, 20 (2), 99. Retrieved September 29, 2007, from Academic Search Premier Database.

Whitley, S.M. (2002). A Course in Spanish linguistics: Spanish/English contrasts. Washington D.C: Georgetown University Press.

Appendix (optional)

Below is the survey used to conduct this study:

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Escriba sus propias respuestas a las siguientes preguntas.

1. ¿Usted nació en Los Estados Unidos? Si no, ¿dónde nació?

2. ¿Cuántos años tenía cuando llegó a Los Estados Unidos y en qué parte llegó?

3. ¿Cuántos años ha asistido una escuela formal en Los Estados Unidos?

4. ¿Cuántos años ha asistido una escuela formal en su país de origen?

5. ¿Cuál es su profesión?

Escriba la forma del verbo usted usaría en las oraciones siguientes.

1. No es triste que ellos (tener) frío.

2. Es una lástima que mis primos no (llegar) a la fiesta.

3. Es maravilloso que ellos no (estar) enfermos.

4. Es bueno que mis padres (estar) aquí.

5. No era triste que ellos (tener) frío.

6. Ella no cree que ese abogado (ser) muy honrado.

7. Patricia no cree que Juan (ir) a regresar mañana.

8. Consuelo niega que Pepe (haber) robado la pulsera.

9. Ese día dudaba que Juan (regresar) a tiempo.

10. Ese día ella no creía que Juan (ir) a regresar a tiempo.

11. Ella no duda que Juan (regresar) mañana.

12. El no niega que Juan (haber) robado la pulsera.

13. Ella no negaba que Juan (haber) robado la pulsera.

14. Ese día ella no dudaba que Juan (regresar) a tiempo.

15. Ella no veía que nosotros (estar) aquí.

Escriba su propia respuesta.

16. ¿Qué va a hacer hoy?

17. ¿Cómo será el tiempo mañana?

18. ¿Cómo podría mejorarse el gobierno?

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 146 J.Portillo - 147

Spanglish, the creation of a modern language in the United States: Stephanie J. Mohr

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 147 J.Portillo - 148

Abstract

The blend or mixture between Spanish and English found in Hispanic or Latino communities in the United States of America is known as Spanglish. Spanglish has become an increasingly prominent language among native Spanish speakers. With such an influx in the language it is important to understand the linguistics phenomenon behind this hybrid language. This paper addresses Spanglish linguistically and recognizes its occurrence in our country today. Detailed discussions of interviews with native Spanish speakers from various backgrounds provide an in depth look at Spanglish and its occurrence in Northern California.

Introduction

Overwhelmingly, Spanish has become an increasingly prominent language in the United State of America. In fact, it is the second most commonly spoken language after English. In some states, it is required to have official papers printed in both Spanish and English. California requires legislative notices and official documents to be printed in Spanish alongside English and other languages that are commonly spoken. Many other states in America recognize Spanish as a commonly spoken language such as Arizona, Texas, and New Mexico. Other states that do not boarder Mexico also recognize Spanish as a widely and commonly spoken language. Although the United States itself does not have an official language, it is accepted and known that English is the spoken language. The strong influence of the Spanish language in the United States is continuing to become more recognized and with Spanish and English both spoken in America it may go without saying that there would become a hybrid between both widely spoken languages. This crossbreeding and interaction between Spanish and English has become well known today as, Spanglish. Spanglish is defined as the blend or mixture between Spanish and English found in Hispanic or Latino communities in the United States of America. Just as English has been adopted as an official language in the United States, Spanglish is becoming recognized as commonly used language among bilingual English and Spanish speakers. Through speaking with native Latinos and Hispanics I hope to gain a greater understanding about the use of Spanglish used in Northern California. I presume that just as other researchers have found, Spanglish is alive and thriving among Northern Californians and offers a positive thoughtful linguistic opportunity to communicate verbally.

Language and Dialect

When looking at Spanglish as a language it is difficult to decipher whether it is a Spanish dialect, an interlanguage, a Creole language, or a pidgin language. An interlanguage is a linguistic border. A pidgin language is a communication system between people with no common language, but need some means of communication. A Creole language is a native pidgin language in a given community. Finally, a dialect is comprised of the variation, usually geographical, of a language that is understood by speakers of the same language. Spanglish holds some characteristics of an interlanguage, primarily of the Mexico- US boarder. Spanglish may also be labeled as a pidgin language because many of the borrowings from the English language are used to create a common a common English communication

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 148 J.Portillo - 149 code.49 An example of this might be recognized in the English word lunch, which is used in Spanglish to find a common communication code between Spanish and English speakers. Two phenomena’s are presented when discussing Spanglish; superficial, which includes borrowing and code switching; and deep, involving lexical-semantic, grammatical, and the “equalization to English” phenomenon. Under these different phenomena’s there are three sub- types of Spanglish. The first is noted by extensive use of English lexical items occurring in their original form in otherwise Spanish utterances. This subtype involves international terms in science and technology, substitutions of high frequency English words with Spanish equivalents, cultural borrowings as English slang and other English terms only translated by long strange paraphrases. This occurrence may also be found in vocabulary of American merchandising and advertising. Type two Spanglish consists of English words where the spelling or pronunciation has been changed. Type three Spanglish involves literal translation of English loan phrases, and not only involves a merging of Spanish and English but also a reflection of the unique Latin American way of life.50 These sub-types are observed in two distinct types of speakers. Type I is observed in people who were born in the United States or arrived their early in life. These speakers are primarily early bilinguals. Usually they speak English better because it is their schooling language. Therefore they prefer to read and write in English but find it easier to verbally express themselves through a mix of Spanish and English, commonly using code switching. Spanglish Type II is mostly found among native speakers who have been living in the United States for some time and borrow a significant number of words from English.51 There are many characteristics that help us identify Spanglish as a language. Some of these characteristics include borrowing, lexical-semantic characteristics, grammatical, and contexts expressing time and space. Spanglish is a language that derives from two distinct languages; Spanish and English. These characteristics identify how the language of Spanglish came about and how it is continuing to be used. The borrowing characteristic is used when an English word is phonologically simpler that the corresponding Spanish word, the English word may be borrowed.52 Frequently used words are usually “borrowed words”. Also, technical words are often borrowed and even become internationally known words. An example of this is: Spanglish- Winería Spanish- Bodega English- Winery Lexical-semantic characteristics involve literal translations of a word or sentence that is translated, resulting in a grammatically acceptable use that does not correspond to the one used in Spanish. It also has to do with synonym that is closer to the English form, this is where both words may be accepted but the English form is preferred.53 Some examples of these are: Literal Translation Spanglish- Oficinas de los doctores Spanish- Consultorios medicos

49 Ardila, Alfredo, “Spanglish: An Anglicized Spanish Dialect,” Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 27 (February 2005) 65-66 50 Ardila, Alfredo, “Spanglish: An Anglicized Spanish Dialect,” Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 27 (February 2005) 66-67 51 Ardila, Alfredo, “Spanglish: An Anglicized Spanish Dialect,” Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 27 (February 2005) 66-67 52 Ardila, Alfredo, “Spanglish: An Anglicized Spanish Dialect,” Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 27 (February 2005) 68 53 Ardila, Alfredo, “Spanglish: An Anglicized Spanish Dialect,” Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 27 (February 2005) 72

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 149 J.Portillo - 150

English- Doctors’ offices Synonyms Spanglish- Sala de emergencies Spanish- Sala de urgencies English- Emergency room Grammatical characteristics also play a large role in the creation of Spanglish. Using prepositions in a position that is unacceptable in Spanish and adding words that would typically be added in English is often found in Spanglish.54 An example of this error is: Spanglish- Para comenzar con Spanish- Para comenzar English- To begin with Expressing time and place has also become a commonly found are for the use of Spanglish. Expressing spatial relations in Spanish is associated with the English system. Placing adverbs in a sentence, and there are four words in Spanish that may be used, and two in English; acá, aquí, allí, allá (here, there). Acá and allí tend to disappear and are replaced by aquí and allá while using Spanglish. Demonstrative pronouns are another area in which time and space gets changed with Spanglish. There are three in Spanish, and two in English- este, ese, aquel (this one, that one). Aquel tends to be replaced with ese in Spanglish.55 Two examples of these errors are: Space Spanglish- Para aquí o para llevar? Spanish- Para acá o para llevar? English- For here or to go? Demonstrative Pronouns Spanglish- Hacer un izquirda Spanish- Voltear a la izquirda English- To make a left Through these characteristics of Spanglish we can identify why, and where Spanglish is adopted from English and Spanish and how and why it is used among native Spanish speakers.

Method

My personal investigation of Spanglish involved understanding the impact of Spanglish among native Spanish Speakers in California. My study consisted of oral interviews with eleven Hispanics or Latinos from various backgrounds. This sample included an elementary school teacher, Sonoma State students, A cook at a local restaurant, and workers and customers from a Mexican market in Sonoma County. The interview consisted of a series of questions regarding background information including their language preference, locations of birth, and language education background. Then, I proceeded to ask each person to translate simple English words or phrases that are commonly found among Spanglish speakers. Through their answers I was able to discern the use and the frequency of Spanglish words and phrases in their speech. Following the translation portion of my interview I asked each person if they used Spanglish, or knew what it was. After finding out if they knew what Spanglish was, I asked them to give me their personal definition of Spanglish. Finally, I was curious to find whether of not the

54 Ardila, Alfredo, “Spanglish: An Anglicized Spanish Dialect,” Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 27 (February 2005) 75 55 Ardila, Alfredo, “Spanglish: An Anglicized Spanish Dialect,” Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 27 (February 2005) 76-77

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 150 J.Portillo - 151 use of Spanglish allowed them to better express their thoughts and feelings, and explain some different contexts in which they use the hybrid language. Through my the interviewing process I hoped to find a link between the linguistics of Spanglish and the use of native the language among speakers in Northern California.

Results

The results from my interviews were consistent with the research that I had done prior to the interviews. It was overwhelmingly certain that Spanglish is alive and thriving among native Spanish speakers in Northern California. I found that in most cases the people I interviewed would be categorized as Type I speakers. They were mostly people who arrived to the United States early in life and would be considered bilingual speakers. They acted as native speakers of both languages, but preferred to read and write in English. This was due to their higher education of the language in a grammatical sense. Below I have listed the words and phrases asked and common responses that I received from interviewees.

“Emergency room” 82% used Spanglish- sala de emergencía “Doctors’ offices” 73% used Spanglish- oficina del doctor “For here or to go” (in a restaurant) 82% used Spanglish- para aquí o para llevar “To have lunch” 100% used Spanglish- lonche “Ride” (in a car) 82% used Spanglish- ride “Field” 64% used Spanglish- fil “Winery” 100% used Spanglish- winería

Through these simple translations, I concluded in almost every case that Spanglish had replaced Spanish in each translation. I also found that for the most part, each interviewee knew that they were using Spanglish. In the instance that they did not know they were using Spanglish, when I gave them an example of another way to say the word, for example; “bodega” in the place of “winería”, when I brought this to the attention of the interviewee they were surprised to recognize their error but follow up by confirming that they use and hear more often “winería” when referring to a winery. After posing the words and phrases for translation, I asked them if their Spanglish word choice allowed them to better express themselves. In every case, the native speakers believed that the use of Spanglish helped them better express their thoughts and feelings. Each Type I

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 151 J.Portillo - 152 participant would prefer to read and write formally in English even though Spanglish allowed them to better express themselves. Three interviews that I found particularly interesting included my interview with an elementary school teacher named Gabriella, interviews with Sonoma State University students, and my interview with Yonic Diaz, a cook from a restaurant in Sonoma County. Gabriella was originally from Baja California, she moved to Redwood City California and has lived there for 39 years. As a native speaker of Spanish, she learned to speak English during her first job as a nanny. The children that she was looking after taught her how to speak English, which she remembers, as was a wonderful experience. She remembers how patient and kind the children had been while teaching a language learner. Like many native Spanish speakers, Gabriella prefers to speak in Spanish with her family because her parents are able to understand her better. Speaking in Spanish also offers her comfort, since it was the language she grew up speaking with her parents. On the other hand, traditional to a Type I Spanglish speaker, she prefers to write in English because her diction and grammar is better due to her studies at an American University. Her studies in the United States forced her to practice and use English at her highest potencial. When asked if she used Spanglish, Gabriella responded yes, and continued on to explain her enthusiasm for the hybrid language. She defined Spanglish as; a dynamic language that consists of a verbal dance between two different, and widely spoken languages; Spanish and English. She furthered her definition and thoughts by explaining that Spanglish is a type of folklore, not a real language. She offered many positive aspects of Spanglish confirming that it offers a sense of comradery among native Spanish speakers in living in the United States because Spanglish is a language that she speaks freely with close friends, with a common understanding for the language. She furthered her comment by expressing that that use of Spanglish can only occur when a native Spanish speaker has almost become fluent in English. A negative aspect that Gabriella mentioned highlighted the importance of fully understanding both English and Spanish because it is vital not to get stuck speaking Spanglish due to its lack of grammatical rules and structure. These reasons would make people perceive the Spanglish speaker as being of a lower status. More specifically she mentioned that when people use Spanglish in Mexico it is looked down upon. My interview with Gabriella helped break my idea that Spanglish was a language only spoken among people of a lower economic class. She also helped me understand that the use of Spanglish is only appropriate in certain contexts and it is important to distinguish English and Spanish as two different languages. She was intrigued to see the emergence of Spanglish as a language in the United States. Another interview that I found insightful consisted of a group of four Sonoma State University native Spanish speaking students. From this interview I was able to gather similar responses to Gabriella. Three of the students are native Mexicans and one of them is originally from California but is of Latino decent. The students from Mexico had been living in the United States ranging from nine to fifteen years. They all confirmed that they do use Spanglish, and that it makes communication among other bilingual speakers easier. They explained that Spanglish allowed them to switch between languages when unable to discern the word or phrase in either Spanish or English. When asked which language they prefer to speak in, overwhelmingly, I had discovered that English was preferred in more formal contexts such as presentations, or formally written papers while Spanish is preferred among family members of Spanish speaking backgrounds. The most important feature that I have found through my interview with the Sonoma State University students is their positive outlook on Spanglish, and ability to recognize and change their type of speech depending on their audience. For example when speaking with a Spanish professor they would not use the phrase, “cuarto de emergencía” for emergency room but rather, “sala de urgencia”. In other words, one can distinguish the difference and use the correct

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 152 J.Portillo - 153 diction when speaking or writing in a formal context but will continue to use Spanglish among native Spanish speaking colleagues. Finally my interview with Yonic Díaz, a cook from a restaurant in Sonoma County was very insightful because it offered a different perspective of using Spanglish. Unlike Gabriella and the Sonoma State students, Yonic was a language learner and was still struggling to use English, he had never attended an official American School or been taught formally how to use English. Even though he did not speak English as well as my other participants he still used Spanglish. The only difference was that he was unaware of the language use and had picked up most Spanglish words such as “ponchear” meaning “to punch” when referring to clocking in and out at work. Yonic was born in Oaxaca, Mexico and has only lived in the United States for four years. Having not received any formal American education his ability to speak English was limited to certain contexts. His ability to speak comes from his surrounding environment. Yonic expressed that he feels freer to express himself in Spanish, but is eager to learn and understand the English language. It was interesting to discover that a native speaker who can barely speak in English continues to use a substantial amount of Spanglish because it has become accepted and so commonly used in the United States among Spanish speakers.

Discussion

My investigation allowed me to look at the use of Spanglish in the United States on a smaller scale. It identified the occurrence of Spanglish in Northern California in the Latino and Hispanic community. This research furthered my interest in Spanglish and helped prove that the rise of Spanglish as a modern language in the United States. It also allowed me to put aside any negative views that I had about the use of Spanglish. As a Spanish language learner I have a high amount of respect for the Spanish language and the culture that surrounds Spanish speakers. Through my research I was comforted to learn that Spanglish is almost a sub-type of Spanish. Although Spanglish is not currently accepted as an official language, it is on a rise in the Spanish speaking community and has gained recognition by many notable authors and researchers such as Ilan Stavans. Even though it is often be looked down upon by Spanish speakers and is traditionally characterized by being of lower social status, it has turned out to be beneficial among bilinguals, and even used as a tool to help one better express themselves. After talking with many different Spanish speakers in Northern California I have come to agree that Spanglish is helpful in expressing emotions and feelings in certain context, but should only be spoken at a certain time and place, and is not yet appropriate to be spoken in formal situations. I feel that without recognition of Spanglish we may be creating another language barrier that will inhibit us in our ability to communicate with Spanish speakers in the United States.

Conclusion

Just as we have begun to accept Spanish as a commonly spoken language in the United States, Spanglish must become recognized as a rising dialect among native Spanish speakers. It is expected that a hybrid language would be created between English and Spanish; two of the most commonly spoken languages in the world. The United States is a country that offers freedom and equal opportunities to all. It is a country that is comprised of people of all different cultural backgrounds, religions, and languages. In such a country, we must expect changes among this array of different cultures, religions, and languages. Spanglish represents one of these changes, and as a tool for communication we must

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 153 J.Portillo - 154 recognize the rise of such an influential language and understand where it came from and its use among American citizens. As a Spanish Student, I have always had a heightened interest for the Spanish language. During my research on Spanglish it was interesting to see how Spanglish affected the Spanish language learners. Spanglish represents many of the common errors that a Spanish language learner makes due to the English grammatical structure. If we begin to recognize Spanglish as a different type of language we may begin to understand these linguistic changes in the Spanish language. In this giant mixing pot, America, we have come to recognize and accept many differences among various cultures. Just as we are an accepting country that offers opportunity for all, we must begin to accept and take notice of the occurrence of Spanglish and its rise as a modern language in the United States of America.

Works Cited

Ardila, Alfredo (2005).Spanglish: An Anglicized Spanish Dialect. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. 27, 60-81.

Stavans, Ilan (2003). Spanglish: The Making of a New American Language. New York, New York: HarperCollins Publishers Inc.

Carter, Phillip M. (2007, December 13). ¿Do you speak american?. Retrieved December 13, 2007, from Spanish in the U.S. Web site: http://www.pbs.org/speak/seatosea/americanvarieties/spanglish/usa/

Suarez, Ray (2003, October 23). Online NewsHour. Retrieved December 3, 2007, from Spanglish Web site: http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/entertainment/july-dec03/spanglish

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 154 J.Portillo - 155

Spanish/English code-switching in a Mexican telenovela: Fortunata T. LiMandri

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 155 J.Portillo - 156

Abstract

This paper addresses the study of the code-switching from Spanish to English that occurs in the Mexican telenovela, Rebelde. Rebelde is internationally known and was widely successful when it aired. The initial hypothesis stated that the majority of code-switches would be tag phrases and that women are the main code-switchers. The social reasons code-switching is employed were also addressed, and a connection between the higher-class and the ability to code- switch was investigated. One character, Mia Colucci, was predicted to code-switch the most. The results of this study confirmed part of the initial hypothesis that mostly women code-switch. Tag phrases were used, but did not comprise the majority. Also verified was a correlation between social status and the ability to code-switch.

Introduction

The topic of code-switching between languages is widely researched and documented but very little to no research has been done specifically pertaining to the study of code switching in Mexican telenovelas56. Therefore this is a new study. Code-switching is the use of more than one language in a sentence and conversation. The use of code-switching is greatly debated in itself. Some believe a person code-switches due to a lack of thorough knowledge and inability to express oneself sufficiently. Others, such as Becker (1997) state that the outmoded idea that code- switching is a random process reflecting language deficiency has been rejected by linguists who now claim that it is a rule-governed phenomenon, which can be analyzed both functionally and structurally. Bilinguals assert that this alternation between their two languages allows them to convey their message more precisely, more naturally, and more personally.

Rebelde is a teen telenovela filmed in Mexico. It ran for three successful seasons between 2004 and 2006. According to Kun’s (2006) article in the New York Times, when Rebelde aired in Mexico 23 percent of all Mexican households watched it nightly. It aired in the United States on the Mexican owned, Spanish-speaking channel Unívisión that reaches 98 percent of the nation’s Hispanic households. It also aired in 15 other countries, from Spain to Romania to Israel. Rebelde follows the lives of very privileged teenagers who attend an elite boarding school outside of Mexico City aptly named ‘Elite Way School’. The soap opera incorporates an innovative concept the producer Pedro Damian borrowed from an Argentinean telenovela, Rebelde Way. In addition to creating a soap opera, they incorporated into the plot the journey of the six main characters starting a band. This band on the show is a real band and therefore the soap opera is additionally marketing the band. The band is called RBD, to distinguish themselves from the show, and is internationally famous. Rebelde occasionally included footage from real concerts to showcase their popularity and combined the footage with show plots.

Rebelde fits perfectly into the teen telenovela category that Kim-Rajal (2004) describes. Kim-Rajal notes that teen telenovelas cater to younger audiences. They feature catchy theme songs, references to popular culture trends, the latest street fashions, and, of course, a young, fresh-faced cast…these productions tend to feature colloquial language and contemporary issues

56 A telenovela is a Spanish episodic television program, similar to an American soap opera. They share many of the same general plots with love, drama, and betrayal as main themes. Unlike American soap operas, telenovelas are closed serials and usually only run for one season.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 156 J.Portillo - 157 affecting young people such as high school graduation, date rape, drug use, and homosexuality (2004). Rebelde addresses almost all of these issues and even has time to incorporate English into the drama.

Telenovelas are a staple of Spanish-language network programming and have been since the 1960s Lutz (2003). Telenovelas run all day long although the most popular of them run at night, during primetime television57. Telenovelas are a central part to Mexican, Central American and Latin American culture. On top of being the main source of television for families they have also been the leading export of Mexican television for the last forty years Kim-Rajal (2000). Televisa is the largest Spanish-language broadcasting company in the world, with its roots in Mexico. It partly owns Unívisión, which is its American network. Due to smart marketing and the increasing immigration to the United States from Latin countries, Unívisión is now one of the fastest growing and most profitable cable stations in the United States Cervantes-Rodriguez and Lutz (2003). Following the trend, Unívisión and other Spanish channels air the exported Mexican soap operas throughout the day. Because Rebelde aired on Unívisión, it was very well exposed. Noting the huge success that Rebelde had after its first season in the United States, it would not be a far stretch to speculate that one of the reasons English is employed is to capture Latino- American audiences.

This study’s purpose is to analyze the code-switches that are employed throughout the third season of Rebelde. The motives for using English are particularly interesting considering the show’s target audience is Spanish-speaking teenagers. This point will be investigated. A connection between higher social status and the ability to code-switch will be examined. Mia Colucci is one of the characters predicted to code-switch the most, based on her affluent background.

Method

The entire third season, twenty-four episodes, of Rebelde was viewed. Every time a code- switch occurred it was recorded on a handwritten chart. The chart included the following categories: who said the code-switch, to whom they were speaking, what was said and the social setting in which the switch occurred. The entire sentences were documented, not just the code switches. The entire season was viewed again. The results were then put into Microsoft Excel in a chart with the same aforementioned categories. One category was added, the type of code-switch. Once all of the data was collected, the code-switches were analyzed and placed into different categories. Some of the categories are made up specifically for this study while others are pre- existing categories. To clarify, every category is defined. A short sentence is a complete thought that is four words or less. A nickname is a descriptive name given instead of or in addition to the one belonging to a person, place, or thing. A single noun or pronoun is a one word noun or pronoun. A full sentence constitutes an English sentence that is more than 4 words. A tag phrase comes at the beginning or end of assertive statements. A short phrase is a phrase consisting of two to three words in a sentence. An exclamation is a one-word exclamation. Spanglish is a combination of English and Spanish that forms new words.

57 Rebelde ran during primetime for all three of it’s seasons

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 157 J.Portillo - 158

Results

A total of 57 code-switches were documented in the twenty-four episodes of the season. The data are presented in the following:

Figure 1. Frequency of each category of code-switches Short sentence 11 Nickname 12 Single pronoun or noun 10 Full sentence 6 Tag phrase 6 Short phrase 6 Exclamation 4 Spanglish 2

Figure 2. Code-switches by Gender Male 13 Female 44

Figure 3. What Characters code-switched Who How many times they code-switch Character 1 20 Character 2 11 Character 3 4 Character 4 4 Character 5 4 Character 6 2 Character 7 2 Characters 8-17 1

Figure 4. Frequency of code-switches Chapters 1-8 40 Chapters 9-16 10 Chapters 17-24 7

Figure 5. Where the switches are made School 35 Public Places 22

Discussion

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 158 J.Portillo - 159

Many important points were discovered as a result of observing the data. These findings are placed into two categories: social/situational observations and specific linguistic analysis. These two categories are occasionally intertwined due to their alikeness.

The results show that Character 1 and Character 2 code-switched the most. Between these two characters they comprise 54% of the total amount of code-switches. Character 1 is Mia Colucci. She is the highest code-switcher, as predicted. She is the most popular, beautiful and rich girl in the school. Her father is a famous fashion designer and even her name is internationalized. Mia Colucci’s specific code-switching will be looked at further in the paper. Character 2 is Sol de la Riva, another very wealthy student. She is conniving, snobby and not well liked by her classmates. She is obsessed with the ‘fashion world’, which might explain her sarcastic ‘honey’ and ‘sweetheart’, almost always delivered in a nasty tone. Both girls have American nicknames. Mia is referred to as Barbie due to her perfectly sculpted tan body and dyed blonde hair. Sol, short and also with dyed blonde hair, is referred to as Polly Pocket.

Most of the students are considered fresas, a social slang term used in Mexico for high class people, known for being rich and well educated. This term is usually almost always associated with being spoiled and materialistic and usually applies to girls. The opposite of a fresa is a naco or a lower class person. It is well-known who attends the school on scholarship and who is there benefiting from their wealth. This is relevant because Mia and Sol are both fresas and they are the most frequent code-switchers. There is one instance in which the connection between the ability to speak English and social status is illustrated. Mia is mad at her ex-boyfriend, Miguel, for allegedly cheating on her. Miguel finds her in a general area in the school to talk to her and says, “Qué Onda, qué Haces?” (What’s up, what are you doing?) Mia replies, “None of your business. O bueno, por si no me entiendes naco, charrito, monta perros, que te importa?”(None of your business, or if you don’t’ understand me naco…) She is making a direct reference to his lower-class upbringing and inferring that because of it, he wouldn’t understand her speaking English.

In Mexico, the ability to speak English is valued. Code-switching demonstrates a well- learned person who can competently switch between two languages. The two, richest girls in school exercise their especially privileged background by utilizing English phrases which makes them sound ‘cool’. What most viewers probably do not realize is the subliminal messages that are being transmitted. Beautiful, skinny, rich, is sought after in Western culture. Although Mexico may not be Western culture it is still greatly influenced by American and European media. Teenagers are watching these ‘role models’ and are being told that speaking English is the popular thing to do.

Figure 2 demonstrates an interesting observation that the men code-switched significantly less than the women. This difference is not attributed to class difference because many of the men are very rich. Important to note is that one of the men who code-switches the most, Character 4 with 4 switches, is Giovanni Méndez López. Giovanni grew up in the lower class and his parents recently became rich. He is a loud character with a good heart and is obsessed with being ‘cool’. He is constantly trying to hide his humble past, which may explain his code- switching. There is no concrete reason why the men do not code-switch as much as the women. It appears that the men are simply not as concerned with showing off that ability. Another observation is that the girls code-switch amongst each other, rarely with the boys. If they do, it is with very simple words or nicknames such as Mia calling her boyfriend Miguel ‘baby’.

There are only two code-switches made by adults. In this study, an adult is anyone who is over the age of twenty. In this show, by the previous definition, an adult is usually always a

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 159 J.Portillo - 160 teacher or a parent. The first code-switch is one of the teachers taking his dog to the park and he commands his dog to, “Sit!” The second instance is when the band RBD is going to speak with their American-Mexican manager Johnny Guzman. Although fluent in Spanish he speaks with a thick American accent. He gets frustrated with the group and tells them to, “Come on! You get out of here!” When they keep pleading he yells, “Be quiet, ok. Mira! (Look!)” Besides Mia Colucci, who refers to her father as ‘Daddy’, there is only one instance where code-switching is used when conversing with an adult. This example can be found in the section pertaining to Mia Colucci’s code-switches.

In the entire season, there are only two instances in which extensive English is used. The first scene takes place in a hospital. Roberta and Mia go to the gynecologist to find out about contraceptives. Mia is extremely embarrassed and goes incognito with sunglasses and a scarf around her head. When the nurse asks, “¿Cuál es tu nombre?” Mia answers, “Cameron…Diaz” The nurse replies, “Diaz? Oh my god, can I have your autograph?” Mia says, “Oh yah sure!” The nurse hands her a paper and says, “Gracias, su autógrafo” (Thank you, your autograph), then says to the girls, “Thank you. Thank you. Ahorita las paso, un momentito.” (Your turn is coming up, one moment). Mia and Roberta then whisper in Spanish. The nurse calls the doctor and says, “Doctor? Cameron is here.” Mia thanks the nurse in English then the nurse thanks ‘Cameron’ for the autograph in English. Mia responds, “No problem, bye!” This conversation is very interesting due to the little English that adults normally speak. Although the nurse and Mia both code-switch, there is a difference between them. For a nurse, her knowledge of English is more of a necessity. She does not code-switch within the same sentence or use it to show off. In this scene, she is using English to cater to Cameron Diaz being American. Mia demonstrates she is able to understand what is said to her in English and is able to respond effectively.

The second scene where extensive English is used involves international teen pop star Hilary Duff. The group RBD has a concert in Los Angeles and they sneak onto the stadium’s stage where Hilary is practicing for her upcoming performance. Hilary Duff sees RBD but doesn’t recognize them. She asks them in English what they are doing there and they respond in English that, “We are RBD.” Hilary doesn’t believe them and they respond, “Yes we are! We are RBD, the music band!” She tells them to prove it and they prepare to sing for her. One of the male band members says, “Uno, dos, tres..” and they start singing in Spanish. Hilary Duff is delighted it’s them and mentions how much she and her sister love RBD. They switch back to English and continue to speak in English. The conversation ends with everyone walking off as Mia grabs Hilary Duff’s arm and says, “You are so nice. You must be my friend, no? Yah!” This conversation shows how the group can maintain basic conversations in English.

Thirty-four of the switches are made in the school. Within the school, they take place in the bedrooms, in the common areas and in the hallways. English is not used in the classrooms or during class. In public switches are made, as seen, in a hospital and at a stadium. Other places include at a park and when the class goes on vacation. The English used in public seems to still be in private conversations. When they code-switch in public there are usually not people around, the point being that there doesn’t seem to be a need to code-switch in front of strangers to make a statement.

Another observation is the use of English in relation to the gravity of the scene. Figure 3 shows how the frequency of code-switching greatly decreases with the progression of the show. The first eight episodes are more fun and easygoing. There is more downtime and light conversation. By the second eight episodes, as the main storylines develop and drama begins to mount, the number of code-switches significantly drops. The last eight episodes, which include the main climaxes, include only 7 switches.

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The more dramatic the scene, the less likely English is to appear. For example, in the scenes where crying occurs, which is quite often, English is never employed. It is clear that whenever what is being said is very important, English will not be found.

Examining Mia Colucci’s code-switching leads to some interesting points. She is involved in the two instances in which English conversations were employed. As mentioned, she is also the leading code-switching. Taking all of this into account, her code-switches are still very basic and generally do not demonstrate a thorough knowledge of English. A very dramatic character, she uses her code-switching to exaggerate what she is saying. For example, in one scene Mia overhears Roberta’s mom talking with one of the teachers and believes that they are dating from what they infer. When Mia sees Roberta, she mentions that she has something to tell her, but she is afraid Roberta will get upset and says to her, “Y si no me dices, ‘I promise’, no te voy a decir”. (And if you don’t tell me I promise, I’m not going to tell you). Roberta responds with, “I promise” and Mia tells her what she thinks she found out. In another instance Mia is telling Roberta something secret and makes her promise that she won’t tell anyone what they had discussed as it was top secret, “Júramelo porque es top secret!”. Another scene has Sol reluctantly thanking Mia for getting her on the cheerleading squad. When Sol finally bitterly utters ‘Gracias’ Mia responds dramatically “Ay, you’re welcome honey!” In another case, Mia is talking to her cheer coach, Alma Rey, with her friend Roberta. Alma Rey is also Roberta’s mother. In this episode Roberta and Mia have been bickering and are not on good terms. Alma Rey decides that for the upcoming year there will be two cheer captains, Roberta and Mia. Instantly the girls are affronted and Mia exclaims, “Como dos capitanes, es como super too much!? Mia also refers to her father as “Daddy” four times and calls her mother “Mommy” once.

The results negated the hypothesis that tag phrases would be the main category of code- switching. It turned out that the leading three categories, as seen in Figure 1, were short sentences, nicknames, and single nouns or pronouns. It was believed that tag phrases would be used the most due to previous viewing of code-switching in telenovelas. An example of a short sentence is, “Ay, you’re welcome, honey”. Nicknames included “Baby”, “Sweetheart”, and “ Honey”. Single nouns and pronouns included “Somos tus brothers” (We are your brothers), and “Tenemos que hacerlo, Coach!” (We have to do it, coach!) Besides the two scenes where many English sentences were said, there is not any extensive knowledge of English demonstrated. Many of the switches are simple enough so that someone who has a very basic comprehension of English will understand.

Conclusion

The findings were surprising and many important aspects were discovered that were not originally sought after. Women did indeed code-switch significantly more than the men, Mia Colucci leading the females. To the women, the ability to switch is a form of social marker. For the males, it is seemingly less important. The adults code-switching rarely signify a generational difference. Keeping in mind the viewers are mainly comprised of teenagers, having adults code- switch frequently would not be appealing to teenagers. Out of all the code-switches, none of them demonstrate a thorough grasp on the English language. This fact on top of the observation that code-switches do not occur in very serious situations, led to a specific deductions. The code- switches are strategically placed throughout the seasons to further engage the viewers. It is apparent that the usage of English is employed at a superficial level as a means to decipher social status. There is no intent of teaching English at a profound level. The goal appears to have the characters utilize a minimal amount in order to demonstrate their higher learning.

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Works Cited

Becker, K. R. (1997).Spanish/English Bilingual Codeswitching: A Syncretic Model. Bilinugal Review. 22 i>, 3-28.

Cervantes-Rodriguez, A.M. (2003). Coloniality of Power, Immigration, and the English-Spanish Asymmetry in the United States. Views from the South, Retrieved Nov 10, 2007, from ttp://xerxes.calstate.edu/sonoma/metasearch?action=record&group=002387&resultSet=0 23160&startRecord=000001&return=%2Fsonoma%2Fmetasearch%3Faction%3Dresults %26group%3D002387%26resultSet%3D023173

Damien, P. (2006). Rebelde: La Tercera Temporada. México: Televisa

Kim-Rajal, P. (2004). Watching From the Other Side/Mirando Desde el Otro Lado: Telenovelas and Latina Audiences in the San Francisco Bay Area Unpublished doctoral dissertation. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Ann Arbor, Michigan.

Kun, J (2006, Jul 9). We Are a Band and We Play One on TV. New York Times

(2007). Urban dictionary: fresa. Retrieved November 20, 2007, from Urban Dictionary Web site: http://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=fresa

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A Comparison of Child Directed Speech in Spanish and English: Allyssa M. Correia

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Abstract

This paper focused on the differences of child-directed speech in Spanish and in English. It will be discussed where emphasis is placed and to whom they were most pronounced. Also syntactical and morphological differences between the two types of child-directed speech will be analyzed. The hypothesis stated that the emphasis is placed on the consonant sounds in Spanish and the vowel sounds in English. It was discovered that Spanish and English both place emphasis on the vowels of the words when addressing children. This is of importance to many professionals in their continuing work to educate children in an increasingly diverse population.

Introduction

“Motherese, or mother's speech to children, consistently differs from speech between adults in several ways…” (Warren-Leubecker & Bohannon III, 1984, p. 1379-1385). Motherese is a way for researchers to study what linguistic input children receive from their environment and how this differs from adult directed speech. This is an important field of study because it can offer insights to how pre-wired people are for acquiring speech. The author of this study attempts to display and explain the differences in child-directed speech of English and Spanish.

Method

A couple was asked to tape record themselves for thirty minutes while speaking with their children. The husband spoke Spanish to his children and the wife spoke in English. They were asked to perform the recordings away from their spouse as to not affect the outcome.1 After gathering the data, the author listened to both tape recordings and marked times of special interest, then transcribed the data in either English or Spanish and then into the International Phonetic Alphabet (Tserdanelis & Wong, 2004). The author used approximately fifteen minutes of tape for the English segment and approximately nine minutes of tape for the Spanish segment.

Results

This study found that there were many similarities and many differences. The similarities include which sounds were stressed, to which child they were more stressed, and which class of sounds were stressed. The hypothesis originally stated was proven incorrect as per the results. Both English and Spanish place emphasis on the vowels. The vowels that were emphasized however differed in the two languages. In English the set of vowel sounds that were most emphasized were the dip-thong [aɪ] seen eight times (see Appendix B; Figure Bb. lines 3, 6, 9, 10, 14, 24), and the [I] seen twenty-nine times (see Appendix B; Figure Bb. lines 1, 2, 3, 9, 10, 12, 15, 16, 17, 19, 23, 27, 29, 30). However the [aɪ] dip-thong was not found in the child directed speech of Spanish because that dip-thong does not exist. From this we can conclude that no speech sounds are ever fabricated but all indeed exist in the language. Another phonological difference between the two languages is the Spanish speaker’s use of the [ʧ] (see Appendix A; Figure Ab. lines 2, 8, 14, 22, 28) and the absence of it in the English speaker’s. Another difference that can be noted is the differences between the Mean Length of Utterance or, M.L.U. (M.L.U. is defined by average number of words said within a specified time frame) The English Speaker’s M.L.U. was 10.73 words per minute where the Spanish Speaker’s was 9.4. This is interesting to note because this may indicate less linguistic input for children who are raised by native Spanish speakers. Other interesting patterns that were noticed included the fact that the

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English speaker when speaking with her daughter (who is five years of age at time of recording) did not seem to vary in her speech patterns, but changed pitch and intonation varied greatly when speaking with her son who was two years of age at the time of the recording. However, in contrast, the Spanish speaker’s intonation varied when speaking with the daughter and with the son.1 In addition to these differences there also is a marked distinction between the use of the interrogative and the use of statements by the mother. (see Appendices Aa. lines #1, 2, 4,, 5, 9, 10, 13, 16, 18, 25, 29; and Ba. lines #2, 8, 14, [while technically a question it was in reality a request framed within a question] 22, 23). The use of “pet names” or “nick-names was used by the father but never by the mother. The father used the nick-names, /nena/ which glosses over to ‘baby girl’ or ‘little girl’ in English, also /princesa/ which glosses to ‘princess’ and the son was referred to as /cochino/ several times. However, the mother did not use nick-names and referred to her children only by their legal names. While there were many differences between the two types of child-directed speech, there are some similarities also. The content of the speech was kept to the here and now and there was little to no displacement within the conversations. No mention of the past and only one reference to the future was made by the mother. (This was left out of the transcript.) Also, there was no mention of anything that was not tangible or of relevant experience. The eldest child heard many references made to school but the younger son did not. One phonological similarity noted is that both English and Spanish seem emphasize the [o]. In Spanish it was seen thirty-six times and in English seen thirty-four times. (see Appendices Ab. lines 2, 4,7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30; and Bb. lines 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 13, 14, 15, 17, 21, 22, 25, 27, 29, 30)

Discussion

The data does suggest a correlation between child directed speech in Spanish and English more research is still needed in both languages and more comparative studies are required to reach any conclusions. The next study is find a couple whose linguistic roles are switched. Also a monolingual couple of both Spanish and English would greatly add to the pool of knowledge of this subject matter.

Also something that can surmised from this study is that child-directed speech does indeed vary between Spanish and English. Child-directed speech also varies according the sex of the person speaking, the age of the speaker and listener.

1 The author is personally familiar with the mother and the basis for comparison of the father’s speech was a request made to the mother.

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Conclusion

Much can concluded come from this study although more research is needed for a broader base for comparison can be made. One conclusion that can be made is that child-directed does vary across, language, sex of the speaker and listener and age of the speaker and listener.

Acknowledgments

The author owes a debt of gratitude to the Seldona Family for their recordings and their dedication to this project.

Works Cited

Warren-Leubecker, Amye, & Bohannon III, John Neil (1984). Intonation Patterns in Child-Directed Speech: Mother-Father. Child Development, 1379-1385.

Tserdanelis, G,& Wong, Wai Yi Peggy (Ed.). (2004). Language files: Materials for an introduction to language and linguistics. Columbus, Ohio: The Ohio State University Press.

(2001-2005). Phonetics: The sounds of english and spanish. Retrieved December 12, 2007, from The University of Iowa Web site: http://www.uiowa.edu/~acadtech/phonetics/#

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Appendix A

Transcription in Spanish

Aa. 1. 0:00:09-10 ¿Quieres a mamá? 2. 0:00:24-25 ¿Quieres tu chupón? 3. 0:00:47-48 ¡esta mirá! 4. 0:00:58-59 ¿Quieres el otro? 5. 0:01:28-29 ¿Sí Sí Sí? 6. 0:01:30-31 Tu pancita 7. 0:01:53-54: …pelo 8. 0:01:56-57 eww cochino 9. 0:02:57-58: ¿Quieres de bajar? 10. 0:04:17: ¿Qué paso? 11. 0:04:19¡Dame un abrazo! 12. 0:04:25 ¡gracias Marcelo! 13. 0:04:24 ¿otro beso? 14. 0:04:48-49 oye te quiero mucho 15. 0:05:05-06 ¿Porque nooooo? 16. 0:05:36-37 Esto es tu ropa ¿que si? 17. 0:06:05-06 ¿Es tu camisa? 18. 0:06:15-16 ¿Qué tienes frío? 19. 0:06:19 ¡Hola mi princesa! 20. 0:07:16-18 gracias por el abrazo mi nena 21. 0:07:31-32 te bañaste… 22. 0:07:53-55: si, pero esto es en mucho mucho tiempo 23. 0:07:59-0:08:00 tu quieres a caminar 24. 0:08:05-07 a la casa de primo 25. 0:08:15 ¿van al parque? 26. 0:08:21-22 tu ropa, ponte tu ropa 27. 0:08:37 ¡Pero es que yo quiero! 28. 0:08:50 Cochino 29. 0:08:59 ¿No qué? 30. 0:09:26 ¡Míralo!

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Transcription in I.P.A.

Ab. 1. [kerjes a mamá] 2. [kerjes tu tʃupon] 3. [esta mrá] 4. [kerjes l. otró] 5. [si si sí] 6. [tu pansita] 7. [pelo] 8. [iu kotʃino] 9. [kerjes de bhar] 10. [ke pasó] 11. [dáme un bráso] 12. [gráciás marselo] 13. [otro bésó] 14. 14. [ * te kiero mutʃo] 15. [porke nó] 16. [esto es tu ropa] 17. [es tu camisá] 18. [ke tenes frio] 19. [ola mi prensesá] 20. [grasias por l. abraso mi nena] 21. [te baɲasté] 22. [si pero esto es en mutʃo mutʃo tiempo] 23. [tu kerjes a kaminar] 24. [a la kasa de primo] 25. [νan al parke] 26. [tu ropa, ponté tu ropa] 27. [pero es ke yo kerjeró] 28. [kotʃinó] 29. [nó ké] 30. [míráló]

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Appendix B

Transcription in English

Ba. 1. 00:01:12-13 Mama’s tired today 2. 00:01:59-02:00 Marcelo, is it good? 3. 00:02:37-40 you’re not supposed to drive with your light your inside light on 4. 00:04:11-12 Marcelo! 5. 00:04:24 Oh nooo!!! 6. 00:05:13-14 Noo, take a bite 7. 00:06:15-16 Those are good songs 8. 00:07:00-01: How does that go? 9. 00:07:44-47: No I only heard one time, I don’t think so I need to hear it several times 10. 00:07:48-49: I like the pumpkin song that you were singing 11. 00:08:51-52: yeah you know that song 12. 00:09:09: We’ll learn it in little pieces 13. 00:09:15: So sing 14. 00:09:44-51: Marcelo, can you stop? That’s rude, no, you stop saying no. You be nice! 15. 00:10:40-43: No, we’re gonna do it in bits and pieces so you can learn it 16. 00:10:49-50: It’s a pretty long song 17. 00:11:12-15 : In a-one-horse-slope-and-sleigh 18. 00:11:15-16: that’s right! 19. 00:11:22-23: and then we’ll learn a new part 20. 00:12:22-23: Jingle all the way 21. 00:12:44-46: Oh what fun 22. 00:12:47-49: whas a matter Marcelo? 23. 00:12:55-57: Are you sticky? You wanna a wipe? 24. 00:14:14-15: Thank you 25. 00:14:29-31: ewww, that’s gross Marcelo 26. 00:14:35-36: Nasty boy 27. 00:14:37-38: Don’t put a stick in your water! 28. 00:14:45-46: water…yucky 29. 00:14:57-00:15:00: Marcelo…no more sticks in your water 30. 00:15:09-10: no more sticks Marcelo

Transcription in IPA

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Bb. 1. [mamas tIṛd tude] 2. [marsƐlo Is It gʊd] 3. [jor nɔt sɔpost tu draIv wIθ jor laIt jor Insid laIt ɔn] 4. [marsƐlo] 5. [o no] 6. [no tek ʌ baɪt] 7. [ðoz r gʊ sʌŋs] 8. [hoʊ dʌz ðæt go] 9. [no aɪ onli hrd It ẉʌn tim aɪ dont θiŋk so aɪ nId tʌ ḥiər It sƐvʌṛḷ taɪmz] 10. [aɪ laɪk ðʌ pʌmpkIn sᴐŋ ðæt u wɜ:r siŋiŋ] 11. [jæ ju noʊ ðæt sᴐŋ] 12. [wIl lɜ:rn It In lItl pisIz] 13. [so siŋ] 14. [marsƐlo kæn ju stᴐp ðæts rud ju stᴐp seŋ no ju bi naɪs] 15. [no wIl gʌnʌ du It In bIts ænd pisIz so ju kæn lɜ:rn It] 16. [Itz ʌ prIɾi lᴐŋ sᴐŋ] 17. [In ʌ wʌn hors slop ænd sleɪ] 18. [ðæts rit] 19. [ænd ðƐn wIl lɜ:rn ʌ nu prt] 20. [ʤiŋgl ᴐl ðʌ weɪ] 21. [o wʌt fʌn] 22. [wʌs ʌ mætr marsƐlo] 23. [r ju stIki ju wᴐnʌ wip] 24. [θaɪŋk ju] 25. [iu: ðæts gros marsƐlo] 26. [næsti bᴐɪ] 27. [dont pʌt ðæt stIk In ðʌ watr] 28. [watr jʌki] 29. [marsƐlo no mor stIks In jor watr] 30. [no mor stIks marsƐlo]

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The Second Language Learner - From Learning the Language to Using It: Deborah L. Lanterman

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Abstract

This paper reports on a survey of students from the Spanish language programs that are Spanish majors and who are in the 400 level classes (Upper Division) with one or two semesters remaining. The survey reveals that most students in the program did not know to what extent they needed to practice their second language outside of the classroom, especially if they did not go abroad to study Spanish. Five of my nine survey volunteers have studied abroad and four have not. The one common problem that all, but one, surveyors had was not being able to speak as proficiently as they thought they would at the end of their undergraduate education. The results of my survey show that all students thought that they would be speaking at a proficient level, called the syntactic stage, but only three out of the nine volunteers are speaking competently at this stage by the time they graduate. My introduction and discussion are in Spanish, but the rest is in English so that my methods, results and conclusion can be reviewed by students or teachers who do not speak Spanish.

Introducción

Comencé mis estudios de español a la Santa Rosa Junior College y pensaba que si el profesor enseña muy bien, si claro que aprendería muy bien: información pone en dentro la cabeza y las palabras fluiría de mi boca. No me di cuenta que necesitaba a practicar fuera del salón para llegar de aprender la lengua usarla. Es verdad que comencé mis estudios sin un propósito especifico, excepto aprender hablar español un poco, porque mi primero mayor es en historia. Hace tres semestres decidí estudiar español como un mayor después de tres semestres de español ya a Sonoma State University y tres semestres a Santa Rosa Junior College. En pensando sobre mi proyecto final, comencé pensar sobre mi propia situación y la dificultad que tengo hablar con la competencia de fase sintáctica. Pienso que algo está faltando en las instrucciones, en las motivaciones de los estudiantes, y/o en la erudición del estudiante, o los todos, cuando muchos estudiantes no pueden hablar bien en el fin de sus estudios.

Hay muchas investigaciones y opiniones de cómo enseñar las segundas lenguas a los estudiantes. Los estudios demuestran que no hay crítico periodo de edad en la habilidad aprender una segunda lengua como se piensen previamente, pero que el motivación del estudiantes es el más crítica (Catherine Snow, 2002). Otra investigación se habla en la interferencia del primero lengua (Jarvis, 1991) y la dificultad de transferencia de lengua. También, hay investigaciones a evaluar competencia de lengua (Hadley, 2001) con diferentes opiniones en cómo medir la competencia. Yo buscaba los estudios se hablan sobre que los estudiantes requieren para aprender una segunda lengua y en el publicación por Joseph Collentine titulado “The Development of Complex Syntax and Mood Selection Abilities by Intermediate-Level Learners of Spanish,” encontré un parte de mi búsqueda. El estudio de la selección “mood” habilidades sugiere que los estudiantes no llegan a nivel de base lingüística apropiada que se benefician de la instrucción. (http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/servlet/SirveObras March, 1995). Solamente las instrucciones en el salón no son suficientes.

De la investigación por David P. Benseler titulado “The Upper-Division Curriculum in Foreign Languages and Literaturas: Obstacles to the Realization of Promise,” encontró un estudio por Renate Schulz (1981, 43) que “has characterized the plight of students at the start of their

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 172 J.Portillo - 173 upper-division studies, clearly a transition phase of their learning process” (Benseler, 187) en ese manera:

American college students, are expected to experience a rather sudden and magic improvement in reading ability as they enter the third year of foreign language study…Now after three to four semesters of spoon feeding, they are usually started without mercy on the chronological study of the literary masterpieces of the target language in a survey course (Schulz, 1981, 43).

Esa es una experiencia que muchos estudiantes tienen, incluyendo a mí. De pronto, necesito hablar y escuchar con mucho competencia que no tengo. Por el tiempo los estudiantes tienen comenzar tomar las clases en los niveles 300 y 400 (las clases altas), no pueden hablar con suficiente competencia para hablar con fácil en la clase.

Algunos estudiantes estudiaron en el extranjero y cuando devolvieron, podían hablar con más competencia. Pero más de los estudiantes no pueden estudiaran en el extranjero durante sus tiempos en la universidad. Por mi investigación intento a mostrar que los estudiantes que no estudian en el extranjero, necesitan más tiempo en la clase practicar las habilidades verbal para beneficiarse completo en las altas niveles de instrucción. También, trazaré cuantos estudiantes estudiaban en el extranjero compara a cuantos estudiantes graduaban en los cinco pasados años. Espero que encontraré, como mí, que los estudiantes pensaban que por el fin de los estudios en español, hablarían muy bien en español y no lo ocurrió, y que no sabían qué necesitaban hacer para hablar con competencia por el tiempo terminan sus estudios. También, los pedí por sus sugerencias por los profesores para mejorar la probabilidad que los estudiantes futuros tendrán más éxito en hablar.

Method

Nine Spanish majors from the 400 level Spanish classes volunteered to take a 16 question survey, attached as Appendix A. Five of the students have studied abroad and four have not. I want to discover if there is anything common among the students that would indicate a reason for better verbal skills or for that matter, a reason for a lack of verbal skills in their second language. Also of great import is the attitude of each student regarding their own role in learning the language and not focusing just on what the school or professors should have done to help them improve their verbal proficiency.

In addition to the survey, I did another study to see how many students studied abroad during the years 2002 through 2007. I compare the number of students who studied abroad to the number of students who graduated within two semesters after they returned to SSU during the same time frame.

Results

Not all the questions from the survey need to be addressed individually in this paper. But I will summarize them here as follows. For questions 1-4, the years of studying Spanish are between 3 and 10 years, and the length of time as a major, between 2 and 5 years. All the

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 173 J.Portillo - 174 surveyors are in the 400 level classes or a combination of 400 and 300. This is very relevant for our purposes because by the time students reach the 300 level, they should be able to participate in at least a simple conversation in their second language, as outlined by the expectations in the syllabi for those classes.

What would be obvious to everyone is that all the students who studied abroad did return the following year with much improvement in their speaking abilities. However, some of them did admit that because their roommates were from the United States, they spoke mostly English when they were not in the classroom. So although they had improved a great deal, the improvement was not as much as it could have been had they spoken only Spanish during their year abroad. In answer to questions #8 and #9, eight volunteers said that speaking the second language proficiently was still their weakest area in the language and one said that writing is her weakest ability.

Question #10 allowed the students to place themselves in the syntactic stage that they spoke at. There were two students at the presyntactic stage, shown by letter (a), there were three students at the syntactic stage, at letter (b), and four students who spoke about half of their time at both stages, shown by letter (c).

The responses for question #11 were the most interesting for me, because it showed to what lengths the students want to learn their second language. Here is a sample of their suggestions:

*Mandatory conversation classes. *Mandatory language laboratories. *Volunteer in the Latino community. *Mandatory study abroad for at least one semester or one summer. *Every language class should have 30 minutes of speaking practice, 15 minutes in the beginning of class and 15 minutes at the end. The speaking groups should not be larger than 3 students. *In the upper levels, say the 300 and 400 levels, English should not be spoken by students during language classes and a penalty against the students grade will be added if they do speak English, without permission by the professor. *Have assignments that force the students to go out into the Latino community to communicate with the Hispanic population.

In person, many of these students told me that they wish their professors had told them early on how much time outside of class they would need to practice in order to speak fluently.

The comparison of students who have studied abroad and students who have graduated during the past five years is a little difficult to connect. When speaking to students who returned this semester from studying abroad, all of them had one or two semesters left before graduating. So I made that assumption, in order to look at the numbers and see if in each consecutive year there were more students going abroad. I would have thought that the program would have grown each year, even slightly, as more students return and share their experiences. I did not find a correlation between the two groups, but it is interesting to see how many students graduated

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 174 J.Portillo - 175 with a language major and how many went abroad to study their chosen language. Unfortunately, there are few students from the foreign language department who study abroad in comparison to how many graduate each year. One other very important element that the following numbers do not reflect, and one that I think would make for a very interesting study, is that there were many other students who studied abroad in other majors, but were in the 4 countries that Sonoma State University sends language students: Spain, Mexico, France, and Germany. Even though a different major was listed for these students, I suspect that learning or reinforcing a new language was one of the reasons for going to one of those countries. Anyway, the comparisons are as follows with my assumption of students who have studied abroad graduating one or two semesters later after returning from their studies abroad:

Students who Students who graduated studied abroad the following 2 semesters Fall 2002 -Spring ‘03: 8 38 (i.e. total # of graduates for Fall ’03 – Spring ‘04) Fall 2003 -Spring ’04: 4 37 (Fall ’04 – Spring ’05) Fall 2004 -Spring ’05: 14 21 (Fall ’05 – Spring ’06) Fall 2005 -Spring ’06: 6 53 (Fall ’06 – Spring ’07) Fall 2006 -Spring ’07: 8 Numbers are not available

I expected to find an increase each year of the students in the study abroad program, but this example is too small to arrive at any conclusions.

Discusión

Los datos de los encuestas revelan que por los estudiantes que estudiaban en el extranjero, sus habilidades hablar mejor. Esta muestra que por los estudiantes que no estudiaban en el extranjero, el tiempo en la clase practicar la lengua es muy crítica para aprender al punto de hablar con fácil. Es verdad que los estudios demuestran que es muy importante para los estudiantes de lengua extranjero necesitan ser motivados y que comprenden sus papeles de aprender, deben ser muy activos sino que pasivos para ser fluido en la lengua. Hadley reporta que Chomsky creía que “Competente is what one knows. Performance is what one does” (Hadley, 2001). Creo que todos los voluntarios son competentes en la lengua pero no pueden realizarla en hablar.

Mi enfoque en la investigación es mirar a los estudiantes y sus habilidades de tener una conversación en la segunda lengua. En un salón se encuentra niveles de grados de competencia “depending on such factors as purpose, motivation for language study, or learning environment” (Hadley, 2001). Muchos estudiantes trabajan hasta asistiendo la escuela y no tienen el tiempo fuera del salón para encontrar con personas para practicar la español si no piensan que sean necesarios. Aunque en el condado de Sonoma hay una alta nivel de las hispanohablantes, es difícil encontrar el tiempo para practicar. Mis investigaciones han encontrado que entre los estudios y trabajo, más de los estudiantes no tienen el tiempo encontrar las situaciones con que practicar las habilidades verbales. Pero si los profesores dicen que es un requisito por parte de su grado practicar fuera del salón, entonces los estudiantes lo harán.

Hadley habla del método audio lingual y escribe de los “empirical laws of learning” por Lado (1964), que son los bases por metodología de audio lingual, dos de los leyes que siguen:

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-The law of exercise maintains that “the more frequently a response is practiced, the better it is learned and the longer it is remembered.” -The law of intensity states that “the more intensely a response is practiced, the better it is learned and the longer it will be remembered.”

Estas leyes son obvias pero no son siempre practicados frecuentemente por los estudiantes o los profesores. Además, Hadley reporta que,

Rivers (1981) further clarifies the major characteristics of the audiolingual method by listing Moulton’s (1961) “five slogans” of the method:

1. Language is speech, not writing. 2. A language is a set of habits. 3. Teach the language and not about the language. 4. A language is what native speakers say, not what someone thinks they ought to say. 5. Languages are different (Rivers 1981, pp.41-43).

Cuando leí los lemas más arriba, sé que en mi propia situación, no pienso que podía asimilar el idioma porque estaba enseñada sobre la lengua más de la lengua de hablar. He adquirido la lengua en leyendo, escuchando y escribiendo, pero no hablando.

Yo hablaba con mis voluntarios de las cuestas, y todos menos un dijeron que no tenían bastante tiempo en el salón para practicar y mejorar sus habilidades hablar. ¿Qué es el apunto de aprender una idioma si no se puede hablar al fin de los estudios? Encontré mucha frustración entre los estudiantes sobre la falta de hablar en sus segundas lenguas.

Conclusion

I was somewhat surprised that there were so many students who, like me, were expecting to be speaking fluently at the end of their studies in Spanish, but were not. Even though studies show that motivation is a key criterion for learning a second language, it is clear that if the language learner does not practice speaking enough, the area of speech can lag behind from what is expected at the 300 and 400 level classes. The students in my survey shared a common frustration of not being able to speak at a higher level of adequacy by the time they were in the 300 level classes: as if they would magically jump to a higher level of speaking ability about as easily as they jumped from the lower level classes to the next level.

The study abroad programs have shown to be an excellent way for students to master a second language and for the five volunteers who did go abroad to study, that was the case. But there are far more students who do not choose to do that, whether for work, family obligations, or for requirements in other majors, for example in the nursing program. With eight out of my nine surveyors who do not speak at the level they should in order to participate fully in the upper level classes, it is obvious that something more needs to happen at the classroom level as well as required time outside of the classroom. Motivation did not seem to be a problem with the students that I surveyed because

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 176 J.Portillo - 177 they made some excellent suggestions, which would create a lot more work on their part, but which would result in students becoming proficient in their second language.

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Dr. Jeffrey Reeder for the information he sent me on the number of students who signed up as a major and graduated in the Foreign Language Department over the past five years. My thanks also go to Marisa Thigpen who sent me information on the numbers of students who studied abroad over the past five years. All of this information was very helpful and interesting.

Works Cited Benseler, David P. The Upper-Division Curriculum in Foreign Languages and Literatures:Obstacles to the Realization of Promise in Critical Issues In Foreign Language Instruction, edited by Ellen S. Silber. Garland Publishing, Inc., New York: 1991

Bernhardt, Elizabeth B. and Diane Tedick. On Paradoxes and Paradigms in Language Education Research in Critical Issues In Foreign Language Instruction, edited by Ellen S. Silber. Garland Publishing, Inc. New York: 1991

Collentine, Joseph. Peer Tutoring in a Graduate Writing Centre: Identity, Expertise, and Advice Resisting. http://applij.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/abstract/26/2/141

Frantzen, Diana. Preterite/Imperfect half-Truths: Problems with Spanish Textbook Rules For Usage: http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/servlet/SirveObras/35761630101354941976613/p000004.htm#2 3

Works Cited (cont)

Hadley, Alice Omaggio. Teaching Language in Context. Heinle & Heinle, Boston: 2001

Jarvis, Gilbert A. Psychological Processes in Foreign and Second Language Learning in Critical Issues In Foreign Language Instruction, edited by Ellen S. Silber. Garland Publishing, Inc., New York: 1991

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Appendix A

Questions for Linguistic Study

1. How many years have you been studying Spanish? 2. How many years have you been a Spanish Major? 3. How many years have you been studying Spanish without more than a two semester break? 4. What level of Spanish are you at now? That is, are you at the 300 level or 400 level or both. 5. How many more semesters before you finish your Spanish Major? 6. Have you had any semesters of study abroad? Please explain. 7. Have you had any weeks or months of study abroad? Please explain. 8. If you have studied abroad in either #6 or #7, please explain how that helped to improve your verbal and auditory skills, and any other speaking abilities, such as, better knowledge of street talk vs. formal speech that one learns in a class room. 9. If you have not studied abroad, please explain what areas of Spanish Learning that you think you are most weak in, i.e. reading, writing, speaking, etc. 10. Will you please read below a, b and c and mark which one applies to you and your verbal abilities. a. Presyntactic stage: Learners speak slowly and utterances tend to comprise a topic and a comment (e.g. Yo trabajo; Carlos es cómico…me gusta for Me gusta Carlos porque escómico). I am in this stage at least 75% of the time. b. Syntactic stage: Learners can produce sophisticatedutterances and can manipulate the target language’s morphological system and clauses now have several nouns (e.g. Juana le dio un reloj a Papá) and show a sensitivity to temporal nuances (e.g. Antes de ayer, nunca habíamos visitado San Antonio). I am in this stage at least 75 % of the time. c. I am right in the middle of (a) and (b) and about half the time I use both. 11. Please explain what changes you think would be helpful in the Spanish Language Program in order to have better verbal and auditory skills. 12. What do you think you should have done or should do to improve your verbal and auditory skills? 13. Do you have a paying job during the school year? On average, how many hours do you work each week? 14. How many hours each week do you have, if any, to be involved in extracurricular activities to improve your verbal and auditory skills? 15. Can you remember what your expectations were in what your ability to speak would be when you graduated when you first became a Spanish Major? 16. Do you remember if you were told what you needed to do outside of the classroom in order to become proficient in speaking Spanish?

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El significado extraléxico en la poesía de Pablo Neruda: Jennifer A. Chapin

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Resumen

Esta investigación se enfoca en el significado extraléxico de la poesía de Pablo Neruda—incluso de las manifestaciones del significado por la metáfora y la onomatopeya—que producen los fonemas cuando se ocurren de alta o baja frecuencia y/o en pautas con otros fonemas dentro de un poema y/o segmento de un poema. Sin embargo, lo que se descubrí en el proceso de la investigación es que se requería una manera de encontrar, probar, y describir eso. Entonces, el trabajo principal de este estudio es la calculación de la frecuencia de los veintiún fonemas, estudiados anteriormente por Hernán Emilio Pérez (2003, que fue hecho por un base de 4767 fonemas sacados de tres poemas escritos por Neruda sobre tres décadas de su carrera—“Poema 20” (1924), un segmento de “Las furias y las penas” (1934), y “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu” (1945)—y un poema adicional, “Walking Around”, por aumentar el cuento de fonemas. El resultado es una norma nerudiana que se puede usar por probar un hipótesis sobre la alta o baja frecuencia de un fonema en un poema al nivel de la línea, la estrofa y/o el poema. El trabajo segundaria es la investigación de los estudios publicados anteriormente que tienen que ver con el significado extraléxico extraído de la fonema en la poesía escrita en la lengua española— especialmente la de Neruda—, y el estudio de los tres poemas principales mencionados arriba, con el objeto de establecer una referencia de los posibles significados de once de las fonemas que parecen representar la mayor parte de los recursos fonéticos disponibles al poeta. Al fin, se presenta y se demuestra un método de analizar un poema usando estas herramientas. La meta es deducir si es que la norma nerudiana y la tabla de significado extraléxico son recursos válidos y útiles por el estudio de la poesía de Neruda.

I. Introducción

Pablo Neruda es uno de los poetas latinoamericanos más conocidos en el mundo por ser un maestro de la metáfora y uno de los hombres más apasionados del siglo XX—adoraba el cuerpo de la mujer, amaba a sus amigos, se enfurecía con la injusticia, y celebraba hasta las cosas más comunes de la vida diaria. Su carrera duró más de cinco décadas y, aunque murió solo dos años después de ser honorado con el Premio Nobel por la literatura, su leyenda viviré para siempre.

Antes de haber estudiado la lingüística, me diera ¿Porqué convertir un arte a una ciencia? Por saber más, entendí la razón—la cual que se puede explicar en términos de la música. Neruda comprendía esa calidad musical que posee su arte; en su autobiografía Confieso que he vivido, el poeta dice, “…son las palabras las que cantan…” De hecho, la poesía es muy similar al arte, donde el único instrumento es la voz humana. Los fonemas y la acentuación son las notas, el meter es la medida, y la interpretación del lector determina el tono y los puntos de énfasis. Además, como la música tiene varios géneros que usan esquemas de rima diferentes y que transmiten actitudes y emociones diferentes, la poesía también puede ser alegre o triste, tranquilo o violente, esperanzada o desesperada. Igual que el compositor escribe sus composiciones para que se toquen por los artistas, el poeta compone sus versos para que se recitarían en voz alta. La única diferencia entre la poesía y la música es que la poesía está hecha de pura palabras, sin instrucciones sobre cómo leerlas. Cuando se estudia la poesía, lo que verdaderamente se hace, en parte, es intentar a descubrir como el poeta hubiera escrito su obra si hubiera podido hacerlo con todos los recursos musicales.

La lingüística nunca será una ciencia perfecta pura; siempre inherente en ella es un aspecto de la interpretación que no se puede evitar, porque el lenguaje es una cosa estacionaria y no pertenece a una sola persona o grupo de personas. Como la crítica Susan Sontag describe en su ensayo

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Against Interpretation, el error de la interpretación ocurre cuando uno reemplaza la intención del autor con la suya; un ejemplo, según Sontag, es el caso en que uno imponga la filosofía del siglo XX por una obra literaria del siglo XVI. También eso pasa como resultado de tener miedo de sentir y, para evitar la reacción emocional, uno prefiera intelectualizar una obra. Sin embargo, Sontag no cree que sea una ofensa hacer un intento a deducir el significado de una obra, y no hay nada del mal en presentar una obra de una perspectiva diferente. Como se observa en la música, por ejemplo, es común rehacer una canción de una escala o género diferente al original. Lo importante de descifrar lo desconocido en la poesía es conocer el intento del autor para poder presentar nuestras propias interpretaciones de una manera que sea fiel al autor y que le honore en vez de ofenderle.

En la obra de Pablo Neruda hace falta su estudio por la comunidad académica literaria y, a alguna exenta lingüística; una gran porción del cuerpo de investigación que tiene que ver con ese cuerpo de poesía se enfoca en la escala grande, o sea, de la sintaxis y arriba. La razón es muy lógica—su poesía se trata del mundo que se desarrollaba a su alrededor del autor: la Guerra Civil de España, las tormentas políticas de Latinoamérica, sus encuentros con la injusticia, y su propia vida amorosa tumultuosa. Además de hablar sobre las influencias de la obra nerudiana, hay una riqueza de estudio que explora la manera en que el poeta emplea la metáfora por explicar lo difícil y romantizar lo ordinario.

Sí, es cierto que en los dibujos que Neruda se ilustran grandes olas, barcos navegando hasta los fines del mundo, y crepúsculos que matan la noche infinito, pero la maestría de su pluma no se termina con lo obvio. Menos frecuentemente explorado es la tierra fértil que se encuentra por debajo de la superficie—los caminos por donde corren, navegan, y saltan las unidades más pequeñas de tamaño pero más grandes de poder de la lingüística— las fonemas. Esas son los órganos, los ojos, y las extremidades de las palabras corporales; igual que las oraciones en contexto cuentan historias y las palabras entre oraciones dan luz a imagines, los sonidos de la palabra son mensajeros vivos. Tanto se colaboran y fluyen como y se oponen y se choquen. Neruda no se olvidó de escribir sobre su amor por la palabra misma. En su Libro de las preguntas se dedican dos estrofas a describir unas de sus favoritas, como la comparación de “amapola” con una “…estrella…abierta” y su pregunta “y no naufragan los veleros / por un exceso de vocales?”

Los fonemas tienen un cierto valor en sí mismo, un significado que puede complementar y apoyar el significante léxico o un mensaje propio que demanda al lector su interpretación para que se entiende enteramente la obra. Ese significado puede aparecer en varias formas, incluso de la onomatopeya, la metáfora que viene de las asociaciones del fonema dentro de una cierta lengua, la simbología que sea una extensión de dichas asociaciones, los efectos de la suavidad, dureza, lisura, y la modificación de la percepción del tiempo, el género, y más. Domingo Román Montes de Oca (2004) cita la obra de Eduardo Anguita, “Hay palabras largas, anchas, delgadas, altas, pesadas, cristalinas penetrantes…” y compara esas observaciones con las de Neruda: “[las palabras] brillan como piedras de colores, saltan como platinados peces, son espuma, hilo, metal, rocío…las siento cristalinas, vibrantes, ebúrneas, aceitosas, como frutas, como algas, como ágatas, como aceitunas…” Montes de Oca sigue así: Por supuesto, desde un punto de vista lingüístico, estas afirmaciones resultan impresionistas; pero parecen posibles de sistematizar desde el punto de vista de las teorías del llamado “simbolismo fonético”…De lo que se trata es de observar el plano del significante en relieve y como productor de un cierto efecto semántico con independencia relativa del plano del contenido léxico. (63)

Hay bastante evidencia que afirma la existencia de ese “simbolismo fonético”, o lo que mejor se denota aquí “significado extraléxico”, porque el término es un poco más inclusivo y específico.

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En 2004, Montes de Oca nos llama la atención a los contrastes entre la suavidad y la dureza, e incorpora esas observaciones con los efectos de los vocales abiertos y tónicos. Carmen Foxley (2002) examina la obra de Neruda por varios niveles; su estudio de los fonemas tiene que ver principalmente con la acentuación versal. En su investigación de la poesía de Unamuno, Biruté Ciplijauskaité (1988) explica en buen detalle el significado del fonema, observando que “…hay el valor corporal de la palabra por sí, del sonido… [y que]…la aliteración es un elemento importante en su poesía y frecuentemente desempeña una función estructural.”(2)

Escogí tres poemas de Neruda que cruzan tres décadas de su obra, y que se tratan de temas diferentes como se explica en la sección 4. Esos poemas son “Poema 20 (1924), “Las furias y las penas”, y “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu” (1945) Primero, realicé que el cuerpo de investigaciones lingüísticas que se tratan de la obra de Neruda no es tan grande como anticipaba antes de haberme comprometido al trato. Descubrí que, hasta la fecha, lo que nos hacen falta son dos herramientas muy útiles para el análisis fonético de la poesía y, por la falta de una medida objetiva, se tiene que depender enteramente en lo que nos parece en vez de lo que es probable. Podríamos así tomar unos pasos adelante en la dirección de separar lo que pensamos y sentimos de lo que el autor pensaba y sentía. Hay estudios ya hechos que se tratan de algunos áreas, principalmente del simbolismo y de la metáfora al nivel morfológico, y unos que se quedan en la superficie de la interpretación, simplemente porque les ha hecho falta a los investigadores la información necesaria para poder profundizar sus investigaciones. Para llenar el hueco, aquí se presenta una norma de la frecuencia de fonemas de Hernán Emilio Pérez al lado de la calculación de la norma nerudiana que sirve como un base desde que la futura expansión es posible. Por eso, todos los datos crudos se pueden encontrar entre esas páginas. La segunda solución es juntar todo de lo que pude encontrar sobre la interpretación de fonemas y, junto a mis propias ideas, la información aquí se presenta en forma tabular.

Se me reveló la idea de la norma en el transcurso de la investigación; por hacer una investigación comprensiva y labor intensiva de la lingüística y la poesía en las bases de datos y los motores de búsqueda, encontré un solo ensayo corto de cuatro páginas que parecía empezar intentar hacer lo que se hace aquí, pero al fin no se resultó la profundidad necesaria. Entonces, fue obvio que, antes de nada, se tenia que compilar una norma nerudiana que se pueda servir como un método objetivo para confirmar la alta o baja presencia de fonemas y/o pautas de fonemas como una herramienta que le serviría tanto el poeta aprendiz como el critico o el erudito. Además, descubrí investigaciones fonéticas de la poesía, pero esas se enfocaron en otras cosas; encontré unos datos útiles de lo ya escrito—como explicaciones de la suavidad y la dureza y unos comentarios sobre patrones de vocales abiertos con los nasales y/o los laterales, pero el hueco que se tiene que llenar es la falta de una referencia comprensiva de los significados de las fonemas, y como se influyen una obra aparte de observar que sí existe. Lo que se encuentra dentro de este estudio pretende acercarse al problema con un nuevo plan a mano, y el hipótesis nulo es que la norma nerudiana no es una manera válida de probar el significado extraléxico en la poesía.

2. Métodos Este estudio tiene tres partes: la calculación de la norma nerudiana, la investigación de los posibles significados de fonemas denominados “claves”, y la aplicación de estos recursos.

2.1 La norma nerudiana La idea de establecer una norma por la frecuencia de fonemas en la poesía vino de un deseo de encontrar alguna manera de poder definir el estilo de Neruda, usando un estándar de la lengua. En la investigación, se encontró un estudio hecho por Hernán Emilio Pérez en 2003, que consiste

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 182 J.Portillo - 183 de contar los fonemas dentro de 15.649 palabras distintas, por un total de 75.269 fonemas habladas, grabados de noticias comentadas por periodistas chilenas. Hacer eso por las palabras escrita de la poesía de Neruda sería un buen comienzo en el intento a establecer una norma similar a la hecha por Pérez, aun que sea por una escala más pequeña esta vez.

Primero, transcribí fonéticamente “Poema 20”, un fragmento de “Las furias y las penas”, “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu XII, y “Walking Around”. Esos cuatro escogí por sus diferencias en fecha de escritura y ambiente emocional. “Las furias y las penas” es un poema muy larga, y solo usé 35 líneas de él para que el cuento total de fonemas de cada poema se quedara entre 1100- 1300. El cuento de líneas y número de fonemas por poema sigue:

Poema No. Líneas No. fonemas “Poema 20” 38 1129 “Las furias y las penas” 35 1157 (fragmento) “Walking Around” 49 1247 “Las alturas de Macchu 45 1234 Picchu XII”

En total, se contaron 4767 fonemas. También se contó la incidencia de todos los fonemas calculados por Pérez, por cada línea, por cada poema, y como una suma por los cuatro poemas. El cuento de cada fonema individual se dividió por 4767 por determinar la frecuencia de cada fonema en la poesía de Neruda58.

Se presentan las listas de la norma nerudiana v. la norma de Pérez, la comparación de la frecuencia de fonemas entre los poemas, y el cuento por cada línea.

2.2 El significado de fonemas El propósito de este paso es juntar los trozos de información que se encontraron por varias fuentes en una sola lista de posibilidades para la interpretación del papel que juega un fonema en un lugar específico, asumiendo aquí que su frecuencia es alta o baja según una comparación con la norma nerudiana59. Se investigaron la base de datos de la biblioteca de la Universidad de Sonoma State, varios textos sobre la lingüística y el estudio de la lingüística en la literatura y la poesía, y los poemas mismos, y se extrajo una gran parte para formar la tabla60.

2.3 La prueba / analices

58 En el futuro, sería ideal expandir la base de fonemas para acercarla más a la base de Pérez. 59 Eso no quiere decir que la norma nerudiana es un método absoluto por la determinación de importancia. Se reconoce que dentro de un segmento más pequeño que la línea una frecuencia pueda ser alta, aunque sea normal según las calculaciones por la línea. En según lugar, se tiene que considerar el contexto de dicho fonema, por que pueda ser que una sola fonema rompa un patrón de otras fonemas. La consideración de pautas también pueda ser aparte de la prueba establecida aquí, aunque esta autora no ha hecho una hipótesis sobre eso. 60 Esa tabla es una lista de posibilidades; se tiene que considerar el contexto del poema para determinar si se encuentra en esta lista un trozo de información que apoye el entendimiento del poema específico bajo estudio. Se debe agregar información a esa referencia en cualquiera ocasión posible, porque no pretende ser completa de ninguna manera.

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El método de analizar un poema o un fragmento del mismo se probará aquí:

1. Transcribir el poema fonéticamente. 2. Sumar todos los fonemas por cada línea individualmente, y notar el cuento por cada línea a su término. 3. Contar un fonema que se quiere estudiar, notando el cuento por cada línea individualmente al lado de cada línea. 4. Dividir el número obtenido en el paso tres por él del paso dos, línea por línea. 5. Comparar el cuento del fonema en cada caso con la norma nerudiana. Determinar: ¿Es el cuento especialmente alto o bajo? ¿Hay patrones de líneas múltiples en secuencia que demuestran el mismo fenómeno? 6. Consultar con la referencia de posibles significados, pero primero: considerar las metáforas aparte de las fonéticas y la otra imaginaría, el significado léxico del poema, el ambiente y, más importante, como el poema le hace sentir / primeras impresiones.

3. Resultados

3.1 La norma nerudiana

fonema Pérez (norma norma nerudiana general) /a/ 12,31% 11,94% /e/ 14,13% 11,52% /i/ 7,46% 6,21% /o/ 9,24% 9,67% /u/ 3,05% 2,43% /k/ 3,94% 3,52% /g/ 0,94% 1,51% /t/ 4,92% 4,01% /p/ 2,58% 1,51% /b/ 1,92% 2,31% /d/ 4,84% 4,53% /č/ 0,32% 0,44% /s/ 9,61% 9,36% /f/ 0,75% 0,42% /l/ 5,05% 4,32% /y/ 0,69% 0,67% /n/ 7,78% 6,08% /m/ 2,62% 3,08% /ñ/ 0,24% 0,13% /ɾ/ 6,19% 5,33% /r/ 0,64% 0,46%

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 184 J.Portillo - 185

3.2 La frecuencia de los fonemas en los poemas individuales

fonema Poema 20 Las alturas de Las furias y Macchu las penas Picchu /a/ 11,25% 10,62% 12,96% /e/ 12,75% 8,51% 11,67% /i/ 6,82% 4,46% 5,36% /o/ 12,49% 7,37% 9,08% /u/ 1,86% 1,46% 3,37% /k/ 4,34% 2,19% 3,98% /g/ 0,53% 1,46% 2,59% /t/ 5,31% 2,76% 4,32% /p/ 1,51% 1,46% 1,21% /b/ 3,19% 2,19% 2,07% /d/ 2,21% 4,46% 5,70% /č/ 0,89% 0,32% 0,24% /s/ 11,87% 7,13% 8,12% /f/ 0,27% 0,41% 0,69% /l/ 5,85% 4,13% 4,15% /y/ 0,89% 0,73% 0,52% /n/ 5,78% 3,73% 7,61% /m/ 4,07% 2,51% 2,94 % /ñ/ 0,09% 0,16% 0,09% /ɾ/ 5,93% 3,89% 4,75% /r/ 0,09% 0,57% 0,61%

3.3 La frecuencia de fonemas de los poemas, línea por línea61

3.3.1 “Poema 20” linea /k/ /s/ /l/ /n/ /m/ /r/ /a/ /e/ /o/ 1 1 8 1 1 1 0 2 6 4 % 2,50% 20,00% 2,50% 2,50% 2,50% 0,00% 5,00% 15,00% 10,00% 2 1 3 2 1 1 0 4 6 3 % 2,86% 8,57% 5,71% 2,86% 2,86% 0,00% 11,43% 17,14% 8,57% 3 1 6 4 1 0 0 4 2 4 % 3,23% 19,35% 12,90% 3,23% 0,00% 0,00% 12,90% 6,45% 12,90%

61 Estos datos se calcularon para probar un hipótesis que se basa en la alta o baja frecuencia de una o más fonemas. Solo se presentan en esta sección los datos para nueve de las fonemas por tres razones: son las más discutidas en los otros estudios que se encontraron en la investigación ésta, demuestran bastante variación en frecuencia entre líneas de los tres poemas para llamar la atención, se encontró bastante información por caracterizarlas, y sus posibles significados son intrigantes para esta autora.61 Los datos para los otros fonemas estudiados aquí se encuentran en el apéndice.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 185 J.Portillo - 186 linea /k/ /s/ /l/ /n/ /m/ /r/ /a/ /e/ /o/ 4 1 1 4 4 0 0 4 7 3 % 2,86% 2,86% 11,43% 11,43% 0,00% 0,00% 11,43% 20,00% 8,57% 5 1 8 1 1 1 0 2 6 4 % 2,50% 20,00% 2,50% 2,50% 2,50% 0,00% 5,00% 15,00% 10,00% 6 2 4 1 1 2 0 4 6 2 % 6,45% 12,90% 3,23% 3,23% 6,45% 0,00% 12,90% 19,35% 6,45% 7 1 6 2 3 2 0 4 5 4 % 2,70% 16,22% 5,41% 8,11% 5,41% 0,00% 10,81% 13,51% 10,81% 8 0 5 3 3 0 0 4 6 3 % 0,00% 13,89% 8,33% 8,33% 0,00% 0,00% 11,11% 16,67% 8,33% 9 2 2 1 1 2 0 5 6 2 % 6,45% 6,45% 3,23% 3,23% 6,45% 0,00% 16,13% 19,35% 6,45% 10 1 5 0 2 2 0 4 2 7 % 2,94% 2,94% 14,71% 5,88% 5,88% 0,00% 11,76% 5,88% 20,59% 11 1 8 1 1 1 0 2 6 4 % 2,50% 20,00% 2,50% 2,50% 2,50% 0,00% 5,00% 15,00% 10,00% 12 2 2 2 4 0 0 3 7 3 % 5,71% 5,71% 5,71% 11,43% 0,00% 0,00% 8,57% 20,00% 8,57% 13 0 4 1 6 3 0 5 4 2 % 0,00% 12,50% 3,13% 18,75% 9,38% 0,00% 15,63% 12,50% 6,25% 14 2 3 5 0 2 1 6 4 5 % 5,88% 8,82% 14,71% 0,00% 5,88% 2,94% 17,65% 11,76% 14,71% 15 2 0 1 1 3 0 6 3 3 % 5,88% 0,00% 2,94% 2,94% 8,82% 0,00% 17,65% 8,82% 8,82% 16 1 3 1 3 1 0 6 5 4 % 2,86% 8,57% 2,86% 8,57% 2,86% 0,00% 17,14% 14,29% 11,43% 17 1 4 5 2 0 0 5 5 7 % 2,78% 11,11% 13,89% 5,56% 0,00% 0,00% 13,89% 13,89% 19,44% 18 2 1 2 4 2 0 5 4 4 % 5,88% 2,94% 5,88% 11,76% 5,88% 0,00% 14,71% 11,76% 11,76% 19 3 2 2 0 3 0 8 1 2 % 9,68% 6,45% 6,45% 0,00% 9,68% 0,00% 25,81% 3,23% 6,45% 20 3 3 1 3 2 0 5 2 5 % 9,09% 9,09% 3,03% 9,09% 6,06% 0,00% 15,15% 6,06% 15,15% 21 2 6 4 2 4 0 6 5 4 % 5,00% 15,00% 10,00% 5,00% 10,00% 0,00% 15,00% 12,50% 10,00% 22 0 10 2 4 3 0 1 2 10

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 186 J.Portillo - 187 linea /k/ /s/ /l/ /n/ /m/ /r/ /a/ /e/ /o/ % 0,00% 26,32% 5,26% 10,53% 7,89% 0,00% 2,63% 5,26% 26,32% 23 3 2 2 2 0 0 3 5 5 % 8,82% 5,88% 5,88% 5,88% 0,00% 0,00% 8,82% 14,71% 14,71% 24 2 3 1 1 1 0 5 2 5 % 5,71% 8,57% 2,86% 2,86% 2,86% 0,00% 14,29% 5,71% 14,29% 25 1 5 0 1 2 0 2 6 7 % 2,86% 14,29% 0,00% 2,86% 5,71% 0,00% 5,71% 17,14% 20,00% 26 2 7 1 2 0 0 1 1 6 % 5,71% 20,00% 2,86% 5,71% 0,00% 0,00% 2,86% 2,86% 17,14% 27 2 3 3 1 0 0 4 6 5 % 5,56% 8.33% 8,33% 2,78% 0,00% 0,00% 11,11% 16,67% 13,89% 28 1 2 4 2 1 0 4 4 6 % 2,78% 5,56% 11,11% 5,56% 2,78% 0,00% 11,11% 11,11% 16,67% 29 2 6 1 2 2 0 3 5 5 % 5,13% 15,38% 2,56% 5,13% 5,13% 0,00% 7,69% 12,82% 12,82% 30 2 1 2 4 2 0 5 4 4 % 5,88% 2,94% 5,88% 11,76% 5,88% 0,00% 14,71% 11,76% 11,76% 31 2 3 3 1 2 0 5 6 3 % 5,71% 8,57% 8,57% 2,86% 5,71% 0,00% 14.29% 17,14% 8,57% 32 2 8 3 1 1 0 1 5 6 % 5,26% 21,05% 7,89% 2,63% 2,63% 0,00% 2,63% 13,16% 15,79%

3.3.2 “Las furias y las penas”, fragmento linea /k/ /s/ /l/ /n/ /m/ /r/ /a/ /e/ /o/ 1 0 3 2 2 1 0 1 5 5 % 0,00% 10,34% 6,90% 6.90% 3.45% 0.00% 3.45% 17.24% 17.24% 2 2 1 3 1 1 1 3 7 3 % 6,90% 3,45% 10,34% 3.45% 3.45% 3.45% 10.34% 24.14% 10.34% 3 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 3 1 % 0,00% 6,25% 0,00% 6.25% 6.25% 0.00% 6.25% 18.75% 6.25% 4 0 1 2 1 1 0 3 5 2 % 0,00% 3,85% 7,69% 3.85% 3.85% 0.00% 11.54% 19.23% 7.69% 5 2 5 2 2 1 1 4 5 2 % 5,88% 14,71% 5,88% 5.88% 2.94% 2.94% 11.76% 14.71% 5.88% 6 2 3 2 3 0 0 5 4 5 % 5,56% 8,33% 5,56% 8.33% 0.00% 0.00% 13.89% 11,11% 13.89% 7 3 5 1 4 3 0 6 7 5

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 187 J.Portillo - 188 linea /k/ /s/ /l/ /n/ /m/ /r/ /a/ /e/ /o/ % 6,67% 11,11% 2,22% 8.89% 6.67% 0.00% 13.33% 15.56% 11.11% 8 0 2 1 3 5 1 6 6 4 % 0,00% 4,76% 2,38% 7.14% 11.90% 2.38% 14.29% 14.29% 9.52% 9 3 5 2 2 3 0 7 3 3 % 7,50% 12,50% 5,00% 5.00% 7.50% 0.00% 17.50% 7.50% 7.50% 10 1 5 0 4 3 0 8 6 3 % 2,33% 11,63% 0,00% 9.30% 6.98% 0.00% 18.60% 13.95% 6.98% 11 0 0 1 2 2 0 2 8 1 % 0,00% 0,00% 3,45% 6.90% 6.90% 0.00% 6.90% 27.59% 3.45% 12 3 2 1 3 2 0 6 7 3 % 7,69% 5,13% 2,56% 7.69% 5.13% 0.00% 15.38% 17.95% 7.69% 13 3 1 1 6 0 2 4 2 6 % 8,82% 2,94% 2,94% 17.65% 0.00% 5.88% 11.76% 5.88% 17.65% 14 0 5 4 3 1 0 1 5 9 % 0,00% 10,87% 8,70% 6.52% 2.17% 0.00% 2.17% 10.87% 19.57% 15 2 4 3 3 0 0 8 5 3 % 4,44% 8,89% 6,67% 6.67% 0.00% 0.00% 17.78% 11.11% 6.67% 16 0 4 2 4 1 0 3 4 4 % 0,00% 11,76% 5,88% 11.76% 2.94% 0.00% 8.82% 11.76% 11.76% 17 2 4 3 3 0 0 7 3 5 % 5,56% 11,11% 8,33% 8.33% 0.00% 0.00% 19.44% 8.33% 13.89% 18 1 3 1 1 0 0 5 2 0 % 5,00% 15,00% 5,00% 5.00% 0.00% 0.00% 25.00% 10.00% 0.00% 19 2 3 1 2 0 0 2 2 5 % 7,14% 10,71% 3,57% 7.14% 0.00% 0.00% 7.14% 7.14% 17.86% 20 0 5 2 2 2 0 0 6 3 % 0,00% 16,13% 6,45% 6.45% 6.45% 0.00% 0.00% 19.35% 9.68% 21 2 2 0 2 1 0 4 4 4 % 5,88% 5,88% 0,00% 5.88% 2.94% 0.00% 11.76% 11.76% 11.76% 22 0 4 1 5 1 0 5 5 3 % 0,00% 9,76% 2,44% 12.20% 2.44% 0.00% 12.20% 12.20% 7.32% 23 1 4 0 1 1 1 7 4 1 % 2,86% 11,43% 0,00% 2.86% 2.86% 2.86% 20.00% 11.43% 2.86% 24 0 3 1 2 0 1 7 5 1 % 0,00% 9,68% 3,23% 6.45% 0.00% 3.23% 22.58% 16.13% 3.23% 25 1 1 2 1 1 0 3 5 4 % 3,13% 3,13% 6,25% 3.13% 3.13% 0.00% 9.38% 15.63% 12.50%

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 188 J.Portillo - 189 linea /k/ /s/ /l/ /n/ /m/ /r/ /a/ /e/ /o/ 26 1 1 1 1 0 0 3 2 0 % 5,88% 5,88% 5,88% 5.88% 0,00% 0,00% 17,65% 11,76% 0,00% 27 2 5 2 3 0 0 4 4 4 % 6,06% 15,15% 6,06% 9.09% 0,00% 0,00% 12,12% 12,12% 12,12% 28 1 3 1 2 2 0 4 2 4 % 3,45% 10,34% 3,45% 6.90% 6,90% 0,00% 13,79% 6,90% 13,79% 29 3 4 2 2 2 0 6 3 7 % 7,14% 9,52% 4,76% 4.76% 4,76% 0,00% 14,29% 7,14% 16,67% 30 3 1 2 4 2 1 6 4 7 % 7,32% 2,44% 4.88% 9.76% 4,88% 2,44% 14,63% 9,76% 17,07% 31 3 1 0 4 0 0 4 2 0 % 16,67% 5,56% 0,00% 22.22% 0,00% 0,00% 22,22% 11,11% 0,00% 32 3 2 1 4 0 0 5 3 0 % 13,64% 9,09% 4,55% 18.18% 0,00% 0,00% 22,73% 13,64% 0,00% 33 0 1 5 5 0 0 5 3 3 % 0,00% 2,86% 14,29% 14.29% 0,00% 0,00% 14,29% 8,57% 8,57% 34 1 4 1 2 0 0 8 3 1 % 2,70% 10,81% 2,70% 5.41% 0,00% 0,00% 21,62% 8,11% 2,70% 35 1 1 0 2 0 0 2 6 2 % 3,57% 3,57% 0,00% 7.14% 0,00% 0,00% 7,14% 21,43% 7,14%

3.3.3 “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu XII”

línea /k/ /s/ /l/ /n/ /m/ /r/ /a/ /e/ /o/ 1 1 2 0 3 2 0 3 3 3 % 4,35% 8,70% 0,00% 13,04% 8,70% 0,00% 13,04% 13,04% 13,04% 2 0 1 2 2 2 0 5 3 2 % 0,00% 4,00% 8,00% 8,00% 8,00% 0,00% 20,00% 12,00% 8,00% 3 0 2 1 2 1 0 2 2 4 % 0,00% 8,70% 4,35% 8,70% 4,35% 0,00% 8,70% 8,70% 17,39% 4 1 3 3 2 0 1 3 3 5 % 3,85% 11,54% 11,54% 7,69% 0,00% 3,85% 11,54% 11,54% 19,23% 5 0 2 2 2 1 1 2 5 4 % 0,00% 6,67% 6,67% 6,67% 3,33% 3,33% 6,67% 16,67% 13,33% 6 0 2 1 2 0 0 2 3 3 % 0,00% 8,33% 4,17% 8,33% 0,00% 0,00% 8,33% 12,50% 12,50% 7 0 2 1 2 0 0 4 1 5

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 189 J.Portillo - 190 línea /k/ /s/ /l/ /n/ /m/ /r/ /a/ /e/ /o/ % 0,00% 7,41% 3,70% 7,41% 0,00% 0,00% 14,81% 3,70% 18,52% 8 0 1 2 1 2 1 3 5 2 % 0,00% 3,70% 7,41% 3,70% 7,41% 3,70% 11,11% 18,52% 7,41% 9 1 1 1 0 0 0 6 1 4 % 3,70% 3,70% 3,70% 0,00% 0,00% 0,00% 22,22% 3,70% 14,81% 10 1 2 1 1 1 0 4 3 3 % 3,70% 7,41% 3,70% 3,70% 3,70% 0,00% 14,81% 11,11% 11,11% 11 0 1 3 2 1 0 6 2 2 % 0,00% 3,85% 11,54% 7,69% 3,85% 0,00% 23,08% 7,69% 7,69% 12 0 3 2 2 1 0 7 1 1 % 0,00% 11,54% 7,69% 7,69% 3,85% 0,00% 26,92% 3,85% 3,85% 13 1 3 1 0 1 0 3 3 5 % 4,00% 12,00% 4,00% 0,00% 4,00% 0,00% 12,00% 12,00% 20,00% 14 1 1 3 2 2 0 4 3 2 % 3,45% 3,45% 10,34% 6,90% 6,90% 0,00% 13,79% 10,34% 6,90% 15 0 0 1 1 1 0 4 3 2 % 0,00% 0,00% 4,00% 4,00% 4,00% 0,00% 16,00% 12,00% 8,00% 16 1 1 1 1 0 0 7 3 1 % 3,85% 3,85% 3,85% 3,85% 0,00% 0,00% 26,92% 11,54% 3,85% 17 0 4 1 1 0 1 1 5 5 % 0,00% 13,33% 3,33% 3,33% 0,00% 3,33% 3,33% 16,67% 16,67% 18 1 5 0 1 2 0 3 4 3 % 2,78% 13,89% 0,00% 2,78% 5,56% 0,00% 8,33% 11,11% 8,33% 19 2 2 0 0 1 0 3 1 1 % 9,09% 9,09% 0,00% 0,00% 4,55% 0,00% 13,64% 4,55% 4,55% 20 1 0 2 1 0 1 4 2 3 % 4,00% 0,00% 8,00% 4,00% 0,00% 4,00% 16,00% 8,00% 12,00% 21 0 0 2 3 0 0 4 5 5 % 0,00% 0,00% 6,25% 9,38% 0,00% 0,00% 12,50% 15,63% 15,63% 22 2 3 2 1 1 0 5 5 0 % 6,90% 10,34% 6,90% 3,45% 3,45% 0,00% 17,24% 17,24% 0,00% 23 3 2 1 2 1 0 5 3 2 % 11,11% 7,41% 3,70% 7,41% 3,70% 0,00% 18,52% 11,11% 7,41% 24 0 4 2 3 1 0 3 7 2 % 0,00% 13,79% 6,90% 10,34% 3,45% 0,00% 10,34% 24,14% 6,90% 25 0 6 4 0 1 0 7 2 2 % 0,00% 17,65% 11,76% 0,00% 2,94% 0,00% 20,59% 5,88% 5,88%

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 190 J.Portillo - 191 línea /k/ /s/ /l/ /n/ /m/ /r/ /a/ /e/ /o/ 26 0 5 3 1 0 0 7 3 2 % 0,00% 18,52% 11,11% 3,70% 0,00% 0,00% 25,93% 11,11% 7,41% 27 0 3 1 3 0 0 5 3 2 % 0,00% 10,71% 3,57% 10,71% 0,00% 0,00% 17,86% 10,71% 7,14% 28 1 1 1 1 1 0 5 3 3 % 3,13% 3,13% 3,13% 3,13% 3,13% 0,00% 15,63% 9,38% 9,38% 29 0 2 1 1 0 1 5 3 2 % 0,00% 7,41% 3,70% 3,70% 0,00% 3.70% 18,52% 11,11% 7,41% 30 0 6 3 1 1 1 3 1 5 % 0,00% 21,43% 10,71% 3,57% 3,57% 3.57% 10,71% 3,57% 17,86% 31 0 2 3 2 1 0 6 5 4 % 0,00% 5,56% 8,33% 5,56% 2,78% 0,00% 16,67% 13,89% 11,11% 32 3 4 1 2 1 0 3 0 8 % 8,57% 11,43% 2,86% 5,71% 2,86% 0,00% 8,57% 0,00% 22,86% 33 3 2 0 3 1 0 5 3 3 % 12,50% 8,33% 0,00% 12,50% 4,17% 0,00% 20,83% 12,50% 12,50% 34 0 4 2 2 0 0 6 2 4 % 0,00% 16,00% 8,00% 8,00% 0,00% 0,00% 24,00% 8,00% 16,00% 35 2 3 2 0 0 0 4 1 2 % 7,14% 10,71% 7,14% 0,00% 0,00% 0,00% 14,29% 3,57% 7,14% 36 0 1 1 4 3 0 1 4 4 % 0,00% 4,00% 4,00% 16,00% 12,00% 0,00% 4,00% 16,00% 16,00% 37 1 2 0 1 2 1 3 1 5 % 4,17% 8,33% 0,00% 4,17% 8,33% 4,17% 12,50% 4,17% 20,83% 38 1 2 0 2 1 2 1 4 3 % 4,00% 8,00% 0,00% 8,00% 4,00% 8,00% 4,00% 16,00% 12,00% 39 0 3 0 0 1 0 5 2 3 % 0,00% 12,00% 0,00% 0,00% 4,00% 0,00% 20,00% 8,00% 12,00% 40 0 6 2 0 0 0 3 6 1 % 0,00% 22,22% 7,41% 0,00% 0,00% 0,00% 11,11% 22,22% 3,70% 41 0 4 4 2 1 0 6 5 1 % 0,00% 12,90% 12,90% 6,45% 3,23% 0,00% 19,35% 16,13% 3,23% 42 1 2 5 1 1 0 4 4 3 % 3,57% 7,14% 17,86% 3,57% 3,57% 0,00% 14,29% 14,29% 10,71% 43 2 3 1 1 3 0 3 4 4 % 7,14% 10,71% 3,57% 3,57% 10,71% 0,00% 10,71% 14,29% 14,29% 44 2 2 0 1 2 0 5 1 1

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 191 J.Portillo - 192

línea /k/ /s/ /l/ /n/ /m/ /r/ /a/ /e/ /o/ % 8,70% 8,70% 0,00% 4,35% 8,70% 0,00% 21,74% 4,35% 4,35% 45 0 3 2 1 2 0 6 1 0 % 0,00% 10,71% 7,14% 3,57% 7,14% 0,00% 21,43% 3,57% 0,00%

3.4 Simbolismo fonético

Esta tabla presenta un resumen de las características de fonemas de interés y sobre que se han comentado los estudios anteriores.

Fonema género efecto forma onomatopeya metáforas posibles /a/ femenino la suavidad no “ah” (suspiro) el apertura, el estudiada espacio, el alargamiento, la satisfacción de un anhelo sensual /e/ neutral la suavidad circulo no estudiada el armonía, el arrompido equilibrio /o/ femenino la suavidad circular “¡oh!” el tiempo circular, el renacimiento, la fecundidad femenina, la plenitud, lo redondo/ lleno /k/ masculino la dureza no no estudiada la violencia, la estudiada carne, el cuerpo /l/ la lisura delgada, derecho /m/ femenino la suavidad no el zumbido fijo de la fecundidad estudiada una máquina o femenina, lo sensual abeja, la expresión y/o erótico, la de satisfacción aprobación, la sensual productividad /n/ no la no no estudiado la tierra, la lengua, estudiado prolongación estudiada lo espeluznante, la o sensualidad alargamiento del tiempo, esp. en posiciones implosivas /r/ masculino la dureza no vibración, motor fuerza, violencia estudiada prendido, ronroneo industria del gato, roncar /s/ femenino suavidad curvada siseo del serpiente el agua (el bautismo, o el gato, escape de la limpieza, el aire, agua corriente, subconsciente, las y el sonido del mar emociones, el

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 192 J.Portillo - 193

Fonema género efecto forma onomatopeya metáforas posibles contra la costa océano, navegar), la sabiduría (el simbolismo del serpiente), el silencio, la tranquilidad, el silencio de la muerte

4. Discusión

4.1 Discusión del simbolismo fonético

Los fonemas del mayor interés en las selecciones de Neruda que se estudian aquí son los vocales /a/, /e/, y /o/ y estos consonantes: /k/, /l/, /m/, /n/, /r/ y /s/. De lo que se ha encontrado en el transcurso de esta investigación, estos fonemas son los más mencionadas en los analices de patrones fónicos y sus efectos. Lógicamente, eso es porque son los más fuertes en términos metafóricos y simbólicos. Un fonema puede tener mas de una interpretación, y por eso también es necesario considerar el contexto del poema y la posibilidad de los efectos creados por los otros fonemas que lo rodean.

Primero, consideramos las funciones de los vocales /a/, /e/ y /o/, los cuales que llevan mucha importancia en Poema 20, Las alturas de Macchu Picchu, y Las furias y las penas. La /a/ es una vocal abierta. El rol de la /a/ es crear aperturas e invocar la sensación de espacio y alargamiento. Ya mencionada en la sección anterior, Neruda sabía algo sobre este hecho: “Hay una estrella más abierta/que la palabra amapola?” Aparte de esa función, la /a/ en si mismo es un ejemplo de la onomatopeya, como observan Friedman, et al. (1983): “An immediate, aural sensation of Galope muerto catches Neruda’s sonorous back vowels, the oh’s and ah’s….” (189) Por que la declaración de “ahhh…” se asocia con el cumplimiento de un anhelo sensual—el hambre, la sed, o un fiebre sexual, por ejemplo—se puede decir que la /a/ puede representar la satisfacción sensual.

La /e/ sirve para mantener la armonía en un poema. Según Biruté Ciplijauskaité (1988), esa fonema tiene una “…calidad neutral…” y surge “…un cierto equilibrio….” (p. 3) La /e/ se aparece neutral en comparación con los vocales “i”, “a”, y “u” por ser un vocal medio; también es una morfema neutral en su función adjetival, mientras que ambas las morfemas “a” y “o” tienen un género especifico.

El /o/ es único entre todos los otros fonemas. Aparte de tomar la forma escrita de un círculo, para pronunciarlo es necesario formar un círculo con la boca, haciendo que sus formas escritas y orales se conforman. Además, el significado de la /o/ como metáfora fónica se relaciona con su forma. La gente indígena a Latinoamérica tienen una perspectiva circular de la vida, la cual que ha una gran influencia en la literatura latinoamericana. Una vida circular significa el renacimiento constante que, in turno, implica la fecundidad femenina. Carlos Fiel Diebe (1971) también observa la armonía de la forma de la /o/ con su función metafórica: “La /o/ la sentimos aquí como una vocal llena, redonda, muy apta para sugerir la idea de la plenitud…en posiciones muy destacadas, asoma la vocal redonda, expresión de la aludida fecundidad.” A Neruda no le faltan las comparaciones entre lo femenino, lo redondo, y lo amplio en Poema 1—“Cuerpo de mujer,

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 193 J.Portillo - 194 blancas colinas, muslos blancos / te pareces al mundo en tu actitud de entrega…”—y Soneto XII—“Plena mujer, manzana carnal, luna caliente….” Sin embargo, aunque el /o/ es femenino como símbolo metafórico, es masculino en su función como morfema. Este es uno de los casos en que es necesario considerar el contexto de la obra para inferir la intención del autor.

La /k/ es uno de los fonemas más duros en la lengua española, y es el único oclusivo duro que no se puede suavizar cuando dos vocales la rodean. La /k/ se asocia con la violencia, lo carnal o corporal, lo material, y la industria pesada. Interrumpe el silencio y la tranquilidad de una serie de fonemas suaves como un cuchillo que corta la carne hasta el corazón. Por estas razones el /k/ se tiene que considerar como un fonema masculino. “Las furias y las penas” contiene una cantidad significante de palabras que empiezan con /k/ y que tienen que ver con la violencia o el cuerpo—cutis, caderas, cuerpos, cáscara, cabezas, corazón, carne, cabello, colinas, cacería, cuchilladas, colérico, cagado—las cuales que son buenos ejemplos de las implicaciones de ese fonema.

El /l/ es un fonema que se opone al /r/ de la misma manera en que se oponen “...los sonidos abiertos/cerrados, llanos/agudos.” (Ciplijauskaité, 1988, p. 3) Ese fonema es muy femenino—su forma es alta y delgada, y su efecto es la suavidad.

La asociación del /m/ con lo femenino se puede comprobar con palabras de varios idiomas. En el español ella encabeza a estas palabras: mamá, mujer, madre, misoginia, mamografía, manzana62. En el francés se aparece en madame, maman, mademoiselle, y misogynie, y en el inglés se encuentra en mother, mom, ma’am, mama, miss, mistress, y mammogram. Como ya se ha comentado anteriormente, la fecundidad femenina es clave a la continuación de la vida, pero este concepto se extiende en la filosofía autóctona al universo y, entonces, a lo eterno. La onomatopeya de ese fonema se relaciona con la aprobación de un sabor o una sensación erótica, cuya característica la presta una función sensual como metáfora, y el zumbido fijo de una máquina o un abeja, ambos que señalan la productividad.

La /n/ en posiciones implosivas juega con la percepción del tiempo y, así, apoya la noción de lo expansivo. Alexander Iribar (1997) observa que, en posiciones implosivas “… [las /n/’s] facilitan el alargamiento.” y que ellas sirven para “…retardar el ritmo [del poema].” En Poema 20, esta cualidad de la /n/ apoya el significado léxico de la palabra repetida “inmensa”. En Libro de las preguntas, Neruda pregunta, “No crepitó en tu corazón/un nombre como una naranja?” Es cierto que, por la /n/ implosiva que se encuentra en la combinación /n/+ /x/ se prolonga bastante para que, con el apoyo de la /x/, que también ocupe un espacio de tiempo significante, y que tiene un sonido espeluznante en esta combinación, uno sí puede imaginarse el sonido del chirrido de la madera de la naranja. Otra observación que se puede sacar de esa palabra “naranja” es que, si se pronuncia lentamente, la primera /n/ se desliza por el cielo de la boca como que si fuera que el hablante estuviera probando la fruta de la naranja. Por eso, podemos decir que sea posible que la /n/ pueda ser sensual en algunos contextos. Dentro de la segunda línea del poema, el poeta es muy generoso en su uso de la /n/ para reforzar la idea de que ese fonema es lo más importante en la realización de la imagen que tiene la posible interpretación de lo espeluznante. La otra interpretación pueda ser que la /n/ se relaciona con la tierra, por su asociación con la madera y el árbol.

62 La manzana se relaciona con lo femenino por su forma—redonda, curvada—y por el mito cristiano que describe la manzana como la tentación de Eva que causó la caída del hombre.

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Ciplijauskaité (1988) ofrece estas observaciones del significado de la /m/ en la poesía de Unamuno: El efecto conseguido por la aliteración es curioso: las palabras que la contienen se refieren a lo que trasciende esta vida, lo eterno. Por otra parte, la /m/ suele asociarse con la muerte, el enmudecer…A la categoría de lo eterno, lo que se repite, pertenece también a lo femenino…que…siempre se expresa por la /m/ en algunos dialectos del Tibet.

La /r/ es un fonema interesante que se puede fácilmente asociar con la onomatopeya. En Poema 20, Neruda escribió “ronco rocío”; las vibraciones que se produce la pronunciación del /r/ definitivamente suenan al acto de roncar. También se puede decir que la /r/ imita el sonido de un motor o una masa de personas pisoteando por el suelo. Esa fonema es fuerte, ruidoso, a veces violente, y masculino. Aparte de ronco, se encuentra en las palabras roto, rabia, revolución, ruido, rebelde, relámpago.

El /s/ es el fonema más asociado con la suavidad en la poesía latinoamericana; aparte de eso, existan varias interpretaciones de su significado. Con respecto a la onomatopeya, imita el siseo del serpiente, el escape de aire, el agua corriente, y el sonido del mar. Aunque en la filosofía occidental la serpiente representa el mal, en la orientación autóctona él es un símbolo de la sabiduría. La poeta hondureña Helen Umana escribió el poema “El serpiente que se muerde la cola”; el título del poema se puede interpretar así—si es que el serpiente representa la sabiduría y se muerde la cola, hay una falta de lógica y conocimiento. Asociaciones con el agua, especialmente el océano y las cosas que se relacionan con el mismo, son muy importantes en la poesía y la vida de Neruda. El simbolismo del agua tiene que ver con las emociones, lo subconsciente, y/o lo femenino63. Para los católicos, el agua es central al bautismo, lo cual que en sí mismo es simbólico de una limpieza del pecado original. En el cristianismo en general, en la ceremonia del bautismo, cuando la persona salga del agua se dice que ya tiene una nueva vida, limpiada de los pecados del pasado. Según Pamela Ball, “…el agua corriente simboliza la paz y el consuelo….” (137, traducción) Otra connotación que tiene el /s/ es la idea del silencio y la tranquilidad, también logrado por la onomatopeya. Se ha reportado por los estudiantes de Bethada Chevy Chase High School en su página de la red dedicada a Gabriela Mistral (2007) que en sus Sonetos de la muerte de la poeta “…se usa aliteración con la sonido de la s. El propósito de esta repetición es para que el sonido parezca como un cuchicheo que provoca la tranquilidad y el silencio.”64

4.2 Los poemas65

4.2.1 Observaciones generales

Antes de nada, es esencial entender el contexto de la obra que envuelve los objetos que se estudian en cualquier caso. Algo que todos los poemas escogidos para esta investigación tienen en común es que se enfoquen en algún problema u otra. Con pocas excepciones, la mayoría de la carrera de Neruda se anda mano a mano con su vida y todas sus luchas interiores y extórnales. Residencia en la tierra, lo cual que tiene tres volúmenes (Residencia I, Residencia II, y Tercer

63 Según Erika Bornay (2006), “…el agua, principio femenino y ha sido elemento de una gran atracción sexual.” La suavidad de la pronunciación de la /s/ y la forma curvada de la “s” también agregan implicaciones femeninas a ese fonema. 64Gabriela Mistral fue la mentor del joven Neruda. 65 “Walking Around” no se examina aquí. Lo incluye con la sola intención de aumentar el cuento de fonemas.

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Residencia) y abarcan dos décadas, contiene todos los poemas incluidos aquí—menos “Poema 20”, publicado un año más temprano—es la cavidad abdominal abierto y sangriento del Neruda en el proceso de madurarse, atormentado por la profundidad de su conciencia y intentando reconciliar su propio ser con el universo. Cuando el poeta llegó a escribir “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu”, parece que él había encontrado alguna manera de sentir y sacar todas sus emociones y un lugar por donde dejar su carga de soledad.

“Poema 20” fue publicado en 1924, cuando Neruda tuvo solo veinte años, como parte de Veinte poemas de amor y una canción desesperada. Su tono es puro romántico, y alterna entre la fantasía de recuerdos dramatizados y la melancolía de despertar de un sueño con la realización de que ella no jamás regresaría. Las imágenes aquí son grandes y largas: “la noche está estrellada, y tiritan, azules, los astros, a lo lejos…cielo infinito…la noche inmensa, mas inmensa sin ella…a lo lejos alguien canta…”, y sigue. Hay un cierto sentido de la perdición—él le ha perdido a ella, se ha perdido en el espacio y en el tiempo y, quizás, ni sepa adonde encontrarse en su verdadero ser.

En “Las furias y las penas” Neruda todavía no se haya encontrado, pero lo que se le enfrenta (o se enfrenta él mismo) es una sexualidad violente dirigida a alguna mujer, o una aversión a sus propios perversiones—lo cual que no es completamente claro. De hecho, el sexo en el poema puede ser completamente metafórico, pero la violencia es clara. Florence Yudin (1985) relata que el poema represeta: “…individual violence motivated by social decay...”(55) and that “This is not sexual hunger but biological rapacity: a human being being driven by anti-human instinct.”(57) En la selección presentada en este estudio, los imagines presentes son miembros corporales— especialmente los partes de la boca—, la selva, el frío, el fuego, el odio, y el callarse a la fuerza. Como es su manera, Neruda involucra todos los sentidos aquí también: el sabor, el oír, el oler, el tocar, y el ver.

Las alturas de Macchu Picchu fue una obra de amor por Neruda. El poema está lleno de imaginería que intenta a desenterrar la civilización incaica o, por lo menos, asegurar que el mundo se acuerda de ella para siempre. En la sección XII, el poeta pide a los muertos que hablen por sus palabras; él quiere ser parte de su sufrimiento y de su lucha. Aunque el tono es de tristeza, no es desesperada; la obra es un encuentro con las propias raíces del poeta.

4.2.2 Las grabaciones en la voz del autor: ambientes de “Poema 20” y “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu” y posibles justificaciones por la presencia de fonemas.66

A. “Poema 20”

Neruda recita el poema lentamente, con una cantidad significante de pausas entre palabras. Palabras y frases que se encuentran dentro de la obra que refuerzan el ambiente de longitud son “lejos” (tres ocurrencias), “el cielo infinito”, “la noche inmensa” (repetida dos veces), “nosotros, los de entonces” (distancia del tiempo), “sus ojos infinitos”, y “es tan largo el olvido”. Los fonemas que apoyan esas temas son las /n/’s implosivas en /in-men-sa/, /kon-mi-ɣo/, los nasales en general, y los vocales abiertos. El /s/ que se usa para enfatizar la tristeza que el poeta siente por recordar la mujer que perdió, contribuye a la suavidad del poema, la cual que invoca la condición del ensueño en que Neruda se encuentra. Parece que el poeta usa los vocales “a” y “o” por imitar los objetos redondas en el poema, como los astros y las estrellas, y invocar lo

66 Las hipótesis que proyectan una presencia o falta de presencia significante de fonemas se prueban en la sección que sigue con una comparación con las normas para la frecuencia de fonemas en el poema.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 196 J.Portillo - 197 femenino, tal vez en un intento a invocar la presencia de esa mujer que le hace de menos a Neruda. Cuando enfatiza el /i/, un vocal cerrado y apretado, la desesperación de la situación no se pierde. Finalmente, cuando el /k/ se enfatiza, puede ser expresiva del dolor que él siente, relacionado con la imagen del cuchillo. O, de otra manera, puede ser que se emplea para despertar el lector de la fantasía cuando el poeta habla del presente y la realidad.

B. “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu”

Igual que en “Poema 20”, “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu” se lea lentamente por Neruda, y a veces tan suavemente que se suena a un suspiro. Desde el primer verso hasta el séptimo, Neruda pronuncia el /r/ como que si fuera el /ɾ/; esto surge que hay que tener cuidado en asignar un significado a lo que parece ser un patrón de la fonema según los datos relacionados con la norma nerudiana. Es de notar que, en consideración de la pronunciación que Neruda tenía planeada y salva por el único /d/, estos siete versos no incluyen ningún fonema duro. Lo que significa eso es que, por la suavidad y su manera de leer, y porque estos versos orientan el lector a la disposición de lo que sigue, el ambiente que se crea es uno de silencio y respeto.

4.2 Frecuencia de fonemas

4.2.1 Variación entre la norma nerudiana y la norma de Pérez

El primer hecho que se tiene que reconocer es que el estudio de Pérez se basa en un conjunto de datos de más de 75.000 fonemas. Entonces, como que por establecer una norma nerudiana que realmente se pudiera comparar con la de Pérez, se tiene que expandir este estudio en el futuro. Sin embargo, esta comparación es útil como un primer paso para empezar a estudiar el estilo de Neruda en términos de su uso de fonemas. Aquí se supone que lo que ha hecho es suficiente por el propósito de usar eses métodos relativamente novedosos para realizar las metas de esta investigación.

Por lo general, la norma nerudiana se conforme con la norma de Pérez. Hay resultados de que no podemos sacar conclusiones con exactitud por la baja cifra de datos crudos; por lo general, asignamos un limite medio arbitrario en que no se enfoca en las fonemas que tienen un porcentaje menos de 5,00%, salvo que si hay una gran diferencia entre esos, como si fuera 0,50% v 5,00%67. Entonces, la única variación notable aquí es la diferencia entre la frecuencia del /e/--el cual que se reporta por Pérez como 14,13 %--y por esta investigadora como 11,50%. Seguramente, la baja frecuencia del /e/ en “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu” contribuyó a esos resultados, pero no enteramente. La frecuencia del /e/ en “Poema 20” es la más alta a 13,02% pero todavía baja de la norma de Pérez, y solamente 11,30% en “Las furias y las penas.” Lo interesante es que la frecuencia del /e/ se baja en correspondencia directa con la gravedad del poema entre los tres. La

67 Es necesario y urgente rehacer esta investigación con una base de fonemas tan grande de él que tenía Pérez. Después, con el apoyo de calculaciones de probabilidad y otros métodos estadísticos, sería posible formar conclusiones sobre los fonemas cuya frecuencia de apariencia no es tan frecuente pero, todavía, es posible que sea significante. También vale mencionar que, como mucha de la poesía de Neruda es emocional, es imperativo emplear poemas seleccionados de una gran variedad de tema. Eso aplanaría, a tal exento posible, el perjuicio a una inclinación emocional reflejada en la ocurrencia de fonemas que son características de cuya emoción.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 197 J.Portillo - 198 baja frecuencia en “Las alturas” refleja el grado a que humanidad se cayó del equilibrio del universo con el mal que ocurrió con La Conquista.

4.2.2 La variación de frecuencia de fonemas entre los tres poemas

Sí entramos al estudio más de profundidad, observamos más variación fonética entre los poemas de la que se observa con el contraste de la norma nerudiana con la de la lengua española chilena. La razón por eso que cada poema tiene su propio ambiente que se crea por una variedad de recursos, incluso del jugar con la frecuencia de ciertas fonemas. Igual que en la comparación anterior, es difícil sacar conclusiones sobre la variación de frecuencia por fonemas que ocurren con menos frecuencia en general como un rasgo de la lengua68, pero todavía se observan unos contrastes importantes aquí.

Como se ha observado, el /o/ es un vocal muy importante por su calidad femenina; por eso es interesante que se aparezca con la más alta frecuencia en “Poema 20”. En el poema, Neruda se acuerda de un amor perdida—de hecho, fue su primer amor conocido y el sujeto del libro entero Veinte poemas de amor y una canción desesperada. Con el uso del /o/, el poeta invoca el espíritu de su amor perdido, lo cual que se busca por las equinas más lejos del universo infinito. Como el mundo, los astros, y el universo son manifestaciones cíclicas, el /o/ también reesfuerza la idea de que, aunque sean grandes y parecidas intocables, todo se regresa a su punto de partida y, entonces, el poeta no puede decir definitivamente si es que todavía se quieren él y ella o si ya no.

En Las alturas de Macchu Picchu XII, se observa un caso interesante de la baja frecuencia del /s/. Si se piensa en ese fonema como un invocador del silencio, la paz, y la tranquilidad, tiene sentido que Neruda lo usara frugalmente, porque lo que se encuentra en Machu Picchu es la historia de una gran injusticia que nunca ha sido corregida. Por visitar el sitio, Neruda se dio cuenta del hecho de que los almas de los incas le llamaban “…desde la profunda…” y “…el tiempo subterráneo…”, y su deseo del poeta es contar su historia de ellos y hacerles recompensa por sentir lo que ellos sintieron. El mensaje que Neruda quiere transmitirle al lector es que el malestar y descontento que se queda en Machu Picchu solamente se pueda aliviar por recordar su pasado y reconocer a sus herederos legítimos.

4.2.3 Aplicación de la norma nerudiana al nivel de la estrofa y el verso individual

Por entrar al nivel del verso, se encuentra la variación en frecuencia de los fonemas específicos más destacada y más complicada. Tomamos, por ejemplo, las líneas 25-30 de Las furias y las penas:

(25) El odio es un martillo que golpea tu traje, (26) y tu frente escarlata, (27) y los días del corazón caen en tus orejas (28) como vagos búhos de sangre eliminada, (29) y los collares que gota a gota se formaron con lágrimas (30) rodean tu garganta quemándote la voz como con hielo.

Por estudiar la frecuencia de fonemas en estas líneas, se nota lo siguiente:

68 Un futuro estudio que expande la base de fonemas empleadas por las calculaciones y que emplea estadísticas más sofisticadas pueda resolver esos problemas para que se podrían sacar más conclusiones sobre la frecuencia de fonemas menos frecuentes.

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- La alta frecuencia del /k/, especialmente en las líneas 29 y 30—7,14% y 7,32% en comparación de la norma nerudiana de 3,52%. - La baja frecuencia del /s/ en las líneas 25 (3,13%), 26 (5,88%), y 30 (2,44%). - La baja frecuencia del /o/ en la línea 26 (0,00%), y su alta frecuencia en las líneas 29 (16,67%) y 30 (17,07%)

Primero, como se mencionó anteriormente, una pauta que es muy fácil de detectar es el juego de los sonidos suaves, como el /s/, con los duros, como el /k/ que, en particular, tiene asociaciones con la violencia. En la línea 30, esos dos se contrastan particularmente, lo cual que reesfuerza la violencia de los acciones de estrangulación y el quemar la voz con hielo. El /k/ también apoya lo corporal aquí, señalado por las imágenes del “corazón”, las “orejas”, la “sangre eliminada”, los “lágrimas”, la “garganta”, y la “voz”. En según lugar, la alta frecuencia del /o/ en las líneas 29 y 30, apoyado por la ocurrencia sémialta del /a/, expande la escena por su calidad abierta, dejando a la victima vulnerable a la violación por el odio. Más de eso el simbolismo de la violación aquí se apoya por el uso de esas vocales por ser femeninos.

5. Conclusión

Pablo Neruda usó los fonemas en su obra como un recurso tan válido que cualquier otro, y fue muy consciente de los efectos que se pueden obtener por jugar con ellos en la poesía—el uso del significado extraléxico. Entonces, su obra es ideal por un estudio del tipo que se presenta dentro de estas páginas. Se ha probado aquí que la norma nerudiana tiene un gran potencial como herramienta objetiva por el análisis de la poesía que funciona en todos los niveles del poema—el poema entero, la estrofa, y línea por línea. Por hacer un examen del rol de los fonemas, con atención a sus posibles significados estudiados aquí, se observa que la incidencia de ciertos fonemas en los poemas probados demuestra compatibilidad con el significado convencional, léxico, y metafórico al nivel morfológico y sintáctico.

En el futuro, sería muy útil expandir la base de fonemas por establecer una norma nerudiana más inclusivo y, además, calcular una por ambos la poesía chilena y la poesía de la lengua español en general. Como que el estilo de un poeta no se puede definir sin un estándar a que comparar su obra, una comparación de la frecuencia de fonemas en la obra de un poeta con una norma debe acompañar cualquier intento a definir la estética al nivel fonética. Las aplicaciones de la información presentada aquí se extienden al aprendizaje de escribir la poesía, su interpretación, y su traducción a otros idiomas.

6. Reconocimientos

Dr. Jeffery Reeder, por su compromiso sincero al éxito de este proyecto, lo cual que se refleja en las horas múltiples que me ha dado en el transcurso de la investigación y el planear de la presentación, y el futuro de sus estudiantes en general. También reconozco a la Universidad de Sonoma State por haberme dado una beca que apoyó esta investigación.

7. Obras citadas

Friedman et al; Aproximaciones al estudio de la literatura hispánica (1999). McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.

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Montes de Oca, Domingo Román (2004). “Análisis fónico de un verso de Pablo Neruda.” Nueva Revista del Pacifico, 49, Fecha de acceso: 24 nov 2007, de la University of Pittsburg, University Library System (pp. 59-75)

Yudin, Florence. (1985). “The Dialectical Failure in Las furias y las penas”. Hispana, 68, del http://jstor.org. (pp. 55-62)

Foxley, Carmen. (2002). <> Taller de Letras, vol. 30, Issue 2, (pp. 25-39).

Lozada, Alfredo. (1964) “El estilo y poesía de Pablo Neruda: examen de la interpretación de Amado Alonso de Residencia en la tierra”, Fecha de acceso: 9 oct 2007, del sitio www.jstor.org.

Salmon, Russel y Lesage, Julia. (1977). “Stones and Birds: Consistency and Change in the Poetry of Pablo Neruda”. Fecha de acceso: 1 nov 2007, del Hispania, Vol. 60, No. 2, (pp. 224- 241)

Neruda, Pablo. “Voces de escritores chilenos: Grabación sonora (Pablo Neruda, poema, Poema 20°)”. Fecha de acceso: 22 oct 2007, del sito www.cervantesvirtual.com.

Deibe, Carlos Feal. (1971). “Símbolos de renacimiento en la obra de Unamuno (La Oda a Salamanca). Hispanic Review. Fecha de acceso: 22 nov 2007, del sitio www.jstor.org

Ciplijauskaité, Biruté. (1988). “Los valores fonéticos en la poesía de Unamuno” Hispania [Publicaciones periódicas]. Vol. 71, No. 1, del sitio www.jstor.org.

Perez, Hernan Emilio (abril 2003). “Frecuencia de Fonemas”. E-rthabla, vol. 1, Universidad de Chile, Fecha de acceso 1 dic 2007. http://lorien.die.upm.es/~lapiz/e- rthabla/numeros/N1/N1_A4.pdf

Neruda, Pablo (en su voz). (25 de septiembre del 2007) Las alturas de Machu Picchu, archivo sonoro. Carillo, José Guillermo, (Restauración, Musicalización, Montaje y Digitalización). Fecha de acceso: 28 oct 2007, del sitio www.fundacionjoseguillermocarrillo.net; Caracas, Venezuela.

Neruda, Pablo (en su voz). (25 de septiembre del 2007). “Poema 20”, Veinte poemas de amor y una canción desesperada, archivo sonoro. Carillo, José Guillermo, (Restauración, Musicalización, Montaje y Digitalización). Fecha de acceso 28 oct 2007, del sitio www.fundacionjoseguillermocarrillo.net; Caracas, Venezuela.

Ball, Pamela (2000). The Dream Dictionary. London: Arcturus Publishing Limited.

Bornay, Erika (2006). “Belleza y simbolismo de la cabellera femenina en Oriente y Occidente.” Fecha de acceso 26 nov 2007, de http://casaasia.es/pdf/102306121823PM1161598703675.pdf

Iribar, Alexander (1997). Análisis fónico de un poema de Juan Ramón Jiménez. Letras de Deusto, 27, Fecha de acceso 26 nov 2007, del sitio www.paginaspersonales.deusto.es/airibar/Articulos/JR.html

Sontag, Susan. “Against Interpretation” (1966). Against Interpretation and Other Essays, New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 200 J.Portillo - 201

8. Apéndice

8.1 Trascripción fonética de “Poema 20”

“Poema 20”

1 Puedo escribir los versos más tristes esta noche.

2 Escribir, por ejemplo: "La noche está estrellada, 3 y tiritan, azules, los astros, a lo lejos". 4 El viento de la noche gira en el cielo y canta.

5 Puedo escribir los versos más tristes esta noche. 6 Yo la quise, y a veces ella también me quiso.

7 En las noches como ésta la tuve entre mis brazos. 8 La besé tantas veces bajo el cielo infinito.

9 Ella me quiso, a veces yo también la quería. 10 Cómo no haber amado sus grandes ojos fijos.

11 Puedo escribir los versos más tristes esta noche. 12 Pensar que no la tengo. Sentir que la he perdido.

13 Oír la noche inmensa, más inmensa sin ella. 14 Y el verso cae al alma como al pasto el rocío.

15 Qué importa que mi amor no pudiera guardarla. 16 La noche está estrellada y ella no está conmigo.

17 Eso es todo. A lo lejos alguien canta. A lo lejos. 18 Mi alma no se contenta con haberla perdido.

19 Como para acercarla mi mirada la busca. 20 Mi corazón la busca, y ella no está conmigo.

21 La misma noche que hace blanquear los mismos árboles. 22 Nosotros, los de entonces, ya no somos los mismos.

23 Ya no la quiero, es cierto, pero cuánto la quise. 24 Mi voz buscaba el viento para tocar su oído.

25 De otro. Será de otro. Como antes de mis besos. 26 Su voz, su cuerpo claro. Sus ojos infinitos.

27 Ya no la quiero, es cierto, pero tal vez la quiero. 28 Es tan corto el amor, y es tan largo el olvido.

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29 Porque en noches como ésta la tuve entre mis brazos, 30 mi alma no se contenta con haberla perdido. 31 Aunque éste sea el último dolor que ella me causa, 32 y éstos sean los últimos versos que yo le escribo.

1 /pwé-ðoes-kɾi-βíɾ-los-béɾ-sos-más-tɾís-tes-és-ta-nó-če/

2 /es-kɾi-βíɾ-pó-ɾe-xém-plo-lá-nó-čes-táes-tɾe-yá-ða/

3 /í-ti-ɾí-tan-a-sú-les-ló-sás-tɾos-á-ló-lé-xos/

4 /él-βién-to-ðé-lá-nó-če-xí-ɾaé-nel-sié-loí-kán-ta/

5 /pwé-ðoes-kɾi-βíɾ-lós-βér-sos-más-tɾís-tes-és-ta-nó-če/

6 /yó-la-kí-se-iá-βé-se-sé-ya-tam-bién-mé-kí-so/

7 /én-lás-nó-čes-kó-moés-ta-lá-tú-βén-tɾe-mís-brá-sos/

8 /lá-βe-sé-tán-tas-βé-ses-bá-xoél-sié-loin-fi-ní-to/

9 /é-ya-me-kí-so-á-βé-ses-yó-tam-bién-lá-ke-ɾí-a/

10 /kó-mo-noa-βé-ɾa-má-ðo-sús-grán-de-só-xos-fí-xos/

11 /pwé-ðoes-kɾi-βíɾ-lós-βéɾ-sos-más-tɾís-tes-és-ta-nó-ĉe/

12 /pen-sáɾ-ké-nó-lá-téŋ-ɣo-sen-tíɾ-ké-laé-peɾ-ðí-ðo/

13 /o-íɾ-lá-nó-ĉein-mén-sa-má-sin-mén-sa-sí-né-ya/

14 /í-el-βéɾ-so-kaé-al-ál-ma-kó-moál-pás-toél-rosí-o/

15 /ké-im-póɾ-ta-ké-mi-á-moɾ-nó-pu-ðié-ɾa-wáɾ-daɾ-la/

16 /lá-nó-čes-táes-tɾe-yá-ða-ié-ya-nóes-tá-kón-mí-ɣo/

17 /é-soés-tó-ðo-álo-lé-xo-sál-ɣien-kán-ta-álo-lé-xos/

18 /miál-ma-nó-sé-kon-tén-ta-kó-na-βéɾ-la-peɾ-ðí -ðo/

19 /kó-mo-pá-ɾa-seɾ-káɾ-la-mí-mi-ɾá-ða-lá-βús-ka/

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20 /mí-ko-ɾa-són-lá-βús-ka-ié-ya-nóes-tá-kón-mí-ɣo/

21 /lá-mís-ma-nó-če-keá-se-blan-keáɾ-lós-mís-mos-áɾ-βo-les/

22 /no-só-tros-lós-den-tón-ses-yá-nó-só-mos-lós-mís-mos/

23 /yá-nó-lá-kié-ɾoé-siéɾ-to-pé-ɾo-kwán-to-lá-kí-se/

24 /mí-βós-bus-ká-βaél-βién-to-pá-ɾa-to-káɾ-súo-í-ðo/

25 /deó-tɾo-se-ɾá-ðeó-tɾo-kó-mo-án-tes-dé-mís-βé-sos/

26 /sú-βós-sú-kwéɾ-po-klá-ɾo-sú-só-xo-sin-fi-ní-tos/

27 /yá-nó-lá-kié-ɾoés-siéɾ-to-pé-ɾo-tál-βés-lá-kié-ɾo/

28 /és-tán-kóɾ-toé-lá-moɾ-í-és-tán-láɾ-ɣoé-lol-βí-ðo/

29 /poɾ-ké-nó-čes-kó-moés-tas-lá-tú-βén-tɾe-mís-βɾá-sos/

30 /miál-ma-nó-sé-kon-tén-ta-kó-na-βéɾ-la-peɾ-ðí-ðo/

31 /aún-kés-te-séael-úl-ti-mo-ðó-loɾ-ké-ya-mé-káu-sa/

32 /í-és-tos-séan-ló-súl-ti-mos-βéɾ-sos-keió-les-kɾí-βo/

8.2 Trascripción fonética de “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu XII”

“Las alturas de Macchu Picchu”

1 Sube a nacer conmigo, hermano. 2 Dame la mano desde la profunda 3 zona de tu dolor diseminado. 4 No volverás del fondo de las rocas. 5 No volverás del tiempo subterráneo. 6 No volverá tu voz endurecida. 7 No volverán tus ojos taladrados. 8 Mírame desde el fondo de la tierra, 9 labrador, tejedor, pastor callado: 10 domador de guanacos tutelares: 11 albañil del andamio desafiado: 12 aguador de las lágrimas andinas: 13 joyero de los dedos machacados: 14 agricultor temblando en la semilla: 15 alfarero en tu greda derramado: 16 traed a la copa de esta nueva vida

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 203 J.Portillo - 204

17 vuestros viejos dolores enterrados. 18 Mostradme vuestra sangre y vuestro surco, 19 decidme: aquí fui castigado, 20 porque la joya no brilló o la tierra 21 no entregó a tiempo la piedra o el grano: 22 señaladme la piedra en que caísteis 23 y la madera en que os crucificaron, 24 encendedme los viejos pedernales, 25 las viejas lámparas, los látigos pegados 26 a través de los siglos en las llagas 27 y las hachas de brillo ensangrentado. 28 Yo vengo a hablar por vuestra boca muerta. 29 A través de la tierra juntad todos 30 los silenciosos labios derramados 31 y desde el fondo habladme toda esta larga noche 32 como si yo estuviera con vosotros anclado, 33 contadme todo, cadena a cadena, 34 eslabón a eslabón, y paso a paso, 35 afilad los cuchillos que guardasteis, 36 ponedlos en mi pecho y en mi mano, 37 como un río de rayos amarillos, 38 como un río de tigres enterrados, 39 y dejadme llorar, horas, días, años, 40 edades ciegas, siglos estelares. . 41 Dadme el silencio, el agua, la esperanza. 42 Dadme la lucha, el hierro, los volcanes. 43 Apegadme los cuerpos como imanes. 44 Acudid a mis venas y a mi boca, 45 Hablad por mis palabras y mi sangre.

1 /sú-βe-á-na-séɾ-kón-mí-ɣo-er-má-no/

2 /dá-me-lá-má-no-ðés-de-lá-pɾo-fún-ða/

3 /só-na-ðé-tú-ðo-lóɾ-di-se-mi-ná-ðo/

4 /nó-βol-βe-ɾás-dél-fón-do-ðé-lás-ró-kas/

5 /nó-βol-βeɾ-ás-dél-tiém-po-sub-te-rá-neo/

6 /nó-βol-βe-ɾá-tú-βó-sen-du-ɾe-sí-ða/

7 /nó-βol-βe-ɾán-tú-só-xos-ta-la-dɾá-ðos/

8 /mí-ɾa-me-ðés-del-fón-do-ðé-lá-tié-ra/

9 /la-bra-ðóɾ-te-xa-ðóɾ-pas-tóɾ-ka-yá-ðo/

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10 /do-ma-ðóɾ-de-wa-ná-kos-tu-te-lá-ɾes/

11 /al-βa-níl-dé-lan-dá-mío-ðe-sa-fiá-ðo/

12 /a-wa-ðóɾ-dé-lás-lá-gɾi-ma-san-dí-nas/

13 /xoi-é-ɾo-ðé-lós-dé-ðós-ma-ča-ká-ðos/

14 /a-gɾi-kul-tóɾ-tem-blán-doén-lá-se-mí-ya/

15 /al-fa-ɾé-ɾoén-tú-gɾé-ða-ðe-ra-má-ðo/

16 /tɾáe-ða-lá-kó-pa-ðés-ta-nué-βa-βí-ða/

17 /βués-tɾos-βié-xos-do-ló-ɾes-en-te-rá-ðos/

18 /mos-tɾád-me-βués-tɾa-sán-gɾeí-βués-tɾo-súɾ-ko/

19 /de-síd-me-Ө-a-kí-fuí-kas-ti-ɣá-ðo/

20 /poɾ-ké-lá-xoí-a-nó-bɾi-yó-lá-tié-ra/

21 /nóen-tɾé-ɣoa-tiém-po-lá-pié-dɾa-oél-gɾá-no/

22 /se-ɲá-lad-me-lá-pié-ðɾa-én-ké-kaís-teis/

23 /í-lá-ma-ðé-ɾaén-keós-kɾu-si-fi-ká-ron/

24 /en-sén-ded-me-lós-βié-xos-pe-deɾ-ná-les/

25 /lás-βié-xas-lám-pa-ɾas-lós-la-tí-ɣos-pe-ɣá-ðos/

26 /á-tɾa-βés-ðé-ló-sí-glo-sén-lás-yá-ɣas/

27 /í-lá-sá-čas-dé-bɾí-yoen-san-gɾen-tá-ðo/

28 /yó-βén-goa-bláɾ-póɾ-βués-tɾa-βó-ka-muéɾ-ta/

29 /a-tɾa-βés-dé-lá-tié-ra-xun-tád-tó-ðos/

30 /ló-si-len-sió-sos-lá-βios-dé-ra-má-ðos/

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31 /iðés-dél-fón-doá-blad-me-tó-ðaés-ta-láɾ-ɣa-nó-če/

32 /kó-mo-sioés-tu-βié-ɾa-kón-βo-só-tɾo-san-klá-ðo/

33 /kón-tad-me-tó-ðo-ka-ðé-na-ka-ðé-na/

34 /es-la-βón-aes-la-βón-í-pá-soá-pá-so/

35 /a-fí-lad-lós-ku-čí-yos-ké-waɾ-dás-teis/

36 /pó-ned-ló-sén-mí-pé-čo-ién-mí-má-no/

37 /kó-moún-rí-o-ðé-raí-os-a-ma-ɾí-yos/

38 /kó-mún-ɾí-o-ðé-tí-gɾe-sen-te-rá-ðos/

39 /í-ðé-xad-me-yo-ɾáɾ-ó-ɾas-dí-as-áɲos/

40 /e-ðá-ðe-sié-ɣas-sí-ɣlo-ses-te-lá-ɾes/

41 /dáð-mél-si-lén-sio-elá-gwa-láes-pe-ɾán-sa/

42 /dáð-me-lá-lú-ča-él-ieɾo-lós-βol-ká-nes/

43 /a-pé-ɣad-me-lós-kwéɾ-pos-kó-moi-má-nes/

44 /a-kú-ði-ðá-mís-bé-na-sía-mí-βó-ka/

45 /ab-lád-póɾ-mís-pa-lá-bɾa-sí-mi-sán-gɾe/

8.3 Trascripción fonética de “Las furias y las penas”

“Las furias y las penas”69

1 En el fondo del pecho estamos juntos, 2 en el cañaveral del pecho recorremos 3 un verano de tigres,

69 En 1934 fue escrito este poema. Cuántas cosas han sobrevenido desde entonces! España, donde lo escribí, es una cintura de ruinas. Ay! si con sólo una gota de poesía o de amor pudiéramos aplacar la ira del mundo, pero eso sólo lo pueden la lucha y el corazón resuelto. El mundo ha cambiado y mi poesía ha cambiado. Una gota de sangre caída en estas líneas quedará viviendo sobre ellas, indeleble como el amor.

Marzo de 1939

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 206 J.Portillo - 207

4 al acecho de un metro de piel fría, 5 al acecho de un ramo de inaccesible cutis, 6 con la boca olfateando sudor y venas verdes 7 nos encontramos en la húmeda sombra que deja caer besos. 8 Tú mi enemiga de tanto sueño roto de la misma manera 9 que erizadas plantas de vidrio, lo mismo que campanas 10 deshechas de manera amenazante, tanto como disparos 11 de hiedra negra en medio del perfume, 12 enemiga de grandes caderas que mi pelo han tocado 13 con un ronco rocío, con una lengua de agua, 14 no obstante el mudo frío de los dientes y el odio de los ojos, 15 y la batalla de agonizantes bestias que cuidan el olvido, 16 en algún sitio del verano estamos juntos 17 acechando con labios que la sed ha invadido. 18 Si hay alguien que traspasa 19 una pared con círculos de fósforo 20 y hiere el centro de unos dulces miembros 21 y muerde cada hoja de un bosque dando gritos, 22 tengo también tus ojos de sangrienta luciérnaga 23 capaces de impregnar y atravesar rodillas 24 y gargantas rodeadas de seda general… 25 …El odio es un martillo que golpea tu traje 26 y tu frente escarlata, 27 y los días del corazón caen en tus orejas 28 como vagos búhos de sangre eliminada, · 29 y los collares que gota a gota se formaron con lágrimas 30 rodean tu garganta quemándote la voz como con hielo. 31 Es para que nunca, nunca 32 hables, es para que nunca, nunca 33 salga una golondrina del nido de la lengua 34 y para que las ortigas destruyan tu garganta 35 y un viento de buque áspero te habite.

1 / é–nél–fón–do–dél–pé–čoes–tá-mos–xún–tos /

2 /é–nél–ka-ɲa–βe-ɾál–dél–pé–čo-re-ko–ré–mos /

3 / úm–be-ɾá-no– ðé–tíg–res /

4 / á-lá–sé–čo–ðeún–mé-tɾo-ðé–piél-fɾí–a /

5 / ála–sé–čo–ðéun–rá–mo–ðéi–naks–se–sí–βle–kú–tis /

6 / kón–lá–βó–kaol–fa–teán–do–su–ðó-ɾi–βé–nas-βéɾ-des /

7 / nó–sen– kon-tɾá–mo–sén–laú–me–ða–sóm-bɾa–ké–ðé–xa-kaéɾ-

βé–sos /

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 207 J.Portillo - 208

8 / tú–mie–ne– mí-ɣa–ðé–tán–to–sué-ɲo–ró–to–ðé–lá–mís–ma –

ma–né-ɾa/

9 / ke-ɾi–sá–ðas–plán–tas–dé–βí-ðɾi–o-ló–mís–mo–ké–kam-pá-

nas/

10 / de–se–čá–ðas–dé–ma–né-ɾa–me–na–sán–te–tán–to–kó–mo–

ðis–pá–ros /

11 / dé–ié-dɾa-néɣ-raén–mé–ðio–ðél-peɾ-fú–me /

12 / e–ne–mí-ɣa–ðé-gɾán–des–ka–ðé-ɾas–ké–mí–pé–loán–to–ká –

ðo /

13 / kó–nún–rón–ko–ro–sío–kó–nú–na–lén–gua–ðeá-ɣua /

14 / nóbs–tán–tél–mú–ðo-fɾío–ðé–lós–dién–te–sié–ló–ðio–ðé–ló –

só–xos /

15 /í-la-βa-tá-ya-ðea-ɣo-ni-sán-tes-bés-tias-ké-kuí-ða-né-lol-βí-ðo/

16 /é-nal-gún-sí-tio-ðél-βe-ɾá-noes-tá-mos-xún-tos/

17 /a-se-čán-do-kón-lós-lá-βios-ké-la-sé-ðain-βa-ðá-ðo/

18 /sía-yál-ɣien-ké-tɾas-pá-sa/

19 /ú-na-pa-ɾéd-kón-síɾ-kulos-dé-fós-fo-ɾo/

20 /í-é-ɾél-sén-tɾo-ðeú-nos-dúl-ses-miém-bɾos/

21 /í-muéɾ-de-ká-ðaó-xa-ðeún-bós-ke-ðán-do-ɣɾí-tos/

22 /tén-go-tam-bién-tú-só-xos-dé-san-gɾién-ta-lu-siéɾ-na-ɣa/

23 /ka-pá-ses-deím-pɾeg-ná-ɾía-tɾa-βe-sáɾ-ro-ðí-yas/

24 /í-ɣaɾ-gán-tas-ro-ðeá-ðas-dé-sé-ða-xe-ne-rál/

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25 /él-ó-ðioé-sún-maɾ-tí-yo-ké-ɣol-péa-tú-trá-xe/

26 /í-tú-fɾén-tes-kaɾ-lá-ta/

27 /í-lós-ðías-dél-ko-ɾa-són-káe-nen-tú-so-ɾé-xas/

28 /kó-mo-βá-ɣos-bú-os-dé-sán-gɾe-li-mi-ná-ða/

29 /ilós-ko-yá-ɾes-ké-ɣó-tá-ɣó-ta-sé-foɾ-má-ron-kón-lá-ɣɾi-mas/

30 /ro-ðéan-tu-ɣaɾ-gán-ta-ké-mán-do-te-lá-βós-ko-mo-kó-nié-lo/

31 /espá-ra-ké-nún-ka-nún-ka/

32 /a-βlés-espá-ra-ké-nún-ka-nún-ka/

33 /sál-gaúna-ɣo-lon-drí-na-ðél-ní-ðo-ðé-lá-léŋ-ɣua/

34 /es-pá-ɾa-ké-lá-soɾ-ti-ɣas-des-tɾu-yan-tu-ɣaɾ-gan-ta/

35 /iún-βién-to-ðé-bú-keás-pé-ɾo-teá-βi-te/

8.4 Trascripción fonética de “Walking Around”

“Walking Around”

1 Sucede que me canso de ser hombre. 2 Sucede que entro en las sastrerías y en los cines 3 marchito, impenetrable, como un cisne de fieltro 4 Navegando en un agua de origen y ceniza.

5 El olor de las peluquerías me hace llorar a gritos. 6 Sólo quiero un descanso de piedras o de lana, 7 sólo quiero no ver establecimientos ni jardines, 8 ni mercaderías, ni anteojos, ni ascensores.

9 Sucede que me canso de mis pies y mis uñas 10 y mi pelo y mi sombra. 11 Sucede que me canso de ser hombre.

12 Sin embargo sería delicioso 13 asustar a un notario con un lirio cortado 14 o dar muerte a una monja con un golpe de oreja. 15 Sería bello 16 ir por las calles con un cuchillo verde 17 y dando gritos hasta morir de frío.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 209 J.Portillo - 210

18 No quiero seguir siendo raíz en las tinieblas, 19 vacilante, extendido, tiritando de sueño, 20 hacia abajo, en las tapias mojadas de la tierra, 21 absorbiendo y pensando, comiendo cada día.

22 No quiero para mí tantas desgracias. 23 No quiero continuar de raíz y de tumba, 24 de subterráneo solo, de bodega con muertos 25 ateridos, muriéndome de pena.

26 Por eso el día lunes arde como el petróleo 27 cuando me ve llegar con mi cara de cárcel, 28 y aúlla en su transcurso como una rueda herida, 29 y da pasos de sangre caliente hacia la noche.

30 Y me empuja a ciertos rincones, a ciertas casas húmedas, 31 a hospitales donde los huesos salen por la ventana, 32 a ciertas zapaterías con olor a vinagre, 33 a calles espantosas como grietas.

34 Hay pájaros de color de azufre y horribles intestinos 35 colgando de las puertas de las casas que odio, 36 hay dentaduras olvidadas en una cafetera, 37 hay espejos 38 que debieran haber llorado de vergüenza y espanto, 39 hay paraguas en todas partes, y venenos, y ombligos.

40 Yo paseo con calma, con ojos, con zapatos, 41 con furia, con olvido, 42 paso, cruzo oficinas y tiendas de ortopedia, 43 y patios donde hay ropas colgadas de un alambre: 44 calzoncillos, toallas y camisas que lloran 45 lentas lágrimas sucias.

1 /su-sé-ðe-ké-me-kán-so-ðé-sé-ɾóm-bɾe/

2 /su-sé-ðe-kén-tɾoén-lá-sas-tɾe-ɾía-sién-ló-sí-nes/

3 /maɾ-čí-to-im-pe-ne-tɾá-βle-kó-moún-sís-ne-ðé-fiél-tɾo/

4 /na-βe-ɣán-doén-ú-ná-ɣua-ðéo-ɾí-ɣe-ní-se-ní-sa/

5 /é-lo-lóɾ-dé-lás-pe-lu-ke-ɾí-as-meá-se-yo-ɾá-ɾá-ɣɾí-tos/

6 /só-lo-kié-ɾoún-des-kán-so-ðé-pié-ðɾa-só-ðé-lá-na/

7 /só-lo-kié-ɾo-nó-βé-ɾes-ta-ble-si-mién-tos-ní-xaɾ-dí-nes/

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 210 J.Portillo - 211

8 /ní-meɾ-kan-de-ɾí-as-nían-teó-xos-nía-sen-só-ɾes/

9 /su-sé-ðe-ké-mé-kán-so-ðé-mís-pié-sí-mí-sú-ɲas/

10 /í-mí-pé-loí-mí-sóm-bɾa/

11 /su-sé-ðe-ké-me-kán-so-ðé-sé-ɾóm-bɾe/

12 /sí-nem-báɾ-ɣo-se-ɾí-a-ðe-li-sió-so/

13 /a-sus-tá-ɾaú-no-tá-ɾi-o-kó-nún-lí-ɾio-koɾ-tá-ðo/

14 /ó-ðáɾ-muéɾ-teaú-na-món-xa-kó-nún-gól-pe-ðéo-ɾé-xa/

15 /se-ɾí-a-βé-yo/

16 /íɾ-pór-lás-ká-yes-kó-nún-ku-čí-yo-βéɾ-de/

17 /í-ðán-do-gɾí-to-sás-ta-mo-ɾíɾ-dé-fɾío/

18 /nó-kié-ɾo-se-ɣuíɾ-sién-do-raí-sén-lás-ti-nié-βlas/

19 /ba-si-lán-te-eks-ten-dí-ðo-ti-ɾi-tán-do-ðé-sué-ɲo/

20 /á-sia-βá-xo-én-lás-tɾí-pas-mo-xá-ðas-dé-lá-tié-ra/

21 /ab-soɾ-bién-doí-pen-sán-do-ko-mién-do-ká-ða-ðía/

22 /nó-kié-ɾo-pá-ɾa-mí-tán-tas-des-gɾá-sias/

23 /nó-kié-ɾo-kon-ti-nuáɾ-dé-raí-sí-ðé-túm-ba/

24 /dé-sub-te-rá-neo-só-lo-ðé-βo-ðé-ɣa-kón-muéɾ-tos/

25 /a-te-ɾí-ðos-mu-ɾién-do-me-ðé-pé-na/

26 /pó-ɾé-soél-día-lú-ne-sáɾ-de-kó-moél-pe-tɾó-leo/

27 /kwán-do-mé-βé-ye-ɣáɾ-kón-mí-ká-ɾa-ðé-káɾ-sel/

28 /iaú-yaén-sú-tɾans-kúɾ-so-kó-moú-na-rué-ðae-ɾí-ða/

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 211 J.Portillo - 212

29 /í-ðá-pá-sos-dé-sán-gɾe-ka-lién-teá-sia-lá-nó-če/

30 /í-mem-pú-xa-á-siéɾ-tos-rin-kó-nes-á-siéɾ-tas-ká-sa-sú-me-ðas/

31 /áos-pi-tá-les-dón-de-ló-sué-so-sá-len-póɾ-lá-βen-tá-na/

32 /a-siéɾ-ta-sa-pa-te-ɾías-kó-no-ló-ɾá-βi-ná-ɣɾe/

33 /á-ká-ye-ses-pan-tó-sas-kó-mo-gɾié-tas/

34 /aí-pá-xa-ɾos-dé-ko-lóɾ-dea-sú-fɾeio-rí-βle-sin-tés-ti-nos/

35 /kol-gán-do-ðé-lás-puéɾ-tas-dé-lás-ká-sas-ké-ó-ðio/

36 /aí-ðen-ta-ðú-ɾa-sol-βí-ðá-ða-sé-nú-na-ka-fe-té-ɾa/

37 /aíes-pé-xos/

38 /ké-ðe-βié-ɾa-na-βéɾ-yo-ɾá-ðo-ðé-βeɾ-gwén-saíes-pán-to/

39 /aí-pa-ɾá-ɣwa-sén-tó-ðas-páɾ-te-sí-βe-né-nos-íom-blí-ɣos/

40 /yó-pa-séo-kón-kál-ma-kó-nó-xos-kón-sa-pá-tos/

41 /kón-fú-ɾia-kó-nol-βí-ðo/

42 /pá-so-kɾú-so-fi-sí-na-sí-tién-das-déoɾ-to-pé-ðia/

43 /í-pá-tios-dón-deaí-ró-pas-kol-gá-ðas-deú-na-lám-bɾe/

44 /kal-son-sí-yos-toá-ya-si-ka-mí-sas-ké-yó-ɾan/

45 /lén-tas-lá-ɣɾi-ma-sú-sias/

8.2 Frecuencia de fonemas70

Aquí se presentan los datos de frecuencia de fonemas por “Poema 20”, “Las furias y las penas”, y “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu” que no estuvieron mencionados en la sección 3.3. También se encuentran los datos por “Walking Around” que se usaron para calcular la norma nerudiana, incluyendo la trascripción fonética de ese poema.

70 El formato de estas tablas se conforma con el estilo inglesa que sale del programa Microsoft Excel; el tiempo no me dejó corregirlo en esta sección, pero no quise omitir los datos porque pueden ser importantes a futuros estudios.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 212 J.Portillo - 213

8.2.1 “Poema 20”

linea /g/ /t/ /p/ /b/ /d/ /č/ /y/ /ñ/ /ɾ/ /u/ /i/ 1 0 3 1 1 1 1 0 0 4 1 3

% 0.00% 7.50% 2.50% 2.50% 2.50% 2.50% 0.00% 0.00% 10.00% 2.50% 7.50%

2 0 2 2 1 1 1 0 0 4 0 2

% 0.00% 5.71% 5.71% 2.86% 2.86% 2.86% 0.00% 0.00% 11.43% 0.00% 5.71%

3 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 3

% 0.00% 9.68% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 6.45% 3.23% 9.68%

4 0 2 0 1 1 1 0 0 1 0 4

% 0.00% 5.71% 0.00% 2.86% 2.86% 2.86% 0.00% 0.00% 2.86% 0.00% 11.43%

5 0 3 1 2 1 1 0 0 4 1 3

% 0.00% 7.50% 2.50% 5.00% 2.50% 2.50% 0.00% 0.00% 10.00% 2.50% 7.50%

6 0 1 0 2 0 0 1 0 0 0 3

% 0.00% 3.23% 0.00% 6.45% 0.00% 0.00% 3.23% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 9.68%

7 0 3 0 2 0 1 0 0 1 1 1

% 0.00% 8.11% 0.00% 5.41% 0.00% 2.70% 0.00% 0.00% 2.70% 2.70% 2.70%

8 0 3 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 4

% 0.00% 8.33% 0.00% 8.33% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 11.11%

9 0 1 0 2 0 0 2 0 1 0 3

% 0.00% 3.23% 0.00% 6.45% 0.00% 0.00% 6.45% 0.00% 3.23% 0.00% 9.68%

10 1 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 1 1 1

% 2.94% 0.00% 0.00% 2.94% 5.88% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.94% 2.94% 2.94%

11 0 3 1 2 1 1 0 0 4 1 3

% 0.00% 7.50% 2.50% 5.00% 2.50% 2.50% 0.00% 0.00% 10.00% 2.50% 7.50%

12 1 2 2 0 2 0 0 1 3 0 2

% 2.86% 5.71% 5.71% 0.00% 5.71% 0.00% 0.00% 2.86% 8.57% 0.00% 5.71%

13 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 4

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.13% 3.13% 0.00% 3.13% 0.00% 12.50%

14 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 2

% 0.00% 2.94% 2.94% 2.94% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.94% 0.00% 5.88%

15 0 1 2 0 2 0 0 0 5 1 3

% 0.00% 2.94% 5.88% 0.00% 5.88% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 14.71% 2.94% 8.82%

16 1 3 0 0 1 1 1 0 1 0 2

% 2.86% 8.57% 0.00% 0.00% 2.86% 2.86% 2.86% 0.00% 2.86% 0.00% 5.71%

17 1 2 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1

% 2.78% 5.56% 0.00% 0.00% 2.78% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.78%

18 0 2 1 1 2 0 0 0 2 0 2

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 213 J.Portillo - 214

linea /g/ /t/ /p/ /b/ /d/ /č/ /y/ /ñ/ /ɾ/ /u/ /i/ % 0.00% 5.88% 2.94% 2.94% 5.88% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.88% 0.00% 5.88%

19 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 4 1 2

% 0.00% 0.00% 3.23% 3.23% 3.23% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 12.90% 3.23% 6.45%

20 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 3

% 3.03% 3.03% 0.00% 3.03% 0.00% 0.00% 3.03% 0.00% 3.03% 3.03% 9.09%

21 0 0 0 2 0 1 0 0 2 0 2

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.00% 0.00% 2.50% 0.00% 0.00% 5.00% 0.00% 5.00%

22 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1

% 0.00% 2.63% 0.00% 0.00% 2.63% 0.00% 2.63% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.63%

23 0 2 1 0 0 0 1 0 3 1 3

% 0.00% 5.88% 2.94% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.94% 0.00% 8.82% 2.94% 8.82%

24 0 3 0 4 1 0 0 0 2 2 3

% 0.00% 8.57% 0.00% 11.43% 2.86% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.71% 5.71% 8.57%

25 0 3 0 1 3 0 0 0 3 0 1

% 0.00% 8.57% 0.00% 2.86% 8.57% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 8.57% 0.00% 2.86%

26 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 4 3

% 0.00% 2.86% 2.86% 2.86% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.71% 11.43% 8.57%

27 0 2 1 1 0 0 1 0 4 0 3

% 0.00% 5.56% 2.78% 2.78% 0.00% 0.00% 2.78% 0.00% 11.11% 0.00% 8.33%

28 1 3 0 1 1 0 0 0 3 0 2

% 2.78% 8.33% 0.00% 2.78% 2.78% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 8.33% 0.00% 5.56%

29 0 3 1 2 0 1 0 0 3 1 1

% 0.00% 7.69% 2.56% 5.13% 0.00% 2.56% 0.00% 0.00% 7.69% 2.56% 2.56%

30 0 2 1 1 2 0 0 0 2 0 2

% 0.00% 5.88% 2.94% 2.94% 5.88% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.88% 0.00% 5.88%

31 0 2 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 3 1

% 0.00% 5.71% 0.00% 0.00% 2.86% 0.00% 2.86% 0.00% 2.86% 8.57% 2.86%

32 0 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 1 4

% 0.00% 5.26% 0.00% 5.26% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.26% 2.63% 10.53%

8.2.2 “Las furias y las penas”

linea /g/ /t/ /p/ /b/ /d/ /č/ /f/ /y/ /ñ/ /ɾ/ /u/ /i/ 1 29 0 2 1 0 2 1 1 0 0 0 1 0

% 0.00% 6.90% 3.45% 0.00% 6.90% 3.45% 3.45% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.45% 0.00%

2 29 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 214 J.Portillo - 215

linea /g/ /t/ /p/ /b/ /d/ /č/ /f/ /y/ /ñ/ /ɾ/ /u/ /i/ % 0.00% 0.00% 3.45% 3.45% 3.45% 3.45% 0.00% 0.00% 3.45% 3.45% 0.00% 0.00%

3 16 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 1 1

% 6.25% 6.25% 0.00% 6.25% 6.25% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 12.50% 6.25% 6.25%

4 26 0 1 1 0 2 1 1 0 0 2 1 2

% 0.00% 3.85% 3.85% 0.00% 7.69% 3.85% 3.85% 0.00% 0.00% 7.69% 3.85% 7.69%

5 34 0 1 0 1 2 1 0 0 0 0 2 3

% 0.00% 2.94% 0.00% 2.94% 5.88% 2.94% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.88% 8.82%

6 36 0 1 0 3 2 0 1 0 0 2 1 1

% 0.00% 2.78% 0.00% 8.33% 5.56% 0.00% 2.78% 0.00% 0.00% 5.56% 2.78% 2.78%

7 45 0 1 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 3 1 0

% 0.00% 2.22% 0.00% 4.44% 4.44% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 6.67% 2.22% 0.00%

8 42 1 4 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 3

% 2.38% 9.52% 0.00% 0.00% 2.38% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.38% 2.38% 2.38% 7.14%

9 40 0 1 2 1 3 0 0 0 0 2 0 4

% 0.00% 2.50% 5.00% 2.50% 7.50% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.00% 0.00% 10.00%

10 43 0 3 1 0 4 1 0 0 0 2 0 1

% 0.00% 6.98% 2.33% 0.00% 9.30% 2.33% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.65% 0.00% 2.33%

11 29 1 0 0 0 4 0 1 0 0 3 1 2

% 3.45% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 13.79% 0.00% 3.45% 0.00% 0.00% 10.34% 3.45% 6.90%

12 39 2 1 1 0 4 0 0 0 0 2 0 2

% 5.13% 2.56% 2.56% 0.00% 10.26% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.13% 0.00% 5.13%

13 34 2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 1

% 5.88% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.94% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 11.76% 2.94%

14 46 0 3 0 1 5 0 1 0 0 1 1 4

% 0.00% 6.52% 0.00% 2.17% 10.87% 0.00% 2.17% 0.00% 0.00% 2.17% 2.17% 8.70%

15 45 1 3 0 3 3 0 0 1 0 0 1 5

% 2.22% 6.67% 0.00% 6.67% 6.67% 0.00% 0.00% 2.22% 0.00% 0.00% 2.22% 11.11%

16 34 1 3 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 2

% 2.94% 8.82% 0.00% 2.94% 2.94% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.94% 5.88% 5.88%

17 36 0 0 0 2 4 1 0 0 0 0 0 2

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.56% 11.11% 2.78% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.56%

18 20 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 2

% 5.00% 5.00% 5.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.00% 0.00% 5.00% 0.00% 10.00%

19 28 0 0 1 0 2 0 2 0 0 3 2 1

% 0.00% 0.00% 3.57% 0.00% 7.14% 0.00% 7.14% 0.00% 0.00% 10.71% 7.14% 3.57%

20 31 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 3 2 2

% 0.00% 3.23% 0.00% 0.00% 6.45% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 9.68% 6.45% 6.45%

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 215 J.Portillo - 216

linea /g/ /t/ /p/ /b/ /d/ /č/ /f/ /y/ /ñ/ /ɾ/ /u/ /i/ 21 34 1 1 0 1 5 0 0 0 0 2 2 2

% 2.94% 2.94% 0.00% 2.94% 14.71% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.88% 5.88% 5.88%

22 41 3 4 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 2 3

% 7.32% 9.76% 0.00% 2.44% 2.44% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.88% 4.88% 7.32%

23 35 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 1 0 4 0 3

% 2.86% 2.86% 5.71% 2.86% 2.86% 0.00% 0.00% 2.86% 0.00% 11.43% 0.00% 8.57%

24 31 2 1 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 1 0 1

% 6.45% 3.23% 0.00% 0.00% 12.90% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.23% 0.00% 2.00%

25 32 1 3 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 2 2 2

% 3.13% 9.38% 3.13% 0.00% 3.13% 0.00% 0.00% 3.13% 0.00% 6.25% 6.25% 1.00%

26 17 0 3 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 1 1

% 0.00% 17.65% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.88% 0.00% 0.00% 11.76% 5.88% 2.00%

27 33 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 1 2

% 0.00% 3.03% 0.00% 0.00% 6.06% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 6.06% 3.03% 0.00%

28 29 2 0 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 1 1 2

% 6.90% 0.00% 0.00% 6.90% 6.90% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.45% 3.45% 0.00%

29 42 3 2 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 4 0 2

% 7.14% 4.76% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.38% 2.38% 0.00% 9.52% 0.00% 4.76%

30 41 2 3 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 1 1 1

% 4.88% 7.32% 0.00% 2.44% 4.88% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.44% 2.44% 2.44%

31 18 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 0

% 0.00% 0.00% 5.56% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.56% 11.11% 0.00%

32 22 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 0

% 0.00% 0.00% 4.55% 4.55% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.55% 9.09% 0.00%

33 35 3 0 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 1 2 2

% 8.57% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 11.43% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.86% 5.71% 5.71%

34 37 3 4 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 4 2 1

% 8.11% 10.81% 2.70% 0.00% 2.70% 0.00% 0.00% 2.70% 0.00% 10.81% 5.41% 2.70%

35 28 0 3 1 3 1 0 0 0 0 1 2 3

% 0.00% 10.71% 3.57% 10.71% 3.57% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.57% 7.14% 10.71%

8.2.3 “Las alturas de Macchu Picchu”

linea /g/ /t/ /p/ /b/ /d/ /č/ /f/ /y/ /ñ/ /ɾ/ /u/ /i/ 1 23 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 1

% 4.35% 0.00% 0.00% 4.35% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 8.70% 4.35% 4.35%

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 216 J.Portillo - 217

linea /g/ /t/ /p/ /b/ /d/ /č/ /f/ /y/ /ñ/ /ɾ/ /u/ /i/ 2 25 0 0 1 0 4 0 1 0 0 1 1 0

% 0.00% 0.00% 4.00% 0.00% 16.00% 0.00% 4.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.00% 4.00% 0.00%

3 23 0 1 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 1 1 2

% 0.00% 4.35% 0.00% 0.00% 17.39% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.35% 4.35% 8.70%

4 26 0 0 0 2 3 0 1 0 0 1 0 0

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 7.69% 11.54% 0.00% 3.85% 0.00% 0.00% 3.85% 0.00% 0.00%

5 30 0 2 1 3 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1

% 0.00% 6.67% 3.33% 10.00% 3.33% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.33% 3.33% 3.33%

6 24 0 1 0 3 2 0 0 0 0 2 2 1

% 0.00% 4.17% 0.00% 12.50% 8.33% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 8.33% 8.33% 4.17%

7 27 0 2 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 2 1 0

% 0.00% 7.41% 0.00% 7.41% 7.41% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 7.41% 3.70% 0.00%

8 27 0 1 0 0 4 0 1 0 0 1 0 2

% 0.00% 3.70% 0.00% 0.00% 14.81% 0.00% 3.70% 0.00% 0.00% 3.70% 0.00% 7.41%

9 27 0 2 1 1 3 0 0 1 0 3 0 0

% 0.00% 7.41% 3.70% 3.70% 11.11% 0.00% 0.00% 3.70% 0.00% 11.11% 0.00% 0.00%

10 27 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 0

% 0.00% 7.41% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 7.41% 3.70% 0.00%

11 26 0 0 0 1 3 0 1 0 0 0 0 3

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.85% 11.54% 0.00% 3.85% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 11.54%

12 26 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 0 2

% 3.85% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 7.69% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 7.69% 0.00% 7.69%

13 25 0 0 0 0 4 1 0 0 0 1 0 1

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 16.00% 4.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.00% 0.00% 4.00%

14 29 0 2 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 2 1 2

% 0.00% 6.90% 0.00% 3.45% 3.45% 0.00% 0.00% 3.45% 0.00% 6.90% 3.45% 6.90%

15 25 1 0 0 0 2 0 1 0 0 4 1 0

% 4.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 8.00% 0.00% 4.00% 0.00% 0.00% 16.00% 4.00% 0.00%

16 26 0 2 1 2 3 0 0 0 0 1 1 1

% 0.00% 7.69% 3.85% 7.69% 11.54% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.85% 3.85% 3.85%

17 30 0 2 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 2 1 1

% 0.00% 6.67% 0.00% 6.67% 6.67% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 6.67% 3.33% 3.33%

18 36 1 3 0 2 1 0 0 0 0 5 3 1

% 2.78% 8.33% 0.00% 5.56% 2.78% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 13.89% 8.33% 2.78%

19 22 1 1 0 0 3 0 1 0 0 0 1 4

% 4.55% 4.55% 0.00% 0.00% 13.64% 0.00% 4.55% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.55% 18.18%

20 25 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 3

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 217 J.Portillo - 218

linea /g/ /t/ /p/ /b/ /d/ /č/ /f/ /y/ /ñ/ /ɾ/ /u/ /i/ % 0.00% 4.00% 4.00% 4.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.00% 0.00% 4.00% 0.00% 12.00%

21 32 2 1 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 3 0 2

% 6.25% 3.13% 6.25% 0.00% 3.13% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 9.38% 0.00% 6.25%

22 29 0 1 1 0 2 0 0 0 1 1 0 3

% 0.00% 3.45% 3.45% 0.00% 6.90% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.45% 3.45% 0.00% 10.34%

23 27 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 2 1 3

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.70% 0.00% 3.70% 0.00% 0.00% 7.41% 3.70% 11.11%

24 29 0 0 1 1 3 0 0 0 0 1 0 1

% 0.00% 0.00% 3.45% 3.45% 10.34% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.45% 0.00% 2.00%

25 34 2 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 2

% 5.88% 2.94% 5.88% 2.94% 2.94% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 2.94% 0.00% 1.00%

26 27 2 2 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 1

% 7.41% 7.41% 0.00% 3.70% 3.70% 0.00% 0.00% 3.70% 0.00% 3.70% 0.00% 2.00%

27 28 1 1 0 1 2 1 0 1 0 2 0 2

% 3.57% 3.57% 0.00% 3.57% 7.14% 3.57% 0.00% 3.57% 0.00% 7.14% 0.00% 0.00%

28 32 1 2 1 4 0 0 0 1 0 4 2 0

% 3.13% 6.25% 3.13% 12.50% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.13% 0.00% 12.50% 6.25% 0.00%

29 27 0 4 0 1 3 0 0 0 0 1 1 1

% 0.00% 14.81% 0.00% 3.70% 11.11% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.70% 3.70% 3.70%

30 28 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 3

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.57% 7.14% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 10.71%

31 36 1 2 0 1 5 1 1 1 0 1 0 1

% 2.78% 5.56% 0.00% 2.78% 13.89% 2.78% 2.78% 2.78% 0.00% 2.78% 0.00% 2.78%

32 35 0 2 0 2 1 0 0 0 0 2 1 2

% 0.00% 5.71% 0.00% 5.71% 2.86% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 5.71% 2.86% 5.71%

33 24 0 2 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

% 0.00% 8.33% 0.00% 0.00% 16.67% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%

34 25 0 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

% 0.00% 0.00% 8.00% 8.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.00%

35 28 0 2 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 1 1 3

% 0.00% 7.14% 0.00% 0.00% 3.57% 3.57% 3.57% 3.57% 0.00% 3.57% 3.57% 10.71%

36 25 0 0 2 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 3

% 0.00% 0.00% 8.00% 0.00% 4.00% 4.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 12.00%

37 24 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 1 3

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.17% 0.00% 0.00% 4.17% 0.00% 4.17% 4.17% 12.50%

38 25 1 2 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 1 2

% 4.00% 8.00% 0.00% 0.00% 8.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 8.00% 4.00% 8.00%

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linea /g/ /t/ /p/ /b/ /d/ /č/ /f/ /y/ /ñ/ /ɾ/ /u/ /i/ 39 25 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 1 1 3 0 2

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 8.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.00% 4.00% 12.00% 0.00% 8.00%

40 27 2 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 2

% 7.41% 3.70% 0.00% 0.00% 7.41% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.70% 0.00% 7.41%

41 31 1 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 2

% 3.23% 0.00% 3.23% 0.00% 6.45% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.23% 0.00% 6.45%

42 28 0 0 0 1 2 1 0 0 0 1 1 1

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.57% 7.14% 3.57% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.57% 3.57% 3.57%

43 28 1 0 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 1

% 3.57% 0.00% 7.14% 0.00% 3.57% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 3.57% 0.00% 3.57%

44 23 0 0 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 1

% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 8.70% 8.70% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 4.35% 4.35%

45 28 1 0 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 3 0 1

% 3.57% 0.00% 7.14% 3.57% 3.57% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 10.71% 0.00% 3.57%

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Geographical distribution of phonological and lexical variation in Mexican Spanish: Anne Margo Tyack & Mary Elizabeth A. Green

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Abstract

This paper reports phonological and lexical variations of Mexican Spanish based on region. Twenty-two recordings were made of individuals from seven71 geographical regions in Mexico. Volunteers were asked to converse with another individual from their city or speak individually about their state. After being recorded, participants were shown a map of Mexico and asked whether or not they felt that the regional variation defined on the map seemed accurate from their personal experience. It was found that due to the myriad influences on speech characteristics, such as socio-economic level, level of education and region location, only very general characteristics could be identified from one speaking population to another, but distinctions do exist and are easily recognized by most Mexicans.

Introduction

This analysis is intended to observe the regions within Mexico to ascertain the specific phonological and lexical variations that exist. With the assistance of much information by researchers in the field, the researchers expect to find that there are significant differences in general regional territories in Mexico that can be used as reference in determining where a Mexican Spanish-speaker is generally from within conversation. By conversing with people from different regions in Mexico who live in Mexico or in California, the researchers hope to develop an understanding of what the specific variations in pronunciation are and hear them for themselves in order to acquire the ability to identify these variations in their daily lives based on the pronunciation and word usage they hear in Mexican Spanish conversation.

Much analysis has been done to define the geographic areas of language characteristics in Mexico. D. Lincoln Canfield (1981) identifies seven tendencies in Mexican Spanish. First, the territory that covers the most northern states of the Northwest and the states of the Northeast as identified in the map above, tend to vocalize their /y/ in words such as mayo or capilla. Secondly, in the territory that covers the southern part of Veracruz and the state of Tabasco (numbers 29 and 26 in the map above, respectively) along with most of the state of Guerrero (11), the /s/ sound is aspirated or eliminated in words such as Veracruz72 and este. Third, rural areas tend to not fully pronounce all syllables in the ends of words, as in the case of mercado (merkáo). Fourth, that in the Southeastern territory, the /x/ is pronounced like an /h/ so that México becomes Méhico and baja becomes baha73. Fifth, there exists vowel reduction in unstressed syllables in a vast central territory which does not include the Baja and Yucatan peninsulas, half of the northern-most states and the most southern coastlines. The result is that words like apuntes become apúnts and oficina becomes ofsína. Sixth, that the territory that encompasses the state of

71 The original map used was divided into seven general regions based on the research of the researchers’ professor. It was later concluded that a map divided into eight regions based on states would be a more consistent with how individuals identified their language tendencies with their states. 72 In the researchers’ interviews with individuals from Veracruz and Guerrero, /s/ sounds were not aspirated or eliminated when at the end of words, but were noticeably lost within words (as in “este”). 73 It has been widely concluded by the researchers and the participants in this study that the tendency to pronounce /x/ as an /h/ can be found within all of the territories of Mexico.

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Puebla and the portions of Veracruz and Oaxaca that border it may sporadically pronounce their /y/ as a /ž/74. Lastly, the /n/ at the end of a word that is before a pause or a vowel tends to sound like an /ŋ/ (or ñ). John M. Lipski (1994) has done extensive research on the regional differences in Mexican Spanish. He has concluded that there are no agreed upon areas of Spanish dialects in Mexico except for that spoken in Mexico City: “No existe ninguna división de México en zonas dialectales universalmente aceptada. Casi todos los mexicanos consideran el habla chilanga de Ciudad de México como única” (Lipski, 294). Other regional distinctions Lipski identifies are more general. One is the Spanish of the northern states, referred to as Northern Spanish, or el habla norteña that tends to have a more musical intonation75. Another general territory is in the Yucatan Peninsula, where bilingual speakers of Maya and Spanish speak with a pronunciation referred to as yucateca. Speakers from the states on the Carribean coast speak with an accent that has phonetic roots in the Spanish spoken in the Carribean islands. There also exists a similar accent on the west coast of Mexico in the areas near Acapulco. He cites an additional separate speaking style in Oaxaca. Lipski states:

Los propios mexicanos basan las divisiones dialectales intuitivas sobre todo en la entonación, pero los dialectólogos han recurrido, en primer lugar, a los rasgos fonéticos segmentales, y solo, en segundo lugar a as variables léxicas. (Lipski, 1994, p. 295)

Two researchers, (Cotton & Sharp, 1988) have found that:

“Not only is Mexican Spanish characterized by traits that set it apart from other varieties, but it is also far from uniform in all parts of the country. . . The most influential is that spoken on the Central Plateau, dominant because this area is the most highly populated and the most important economically, politically, culturally, and in the fields of education and communications” (Cotton & Sharp, 1988, pg. 153).

It is important to note here that the states that make up the Central Plateau can be observed in Figure 1, which includes all but Veracruz and the coastal region of Tamaulipas.

74 During one of the researcher’s experience studying in Queretaro, Mexico, she was taught by her professors to pronounce /y/ and /ll/ (basically the same sound but with different lettering) as a /j/, similar to /ž/, so that me llamo becomes me jamo. This was heard in various locations within the state of Queretaro and can be heard in the surrounding states as well. 75 The recording of a speaker from Tijuana does contain a bit of this musical intonation, but a wider sample of speakers from the northern states would have resulted in better data exposing this tendency.

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Figure 1. (USDA)

Examples of one of these traits is as follows: “On the altiplano, consonants are more clearly articulated, not weakened or dropped, even in consonant clusters (Lope Blanch 1972:25). For example, acción is pronounced [akson], experto is [eksperto], and oxígeno [oksixeno]” (Cotton, 1988, pg. 153).

Of additional importance to the Spanish spoken across Mexico is the influence of indigenous dialects of which there are approximately 50 spoken today. Nahuatl is the most widely spoken indigenous dialect and phrases have found their way into the daily speech of people across the country. Words commonly used that are of Nahautl origen in this region are nopal, a type of cactus, poblano, a variety of chile, chichigua, the word used for nursemaid, and aguacate, the word for avocado. In order to better show this indigenous influence, Eleanor Greet Cotton gives the example of the story Un día de mercado en la Plaza Principal by González Zeledón. “(In the story) a young boy is sent to the market to buy groceries, indigenismos are plentiful as he tells what he sees as ell as what he buys. More than two-thirds of these words are from native American languages. From Nahautl come 14 words, 58.5% of the total of Indian items” (173). Many of words of Nahuatl origin are associated with plants and are universally used in Mexico. Maya is another indigenous language that has widely influenced the vocabulary of individuals in the very southern part of Mexico, mostly in the Yucatan peninsula.

Studies of the Spanish spoken in individual states have been done by various researchers. Extensive analysis of the Spanish spoken in Jalisco and Guanajuato can be found in the works of (Cardenas, 1967) and (Boyd-Bowman, 1960), respectively. The in-depth analysis that these works provide has given the researchers a more solid understanding of the myriad influences on spoken Spanish based on differences in location even from one neighborhood to another.

Method

With the assistance of a digital voice recorder and a map of Mexico that had been separated into 7 distinct regions of Spanish language pronunciation as can be observed in the appendix, the researchers set out to record the voices of Spanish speakers from the 32 states in Mexico in order

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 223 J.Portillo - 224 to train their ears to hear variation in speech based on region. For speakers from the same specific area in a state, recordings of conversations were taken, and for individuals, recordings were of brief descriptions of features of their home state. Recordings were between 30 seconds and 1 minute 30 seconds and were listened to repeatedly by the researchers in order to establish general conclusions about the speech styles of those individuals from that state. The volunteers recorded had generally only been in the United States for a few months, so that the researchers were assured that accents would be accurate of the area the speaker was from76, because the speakers from this more controlled group had Spanish pronunciations that had not been too affected by English language acquisition or the Spanish spoken by individuals from other states in Mexico or other regions in Spanish-speaking America. These participants worked for landscape services in Lodi, California, were workers for The Labor Center of Graton, California (el Centro Laboral de Graton), or from a well-known day labor market on Fulton Road Santa Rosa77. Following the recordings, conversations were had with the participants in order to determine whether or not the maps of Mexico provided demonstrated regional phonological and lexical variations based on the personal knowledge of the participants.

After comparing the voice recordings of individuals from seven general regions, it was determined that a more accurate map to use may be one such as the map accompanying the introduction that separates the country into eight regions. This was concluded because participants in the study generally agreed that accents could generally be identified from state to state78, although exact boundaries do not exist. The decision to select the following map as a more accurate representation of phonological and lexical variation is based solely off of the concept of these territories providing a center point for such variation.

76 The speaker from Jalisco is the owner of a landscaping company in Lodi, California, and has lived in the United States for over five years. 77 A day labor market is a location, typically on a street corner, where laborers in need of a job will stand and wait for employers to drive by requesting labor help. Frequently employers will be local farmers or other individuals with property that they would like handled. Two disadvantages to this hiring process for the workers is that they typically do not earn a significant amount of money, they have no healthcare or other benefits and they are not guaranteed a job the next day. Fortunately for many of these individuals, they acquire more stable employment within a year. 78 Physical traits were identified by participants as being the first way to get a more accurate idea of where other Mexicans are from. Styles of clothes differ from region to region and so do physical characteristics. For example, men in the northern states were identified as typically wearing cowboy hats and boots. Some men from the north also walk with bowlegs because they live like cowboys. Fresas, which refers to Mexicans with money or appear to have it, tend to dress with designer-style fashions and at times have haughty attitudes that can be heard in speech similar to “valley girl” in the United States. Some physical characteristics are influenced by indigenous ancestry, such as the Mayans who tend to have very short necks and mostly live on the Yucatan Peninsula. Frequently, Mexicans of smaller stature have strong indigenous roots, although this alone is not enough to aid someone in determining more specifically where individuals are from.

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Figure 2. (González-Román, Mario)

Results

The researchers’ recordings and conversations concluded much information that follows as separated into regional categories based on the map of geographical distinctions made in the map found in the methods portion of this paper.

The northwestern states tend to have a musical intonation as was suggest by Lipski. The word “ese” which means guy or dude, is used specifically in this region. The use of many words of Nahuatl origen are used here, although not with the same frequency as can be found in the central states.

The northeastern states too tend to have the musical intonation. In their investigations, the researchers had continually read of a tendency of the states on the east coast of Mexico to drop the /s/ sound at the end of sentences. Interviews did not reveal this to necessarily be the case, but words such as the /s/ in “este” were frequently not pronounced, as had been suggested by Canfield (1981). The same could be generally said for the states of the eastern territory.

As had been stated before about the central plateau, the central states use many words of Nahautl origen. Additionally, pronunciation of the letters /ll/ and /y/ tended to be spoken with a sound as in the English letter /j/ in the researchers’ study, which was also supported by Tyack’s own experience living in the country. Influence of “chilango” speech patterns is particularly common in the areas from this territory that are located near Mexico City.

The territory in and around Mexico City, better known as D.F. or el Distrito Federal, make up the central-southern state territories. This territory, as had been suggested by Lipski proved to be one agreed upon area in spanish speech patterns by all of the participants in the researchers’ investigation. The speech spoken in the area, particulary in Mexico City is frequently referred to

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 225 J.Portillo - 226 as “chilango.” This term can be a derogatory phrase but is widely used to describe anything from the area, from actions to phrases to entonation. A common greeting between young males in this area is “¿Qué honda güey?”, which basically means “How are you?”

Speakers from the western states tend to speak with a similar pace to those individuals from the central and central-southern territories. Recordings found speakers from Jalisco to articulate more than speakers from Michoacán, but no generalizations can be accurately made here.

Speakers from the southern states tended to speak more slowly than those speakers from other regions. In Oaxaca, Zapoteco is one of the larger dialects that has influenced vocabulary and intonation. These states are additionally influenced by the Spanish spoken in Guatemala, especially speakers from the state of Chiapas.

The southeastern states which make up the Yucatan peninsula tend to end their sentences on a mid-tone. Maya is a strong influence on the region, and many people are fluent or have some comprehension of the Maya language.

Discussion

A study with a much larger number of participants is necessary to make more accurate conclusions79. The researchers’ objective was to hear recordings of individuals from seven regions in Mexico in order to develop the ability to identify where a Mexican Spanish-speaker was from based purely on phonological and lexical characteristics. What was discovered was that phonological and lexical variations were influenced by an enormous quantity of factors. These factors included socio-economic level, education level, and age and differed even more based on where a speaker was from.

For one, as had been suggested by Lipski (1994), people from Mexico City, otherwise known as Distrito Federal or D.F., have very particular tendencies in speech and these individuals are referred to by people all over Mexico as chilangos80 as was briefly described during the results portion of this paper. A phrase widely associated with young males from the Mexico City area, and that extends out to surrounding states is, “¡No mames güey!” Young females may use this phrase as well, but have a habit of changing “mames” to “manches” which is slightly less offensive as “mames” has sexual connotations. The phrase using the word “manches” considered “fresa,” meaning that it is associated with Mexicans who have more money. As is consistently true, however, generalizations can not be made which can be approximately translated as “You’ve got to be kidding me.”

79 The researchers found it much easier to acquire recordings of individuals that were from the least industrialized territories because these have been the most negatively affected by the introduction of agricultural practices from the United States. Members of these states are more likely to immigrate to the United States for work. Additionally, participants in the study felt that those individuals who are likely to immigrate to the Santa Rosa area either have family there or would like to identify themselves more with the social culture of the Santa Rosa area as opposed to other locations in the United States that receive much immigration, such as Texas or Southern California. 80 The term chilango has negative connotations under some contexts but under most circumstances can be used as a verb or a noun without being offensive individuals from Mexico City.

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As was discovered through various recordings, individuals who spoke indigenous languages in Mexico did not necessarily have a great deal of experience speaking Spanish. In fact, one speaker who was from the Yucatan Peninsula and spoke Maya, had only learned Spanish during the few months that he had lived in the United States and said that he was able to understand and speak English more easily than Spanish. The influence that indigenous languages have had on the intonation of speakers in different areas can be identified well in recordings made for this project. It was additionally found that indigenous languages have an influence on how Spanish is spoken from region to region and that there are recognizable differences in people from one state to another, although these influences are most recognizable in vocabulary because intonation and tempo can not necessarily be pinpointed from one area to another. One key element unrelated to phonological and lexical variation that participants cited as a consistently accurate means to establishing an idea of where individuals are from is that of physical characteristics such as choice of clothing and the manner in which individuals walk. Many participants in this study felt that the regional divisions displayed on the map shown, which can be viewed in the appendix, were generally accurate, but that there exist specific traits of members of certain states that enable people to determine where they were from, again encouraging the researchers in their decision to select a map of different region territories for any further investigation.

Conclusion

This was an extraordinarily interesting and informative study. Because of the wealth of Spanish- speakers in the Northern-California area, it was not too difficult to find individuals to interview for research purposes. Additionally, it was found that many participants, having only been in the United States for a few months felt that acknowledging the various phonological and lexical characteristics of individuals from different locations in Mexico enabled them to acquire a better understanding of where they were from and have an appreciation for their Mexican culture at a time when they are struggling to survive in a foreign country. For this reason, participants of this study were extremely supportive and forward with information that they felt would be useful.

At this point, the researchers have developed sufficient skills to identify the most obvious phonological and lexical characteristics as had been identified in the results portion of this paper, but better fluency in Spanish and more experience living and working with Mexicans from different areas within Mexico will be necessary to truly fine-tune the skill.

Acknowledgments

This project would not have been possible without the generous assistance of the workers of the Centro Laboral de Graton, and those at the labor market on Fulton Rd. in Santa Rosa, California. Special thanks to Davin Cardenas of el Centro Laboral de Graton and Leticia Romero of the labor market who offered great insight into the topic. In addition, Professor Jeffrey Reeder of Sonoma State University who provided the researchers with much helpful information on tendencies in regional speech patters in Mexico that provided the necessary framework to better analyze the territory.

Works Cited

Boyd-Bowman, Peter (1960). El Habla de Guanajuato. Mexico, Mexico: Imprenta Universitaria.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 227 J.Portillo - 228

Canfield, D. Lincoln (1981). Spanish Pronunciation in the Americas. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

Cardenas, Daniel N. (1967). El Español de Jalisco. Madrid, Madrid: Consejo Superior De Investigaciones Cientificas.

Cotton, Eleanor Greet and John M. Sharp (1988). Spanish in the Americas. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press.

González-Román, Mario (2007, May 1). Mexico travel safety, introduction . Retrieved November 27, 2007, from Security Corner: SolutionsAbroad.com Web site: http://images.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb /0/08/Mexico_map_of_regions.png/470px- Mexico_map_of_regions.png&imgrefurl=http://www.securitycornermexico.com/&h=325&w=47 0&sz=75&hl=en&start=4&tbnid=M2LvJb997mmMUM:&tbnh=89&tbnw=129&prev=

Lipski, John M. (1994). El Español de America. Madrid, Madrid: Longman Group Limited.

USDA, (2003, August 28). Mexico's Central Plateau and Eastern States. Retrieved November 26, 2007, from USDA Production Estimates and Crop Assesment Division, Foreign Agricultural Services Web site: http://images.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://www.fas.usda.gov/pecad2/highlights/2003/08/me xico_cenam_0803/mx_central_plateau_eastern_states_map.jpg&imgrefurl=http://www.fas.usda.g ov/pecad2/highlights/2003/08/mexico_cenam_0803/index.htm&h=540&w=720&sz=36&hl=en& start=4&tbnid=xvNubx5KGN-vCM:&tbnh=105&tbnw=140&prev=

Appendix: Participants were shown the following map with regions of suggested phonological and lexical variation as follows:

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Specific citing of this image as not been able to be found, although a similar image has been observed through a “map of Mexico” entry in a google search engine and was found in its original context at the following website: www.incinelandia.net/wordpress/?feed=rss2

The seven original regional distinctions were as follows: Western: all of the coastal states to the west ending at Guerrero. Northern: half of the state of Sonora and extending into the northern tip of San Luis Potosí and the top quarter of Tamulipas. Eastern: all of the east coast states surrounding the Gulf of Mexico and ending at Campeche. Central: the central portions of the central coast states and the states that make up the central plateau up to the territory of Mexico DF. Mexico DF: the state of DF and portions of the nearby states. Southern: the states of Guerrero, Oaxaca and Chiapas. Yucatan Peninsula: the remaining states of Campeche, Quintana Roo and Yucatán.

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A linguistic comparison of play-by-play sportscasts between baseball and lucha libre in English and Spanish: Megan Parreira & Keith Korbel

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Abstract

This paper reports a linguistic comparison of play-by-play sportscasts between baseball and lucha libre in English and Spanish. A broadcasted baseball game was recorded as well as lucha libre and both were transcribed. Average speech rates and average syllables per minute were also calculated. Results show that Spanish broadcasts do have a faster speech rate than those in English, suggesting that the average syllables per minute may affect the speech rates in both languages.

Introduction

Although there has been language studies done between sports there has been no studies comparing a broadcasted baseball game in English to a broadcasted Lucha libre match in Spanish81. For this reason our research study is very unique. A similar study on sports commentary was conducted by Bowcher (2003) that looked at speaker contributions and turn- taking patterns of radio sports commentary. The results of Bowcher’s research indicated that there is a consistent pattern of speaker contributions and a specific order of magnitude in terms of the degree to which speakers contribute to the commentary, with the main commentator contributing the most number of clauses, the greatest number of turns, and the highest number of clauses per turn (p. 445). However, Bowcher’s study did not compare two languages nor two sports. Bowcher’s study, which took place in 1996, was on Australian rugby and was broadcasted in English. This paper is interesting to study to see if different languages have differences in the way they broadcast a sporting event. Different sporting events have different rates and amounts of action but by conducting this experiment the researchers hoped to see how great these differences really are or if in fact there really is that much of a difference. While observing the two sports and in their appropriate languages the researchers noted that the Spanish broadcast spoke with a higher speech rate. This led to the aim of this research project which was to find supporting evidence that the broadcasting of Spanish sportscasts had a higher rate of speech than that of English sportscasts.

Methods

In order to conduct this research the researchers had to obtain physical copies of the broadcasted sports both in English and in Spanish. They decided upon using a Major League Baseball® game. The game of choice was of the San Francisco Giants versus their rival the Los Angeles Dodgers. This game was a part of the final series of the baseball season. This game was televised on September 29th at 7:00pm on KTVU Channel 2. The announcers for the game were Mike Krukow and Jon Miller. The game’s duration of eleven innings82 lasted four hours and five minutes.

81 Originally, the researchers wanted to compare a baseball game broadcasted in both English and Spanish. Unfortunately, they were unable to acquire a baseball game broadcasted in Spanish. This was partially due to lack of broadcast as well as the ending of the baseball season. Therefore, they used a different outlet, something that could be obtained more easily. The broadcasted sport in Spanish they chose was lucha libre, which is Mexican wrestling. 82 It was an extra-inning game

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The lucha libre match was recorded off of Galavisión on November 9th at 9:00pm83. The league title was AAA Lucha Libre. The actual match was similar in style to what is known in the U.S. wrestling as the “Royal Rumble.” A Royal Rumble is when many wrestlers are all fighting at once. This may include upwards from ten wrestlers competing. In the lucha libre match there were four to a side and together that made a total of eight competitors. The title of this match in Spanish was “Toreo de Cuatro Caminos.” The actual match was in the style of “Una caida,” which meant that once a wrestler fell out of the ring he was officially out of the match and another competitor would come in to fight. The two announcers were Arturo Rivera and Alfonso Morales. The match had a duration of eighteen minutes. Both recordings were done using VHS84. After recordings were done the process of transcription began. The researchers first had to decide on how much of the games they wanted to transcribe. The Giants game lasted over four hours while the lucha libre match lasted eighteen minutes. In order to compare them the researchers decided upon shortening the length of what needed to be transcribed and thus compared. The final decision was to use an inning of the baseball game and compare it to six minutes of the lucha libre match. The use of one inning was used because one inning represents a basic unit of baseball. To be considered a complete game, the game is required to have nine innings85. Thus the researchers decided to use just one of the nine units of the game. The lucha libre match had an eighteen-minute duration. This was decided upon because of the fact that there was only going to be one part of the baseball game to be transcribed. It wouldn’t have been a fair comparison to compare the entirety of one game and only a partial amount of the other. This would have led to skewed results. In addition, lucha libre is not divided into such units and so therefore six minutes would represent a third of the match. The researchers could have broke it down to a ninth of the match but this would have only been two minutes of transcribed data compared to fourteen minutes transcribed in English. The final comparison in terms of total minutes transcribed was fourteen minutes of baseball in English and six minutes transcribed of lucha libre in Spanish. The process of transcription used what the researchers referred to as the “Stop, rewind, & play method.” This required that the researcher observe the recorded sport for a small time period, stop the video, rewind the video, & play back the video many times in order to transcribe each and every word that was spoken. This process took four hours for the fourteen-minute baseball game and fifteen hours for the six minute lucha libre match. The set up required that the TV/VCR be in very close proximity so as to be able to use the Stop, rewind, & play method and quickly transcribe the words either directly to Microsoft Word or written in a notebook to be transferred onto Word at a later time. Even after the words were recorded, the video was watched several time through to make sure that the researchers did not miss any words. To calculate word counts two methods were used. For English, each word was manually counted. In Spanish, word count was done using the Microsoft Word’s word count feature with excluding words that were not part of the spoken dialogue. This gave the researchers their total word count. In order to find the mean number of words per minute each minute’s total word

83 Much time and effort went into getting a recording of baseball in Spanish. This led to such a late actual recording of a sports event in Spanish. 84 A third copy was recorded of a Major League baseball game. The attempt was to record the game in Spanish on SAP. However, the recording sounded like Alvin and the Chipmunks so the researchers decided to exclude this from their data. 85 An inning is very similar to other measurements of sports such as a quarter in American football or a half in soccer. However, an inning is unique in that there is no time limit. It is solely based on a finite number of outs, which is six.

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 232 J.Portillo - 233 count was noted. After all the minutes were accounted for these numbers were summed and divided the total number of minutes. This calculation gave the mean number of words per minute. To calculate syllables per minute, this was calculated in a similar fashion though all counting of syllables was done manually. Each sentence was given a syllable count and like word count was divided by the total number of minutes. This yielded the mean syllables per minute. While transcribing the data the researchers timed all phrases as well as having a continual clock timing the duration of the match. Timing devices used were the G-Shock watch’s timing feature, which is accurate up to a hundredth of a second and the Motorola Cell phone’s timing feature that is also accurate up to a hundredth of a second. Mean pause lengths were also calculated. This was done by timing each fairly large pause length (longer than two seconds) per each minute and then dividing the sum of that number by the total number of minutes. This yielded the mean pause length per minute. These numbers were used for the comparisons between the two languages.

Results

Recordings of the two sports yielded the following results.

For Average words per minute (Promedio de Palabras por Minuto) English had 153 words per minute. Spanish had 159.5 words per minute.

Promedio de Palabras por Minuto

160 140 120 100 80 60 40

Palabras por Minuto por Palabras 20 0 Ingles Espanol

Idioma

For syllables per minute English had 242 and Spanish had 295.

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Silabas por Minuto

300

250

200

150 Silabas por minuto por Silabas

100 Ingles Espanol

Idioma

For mean pause length per minute English had 2.7 seconds per minute and Spanish had 0.85 seconds per minute.

Mean Pause Lengths

3.0 2.5 2.0 1.5 1.0

0.5 Pause lengths per min per lengths Pause 0.0 English Spanish

Language

Other Results Aspecto Español Ingles Diferencia

Palabras por minuto 1o minuto 159 160 1 2o minuto 179 170 9

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3o minuto 150 160 10 4o minuto 144 157 13 5o minuto 140 160 20 6o minuto 185 125 60

Promedio de palabras por 159.5 153 6.5 minuto

Locutores Arturo Rivera 479 Alfonso Morales 377

Jon Miller 1314

Mike Krukow 851

Silabas por un minuto 295 242 53

These other results show words per minute for a direct comparison between the two sports for the first six minutes. The average words per minute, the total number of words spoken by each commentator, and the syllables per minute.

Discussion

The original hypothesis was that Spanish had a higher rate of speech than in English. When comparing the results the researchers found that main difference between the two languages was with the number of syllables per minute. The diagram of syllables per minute shows graphically the difference between the use of syllables in each language. Spanish had 53 more syllables than English per minute. This would explain why the researchers felt that Spanish had a higher speech rate than English. Contrary to what the researchers believed to find, the words per minute did not have a large difference between the languages. This may be due to the fact in Spanish that there is a higher pronoun use. For example the in English to say to “to tell us,” one would say in Spanish “decirnos.” Thus in English we see that three words are required to say the same thing that is being said in Spanish in one word. This was surprising to the researchers and led them to try to figure out what caused the discrepancy between the language and that is where syllable count came in. Pause length results were very different than what the researchers believed would happen. They thought that there would be much more pause lengths in Spanish than in English because when watching other Spanish sports games86, they felt that there were many pauses. The differences between the pause lengths between the two languages were substantial in this study. English had triple the amount of pause lengths per minute than Spanish. The actual numbers were that English had 2.7 sec/min and Spanish 0.85 sec/min. Though these may seem very small numbers if one were to add them up over the course of a whole game they would prove to be considerable and thus would show a major difference in pause lengths.

86 Like when watching a baseball game broadcasted in Spanish earlier in the semester.

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However, a similar study was done which looked at the prosody of excitement in horse race commentaries. This study found that there was a definite pattern to pitch level, tempo and intensity of commentaries throughout the course of the race. Trouvain and Barry ( ) state that “The advantage of sports commentaries is that they offer examples of non-scripted speech with genuine informational and emotional expression.” To Parreira and Korbel this meant that their commentaries in their sports had the same standards of taking advantage of speech that is truly non-scripted. Though, it could be argued that the actual commentators have lists of data they may be reading off but they are still transmitting it at a certain rate as well as using their own personal tendencies. Trouvain and Barry ( ) also state “A further advantage of sports commentaries is the quality of the speech.” In the research done by Parreira and Korbel this information had relevance because Parreira and Korbel were taking their transcriptions from professional sports announcers. They are trained to do this and thus it’s a well designed study to compare the different rates of speech between the languages Another relevant study was done by Lumley ( ). This study showed that depending on the broadcaster and the information that was being transmitted led to discrepancies in the speech rate. The normal rate of speech for a speaker is 160 words per minute. In the study of Parreira and Korbel their findings show that English had 153 words per minute and Spanish had 159.5. Thus English was slightly less than a normal rate and Spanish was .5 words per minute less and could thus be considered to be exactly the normal rate of speech for a speaker.

Conclusion

From this research project it can be concluded that Spanish does have a higher rate of speech than English. The difference lies in the syllables per minute rather than in words per minute.

Works Cited

Bowcher, Wendy L. (2003) Speaker contributions in radio sports commentary. An Interdisciplinary Journal for the Study of Discourse. p 445

Lumley, F.H, (Nov. 15, 1933 ) Radio’s Rate of Speech Educational Bulletin, Vol.12, No. 9 pp 244-245. Retrieved December 8, 2007. http://www.jstor.org/view/15554023/ap050235/05a00040/0

Trouvain, Jurgen, & Barry, William J. (2007) The Prosody of Excitement in Horse Race Commentaries. Retrieved December 8, 2007. http://www.coli.uni- saarland.de/~trouvain/trouvain_barry_2000.pdf

Acknowledgements

We’d like to thank Adrian Garcia for helping to record the AAA Lucha libre match, Beth Green for suggesting lucha libre, Lisa and Chris Parreira for helping to record the Giants baseball game, and last but not least Juan Gonzalez for helping with parts of Spanish transcription. Thank you. Oh, and that dude Reeder too!

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About the researchers

The two researchers of this paper had a high degree of interest in baseball as well as the Spanish language. The reason why Megan Parreira is an avid baseball fan is due to her eight-year old brother, Zachary Parreira. Zachary started watching games when he was about one year old, and because he was so attached, he would not let the parents change any of any of the channels. So, Parreira started watching little bits and pieces of the games with him and started noticing all of the excitement and drama that happens, which got her interested in watching games today. Later on, she started keeping track of all of the standings in the National League Western Division, as well as other player statistics. She also has been studying Spanish for eight years. She began speaking the language when she was twelve years old, and continued taking Spanish courses throughout high school. She decided in seventh grade that she wanted to be a high school Spanish teacher, because she was inspired by her junior high Spanish instructor. She is still following her dream this very day. She will be receiving her Bachelor’s Degree in Spanish in Spring 2008, and will begin her teaching credential program next fall. Keith Korbel has played baseball for twenty-one years. He began at the age of four and continues to play to this day. He not only enjoys playing the game but also enjoys reading about the game especially its history, physical and mental aspects and he’s even had experience in umpiring. He plans on coaching the game but not until he is too old or too injured to play. Korbel’s history with the acquisition of the Spanish language began in middle school but he didn’t really get serious about it until taking Spanish courses at the Santa Rosa Junior College. Upon transferring to Sonoma State University he decided to add the Spanish major. After graduating from SSU he plans on volunteering for the Peace Corps hopefully in a Spanish speaking country. Given that Parreira and Korbel both highly enjoy baseball as well as Spanish, the nature of this project seemed very interesting to them. The project also provided a supplement to both their knowledge in baseball as well as Spanish.

Appendix A – Transcription of lucha libre

Transcripción de la Luchalibre

Asociación de luchalibre: Lucha Libre AAA

Titulo del Programa: Toreo de Cuatro Caminos

Anunciadores: Arturo Rivera y, Alfonso Morales

Estación: Galavisión (televisa deportes)

Fecha de grabado: El nueve de noviembre de 2007

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Lucha actual...

Rivera: Él básicamente desapareció pero su espiritú su esencia continua entre nosotros porque la visión se quedo con mucho de que nosotros igualmente consideró. (11”35)

Morales: Y sigue así. (0”66)

Pausa notable: (1”75)

Rivera: Y revemos los atónitos de locura ¡Aquí comienza! La rivalidad entre dos tal más gigalto bueno que la arquea de la mejor (11”22)

Morales: voy casandro voy casandro (1”47)

Rivera: Bueno pues aquí ya te quiero llamar a la dama y quiero Moroña son la... (3”00)

Morales: No, no, no lo que reconozco en Casandro un, fuera de ensendez (5”88)

Rivera: Hay como luchando (0”63)

Morales: Es de la juicio del doctor (1”15)

Rivera: Oye, oye (0”81)

Morales: Ha cai (0”43)

Rivera: No creas más conflictos por Dios esta haciendo aquí o que de casando como un pimpi en Maroña esta cero en la discordia y ahora totalmente apuntas por dios Rivera (9”88)

Morales: Como un lucheador dije al medico (1”84)

Rivera: Pero te tardaste ______? (1”97)

Morales: Si, si, si. (0”78)

Rivera: Si se tardó se tardó (0”93)

Morales: Se me hace lagrima canoa igual que (2”62)

Rivera: Se lo que hiciste como dar (1”00)

Morales: Al rillar ja ja ja (1”63)

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Rivera: Quitale (0”47)

Morales: Si lo que hiciste. (0”75)

Rivera: Estos son independientemente de todo con Morales son super lucheadores preparados para estas batallas hay que darlo todo (5”94)

Morales: Quiero decirte una cosa que el sombrero que sacó tirunditos es del grupo musical del raya arqueaga y su grupo amistad (7”03)

Rivera: Amistad, si señor, ahora mas ______Jesús llega pero bien bien se han dado últimamente con la cober detalles ¡Dijo Yo soy tu padre y también tu madre! (10”07)

Morales: su mauser (0”53)

Rivera: Así le dice Casandro a Pimpi ha muchos de experiencia de Pimpi ¡A cazar esta secado! ______la mejor parte para Pimpi y ahora ¡le van a dar, le van a dar una cueriza de su mama de Casandro! ¡Correle Correle! Porque la ______(14”50)

Morales: Se tiene que subir de inmediato para que entonces la lluvia de cuero no lo baño los _____ de Jesús Paño (7”78)

Rivera: Los ruidos señores y señoras todo esto lo tiene bien asimilado porque aquí estamos en su casa. Apunto de sin tornasos y a los técnicos avance del razonamiento (9”90)

Morales: Donde recordó su niñeza doctor (1”53)

Rivera: No, no, no, no, no (2”46)

Morales: Ja ja ja Me recordo la facultad en la medicina (2”69)

Rivera: Bueno el día en que llegaste si pero sabes que... (2”43)

Morales: A mi no ha faltado y me refiero a ______(2”28)

Rivera: Si todos recuerdos. Cuando llegabas cuando aquí ______amores amigos sabes porque la extraordinaria fuera fuera que el querido corazón la moreno me pareció esta regresando y adonde va. A vamanos amigos de la caravan esta. ¡un enorme dinámica! (16”68)

Morales: Ja ja ja ja ja ja! (1”47)

Rivera: ¡Sin morelisima! (1”06)

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Morales: Es fenomenal este concepto doctor. ¡Extraordinario Rivera! (3”65)

Rivera: Le duele una hasta la semana que entra. Allí esta ______en la producción. Raya Arteaga y... caracoles llega a caer...ja ja ja. (14”00)

Moreles: Cuerole amigo ja ja ja (1”62)

Rivera: Hello... hello (1”66)

Pausa notable: (3”35)

Morales: Ella hay hay Una pregunta Arturo Rivera como se puede concentrar Padilla Patrica después de a ver el fraudado de su padre en la forma en que hizo. (7”97)

Rivera: Hombre no me ______por favor (1”44)

Morales: ______así (1”06)

Morales: Yayi esta callendo (1”40)

Rivera: ¡Duro! ¡Duro! ¡Duro! ¡Duro! (3”94)

Morales: ______aterrizan (1”38)

Rivera: ¡Vieja fodonga mala persona traidora! (3”00)

Morales: Doctor doctror, usted es un buen cabellero doctor (2”84)

Rivera: No, oye (1”68)

Morales: Relajase todos (1”79)

Rivera: le da el si en Guadalajara en mascarada lleva en marido (4”46)

Morales: el que no lo sabia pero (1”41)

Rivera: pero tu tienes que (1”28)

Morales: pero han dado aprojando las tu eres (1”65)

Rivera: Claro Claro su niega por Dios (2”60)

Morales: eso eso tendra que juzgar la historia (2”90)

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Rivera: Quiero decirte una cosa si alguien de estos cuatro de los cuat de los cuatro, tres un santaros y uno es ______tiene que saber como son las cosas ¡explicanos son llegar! (12”19)

Morales: Ay doctor, a veces ni yo mismo entiendo el destino de la vida (4”00)

Rivera: Aquí esta, una lucha importante porque entre Mascarita Sagrada y Minimismo Negro hay una historia hay que contar larga y muy importante. (9”66)

Morales: Mascarita Sagrada se lanza al ataque del Minimismo Negro que domina el jujuistu que domina el judo que domina el intercolegial olímpica. Domina la luchalibre ¿quién puede vencer el Minimismo Negro? Amigos ______(12”78)

Rivera: Callete tranquilo tranquilo pues tu sabes que ____ comer en la mano es Mascarita Sagrada pero por años (5”87)

Morales: Sabes (0”34)

Rivera: de lucha de lucha olímpica del Mismisimo Negro (5”37)

Morales: No, no puede ser (1”35)

Rivera: el enorme como diría para frasear el doctor el enorme ______(sapotsa fria?) (5”62)

Morales: Sabes que para frasearlo doctor morales ¡Qué barbaro su niega! (4”94)

Rivera: doctor para fraseando (1”65)

Otro: A ustedes dos su maestro es a fin zapato (3”09)

Rivera: Ja ja ja ja ja (1”35)

Morales: Es perdonado Mascarito Mascarita esta en el tercero ______miralo vas esto es un lance y después se quede la quedecito quietecito las tijeritas bien aplicado doctor _____ morales ______mirale jamas querisima (13”07)

Rivera: Regresa de volada (1”47)

Morales: Pues mira qu mira que si no quieren dormir calenditos cuantas veces no les den cien ruidos a dormir calientito se regresaban avancen ______son las victimas mientras ______el extraordinario y sensacional Super Fly a que aparece a la mala persona ______es increíble es increíble son ______como esta mujer (26”97)

Rivera: Doctor (1”00)

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Morales: Demuestró que no sabe lo que ______(2”10)

Rivera: Doctor, no le guardes rincón. A las mujeres hay quemarlas, no entenderlas y tu lo sabes mejor que nadie (7”28)

Otro: sabes de la pal (1”19)

Morales: Quiero decirles algo la primera escuela es la casa con esos ejemplos no se puede construir una sociedad sana (8”43)

Rivera: Doctor (0”56)

Otro: El doctor dice cosas muy salgas. Tiene todo el razón en el mundo yo ______miralo vas el Super Fly Super Fly en este mano a mano con mini boy todos los lucheadores al mismo peso mira va el Super Fly la forteleza que tiene la salida de y los recursos para improvisar para hacerte crecer la lucha mirale vas esencial como vas como se llega como se acabo de vega venga si componer un figura del toreo el guardo en silencio entre (21”69)

DATA:

Todo el tiempo grabado: 5’55”

Todo tiempo con voces grabados: 6’06” (overlap occurred)

Rivera: 190”38

Morales: 142”17

Otro: 25”97

Pausas Notabales: 5”10

Palabras enteras por el tiempo: 957

Palabras por minuto: 159.5

Length of pause per minute: 4”32

Palabras de otra idioma: judo, fly

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Transcript- Giants vs. Dodgers game

Announcers: Mike Krukow and Jon Miller

Top of the first inning:

Krukow: An inning that is starting to go against you, you know, you can freak out mentally, and you just have to get the pitching coach to calm you down, get your focus back to the glove, it helps.

Miller: At age 23, he’s not a guy with a whole lot of experience. Although he was not a starting pitcher when the season began, he’s only pitched about 146 innings now, but he’s used to the whole thing being over with a month before now. Now here comes Dan Ortmeier. We mentioned Fred Lewis, the runner at first; he has a lot of speed. He can steal a base. On the other hand, he is not a hundred percent yet from that foot injury that slowed him down for awhile, put him in the disabled list, and there he goes back to the bag.

Krukow: If you steal a base against the Dodgers you have to earn it because they do a pretty good job at putting runners on with their pitching staff, but you don’t have to give Russell Martin a whole lot of edge, he is so quick out of the squat, he’s an average 1.8 from the release time, from the time it touches his hand.

Miller: Lewis started and then stopped. (Pause) Strike one, Dan Ortmeier swinging and missing.

Krukow: From the time the ball touches the glove of the catcher to the time it touches the glove of the second baseman or shortstop, at second base, that is his unload time. Average is 2.0, and that’s an acceptable average. Now if you get 1.9 or 1.8 consistenly you’re talking about above average.

Miller: There’s that double fake. He’s thrown out Dave Roberts a couple of times this year. Roberts has been thrown out five times all year.

Krukow: Russell Martin, you know, he’s got that same type of swing, in his legs that Ivan Rodriguez has, he just has a remarkable bounce to his lower body.

Miller: Pierre has a very weak arm, here comes Randy Winn, and the throw is offline, and the Giants have a 3-0 lead. Dan Ortmeier gets the job done, getting that runner home with less than two down, and that’s really important, so Ortmeier has his 15th RBI, and that’s a 3-run inning for the Giants with two down.

Krukow: Fred Lewis missed an opportunity to advance 90 feet, his leg getting back to the bag, and as soon as that ball came high, you could see that there was arc in the throw,

Proceedings of the 2007 SSU Undergraduate Conference on Hispanic Linguistics 243 J.Portillo - 244 and that was not going to be a ball cut. And he should have take off for second base. So the Giants miss an opportunity there to move up 90 feet.

Miller: Here’s Pedro Feliz. And that’s a base hit to right center field, and that would have easily been a run had Lewis gotten himself to second, and Lewis will stop at third. And Lewis, he’s got great speed, but he’s still learning the art of base running.

Kruk: Two outs, you’re going out on any hit, and it’s just easy to get a great jump, and as you can see, it would have been a great score, and as Jon said had been able to move up 90 feet on that bad throw from Pierre.

Miller: Lewis at third, Feliz at first, and Alfonzo is the eighth batter of the inning. A high stress inning for Billingsley. A sharp breaking ball for a strike. The 29th pitch thrown by Billingsley in this inning. Giants have three runs home, Billingsley walked two in the inning, and the Giants have three hits, and that’s a fast ball inside. A ball and a strike. One thing that was a trait we had seen from Billingsley, really, I thing every time the Giants have ever seen him. He’s a strike throwing machine, ahead of the hitters, and every pitch almost knee-high. So he had not have that sharpness tonight. Wow! Alfonzo, helped him considerably right there.

Krukow: Yeah, I think he’s just setting him up though. (Jon Miller laughs) The whole idea looked really bad on one swing, built his confidence up and maybe he’ll make a mistake at the location.

Miller: I got him right where I want him. 1-2 the count. (pause) And breaking for second is Feliz, and he’ll make it. So now two runners at scoring position, the count 2-2, to Alfonzo. Now if you’re the manager for the Dodgers, as we take another look at the block here by Martin (replay)

Krukow: Ball hit him high in the chest, and that’s real good read from Pedro Feliz.

Miller: If you’re the manager for the Dodgers, even though you got two strikes on him, why not just walk him, and then face the pitcher, and then just let the struggling right hander get out of the inning, for the more easily.

Krukow: I think that’s a good point. I think if it had been a more normal game, where something was on the line, they would do that, well, right now, you’re saying, “Let’s see what my kid can do out there.”

Miller: This will be his 33rd pitch of the inning. Lewis at third, Feliz at first. (Laughs) That was a lot closer than the other one he swung at.

Krukow: (Laughs) You talk about a spectrum of strike zone (Jon laughs). He swung him one that was about ear high on that last longer, now this was how high was that, ear high? Maybe a little lower, but I bet it was shoe top high, so that’s what we call expanding the zone with the pitcher on deck.

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Miller: I think it was the upper limits of the ears, and back up there again. And Alfonzo walks away from the plate asking the umpire, “Wait, was that a strike?” (Both laugh)

Bottom of the first inning

Miller: (Juan Pierre) Have missed all of the next season after undergoing left shoulder surgery. And that’s a call strike 2-1 to Juan Pierre

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