Jonathan Edwards on the Freedom and the Will Richmond H. Thomason
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Parte Seconda Bibliotheca Collinsiana, Seu Catalogus Librorum Antonji Collins Armigeri Ordine Alphabetico Digestus
Parte seconda Bibliotheca Collinsiana, seu Catalogus Librorum Antonji Collins Armigeri ordine alphabetico digestus Avvertenza La biblioteca non è solo il luogo della tua memoria, dove conservi quel che hai letto, ma il luogo della memoria universale, dove un giorno, nel momento fata- le, potrai trovare quello che altri hanno letto prima di te. Umberto Eco, La memoria vegetale e altri scritti di bibliografia, Milano, Rovello, 2006 Si propone qui un’edizione del catalogo manoscritto della collezione libra- ria di Anthony Collins,1 la cui prima compilazione egli completò nel 1720.2 Nei nove anni successivi tuttavia Collins ampliò enormemente la sua biblioteca, sin quasi a raddoppiarne il numero delle opere. Annotò i nuovi titoli sulle pagine pari del suo catalogo che aveva accortamente riservato a successive integrazio- ni. Dispose le nuove inserzioni in corrispondenza degli autori già schedati, attento a preservare il più possibile l’ordine alfabetico. Questo tuttavia è talora impreciso e discontinuo.3 Le inesattezze, che ricorrono più frequentemente fra i titoli di inclusione più tarda, devono imputarsi alla difficoltà crescente di annotare nel giusto ordine le ingenti e continue acquisizioni. Sono altresì rico- noscibili abrasioni e cancellature ed in alcuni casi, forse per esigenze di spazio, oppure per sostituire i titoli espunti, i lemmi della prima stesura sono frammez- zati da titoli pubblicati in date successive al 1720.4 In appendice al catalogo, due liste confuse di titoli, per la più parte anonimi, si svolgono l’una nelle pagi- ne dispari e l’altra in quelle pari del volume.5 Agli anonimi seguono sparsi altri 1 Sono molto grato a Francesca Gallori e Barbara Maria Graf per aver contribuito alla revi- sione della mia trascrizione con dedizione e generosità. -
Free Will an Extensive Bibliography
Nicholas Rescher Free Will An Extensive Bibliography Nicholas Rescher Free Will An Extensive Bibliography With the Collaboration of Estelle Burris Bibliographic information published by Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliographie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.ddb.de North and South America by Transaction Books Rutgers University Piscataway, NJ 08854-8042 [email protected] United Kingdom, Eire, Iceland, Turkey, Malta, Portugal by Gazelle Books Services Limited White Cross Mills Hightown LANCASTER, LA1 4XS [email protected] Livraison pour la France et la Belgique: Librairie Philosophique J.Vrin 6, place de la Sorbonne; F-75005 PARIS Tel. +33 (0)1 43 54 03 47; Fax +33 (0)1 43 54 48 18 www.vrin.fr 2010 ontos verlag P.O. Box 15 41, D-63133 Heusenstamm www.ontosverlag.com ISBN 978-3-86838-058-3 2010 No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in retrieval systems or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording or otherwise without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use of the purchaser of the work Printed on acid-free paper FSC-certified (Forest Stewardship Council) This hardcover binding meets the International Library standard Printed in Germany by buch bücher dd ag Free Will Bibliography Contents Introduction i Bibliography 1 FREE WILL BIBLIOGRAPHY INTRODUCTION “While the concept of free will is a favored theme of philosophical deliberation, there nevertheless here enters a one-sidedness, unclarity, and confusion as though a mass of a hundred speakers in a hundred languages were disputing simultaneously, each being absolutely convinced that he alone is altogether clear on the matter and that all the rest are uncomprehending ignoramuses.” —Eduard von Hartmann, The Phenomenology of Moral Consciousness (Berlin, C. -
Mauro Pesce the Beginning of Historical Research on Jesus in The
Mauro Pesce University of Bologna [email protected] Tel +39 349 576 44 50 The Beginning of Historical Research on Jesus in the Modern Age 1. New Understandings of the Historical Figure of Jesus in Modern Age Is generally affirmed that the history of the research on the historical Jesus begins with H.S.Reimarus on the influence of Deism and Enlightenment (an idea that rests on a book published more than a century ago by A. Schweitzer1) and that is characterized by a series of phases or stages that culminate in the “last quest”. The aim of these pages is to present a critique of both these opinions. In fact, the tentative to reconstruct an image of Jesus independently from the theological interpretations of the Churches is already attested at the beginnings of the fifteenth century. Secondly, the history of the research must be understood not in the frame of a linear historical evolution that proceeds by subsequent phases, but in the light of a social history that takes into considerations the constant conflicting attitudes of different coexisting intellectual and academic institutions of Modern Age: Catholic theological Faculties, Protestant theological Faculties, and independent academic institutions and scholars. The first condition that made it possible a new historical research on Jesus was humanism which emphasized reading texts in the original language and which, starting at the beginning of the fourteenth century, influenced biblical research by bringing in a new understanding of early Christian concepts (for example metanoia versus poenitentia) in light of the Jewish and Greek cultures in which they were produced. -
Checklist of Thomas Hollis's Gifts to the Harvard College Library.Pdf
Checklist of Thomas Hollis’s gifts to the Harvard College Library The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Bond, William H. 2010. Checklist of Thomas Hollis’s gifts to the Harvard College Library. Harvard Library Bulletin 19 (1-2), Spring/ Summer 2008: 34-205. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:42669145 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Figure 3. Bibliotheca Literaria (London, 1722-1724). On the front fyleaf of a book given in 1767, TH provides a modest overview of his gifs on diferent subjects. See Introduction, pp. 22-23, and Checklist, p. 49. *EC75.H7267.Zz722b 23 cm. Checklist of Tomas Hollis’s Gifs to the Harvard College Library A Abbati Olivieri-Giordani, Annibale degli, 1708-1789. Marmora Pisaurensia (Pesaro, 1738). Inv.4.2; 2.3.2.12; C7 <641212?, h> f *IC7.Ab196.738m Abela, Giovanfrancesco, 1582-1655. ‡Della descrittione di Malta . libri quattro (Malta, 1647). 4.3.4.18; C48 <nd, v> On fyleaf: “Te ever-warring, lounging Maltese!” On half title: “Libro raro T·H.” f *EC75.H7267.Zz647a Abu al-Faraj, see Bar Hebraeus, Specimen historiae Arabum Académie des jeux floraux (France). Receuil de plusieurs pièces d’éloquence (Toulouse, [n.d.]). Inv.4.110; 2.2.7.15; not in C <641212?> Original Hollis gif not located. -
Governs the Making of Photocopies Or Other Reproductions of Copyrighted Materials
Warning Concerning Copyright Restrictions The Copyright Law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted materials. Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that the photocopy or reproduction is not to be used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research. If electronic transmission of reserve material is used for purposes in excess of what constitutes "fair use," that user may be liable for copyright infringement. Proceedings of The First Munster Symposium on Jonathan Swift Edited by Hermann J. Real and Heinz J. Vienken 1985 Wilhelm Fink Verlag Miinchen Clive T. Probyn Monash University, Clayton, Victoria "Haranguing upon Texts": Swift and the Idea of the Book ABSTRACT. The quotation in the title is taken from Anthony Collins's Discourse ofFree-Thinking (1713), cited by Swift in his Abslract ofMr. C --- - ns '5 Discourse of Free-Thinking (I7 13), the two together offering an example of Swift's parodic method. This paper examines the "refunctioning" of the model text by Swift and suggests that the Collins text, though not producing one of Swift's most energetic and imaginative parodies, nevertheless posed radical questions about the nature of textual authority which deeply perplexed Swift. Specifically, Collins seems to sabotage the notion of priestly authority in matters of biblical exegesis, stressing the individual reader's right to generate his own meanings. Having previously attacked such notions in A Tale of a Tub, Swift sensed in Collins's Discourse the full horror of the Bible itself becoming uncanonical and spiritual authority replaced by anarchy. -
Watson-The Rise of Pilo-Semitism
The Rise of Philo-Semitism and Premillenialism during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries By William C. Watson, Colorado Christian University Let me therefore beg of thee not to trust to the opinion of any man… But search the scriptures thyself… understanding the sacred prophecies and the danger of neglecting them is very great and the obligation to study them is as great may appear by considering the case of the Jews at the coming of Christ. For the rules whereby they were to know their Messiah were the prophecies of the old Testament… It was the ignorance of the Jews in these Prophecies which caused them to reject their Messiah… If it was their duty to search diligently into those Prophecies: why should we not think that the Prophecies which concern the latter times into which we have fallen were in like manner intended for our use that in the midst of Apostasies we might be able to discern the truth and be established in the faith…it is also our duty to search with all diligence into these Prophecies. If God was so angry with the Jews for not searching more diligently into the Prophecies which he had given them to know Christ by: why should we think he will excuse us for not searching into the Prophecies which he had given us to know Antichrist by? … They will call you a Bigot, a Fanatic, a Heretic, and tell thee of the uncertainty of these interpretations [but] greater judgments hang over the Christians for their remises than ever the Jews felt. -
Was Calvin a Calvinist? Or, Did Calvin (Or Anyone Else in the Early Modern Era) Plant the “TULIP”?
Was Calvin a Calvinist? Or, Did Calvin (or Anyone Else in the Early Modern Era) Plant the “TULIP”? Richard A. Muller Abstract: Answering the perennial question, “Was Calvin a Calvinist?,” is a rather complicated matter, given that the question itself is grounded in a series of modern misconceptions concerning the relationship of the Reformation to post-Reformation orthodoxy. The lecture examines issues lurking behind the question and works through some ways of understanding the continuities, discontinuities, and developments that took place in Reformed thought on such topics as the divine decrees, predestination, and so-called limited atonement, with specific attention to the place of Calvin in the Reformed tradition of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. I. Defining the Question: Varied Understandings of “Calvinism” Leaving aside for a moment the famous “TULIP,” the basic question, “Was Calvin a Calvinist?,” taken as it stands, without further qualification, can be answered quite simply: Yes … No … Maybe ... all depending on how one understands the question. The answer must be mixed or indefinite because question itself poses a significant series of problems. There are in fact several different understandings of the terms “Calvinist” and “Calvinism” that determine in part how one answers the question or, indeed, what one intends by asking the question in the first place. “Calvinist” has been used as a descriptor of Calvin’s own position on a particular point, perhaps most typically of Calvin’s doctrine of predestination. It has been used as a term for followers of Calvin — and it has been used as a term for the theology of the Reformed tradition in general. -
Bibliography
BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbott, Edwin A., The Kernel and the Husk: Letters on Spiritual Christianity, by the Author of “Philochristus” and “Onesimus”, London: Macmillan, 1886. Adams, Dickenson W. (ed.), The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (Second Series): Jefferson’s Extracts from the Gospels, Ruth W. Lester (Assistant ed.), Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983. Addis, Cameron, Jefferson’s Vision for Education, 1760–1845, New York: Peter Lang, 2003. Adorno, Theodore W., and Max Horkheimer, Dialectic of Enlightenment, John Cumming (trans.), London: Allen Lane, 1973. Agrippa, Heinrich Cornelius, The Vanity of the Arts and Sciences, London: Printed by R. E. for R. B. and Are to Be Sold by C. Blount, 1684. Albertan-Coppola, Sylviane, ‘Apologetics’, in Catherine Porter (trans.), Alan Charles Kors (ed.), The Encyclopedia of the Enlightenment (vol. 1 of 4), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, pp. 58–63. Alexander, Gerhard (ed.), Apologie oder Schutzschrift für die vernünfti- gen Verehrer Gottes/Hermann Samuel Reimarus (2 vols.), im Auftrag der Joachim-Jungius-Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften in Hamburg, Frankfurt: Insel, 1972. ———, Auktionskatalog der Bibliothek von Hermann Samuel Reimarus: alphabe- tisches Register, Hamburg: Joachim-Jungius-Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, 1980. Alexander, H. G. (ed.), The Leibniz-Clarke Correspondence: Together with Extracts from Newton’s “Principia” and “Opticks”, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1956. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 375 J. C. P. Birch, Jesus in an Age of Enlightenment, Christianities in the Trans-Atlantic World, https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51276-5 376 BIBLIOGRAPHY Allegro, John M., The Sacred Mushroom and the Cross: A Study of the Nature and Origins of Christianity Within the Fertility Cults of the Ancient Near East, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1970. -
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY of AMERICA the Providential Nature
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA The Providential Nature of Politics in the Thought of Jonathan Edwards A DISSERTATION Submitted to the Faculty of the Department of Politics School of Arts and Sciences Of The Catholic University of America In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree Doctor of Philosophy © Copyright All Rights Reserved By Coyle B. Neal Washington, D.C. 2012 The Providential Nature of Politics in the Thought of Jonathan Edwards Coyle Neal, Ph.D. Director: Claes Ryn, Ph.D. Despite the obvious importance of Jonathan Edwards in American history, scholars have largely ignored his relevance for political thought. To ignore him is to miss a critical component in early American political philosophy and to have a skewed understanding of the subsequent history of revivals and revivalism that have shaped religion, politics, and philosophy in America. This dissertation addresses this oversight. It situates Edwards among American political thinkers and shows him to be an important piece in the American political tradition. This dissertation argues that for Jonathan Edwards politics is deeply historical in nature. He has a strong historical sense that is indistinguishable from his notion of Providence. The dissertation concludes that—in line with his theology, ethics, aesthetics, and metaphysics—the political philosophy of Jonathan Edwards is fundamentally historical and more akin to that of Burke, Hegel, Adams and other “conservative” thinkers than it is to Rousseau, Paine, and other revolutionary thinkers. The dissertation examines Edwards’ own writings as well as important secondary sources and interpretations of his work. It uses a traditional hermeneutical technique to systematize his social and political ideas and to draw out implications for political thought from his ostensibly non-political theological and philosophical writings. -
The Impact of Deism on the Hebrew Literature of the Enlightenment In
The Impactof Deism on theHebrew Literature ofthe Enlightenment in Germany MOSHE PELLI THE EUROPEAN ENLIGHTENMENT was not in essence atheistic,' nor was it irreligious,2though manifestationsof free thought, atheism,and materialismwere an integralpart of it. Its mostcharac- teristicreligious expression is deism,considered by some scholars to be "thereligion of theEnlightenment."3 It was deismthat devel- oped and crystallizedthe idea of naturalreligion, whose architects had been JohnSelden (1584-1654) and Hugo Grotius (1583- 1645). Deism attacheda new, universaldimension to religion,and was one ofthe decisive factors in theweakening of orthodox religious valuesin Europe as wellas in theweakening of the Christian church. A studyof thedeistic movement in England,France, and Germany revealsthat it is notto be regardedas havingone, unified, homogene- ous Weltanschauung.Nevertheless, one has to resortto generalizing in orderto presentthe attitudeof the European Enlightenmentto- ward religion-religionin general,and the Christianreligion in particular-as expressedin one of the most influentialand most notablemovements in European thoughtduring the latterpart of the seventeenthcentury and the eighteenthcentury; the impactof thismovement on theHebrew Enlightenment in Germanyis noticed onlyin thelate eighteenthand the earliernineteenth centuries. Unlikethe Renaissance, which attempted to understandreligious dogma,and to interpretit in a humanisticfashion, European En- 1 Paul Hazard, European Thought in the EighteenthCentury (New York, 1963), p. 129. 2 Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenntent(Boston, 1965), pp. 135- 36. Of the same opinionis HerbertDieckmann in "Themesand Structureof the Enlightenment,"Essays in Comparative Literature (St. Louis, 1961), pp. 67 ff. 3 John Hibben, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment(New York, 1910), p.272. See also Arthur0. Lovejoy,"The Parallelof Deism and Classicism,"Essays in the History of Ideas (Baltimore, 1948), p. -
The Philosophical Context of Hermann Samuel Reimarus’ Radical Bible Criticism
THE PHILOSOPHICAL CONTEXT OF HERMANN SAMUEL REIMARUS’ RADICAL BIBLE CRITICISM Jonathan Israel Hermann Samuel Reimarus (1694–1768), philologist, Bible critic, and phi- losopher, was in no doubt himself as to the severity of his philologico- philosophical assault on the Christian religion. At one point he suggests that Celsus and Porphyry themselves could scarcely have sharpened it any further;1 and even more acerbic was his attack on the Jewish legacy to humanity. While it is true that in the early sections of his Apologie Reimarus recounts his estrangement from Christianity, and Christianity’s inheritance from the Jews, as a gradual process of doubt and questioning, driven principally by textual and philological concerns, it is equally true that in the later stages of his intellectual evolution he built his general outlook around what he saw as an all-encompassing and surpassing prin- ciple of ‘reason’. ‘Reason’ he holds aloft and extols, but also very closely entwines with what he sees as the general progress of philosophy in the history of the world. In a remarkable passage in which he asserts that philosophy bequeathed more to the development of the Christian religion than the latter ever gave to philosophy, he contends that the history of religion proves beyond all doubt the indispensability of philosophy to the progress of morality and indeed religion itself. ‘Die Lehre von der Einheit Gottes’, he points out, by way of example, ‘und dessen Anbetung ohne Bilder, welche Moses aus der geheimen Weissheit der Egyptischen Priester mitgebracht hatte, aber ohne vernünftige Gründe bloss als ein Gebot vortrug, hatte bey den Israel- iten nicht eher Eingang, als bis sie in der Gefangenschaft mit vernünftigen Heyden umgegangen waren.’2 But what kind of philosophy did Reimarus embrace? Philosophically, he was undoubtedly something of a hybrid fijigure, with one foot, or part of a foot, in the Radical Enlightenment, and the other, or one and a half feet, in the moderate Enlightenment. -
And Hume's "Guide of Life" Paul Russell
Butler's "Future State" and Hume's "Guide of Life" Paul Russell Journal of the History of Philosophy, Volume 42, Number 4, October 2004, pp. 425-448 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/hph.2004.0075 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/173515 Access provided by The University of British Columbia Library (27 Aug 2018 06:30 GMT) BUTLER’ S “FUTURE STATE” AND HUME’ S “GUIDE OF LIFE” 425 Butler’s “Future State” and Hume’s “Guide of Life” P AUL RUSSELL* But it must be allowed just, to . argue from such facts as are known, to others that are like them; from that part of the Divine government over intelligent creatures which comes under our view, to that larger and more general government over them which is beyond it; and from what is present, to collect, what is likely, credible, or not incredible, will be hereafter. Joseph Butler, The Analogy of Religion Tis not, therefore, reason, which is the guide of life, but custom. That alone determines the mind, in all instances, to suppose the future conformable to the past. David Hume, An Abstract of A Treatise of Human Nature IT IS WIDELY HELD THAT ALTHOUGH Hume addressed problems of religion in his later philosophical writings, his Treatise has little substantial or direct concern with these problems, much less anything of a systematic character on this subject.1 This gen- eral claim is taken to include Hume’s famous discussion of probability and induc- tion. In this paper I argue, contrary to this view, that Hume’s contribution to this subject, as originally presented in Book One of the Treatise, is significantly moti- vated by irreligious objectives.