In Search of Soapstone

Home , Soapstone

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

IN SEARCH OF SOAPSTONE

A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in

Anthropology

Gwendolyn Roxanne Romani

May, 1982 The Thesis of Gwendolyn Roxanne Romani is approved:

Dr. Ke1'-/ th }lorton;

California State University, Northridge

ii DEDICATION

This thesis is lovingly dedicated to John,

Dan, The Hoot, T 'n T, and of course, Huya.

iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank all the individuals who contri buted to this thesis. My deepest thanks go to John Romani and Dan Larson, who were the primary contributors and editors. Also, a very special thanks goes to Bob-Wlodarski for sharing his valuable knowledge of Catalina and soap stone. I am also ·endebted to the conversations, informa tion and help I received from the following people: Arlene

Benson, Dr. Thomas Blackburn, Alan Corbin, Thorn Davis, Bob

Edberg, John Foster, Dr. Jay Frierrnan, Roberta Greenwood,

Dr. Travis Hudson, Chester King, Nelson Leonard III, Chris

Martinez, Mike Mcintyre, Breck Parkman, Leslie Schupp

Wessel, Clay Singer, Joel Tepp and Rick Wessel. Further thanks go to Doug Probst of the Catalina Island Conservancy,

Mr. Stanton and Lyndal Laughrin for access to the islands of Catalina and Santa Cruz, respectively, Dr. Charles

Rozaire and Andy Christenson for letting me "wonder" around the artifact collections at·the County Museum of

Natural History and UCLA, and Dr. Peter Weigand who assisted John and me with the geochemical analysis. And finally, but not least, Devin Thor, as one of my editors,

Marybeth Gerin, who devised the map and helped edit, Jo Ann

Thor, Jan Hawthorne, and Morn and Dad for their support and understanding when I needed it.

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page DEDICATION . . . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv

ABSTRACT viii Chapter

1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE STUDY 1

INTRODUCTION ...... 1 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK . . 2

INTRODUCTION .•.•••.•. 2 GENERAL THEORETICAL CONCEPTS . 4 SPECIFIC THEORETICAL CONCEPTS 7

Aspects of Distribution . . 8 Definitions of the Aspects of Distribution . . . . . 10

SPECIALIZED UNITS OF PRODUCTION 14

Discussion ...... 14 Examples of Specialized Labor Units ...... 15 Definitions of Specific Types of Organization ...... 17

DISCUSSION AND PROCESS 23

2 ANALYSIS OF "SOAPSTONE": THE ROCK 25

INTRODUCTION ...... 25 DEFINITION OF SOAPSTONE 26 ' MINERALOGY OF SOAPSTONE . 29 GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF SOAPSTONE DEPOSITS . . . . 31 GEOCHEMICAL ANALYSIS OF SOAPSTONE . . . . 32

3 ETHNOGRAPHIC~ ETHNOHISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND INFORMATION · · · 36

v I '

Chapter Page

INTRODUCTION 36 ETHNOGRAPHIC AND ETHNOHISTORICAL DATA 37

CHUMASH . 37

Geographical Territory .•..... 37 Language . . . . . • 39 Social Organization ...... 40 Exchange . 49

GABRIELINOS 57

Territory ...... •.... 57 Language ...... • 57 Social Organization . . . . . • 58 Exchange ...... 61

CHUMASH AND GABRIELINO RELIGION 64

ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND INFORMATION 71

INTRODUCTION • . . . . • • •• 71 STANDARD CHRONOLOGY • . .•.••. 72 REVISED CHRONOLOGY . . . . •. 74 ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXAMPLES OF CHUMASH CRAFT SPECIALIZATION ••.. 77

SUMMARY AND SYNTHESIS OF THE DATA 79

4 CHUMASH EXAMPLES OF SPECIALIZED LABOR UNITS ...... 85

INTRODUCTION ...... 85 BROTHERHOOD-OF-THE-TOMOL 88

Types of Water Crafts . . . 88 TomoZ Ownership ...... 90 TomoZ Builders • ...... • 91 Assistants . . • . . . . . • . . . • 92 Aspects of Internal Organization . . 93

SINEW-BACKED BOW "GUILD" . 96

Types of Bows ...... 96, Sinew-Backed Bow Ownership . . . • . 97 Sinew-Backed Bow Makers . • . . 98 Assistants ...... 98 Aspects of Internal Organization . . 99

SUMMARY OF THE DATA 100

vi p .

Chapter Page 5 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON MICACEOUS- SOAPSTONE PRODUCTS ...... 103

INTRODUCTION . . . 103 SANTA CATALINA ISLAND 103

CHRONOLOGY •• 105

GABRIELINO: PALOS VERDES PENINSULA 107

CHRONOLOGY • • 107

MAINLAND CHRONOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS . 108 MANUFACTURE OF MICACEOUS SOAPSTONE . . . . 109 EXCHANGE OF MICACEOUS SOAPSTONE PRODUCTS ...... 115 DISTRIBUTION OF MICACEOUS SOAPSTONE PRODUCTS ...... • ...... 118 USE OF MICACEOUS SOAPSTONE PRODUCTS . . . . 121 SUMMARY OF THE DATA ...... 125

6 ANALYSIS AND FURTHER RESEARCH 129

INTRODUCTION . . • . . . . 129 PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS . . . 130 PROGRAM FOR FURTHER RESEARCH 139

REFERENCES 143 APPENDIX

A DEFINITION OF ARTIFACT TYPES . . . 159

B DISTRIBUTION OF SOAPSTONE OUTCROPS • 163

vii ABSTRACT

IN SEARCH OF SOAPSTONE by

Gwendolyn Roxanne Romani

Master of Arts in Anthropology

This study synthesizes the known ethnographic, ethno historical and archaeological data regarding micaceous soapstone production and distribution, and presents a theoretical framework by which this data can best be under stood. The theoretical framework is derived from a struc tural marxist approach. This framework is applied towards an analysis of the least known aspects surrounding micace ous soapstone products--the social units of labor and the relations of production--that governed the manufacture and distribution of these commodities in the Late and Historic

Periods of the Churnash and Gabrielino, and its development from the Early Period. As a result of this initial investigation, a research program is outlined by which a number of social variables can be tested through future studies.

viii Chapter 1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE STUDY

INTRODUCTION

Manufactured micaceous soapstone products were extremely important commodities within the prehistoric and historic economic structures of the Gabrielino and Chumash societies of coastal southern California. The most char acteristic products made from this type of stone included cooking and/or storage implements such as bowls, ollas and comals. The nature and properties of the stone allowed it to be adopted as a valuable resource since, (1) it is soft and easily modified into various forms, (2) the deposit outcrops are massive and non-foliated in structure and are conducive to the extraction of various-sized, pre-formed objects, (3) it is tolerant to direct heat and exposure and actually hardens from dehydration, and (4) it is easily modified into new forms if broken.

On the basis of evidence from geological and archaeo logical reports within the study area, micaceous soapstone seems to be a unique lithic resource available only on

Santa Catalina Island. While there are two unconfirmed locations of this stone that are said to exist on the Palos

Verdes Peninsula (Butler 1974:23) and known outcrops/

1 2 quarries in San Diego County (Leonard 1979, 1981; Parkman

1981; Parkman et al. 1981), there is no evidence to indi cate that these sources were significantly utilized for products distributed within the Chumash, Gabrielino and closely adjacent areas. Therefore the Catalina inhabitants were probably the major, if not the sole, producers of micaceous soapstone products for the study region.

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

The technological processes involved in the appropria tion of the raw micaceous soapstone and its manufacture into vessel forms are fairly well documented. It is the actual social organization of the labor unit(s), their relations to the consumer populations and the intermediary social entities participating and/or controlling the exchange and distribution of the products that are the least understood. The purpose of this thesis is to explore the social variables related to micaceous soapstone produc tion and distribution by using the available data in con

junction with specific theoretical concepts derived from a structural marxist theoretical framework.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

INTRODUCTION

Providing a theoretical framework for an analysis is prerequisite for any study and "ultimately must depend upon one's assessment of its utility for the problem at 3

hand" (Kohl 1978:407). The particular problem revolves

around the social organization for the production and dis

tribution of micaceous soapstone products within the

Gabrielino and Chumash cultural spheres. Most empirical

analyses do not delineate or account for the social pro

cesses leading towards such a development or in understand

ing the subtle aspects of its form at any given time

period; however, a structural marxist approach focuses on

the understanding of such problems and processes. In doing so, it involves the underlying dynamics of cultural change

from an internal perspective of a society's structure and must focus on the "conditions of production and reproduc

tion in material life" (Godelier 1978a:50). Unlike other

theoretical models, structural marxism transcends "the

false dichotomy between synchrony and diachrony by making

the object of analysis the system of social reproduction"

(Friedman 1975:162), which cannot be divorced from time.

The links between a society's functioning structures, as well as the techno-environmental conditions, must be analyzed in order to understand the overall social forma

tion. It is from the various internal reproductive proper

ties of the structures that transformation will occur (Friedman 1975:163).

The intent of this study is not to completely recon struct the social formations of the Chumash and Gabrielinos or to define the modes of production. The particular con cern of this study focuses on the manufacture of micaceous 4 soapstone vessels and the investigation of their role in aboriginal society from a diachronic and synchronic perspective during the Historic Period. The completion of such a study should provide additional information on social relations and contribute to the general understanding of the Chumash and Gabrielino social formations. The following section defines and summarizes some of the important concepts of structural marxism as used in this study.

These concep~s primarily relate to the functions and significance of the relationships between the various structures of society.

GENERAL THEORETICAL CONCEPTS

The following are definitions of the various functioning categorical levels used in structural marxist analyses for interpreting social formations (Friedman 1974:

162; Godelier 1978b:763). This is not a hierarchical ordering, but a group of functional distinctions that "~e integrated in a single structure of reproduction. "

(Friedmen 1975:163).

1. Means of Production of Existence - the specific environment and its condition from which a society extracts its material means of existence, i.e., tools and resources. 2. Forces of Production - the social knowledge and the material/technological means or different labor processes used by a society to extract from nature that which is necessary for existence.

3. Social Relations of Production - are those which dominate and determine the access to resources and control the means of production, organize 5

the labor forces along various lines of produc tion from the material base, and control the dis tribution of the products; this, in essence, can be summarized as the ideological economic rationality or structure governing production and reproduction.

4. Infrastructure is the economic base of the productive forces which is the society's ability to produce and reproduce the material conditions necessary for life--the mode of production (although there may be several in operation, only one is dominant). Principles l, 2, and 3 are subdivisions of the infrastructure.

5. Superstructure - is the reflection of the infra structure by means of its ideological representa tions of the reproductive forces in the forms of politics, kinship, religion, art and/or science. (Principles 4 and 5 are not to be perceived as distinct institutions, but concepts of a "distinc tion between different functions within a single institution" (Godelier l978b:764).

A basic goal of this theoretical orientation is the determination of what functions as the relations of production and why. Godelier's (l978a:36) strict formulation of the problem states:

Under what circumstances and for what reasons does a certain factor assume the functions of relations of production and does it control the reproduction of these relations and, as a result, social relations in their entirety? The concept of relations of production has a general determining affect on the organization of a society, by determining the dominance of a social element and through that, society's general organization (Godelier l978a:36).

This means that a social factor such as kinship, politics or religion, integrates society only "if it assumes within itself, several distinct functions, linked with each other by some kind of hierarchy. " (Godelier l978a:35). 6

These functions would consist of:

1. Dominating the control of social access to the material means of production of existence. 2. Organizing the labor forces along various lines of production from the material base.

3. Organizing the distribution networks for the products, their exchange value, surplus value, quality and quantity.

These infrastructural aspects are controlled under the guise of authority and social sanctions which can be summarized as the ideological, economic rationality identified in the superstructure (Godelier 1978a:24, 1978b:763). Such a combination constitutes the social formation in an historically specific way, as a "mode of production" was an historically specific infrastructure for Marx (Friedman

1974:446). It is thus necessary to determine the causality and compatibility of the functions within all structural aspects of a society and what changes occur through modifi- cations and why. To understand the dynamics of a social formation, the infrastructural and interstructural contradictions must be analyzed (Godelier 1974:68, 1978a:51-53; Friedman 1974:

447-449). It is at this point that the true link between structuralism and marxism is apparent. Structures and their relations at stasis and their potential or dynamic need to be analyzed.

Structural marxism, unlike vulgar materialism, begins with the assumption of disjunction between structures in order to establish the true relationships that unite them as well as the internal laws of the separate structures 7

which cause the contradictions of the larger whole (Friedman 1974:406).

Within and between structures, are sets of rules and limitations which function in a relative autonomy. These rules or properties act as internal constraints, or contradictions when defined as the "limit of functional compatibility between structures" (Friedman 1974:448). They delimit both the functional compatibility and stress points which can cause disjunction and ultimate change. In Marx's view of capitalism, it was the excessive stress beyond existent constraints between the structures of the forces and the relations of production that caused change, because the latter establishes the dominant limits that acted upon a society as a whole (Friedman 1974:448). Furthermore, it is the analysis of a specific environment(s) and the organization of the forces of production by the dominant relations of production that characterize the mode of production from which ultimately the particular rules, constraints, and contradictions are generated and change may be observed.

SPECIFIC THEORETICAL CONCEPTS

Given the nature of archaeological data, which consists primarily of the imperishable material manifestations of a society, certain gaps in the overall record must be assumed. This includes such aspects as a working knowledge of various kinship relations or specific social mechanisms involved in exchange transactions, of which both are 8 important in a thorough structural marxist analysis. How- ever, the archaeological study of technological processes by means of various tools, the manifestations produced by tools, the contextual associations within and between sites, environmental conditions and the patterning of such data can lead towards an understanding of how people used and distributed their material remains. Such data incorporated with available ethnohistorical information and a theoretical framework defining social relationships, further enhances the analyses of reconstructing the means and techniques of the social forms of labor. This can be accomplished by "measuring the stages of the worker's development and exposing the social relations within which he works" (Leroi-Gourhan 1971 in Godelier 1980:260).

Archaeologists such as Kohl (1975, 1978) and Lamberg-

Karlovsky (1975) have proposed in view of this "It is perhaps time to establish conceptions and models that address themselves to the internal structure and logic of the archaeological data and develop categories consistent with the integrity of those data" (Lamberg-Karlovsky 1975:

343) •

Aspects of Distribution

The analysis proceeds by creating certain synthetic divisions of the data; however, " . it remains essential to recognize such divisions for what they are: abstractions . from the social or cultural whole" (Kohl 1975:46). To 9

assert that the exchange of materials, such as soapstone

products, occurred among and between the Gabrielinos and

Chumash indicates little about the product or the develop-

ment, maintenance and transformation of cultural structures

that would enable such an exchange to occur. Utilizing a

structural marxist approach, one has to conceptualize that

surrounding the "trading" act itself, were the socially organized aspects of resource exploitation, production,

exchange, distribution, and consumption as a single working

entity.

. to separate the economics of trade from their social setting is false and illusory. By definition, an economic subsystem is intimately associated with relations of production, which always have a social character (Kohl 1975:45).

As stated by Marx (Kohl 1975:45):

The result we arrive at is not that production, distribution, exchange and consumption are identical, but that they are all members of one entity, different aspects of one unit. Produc tion predominates not only over production itself in the opposite sense of that term, but over the other elements as well. With production, the process constantly starts over again. The inclusion of all these factors is necessary for a

product to be produced as a circulatory commodity that has value for some form of social exchange (Kohl 1975:45;

Godelier 1978a:l28, 152). In addition, the function(s) of

the item as a commodity needs to be identified within the

contexts of (1) resource availability, (2) production,

(3) exchange, (4) possession by a consumer and/or (5) its

final disposition. It is thus necessary to examine and

operationalize the functioning aspects of this "entity." 10

Definitions of the Aspects of Distribution Resource Acquisition. The process of resource acquisition is a combination of human relationships and the relationship between humans and nature (Godelier 1980:259).

The human relationships define who and when people have access to a resource and how it will be dealt with after its acquisition. The activity can be performed as either an individual or collectively cooperative functional effort. The division of labor depends on the extent and complexity of the work and is determined by the social relations of production. The proper performance and/or timing of the activity may also involve specific knowledge that is trans mitted by social relationships. The relationship between humans and nature exists in the sense that it is from nature that the objects or·means of labor, or resources, are acquired. Furthermore, the means of labor for extrac tion, such as the various types of tools used in the pro cess, may be obtained from nature.

Production. This activity is again a relationship between humans and between nature. It constitutes the forces of production in general and when broken down into specific work activities, they are production units, and are either a direct or indirect extension of the resource acquisition process. This process combines the efforts of humans as labor units, either individually or collectively, that are applied to the transformation of the object of labor, or resource. The transformation process is 11 performed by the given technology of a society, or use of certain tools, that act upon a material to conform to a specific goal. The activity of production can consist of common knowledge, or special knowledge that is restricted to particular population segments through defined sets of rules. Furthermore, the object of production/manufacture has a social value, whether it consists of personal and/or family use, gift giving or "commercial" exchange value.·

Various production units constitute the different forms of the social divisions of labor, and when combined, constitute the mode(s) of production for a specific society

(Godelier 1980:259).

Exchange. This is the relationship between humans, nature and the social values embodied in objects of exchange. Godelier (1978a:l28-129) has postulated a frequent "dual nature" for objects of value in pre-industrial societies that are used for exchange: ( 1) as s~_<::.-i:Cl:_~!Y useful commodities to be "commercially" bartered for, or obtained by the use of standardized currency, as exports and imports between groups (but the commodity does not necessarily function as money), and (2) as social prestige items when circulated within a group through gift giving or other forms of distribution, that can function to create, strengthen, or heal social relationships, or to be displayed as symbols of prestige or historical significance.

The type of exchange that occurs (whether peacefully through reciprocity, redistribution, market exchange, or 12 through violent means) will depend on the social relation ships of the participants.

Distribution. As an extension of the exchange pro cess, distribution is the relationship between humans and nature. The human relationships involve the participants of the exchange. The social relations of production determine the frequency of the transactions, whether occasional or on a regulated basis and whether it involves specialized or non-specialized trad~rs, and if it is a direct or indirect transaction (such as in the context of a centralized trade center or household exchange) . The relationship with nature as incorporated with social rules and means, also affects the timing (e.g., season) of the transaction, the means or form of the circulation process

(i.e., use of a technological and/or human vehicle for transportation), the trade routes (over land or water), and quality and quantity, or lack of natural resources within the participants' territories.

Consumption. This is the relationship between humans and the product. In this sense, social values sanctioned in the superstructure of a society and realized in the economic behavior of the infrastructure will determine the social value and function of a product. The participants' ideology must consist of complementary embodied values towards the object, although they may differ in actual rationality. For the product to be materialized, there must necessarily be a consumer, even if it is the producer 13 himself. The social "demands" for the product by consumers will affect both the volume and organization of the produc tion activities and labor units. Furthermore, the social values of the consumer population will determine ultimate use, as a continuously or semi-continuously used object, as an object for further circulation, or as an object for

"immediate" disposal (i.e., "sacrifice" to a shrine or inclusion as a burial offering).

Discussion

Therefore, an item made for exchange must fit into a network of soci~l relationships and transactions that must transpire within both the economic and ideological frame work that is governed by the social relations of production of the participating groups. The idea is necessarily circular if the reproduction of the system is to continue.

There must be a resource and a producer for production; the product has to have a social use/exchange value if it is to be circulated, it needs a means of circulation through forms of exchange and distribution, and a consumer to acquire the commodity, or it remains the possession of the producer, if it is produced at all. These aspects relate directly to the functions and rationality of the infra structure and superstructure that defines the overall social formation and the mode(s) of production. 14

SPECIALIZED UNITS OF PRODUCTION

Discussion

Most theories dealing with the development of special

ized labor units are simple cause and effect analyses that

derive the result fairly directly from environmental conti

tions, and/or progressive population growth and pressure,

or are just seen as concomitant with "different stages'' of

.societal organization. Furthermore, many economists have

" . been content with the assumption that specializa-

tion is necessary for the greatest economic efficiency and

have pursued the matter no farther" (Herskovits 1965:142).

There are a number of organizational forms, modes of

recruitment, purpose, magnitude and duration spans that

exist for craft specialization production units, with

various combinations within the same society, that are

found in the general literature for pre-industrial socie

ties. This is to be expected in the sense of necessarily

reflecting the various conditions of societies and in rela

tion to the ideological and economic rationalities found

in their overall social structures.

Pre-industrial production units can consist of indi

viduals or collective cooperative units such as families

or villages. The division of labor is often based on age

and sex, and the duration of cooperation for the activity

will depend on its nature and complexity. More complex

divisions of labor and duration often involve social groups

such as castes or classes (Godelier 1980:260). However, 15 in most "primitive" societies ". . productive labor is most frequently organized with the help of personal services rendered spontaneously or under social constraints by workers supplementing the efforts of the kinship group"

(Godelier 1980:261). The work is usually a "multiple act" simultaneously done for economic, political, religious, or familial relations (Godelier 1980:261).

Examples of Specialized Labor Units General conditions for production vary widely from examples of individual and/or family reputations for out standing proficiency of skill in an otherwise commonly made item, which is based on common knowledge, and does not function as an exchange commodity (e.g., Andaman Islands,

Herskovits 1965:143). They are products made primarily for self-use or for use by the immediate family as part of the normal course of existence. There are also cases where disabled persons supplement themselves or their families by providing themselves as specialized laborers for a return compensation (e.g., Yir-Yoront of northern Australia,

Herskovits 1965:142). Other examples include individuals and/or some small kin units, perhaps direct descendants, that have specialized in the production of items requiring special knowledge and techniques, for at least the partial purpose of social exchange, but only on a part-time basis.

In this sense, some sort of return for the exchange item is expected and the nature of the return will depend on the person/group involved. The exchange may constitute 16

gift giving and a reciprocal offering, the fulfillment of

a kinship obligation, prestige status, or a payment by

other goods or money if the intent was "commercial."

Still other examples have been described where there

is sex and village or regional specialization of various

crafts on part-time bases during slack seasons of subsis

tence activities, and sometimes relating to localized

resources. Skills can be transmitted to anyone of the

particular sex group of the village who is desirous of

learning, and thus is not necessarily transferred as a hereditary occupation. Furthermore, the intent of produc

tion may be primarily for self or family use, with

secondary interests for exchange (Herskovits 1965:149).

In essence, many societies have been found where self-use production was the primary intent, with only certain crafts, or small percentages of the crafts intended for some form of exchange purpose (Lebar 1964:346).

In many African societies, there are numerous full

time individuals and organized groups of specialists whose social positions are recognized in the community and are associated with various social prerogatives, along with market systems for the regular disposal of products

(Herskovits 1965:144). Many of these groupings have been strongly equated with European· craft guilds of the Middle

Ages, where well-organized, localized groups existed in regularized systems of production in relation to estab lished markets, agencies and channels of distribution 17

(Herskovits 1965:150).

Specialized production units of any form can also be seen as advantageous in supplying locally available resources, raw or as transformed commodities in exchange for other items deemed socially useful, but that are not otherwise locally available as a peaceful form of appro priation (e.g., Baruya, Godelier 1978a:l27-151). Further more, differential social use or exchange values, or the importance accorded various objects and their production units are often hierarchically ranked (Herskovits 1965:

153). Such ranking is a direct reflection of the ideologi cal values of the superstructure and economic principles of distribution of the infrastructure, and undoubtedly affects modes of recruitment and principles of organization by the different demands placed on the products.

The examples given are not intended to exhaust all potential conditions or to thoroughly analyze them. They are intended to pose some of the variable conditions and the complexity of situations surrounding units of special ized craft production, and how varying conditions can also exist concomitantly in one society, depending on the value embodied in different products.

Definitions of Specific Types of Organization The literature on the Chumash refers to individual part-time and full-time craftsmen or occupational special ists, along with those that were apparently organized into 18 structured groups. The latter have been variously labeled as brotherhoods, guilds, craft-guilds, gremios (the Spanish term for guild, brotherhood, society and/or trade union), guild-like and/or sodality-like organizations (Bean 1974:

28; Blackburn 1974:105, 1975:10; Hudson 1977:13-14; Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:153-155). A brief look at the defining characteristics of these terms is warranted in relation to the use of the most appropriate term and con text for pre-industrial organizations, and applicability to the production of micaceous soapstone.

In reviewing the anthropological literature and common definitions, one finds a considerable amount of over generalization, overlap, ambiguity and/or conflict of applicability in words that have been used to denote specific sub-groupings. This is especially true with terms that are commonly equated with functional characteristics of ••western" societies and/or non-kinship oriented situa tions. This also stems from the practice of some anthro pologists lumping all non-kinship groupings into a single type, or by suppressing certain aspects of particular types of kinship groupings (Bohannan 1963:147). Furthermore, the use of precise categories is also confounded by the impor tant point noted by Godelier (1980:261) in his reference to the simultaneous relationship of production units to economics, politics and kin.

The following definitions are those most commonly applied. Guilds and corporate groups received the greatest 19 attention because of their more specific applicability to structured groups of craft specialists. Even if all aspects are not fully applicable or cannot be tested in the archaeological record, they should be considered as criteria for guidance in the formulation of models delin eating the social context of pre-industrial craft special ists.

Brotherhood. This term denotes associations of men for any purpose, such as societies of monks, men of like professions or occupations, or classes of individuals of like kind. Synonyms for this rather flexible term include fraternity, association, fellowship, society and sodality.

Sodality. Dictionary definitions of sodality tend to restrict this form of social organization to religious and/or ritualistic intents as the common basis and special purpose for organization, such as religious brotherhoods.

Membership is based on training and initiation rites

(Bohannan 1963:148). Furthermore, membership is not necessarily based on residential groups, and aggregation may occur only infrequently (Service 1966:44). However, much to Bohannan's (1963:148) annoyance, this term is fre quently applied in the anthropological literature to any non-residential association that has some corporate func tion(s) or purpose(s), and not strictly a religious intent.'

Corporate Groupings. Smith (1974:254-255) has dis tinguished two basic types of corporations: "corporations sole" (only one member involved) and "corporations 20 aggregate" (requiring several members); with the latter further subdivided into "corporate categories" and

"corporate groups." All four types are characterized by the presumption of perpetuity (in the sense of not being bound by the life cycle of individual members), and precise rules for recruitment and determinate membership. The latter, corporate group, is further characterized by internal regulation and organization with specific rules, responsibilities and obligations to the group, a common, but exclusive, general or precise purpose, the ability to autonomously handle most of their own affairs in a struc tured manner, and often the inclusion of various permanent official roles and/or councils (Smith 1974:255; Krader

1980:463). The formulation of the specific governing rules and particular common basis, thus creates its unique identity in a given society. The term is used to cate gorize lineages, clans, village communities or other aggregates, including occupational groupings, but only when the foundations encompass the aforementioned prerequisites and only if the individuals are "prescriptively and invol untar~ly enrolled for life" (Smith 1974:255). Guild. Dictionary definitions of the term apply rather general concepts that can be applied to a number of more specific types of social organization, for example, "An association of men belonging to the same class, or engaged in kindred pursuits, or with certain common interests or aims, formed for mutual aid and protection, or 21 for carrying out of a common purpose" (Burgess 1928:14-15).

However, the term is also usually associated with the economic, social and political conditions surrounding the craft and merchant organizations of medieval precapitalis tic Europe. In reviewing the literature on guilds through out world history and the many theories concerning their antecedents, the term has been applied to various types of social organizations, including religious fraternities, social clubs, specialized kinship groups, unfree compulsory organizations that functioned for states, as well as the craft and merchant groups. The best documented examples of guilds, are those of the craft and merchant organizations of medieval Europe. Therefore, the general concepts that structured those organizations will be used for the model in defining their unique characters.

Established European guilds were localized (in town) associations of craftsmen, merchants and professionals.

They organized for the purpose of mutually protecting and furthering their particular specialized occupational interests, primarily for economic reasons. They were organized along the ideal of perpetuity with commonweal types of contractual obligations to the guild (Bohannan

1963:160). Essentially, guilds were corporate groups, and it was the combination of the skill/craft and principles· of organization that characterized their unique natures.

Two basic functioning characteristics included: (1) strict, but variable internal regulations for the workers 22

(membership numbers, performance) and products (quality and quantity) within formally structured hierarchical situations (which were usually also sanctioned by charters from noblemen) and (2) they strictly controlled the access to the skill and group from outsiders (Weber 1927:136).

Further aspects of guilds include the following:

1. In Western Europe, the initial organization of guilds was not along kinship or hereditary lines; they were composed of a mixed, unrelated combina tion of individuals who migrated into the towns (Weber 1927:146-147).

2. Their inception was not based-on compulsory con ditions set up by the state (Weber 1927:136-137). 3. Guild members were initially composed of people of different statuses, including "unfree" persons (Weber 1927:147-148).

4. The primary interest of the organization was based on an economic livelihood founded on common skills (Weber 1929:138-139; Burgess 1928:19).

5. Their primary purpose and origins were of a secular, economic nature, with religious func tions and social obligations (usually extending only to the immediate nuclear families of the guild members), being secondary (Weber 1927: 146).

6. The guild members were full-time occupational specialists who worked for wages and/or received money in the exchange or selling of the commodi ties they made (Weber 1927:140). 7. They relied on market systems or town market places for regularized transactions (Weber 1927: 147; Burgess 1928:27; Herskovits 1965:150).

8. Members ideally relied on the guild for equality of opportunity, a certain standard of living, and somewhat elevated economic and social status in society, by the regulations set up regarding all aspects of guild behavior (Weber 1927:138-139).

9. Craft guilds were localized town organizations set up primarily for "in-town" distribution of 23

products based on a direct (but shared) monetary incentive with no basis of reciprocity of goods involved, except between guild members (Weber 1927:149; Burgess 1928:19, Renard 1968:XVIV).

10. Initially, the town lords and burghers had con trol over the affairs of the guilds, and later it was the guilds themselves (Weber 1927:144- 145,.148).

11. Economic conditions in Europe eventually led to the inequalities of capitalism (Weber 1927:153).

DISCUSSION AND PROCESS

The purpose of this chapter has been to present a - theoretical framework delineating specific concepts relevant to the analysis of the social organizational aspects of distribution for micaceous soapstone products. The major inter-related focal points of the study are (1} micaceous soapstone as objects of labor, (2) the understanding of how people used the products and (3) the organization of the social units of production, whether as an individual or collective cooperative activity and the duration and magnitude of it.

The concept of a commodity cannot realistically be isolated from society as merely a material object that was known to have been exchanged. There are different societies, along with different segments of societies that are participating with·each other for the ultimate acquisition of these products. The product was manufactured to be exchanged and consumed, but it had to be produced first, and its production both affected and was affected by the 24 extent and nature of the demand. Therefore, the concepts of resource acquisition, production, distribution, exchange and consumption cannot realistically be conceived as totally j I independent functioning systems. They are directly interrelated by mutual interaction and interdependence for existence and reproduction.

Therefore, by analyzing an exchange network in its entirety, such as that for micaceous soapstone commodities, much of the subtle rationale of the superstructure and functions of the infrastructure of the participating societies can be derived and developed.

The body of data required for a thorough analysis is overwhelming and beyond the scope of this initial study; thus the goal is to present a preliminary analysis and program for further research. The presentation of this thesis will proceed with a definition of the rock, outcrop locations and discussion of the geochemical analysis that was conducted, in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 provides the available ethnograp~~c/ethnohistorical and archaeological background information on the social structures of the Chumash and Gabrielinos. Chapter 4 discusses specific organizational aspects of specialized interest/labor groups of the

Chumash as derived from the notes of J. P. Harrington. In

Chapter 5, the discussion is specifically oriented towards · the production and distribution of micaceous soapstone products. The preliminary analysis and program for further research are presented in Chapter 6. p •

Chapter 2 ANALYSIS OF "SOAPSTONE": THE ROCK

INTRODUCTION

The geographic origin of artifacts must be determined to conceptualize the structural organization of distribution trade networks. Such determinations are becoming increasingly feasible through quantitative, geochemical characterization techniques employed to analyze trace- element concentrations within artifacts and source-area rocks. The "Provenience Postulate," as stated below, is the ideal goal of such chemical analyses.

. there exist differences in chemical composi tion between different natural sources that exceed, in some recognizable way, the differences observed within a given source. These "differ ences" are usually simply quantitative differences in concentration of chemical elements, but they can also be differences in relationship between concentrations of two or more elements, i.e., their correlation (Beiber et al. in Weigand, Harbottle and Sayre 1977:24).

Therefore, to identify the place of origin of artifacts, it is necessary to determine and compare trace element patterns that are characteristic for different quarries or regions.

Geochemical-analytical methods are providing very encouraging results (e.g., Allen, Luckenbach and Holland

1975; Hammond et al. 1977; Weigand, Harbottle and Sayre

25 26

1977); there are, however, certain problems. Specific problems of origin determinations involve locating, identi- fying and sampling the entire potential "universe" (all sources) and determining the degree of homogeneity and/or heterogeneity of the deposit, which entails exhaustive sampling for analysis (Earle and Ericson 1977:4; Hammond et al. 1977:64; Weigand, Harbottle and Sayre 1977:24).

The characterization techniques most commonly used are

X-ray fluorescence, instrumental neutron activation and optical spectroscopy. Each technique involves certain "selective advantages and disadvantages" such as cost, accuracy, precision, sample destruction and dangers from radiation (Earle and Ericson 1977:4).

DEFINITION OF SOAPSTONE

Soapstone and/or steatite--the latter being more frequently used when referenced in the California archaeological literature--are general, cultural terms that have been commonly applied to denote particular types of "soft" metamorphic rocks. These rocks encompass the characteristics of a family of commonly associated silicate minerals (e.g., talc, chlorite, serpentine, mica).. The characteristics include being soft (Mohs hardness scale 1-3), having a waxy, silky or soapy feel, and similar color range (white, silvery, pale green to greenish black, brownish or reddish)

(Gary 1942:144; California Division of Mines 1956:1, 3;

Wright 1957:623). 27

The general rock term, soapstone, is used in this text as a base of reference in lieu of steatite, because it seems to have a broader connotation in the geological literature. The term steatite is more frequently applied as an industrial term to rocks composed mainly of talc (a hydrous magnesium silicate) with fairly low percentages of impurities or accessory minerals (Johnson 1941:332; Gary

1942:146; Wright 1957:623; Allen, Luckenbach and Holland

1975:69)~ Whereas soapstone usually describes silicate rocks where talc is an accessory mineral, and not neces sarily the predominant constituent. Soapstone is more com monly used in reference to rocks containing the following mineralogical combinations: amphibole, chlorite, talc, carbonate (Allen, Luckenbach and Holland 1975:69).

The difficulty of using soapstone as an isolated term has been demonstrated by the geochemical analysis of 80 samples and mineralogical examination of seven thin-sections done for this research. These analyses have shown that the samples do consist of a fairly wide range of different mineralogical associations. Therefore, the term soapstone should be clarified by using at least the primary and/or secondary mineral constituents as a preface, or by the grain structure for a qualified description or reference; for example (1) micaceous-soapstone or coarse-grained soap-' stone, terms that imply a high mica content in the rocks around the Airport Quarry on Santa Catalina Island, and

(2) talc-schist, chlorite-talc schist or fine-grained 28

soapstone, terms that imply high talc, chlorite or other

silicate mineral content.

The isolated reference to either soapstone or steatite has been commonly used in the California archaeological

literature as a cultural interpretation to describe soft

silicate rocks carved by native peoples. The lack of more appropriate or specific definitions in archaeological texts has resulted in somewhat deceptive and/or confusing termi nology, and has thus resulted in a poor understanding of what rock or mineral types are implied and subsequent interpretation of potential geological origins.

Soapstone rocks are extremely conducive for carving into various forms, as can be exemplified by the vessels, beads, ornaments and effigies made by the Chumash and

Gabrielino Indians. These silicate rocks vary from coarse grained, micaceous-talc to fine-grained talc or chlorite talc-schists. Generally, ce-rtain artifact forms or pro ducts are commonly manufactured from rocks of specific mineralogical compositions. For example, vessels (espe cially larger bowls and ollas) were produced primarily from the micaceous-rich soapstone. At least two of the reasons are (1) the non-foliated structure of the rock allows for less breakage along cleavages during manufacture and

(2) the outcrops of coarse-grained soapstone are character ized by large massive boulders, whereas the outcrops of fine-grained soapstone (e.g., talc or chlorite-schist) are commonly exposed in a sheeted or foliated structure. 29

Diagnostic artifacts from fine-grained soapstone are char acteristically smaller items such as beads, pendants, pipes and effigies.

MINERALOGY OF SOAPSTONE

Soapstone deposits of different sizes commonly occur as irregular-shaped bodies, lenticular veins, or along fault and shear planes. It occurs as either massive (with~ out a definite crystalline structure), foliated, fibrous aggregates, or in globular stellate groups. The formation of soapstone-type rocks commonly results from the hydro thermal alteration of ultrabasic rocks and the low-grade thermal contact or regional metamorphism of soliceous dolomites. The latter process often produces the purer form of commercially used steatite, which commonly occurs in large exposures on the east side of the Sierra Nevadas

(Wright 1968:18-19). The formation of talc-rich schists is generally referred to as steatitization and often involves a subsequent stage of serpentinization during the metamorphism of ultrabasic rocks. Intermediate and transi tory stages in the development of such talc-rich rocks are characterized by actinolite-chlorite assemblages (Deer,

Howie and Zussman 1963:126-127). The minerals talc, chlorite and serpentine have very similar chemical compositions and they are often found in association, being the primary mineral constituents of aboriginally used soapstone rocks. These three primary 30

minerals may also be associated to lesser extents with

magnetite, carbonate, as well as residual pyroxene,

amphibole, olivine, tremolite, actinolite and other

minerals in schist rocks (Johnson 1942:332).

Serpentine is a group of magnesium silicate minerals.

They are formed by the process of serpentinization, which

is the alteration of ultrabasic rocks such as dunites,

periodites, or·pyroxinites in contact metamorphic deposits

or in hydrothermal veins. Serpentine is sometimes mistaken

for the fine-grained, dense and harder type of soapstone,

commonly formed as an intermediary product in the progres

sive metamorphic hydration process that forms talc (Wright

1957:623). Serpentine is often associated with the acces

sory minerals chlorite, talc, olivine, tremolite, mag

nesite, and magnetite.

The chlorites are a group of hydrous silicate minerals that have a layered structure often resembling mica. They form by hydrothermal alteration in chlorite

schists, igneous rocks and argillaceous sediments.

Chlorite is widely distributed in low-grade metamorphic

rocks and is the most characteristic mineral in green

schist facies. Chlorite is commonly associated with ser pentine, talc, actinolite, albite and epidote (Deer, Howie

and Zussman 1963:153-154).

Soapstone contains differing amounts.· of major, minor

and trace elements. The different degrees or processes of metamorphic alteration (heat and pressure) and mineralogical 31 compositions of the parent rocks will result in various possible chemical formulas within the soapstone, thus developing mineralogical gradations within a single exposure and adjacent minerals and rocks (e.g., chlorite- talc-schist). These elemental/mineralogical differences account for variations in hardness, color and other properties found within deposits, rocks and artifactual materials. This is exemplified by the unique locality found on

Santa Catalina Island that has an abundant content of muscovite mica and a rather high content of anthophyllite

(a mineral characterized by radiating bundles of needle- like crystals) (Weide 1973:8).

GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF SOAPSTONE DEPOSITS

Within and closely adjacent to the Chumash and

Gabrielino territories are a number of outcrops composed of various grades of soapstone and serpentine, which were potential lithic sources for soft-stone commodities. Such areas include exposures of the serpentine bearing Francis- can Formation in the Chumash Santa Ynez and San Luis

Obispo areas, fine-grained exposures in the Yokuts San

Joaquin Valley, the Pelona Schist belt containing fine- grained rocks in the Sierra Pelona Range of the Tatavium territory, and the Catalina Schist belt with both fine- and coarse-grained soapstone on the Gabrielino island of Santa Catalina. The two best documented areas occur on

Santa Catalina Island and the Sierra Pelona range in 32 northwest Los Angeles County. The Gabrielino-occupied island of Santa Catalina contains the largest amount of archaeological, ethnographical and ethnohistorical data concerning the exploitation, production and distribution of soapstone. This data primarily concerns the more unique and characteristic coarse-grained micaceous material, although the island also has outcrops and products manu factured from fine-grained talcose and serpentine rocks.

The Sierra Pelona area, occupied by the Tatav~um, who were somewhat involved in the economic spheres of the Chumash and Gabrielinos, contains only fine-grained silicate rocks

(talc, chlorite and serpentine). Generally less inf9rma tion is known about the exploitation and distribution of

Tatavium soapstone products. Although no direct evidence exists for quarrying activities, closely adjacent sites in the Agua Dulce area exhibit manufacturing processes for beads and pendants (King, Smith and King n.d.). Based on the present data, there seems to be a restriction as to the types of products manufactured from the Sierra Pelona outcrops; the products tend to be small, ornamental objects.

GEOCHEMICAL ANALYSIS OF SOAPSTONE

The initial goal of this thesis was to conduct pre liminary geochemical analyses on a number of mainland and

Santa Catalina Island soapstone deposits to obtain informa tion on the distribution of soapstone artifacts from 33 identifiable sources. Santa Catalina Island and the Sierra Pelona range were focused on because of observed similari ties of some of the rock types and because both areas are known to have been aboriginally used. Observable differ ences are apparent between many of the exposures in general, bui the heterogeneity of some of the deposits also results in visually similar looking rocks from both areas. The physical similarity is further exemplified after some rocks have been modified into artifact forms, particularly beads and other small items of a high talc content.

Soapstone and serpentine deposits on the mainland, and known quarries (Airport quarry and Empire Landing) along with other potentially utilized deposits on Santa Catalina

Island were located and sampled (see Appendix B) . Samples were collected from six locations on Santa Catalina Island, five from Sierra Pelona, two from Santa Cruz Island, two from the Santa Ynez Mountains, and two from the San Luis

Obispo area.

The geochemical analysis was performed under the supervision of Dr. Peter Weigand, Department of Geosciences,

California State University, Northridge. A total of 80 rock samples were subjected to X-ray fluorescence analysis.

The samples were selected from five locations on Santa

Catalina Island (Airport quarry, Empire Landing, Cottonwood

Creek, Parsons Landing, and a location near Cactus Camp) and four from the Sierra Pelona area (Sierra Pelona Look out, Leona Valley, Katz Mine, and LAn-806). The 34

quantification of element concentrations was used as a

means of differentiating the sampled deposits. The six

major elements selected for analysis were silicon, potas sium, titanium, aluminum, iron and calcium. The results of

this analysis proved to be too imprecise and thus inconclu

sive; there was more variability of major-element concen

trations within the deposits than between the deposits.

The choice of this technique (a destructive form of

analysis that requires pulverizing the samples) was the

only means available for this research project; other

analytical techniques were inaccessible and prohibitively

expensive. The analysis was limited to major elements

because the X-ray unit lacked the necessary range to

accurately and precisely identify and quantify minor and trace elements.

The only samples from this study that proved to be

characteristically unique, based on physical attributes, mineralogical analysis (Weigand 1978), and to a certain

degree the X-ray fluorescence analysis, are the micaceous

rich samples from the Airport Quarry area on Santa

Catalina Island. Furthermore, the present data base, that

includes archaeological, ethnohistorical, ethnographical,

and geological data, also substantiates the present assump

tion that the Catalina Island micaceous deposits are unique

to the study region. The only known deposits of a possible micaceous-rich content, may be those closely adjacent areas

reported by Bates (Butler 1974:23) in the Palos Verdes 35

Peninsula area: Peck Park and George F Canyon.

Attempts were made, unsuccessfully, to investigate both locations. George F Canyon was inaccessible due to a restricted housing tract. The area around and including

Peck Park has been modified by recent development and land scaping. The undeveloped drainages along the eastern and northern portions of the park were observed to be primarily sedimentary rocks.

Although there is still a potential for the existence of micaceous-rich exposures, it seems highly unlikely that it constituted a major element in the large-scale produc tion of bowls and ollas in the Late and Historic Periods due to the lack of any form of evidence. Therefore, the analysis of micaceous-soapstone distribution will proceed on the firmly based assumption that the Catalina Island inhabitants were the sole producers of micaceous soapstone commodities distributed throughout the Chumash and Gabrie lino territories in the late times. Chapter 3

ETHNOGRAPHIC} ETHNOHISTORICAL AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND INFORMATION

INTRODUCTION

This section presents the available ethnographic, ethnohistorical and archaeological background information concerning aspects of Chumash and Gabrielino culture.

Most of the ethnographic/ethnohistorical data for both groups is derived from the notes collected by John P.

Harrington from native informants in the early Twentieth

Century. However, the bulk of the recently published information centers on the Chumash, leaving a paucity of available detailed information on the Gabrielinos. This condition unfortunately also exists for both the archaeo logical record and Spanish documents. While extensive archaeological recovery programs were conducted in the

Chumash territory, primarily the Santa Barbara Channel area, by Rogers (1929), Orr (1930), and others in the early

1900's, the Los Angeles area of the Gabrielinos was rapidly being developed into an urban center with less archaeological retrieval. Consequently, the available data is skewed with an inherent bias, which requires a cautious approach to the data base in testing current research questions.

36 37

Certain important sets of data on the Chumash and

Gabrielino are presented in separate sections, and both are

followed by a comparative synthesis of their religious

beliefs. The general archaeological background data relates to both groups, with some additional information

specifically on the Chumash. It is of particular interest

that the archaeological similarities, mainly for the late

and historic periods, prompted some early archaeologists,

such as Rogers (1929) to use the term "Canali~o" in

reference to the similarities of the material cultures for

both the coastal and island Chumash and the north coastal

and island Gabrielinos.

ETHNOGRAPHIC AND ETHNOHISTORICAL DATA

CHUMASH

Geographical Territory

The Chumash peoples occupied the coastal area of

California from the south-central coast, around Topanga

Canyon northward to Estero Bay, including the Santa

Barbara Channel islands of Anacapa, Santa Cruz·, Santa Rosa

and San Miguel (Map 1) (Blackburn 1975:8). The coastal

area along the Santa Barbara Channel contained the heaviest

settlements. Population estimates for some of the larger villages reached 800-1,000 inhabitants by the time of

Spanish contact (King 1976:288; Hudson and Underhay 1978:

15). Inland, the territory extended to the edge of the \ CHUM ASH ~ /.~' SALINAN GABRIELINO lill2J

0 10 20 110 40 5o Miles \ I I I I I t

... --(~"''" ~"'~>'\... -.""''~- '>.: 0 . ,,, · ·· ··· . · -··· -·<:~~" · if>·'' ' · ••. • f. .. R •• • A c ·, ·.,, ,,,,,'"""" .. ,., ,.}/ •· ,,,,.,,'''""''''" ,,,, ~~-,, ' . '·, "" <:-"'' ',~~''"' ''-' 't:.iNO) ' '" sa~••"" "'•:"' ~·:•' •••}:)•{(} •lo ·~~~~~~~~~~~~.~~--~·_:.fscAHUILLA 0 Son Mlouel A .. •·••'•• . ,t;...::>· ..-..<::·,·· ... · ...... ·.·· ·· ,+" · Palo! ve d '.'.'-..':-' " ··.'\ "'-' ' ""-'· '··'' •'··\ .. · ' ' ... ,... ··~··· ... ,,,~' ...'\ '·,,_·,,·,,~"- ' . •...... ~... ' ' ''-' ~.)LUISENO

~otollnol. Sonia llorbaro l.t

San Nicolas I. (3;:> MAP 1 ~Ciemenlol.

w 00 39

Yokuts occupied San Joaquin Valley, east to the borders of the Kitanemuk around Fort Tejon, to the Tatavium area of the Upper Santa Clara River Valley, and into the Fernandeno/Gabrielino San Fernando Valley (Forbes 1966:138; King and Blackburn 1978:535). Population estimates for the often rugged interior lands are much lower than those for the coast; possibly ranging from 15-250 people per village

(King 1976:288). There was a considerable amount of intermarriage according to mission baptismal and marriage records, that occurred along the borderlands, resulting in bicultural and bilingual territories (Forbes 1966:138;

Brown 1967:7).

Language

The hunting and gathering oriented Chumash cannot realistically be considered a triblet, or a "cultural nor a linguistic entity per se," (Blackburn 1974:96, 1975:8) in basic normative concepts. The concept of the "Chumash" which was actually the mainlander's name for Santa Cruz

Island, michumash (Applegate 1975:36), and applied by the

Spanish to denote the entire group-lies in the nature of this population belonging to a particular branch of the

Hokan language family that spoke a number of different dialects or even different Hokan languages with their own dialectical divisions (King 1939:40, 1975:8; Hudson 1980:

31). These dialectical divisions may in fact correspond to the rather "loose" provincial or federational entities 40 existent by the time of Spanish contact (Blackburn 1975:

13); although regional alignments with different capital villages may have cross-cut dialectical divisions to some extent over time (Blackburn 1974:98). However, within the general unit of the estimated 15,000 Hokan speakers, there were a large number of shared material culture traits, values, beliefs, and sophisticated astronomically-based ritual/ceremonial practices with some regional variations, that indicate movement towards a type of unification

(Hudson et al. 1977:1). Consequently, many aspects of technology and ideology apparently overlapped into the various neighboring Shoshonean speaking groups, who were divisions of the Uta-Aztecan language family (Forbes 1966:

137; Hudson and Blackburn 1978).

Social Organization

As derived from the patterning of mortuary data (King

1969; King n.d.), Spanish documents, many of Harrington's recently published notes (Harrington 1942:31; King 1969:41,

55; Hudson and Underhay 1978:15) and from narratives

(Blackburn 1975:13, 49), it is apparent that Chumash society was highly structured with differentially ranked social statuses based primarily on ascription. It was the ranked status roles or identities that formed the basis of , the structure rather than the ranking of social groups; the latter grouped around and associated with the various roles.

The status roles were associated with variations of wealth, 41 social prerogatives and prestige. The inequalities of the ranking system on earth were sanctioned because they were the direct reflection of the uneven distribution of power and knowledge found throughout the universe and were thus assumed to be innate and inevitable (Bean 1974:22; Black burn 1975:70). Furthermore, based on the following state ment from the Harrington notes (King 1969:41), "Social rating_among the Chumash was by blood, not by wealth which was incidental to rank." Therefore, it can be assumed that while status roles were accompanied by economic advantages, it was more of a consequence of the position, rather than a prerequisite. In addition, women were apparently capable of being independently wealthy and succeeding to positions of considerable power, respect and authority (Blackburn

1975:50, 56-68). Although patrilineal relations are assumed to be of more importance, certain matrilineal rela tions may have been as significant as those of the agnatic side.

Several authors have also found in the ethnographic literature on California, and specifically for the Chumash and Gabrieli~os, "feelings" of social class distinction and consciousness (Bean 1974:22-24; Blackburn 1975:49; Bean and

Smith 1978:543-544). The distinctions are derived from the various native terms for different status levels, patterns of behavior and differential wealth ownership by individ uals and were reflected on those of close association.

According to Bean (1974:22-23), the structure often 42

included "elites or nobility" (chiefs and their inunediate

family, bureaucrats, religious specialists, and various other specialists such as craftsmen), "conunoners, the poor,

and sometimes slaves or vagabonds," and these orders were apparently usually tied into family or lineage traditions. While some attributes of a stratified class society seem to exist, other important traits, as strictly defined by

Bohannan (1963:169), do not. He defines class structures as ranked subcultures that share and practice a number of cultural traits, with no one trait being the key distinc tion. Classes are not defined by the ranking of roles, groups or categories. Furthermore, they are not organized units, nor do they have a kinship basis (Bohannan 1963:169,

172) . In Chumash and Gabrielino societies, kinship relations were important aspects of societal organization, although the details of the important groupings are frag mentary and sometimes contradictory. Patrilineal descent is considered the most important aspect of the Gabrielino kinship system and may have been the main basis for socio economic relations (Bean and Smith 1978:545). However,

Blackburn's (1975:49) interpretation of the Chumash narra tives led him to comment that "families or households appear to be the only prominent corporate units" with a

"notable absence of the large corporate social groups based' primarily on kinship that are so important in many socie ties." While Harrington (Blackburn 1975:11) recorded the existence of three basic forms of Chumash kinship groupings 43

-moieties, non-localized "patricians .. and patrilineages-

the information provided is not clear as to their actual

functions.

In 1542, Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo mentioned the

existence of two large provinces along the Santa Barbara

Channel mainland: Xucu and Xexo. There appears to have

been at least six provinces located along the mainland

coast by historic contact. A number of large and small villages were unified into these regional interaction units

under a centralized capital village that regulated, to an

unknown degree, legal, political, economic, ritual and

ceremonial activities (Hudson and Underhay 1978:27).

From about Gaviota westward was a 11 Point Concep tion Province, .. with its capital at either ShishoZop (Cojo) or 'Upop (Point Conception). Purisimeno Chumash was spoken here. Adjoining it on the east and extending toward Goleta was a 11 11 Dos Pueblos Province ; its capital was Mikiw (Dos Pueblos) . Next came a 11 Santa Barbara Pro- vince ... It encompassed the coast from near Dos Pueblos almost to the Rincon, and included the Goleta towns. Its capital was Syuhtun (Santa Barbara). A 11 Ventura Province .. extended from the Rincon to slightly beyond Ventura. Its capital was ShishoZop (Ventura). This was bordered by a "Mugu Province, .. with its capital at Muwu (Point Mugu) or nearby Simo'mo. And finally, another territory embraced the country eastward and formed a 11 Malibu Province 11 with its capital at HumaZiwo (Malibu). All of these coastal mainland capitals were located on major trading routes which connected seaports used by canoes with trails used by inland inhabitants (Hudson and Underhay 1978:28). All the inhabitants of the Santa Barbara Channel islands were aligned to the Santa Cruz Island village of

Liyam, although two dialects were spoken; that of Santa 44

Rosa-San Miguel and that of Santa Cruz Island (Hudson and

Underhay 1978:28). At present, it is not known how all the

"interior" Chumash were organized and aligned, although at

least four interior villages (with one, Huwam, located in the San Fernando Valley) were linked with HumaZiwo (Malibu)

(King 1969:40). However, within and between these aligned bodies, feuds and "civil wars" existed, based on oral tra ditions, and Spanish records and archaeological data

(Hudson and Underhay 1978:28; King 1980:65-66). Interest ingly, the Spanish took advantage of these key locations

(capitals) during their colonization efforts by establish ing both missions and alliances with locally important

Chumash headmen (King 1969:41; Hudson and Underhay 1978:

2 7) •

These geographically united territories had one cen tral provincial chief who resided at the capital village and was known as the wot or paqwot ("big chief" as called by the islanders). The village entity was actually con sidered the primary political unit and was governed by its own wot, who may have been directly related to the paqwot.

Chieftanships were based on heredity and wealth, and usually inherited through primogeniture, although another son, daughter or sister could fill the role upon community approval. The wot "was identified with a clan and a lineage (C.E.D.)" with each clan having a "head person"

(King 1969:41-42; Blackburn 1975:12).

Responsibilities of the wot involved organizing the 45 plans for large ceremonials which included inviting other chiefs and villages in order to maintain positive bonds, providing ceremonial property and the personnel involved

(and their payments), and large food stores for the guests and poor people. An aspect of such a ceremony allowed food stores to again be filled, which would at least partially supply those of his village in need at later lean times.

Visiting chiefs were also required to bring donations to the fiestas. However, the refusal of an invited chief to attend could be the grounds for war. Another very impor tant aspect of these inter-village fiestas was that they provided the context for extensive trading (King 1969:42-

43; Blackburn 1975:11; Hudson and Underhay 1978:31).

The person "second" most in power and responsibility was the paha, who acted as the ritual assistant to the wot.

Some of his duties included making announcements, deliver ing orations at ceremonies, collecting offerings/donations and fines, and presiding over weddings. In traditional times, the wot may also have served as paha, or ritual leader, for ceremonies based on analogy with other Califor nia ~roups. In mission times, it seems that the paha was a separate entity in charge and responsible for ceremonial gatherings, and on such occasions was supereminent over other attending chiefs (King 1969:43; Hudson and Underhay

1978:30).

A significant function of the paha seems to have been the integration of the formal ubiquitous religious cult, 46 known as the 'antap, with the political hierarchy repre sented by the wot, at the village and provincial levels of organization. Apparently membership included only high statused people who could afford the costs of the privi leged esoteric training program, such as chiefs and their families (who were obligated to join) , important officers and shamans. While one of their primary functions was the participation in ceremonies (e.g., dancing and singing), they undoubtedly acted as an important integrative body for all the Chumash since membership included-only the promi nent figures of the community (Blackburn 1974:104-105).

At the provincial level, members of the 'antap were organized into the siZiyik council, which may have provided the basis for provincial unification based on kinship and/or 'antap membership from the village level. The siZiyik was called the "Twenty" and was divided into the

"Twelve" or "'antap," and the eight shan (Blackburri 1975:

13; Hudson and Underhay 1978:29).

The duties of the 'antap varied, and included the dif ferent shamanistic specialists, such as the 'aZchukZash who were astronomer/astrologers (Hudson and Underhay 1978:29-

32). However, the prime responsibilities of the 'antap involved using their ritual knowledge and power to main tain, direct and control "man's interaction with his celes tial, physical, and social environments." They, along with their leaders, exercised this power to maintain a dynamic equilibrium or balance of power in the universe (Hudson and 47

Underhay 1978:29). Members of the formal 'antap "Twelve" were stationed in the various provincial villages, and may have also functioned as the political chiefs of villages (Hudson and Underhay 1978:29). Furthermore, all the ritual paraphernalia used to maintain the cosmic balance was said to be owned by the chief (although it could be loaned out for a price) (King 1969~42; Hudson and Underhay 1978:29), and in essence, there was probably no great distinction between "church and state."

The body of shan was described as roaming the province to bring news to the people along with observing the condi tions of the communities. They required "memory, under standing and will power" (Hudson and Underhay 1978:30).

There is also evidence for even greater unification along regional lines o~ federations, of which at least two are historically known. One was centered in the Mugu area and controlled the eastern provinces from HumaZiwo (Malibu) to Santa Barbara and included the Channel Islands and interior areas. The other was centralized at the village of 'Upop near Point Conception and comprised the western provinces from Dos Pueblos, Point Conception, up the coast an unknown distance, and portions of the lower Santa Ynez

Valley. The eastern federation is documented by information from the Chumash informant, Juan Pica, that was collected by Reverend Bowers in 1897: 48

Here (at Mugu) lived a great chief or king whose authority extended to Point Concepcion 100 miles up the coast, and to Newhall and San Fernando eastwardly. The chief of each town or tribe was a petty king, but subject to the Mugu rule. The town where the great chief lived was near a large spring of water (Simomo) which rises at the base of a basaltic hill two miles from the ocean and bordering the Santa Clara Valley. Here meet ings of all the tribes were held once in five years to pass laws and transact business pertain ing to the numerous tribes of the district (King 1976:302).

Although the full nature and extent of these "federation" entities remains obscure, it is known that they were ritually organized on the basis of different calendric_al systems with strong implications of an overt religious basis. The westerly entity began its year in March-- probably the vernal equinox--whereas the eastern federation began the year in December from the winter solstice (Hudson and Underhay 1978:31). Based on historic records and ethnographic data, these units did not necessarily maintain consistent peaceful relationships, such as the historic example of the warring between the two border provinces of

Dos Pueblos and Santa Barbara. Hudson and Underhay (1978:

31) have speculated that strained relationships on different social levels "may sometimes have been competitive, perhaps with regard to trading activities with distant places inland or on the islands, or in the case of threatened territorial expansion."

A significant factor underlying and permeating much of the Chumash everyday life and social structure was their astronomically based religious belief system which is 49 strongly represented in their mythology (Blackburn 1975), rock art (Lee 1977, 1979; Lee and Horne 1978) ceremonial functions throughout the year (Blackburn 1974; Romani 1981) and social roles in the 'antap cult (Hudson and Underhay

1978; Romani 1981).

Exchange This section synthesizes the available information from the ethnographic and ethnohistorical data pertaining to the exchange, distribution and disposal of food/sub sistence products, and raw and manufactured commodities.

Most of the studies conducted in the Chumash area have placed a great emphasis on the environmental variability, and have used it as a major factor or cause in the resultant development of Chumash society. Simply stated, environmental variability implies either the lack of cer tain resources in some areas, or the potential unrelia bility of the subsistence base; hence, the need to estab lish exchange systems_ to counteract either condition. In turn, this leads towards a general social development and concomitant specialization in preparing certain resources for exchange purposes. The environmental variability of the Chumash territory is characterized by three generalized areas: (1) the main land coast--which has direct access to fish, shellfish, some sea mammals, marshes and birds, and different propor tions of ne~rly the complete range of terrestrial flora and 50 fauna, (2) the interior mountains and valleys--which have nearly the full range of terrestrial flora and fauna, anadromous fresh water fish, but lack direct access to sea resources, and (3) the Santa Barbara Channel Islands--which have direct access to sea resources, such as fish, shellfish and large pinniped rookeries, but have less than half of the full range of terrestrial flora and fauna. Further- more, in all these areas there ·exist conditions of seasonal variability and localized resources, e.g., different types, qualities and quantities of lithic materials used to produce various artifacts (King 1976:289-292). The ethnographic and ethnohistorical accounts imply that the environmental variability of the three regions resulted in a rather characteristic flow of resources between these areas. The mainland groups exported more food materials to the islands, along with some manufactured commodities, and the islands reciprocated primarily with manufactured commodities from resources not necessarily found on the mainland. For example, Juan Pico told Henry Henshaw in the late 1800's: The Islanders were more skillful in the production of stone implements and these formed their stock in trade. From the mainland they received in exchange seeds, acorns, bows and arrows, etc. (Heizer 1955:15).

In general, many of the early Spanish chroniclers commented on the rather lively commercial interaction between the various Chumash populations and especially between the mainland coast and the Channel Islands, by means of the 51 plank canoe (Wagner 1929:239; Priestley 1937:31; King 1976:

294). Economic interactions also occurred between the coastal areas and the interior, as well as with neighboring groups, such as the Yokuts of the San Joaquin Valley

(Voegelin 1938:51-52; King 1976:307) and the Colorado

River peoples, who may also have acted as middle men for the American Southwest groups (Bolton 1931:250, 257; King

1976:305; Bean and Smith 1978:547). Furthermore, while many of the-exchanges consisted of acquiring non-locally available foods, resources or commodities, this was apparently not always completely the case, such as when an occupational role interceded in perhaps reducing the normal time spent on subsistance activities and/or by the values placed on the resources or products. For example:

The islenos [Island Indians] work much making beads. They had chia and islay on the islands, but they did not use it, for they just came over here to Ventura to sell it for chia and bellota .... (Craig 1967:83). While the social complexities of exchange activities, such as the different types (e.g., gift giving, bartering, etc.), frequency and regularity, the number and structure of the participants, and contexts, are poorly documented, there is some scant information concerning these variables in the Chumash literature and from analogies of other cultures. One such important context for exchange in the

Chumash area, was during ceremonial gatherings that were regularly held at infrequent intervals throughout the year

(King 1969:42; Blackburn 1975:11). If the situations were 52 ' ' similar to those of the Yokuts and Pomo, such transactions may have been on an individual basis (larson n.d.). King

(1976:301) summarized the following information from the

Harrington notes on Chumash ceremonial locations:

Most of the large fiestas in the Chumash area were on the mainland coast, but some ceremonies and games were held at certain inland and island villages. The largest fiestas were held at specific villages, according to a ritual calendar. Smaller fiestas could be held by village or lineage chiefs with the consent of village chiefs.

Furthermore, it seems that certain villages, such as

Pitas Point and Refugio Beach (Qasil), functioned as mainland trade centers or ports, where the surrounding villages and the island peoples would bring their goods to be exchanged for what they needed or wanted (King 1976:293).

Other contexts, such as existed for the Yokuts (Latta

1977:279-306), and undoubtedly for the Chumash, included household exchanges within and between villages, and transactions in neutral zones (non-village locations), often in borderland areas between different groups (Larson n.d.).

While the few accounts usually refer to intercultural exchanges, Larson {n.d.) has proposed that neutral trading areas/sites may also have occurred between the different political groups of the same culture. The LAn-472 rock- shelter (presently under analysis) in the Santa Monica

Mountains may be an example of such a site (Tartaglia and

Romani 1978:n.d.). Factors such as territoriality, noted by Longinos Martinez (Simpson 1939:49), intra-tribal 53 warfare, commented on by Pedro Fages (Priestley 1937:31), or control by a group such as the brotherhood-of-the-tomol, may have resulted in such restricted trading locations

(Larson n.d.).

Larson (n.d.) also observed some patterns in the times of the year when certain exchanges may have occurred based on analogous data from the Yokuts, Tubatulabal and Owens Valley Paiutes. He noted that most intra-group exchange seemed to have occurred during the winter season, whereas inter-group exchange was most often during the summer. Other analogous data extrapolated by Larson (n.d.) concerns the nature or role of the participants involved.

Among the Yokuts, some people seem to have been professional traders in the sense of being associated with the role or social identity through family lines (Gayton 1948:

143; Latta 1977:309, 313). They would engage in both intra and intercultural transactions, either alone or in small groups (Latta 1977:313; Larson n.d.). An example given to

Latta (1977:311) by a Yokuts informant stated:

Yowlumne traders would gather a pack of tanned skins, either by killing the animals and prepar ing the skins themselves, or by purchasing them with Yokuts money, and carrying them to the desert, where there were deposits of obsidian, or volcanic glass . . there existed a set standard of values between deer skins and obsidian. Such professional traders, or associated role identities, may have existed among the Chumash. One example of this situation seems to have involved the brotherhood-of- 54

the-tomol, a group consisting of members from the upper

echelon of society that were organized around the functions

of the plank canoe. According to Hudson, Timbrook and

Rempe (1978:155}:

One of the members' most important functions was to operate as sea traders, transporting most of the manufactured goods produced on the islands where natural resources were rare, to the main land where an exchange was made for mainland products or various foodstuffs.

Furthermore, they were said to have 11 operated upon the individual profit motive in accordance with the law of

supply and demand 11 (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:155).

Based on the weather patterns of the channel, the best conditions for crossing to fish or trade occurred between

November and March and from mid-June to August, the poorest times were from mid-March to May and from September to

October (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:122). During the

Chumash month of October, 11 all Chumash canoemen were ordered not to go out at this time 11 (Blackburn 1975:102).

However, the details of the trade routes, transaction intracacies, and time intervals are not known.

Another group of people that traded among the Yokuts were the craft manufacturers (Gayton 1948:176; Latta 1977:

728-729; Larson n.d.). One such example recalls expeditions made by women basket-makers and their families to gather roots for baskets. Sometimes upon their return,

II some of the materials brought back were sold to the others 11 (Gayton 1948:176). Another situation involves exchange contexts that were 55

controlled by the chiefs (Larson n.d.), such as the Porno

trade feasts (Vayda 1967) and some expeditions made by the

Yokuts (Latta 1977:728-729). One observed trading event

occurred between the Yokuts and the Churnash or Salinans:

The bead and seashell traders from the coast met the Tachi traders at Poso Chana. The Tachi and the other Indians would not let the people from the west come right up to the lake. They were afraid they would learn how to get things with out trading.

They had to have their Teah [chief] with them.

The rows of things were about ten feet apart. Then the trade started. The Teahs did all the talking for the people. They talked to each other and agreed how much each could have. It was all done by rules. (Grant 1965:73).

This was also an example of exchange occurring in a neutral area.

Economic transactions often involved either bartering for goods or a shell bead currency as a means of payment.

The shell currency was also sometimes used to pay for various services, such as shamans, buriers, and dancers performing during ceremonies as offerings at feasts or to pay off debts. Furthermore, there were set standards of measuring the value of articles or foods in bulk by various sized baskets or by different measured lengths of the strung money beads (Simpson 1939:45-46; Woodward 1934:119;

King 1976:297, 306).

Various types of property were owned, and it depended on the wealth of the individual as to what could be obtained, but "Many of the objects traded and owned by individuals were made by craft specialists" (King 1976: 56

299). There were a number of patterns for the use and disposal of personal possessions, with variations also between the different regional and/or linguistic divisions of the Churnash. Besides normal daily use of belongings,

"valuables" and foods were donated during fiestas, "sacri ficed" to shrines, offered during Mourning Ceremonies com memorating prominant people, given as gifts and sold as commodities. Furthermore, fun~rary customs show regional variation. The Venturenos were described as usually burn ing or throwing away the deceased person's personal possessions. In the Barbareno area and on the Channel

Islands, they were usually buried with the bodies. The

Inesenos were said to have buried or destroyed personal property (King 1969:51-52). However, "elsewhere it says that property was inherited by sons and partly by daughters" (King 1969:51).

In essence, the economic interactions among and between the Chumash and other groups were quite complex, especially in consideration of the social variables that were established by the time of Spanish contact. However, they need to be explained diachronically from more than just the conditions of a variable environmental resource base. Some of the established social conditions included craft and resource use specialization, restricted and monopolized use of the tomoZ, use of shell bead currency, various political units and apparent periodic hostilities, perhaps at times resulting from competition for resources, 57

various means and patterns for the use and disposal of

material goods, and the differential ownership of wealth

associated with various role identities. Unfortunately many of the more specific intricacies of exchange patterns

have not been documented in the ethnographic literature

and are not readily discernible in the archaeological

record. However, by following the distribution of specific

commodities, as outlined in Chapter 1 and proposed in

Chapter 6 for micaceous soapstone commodities, some further

aspects of exchange may become more distinguishable.

GABR IE Ll NOS

Territory The territory occupied by the Gabrielinos (Map 1)

extended along the coast from about Topanga Canyon south

east to Aliso Creek (the northern border area of the

Luisenos) and included the islands of Santa Catalina, San

Clemente and possibly San Nicholas. Inland they extended

throughout the greater Los Angeles basin and were bordered

by the Tataviurn to the north in the upper Santa Clara

River, the Serranos to the northeast in the San Gabriel and

San Bernardino Mountains, and the Cahuillas to the east

from the summit of the San Bernardino Mountains to the Santa Ana Mountains (Bean and Smith 1978:538).

Language Like the Chumash and many other Native American groups, the Gabrielinos probably did not have an all 58 encompassing, collective name for themselves. Although, a Gabrielino woman living in Bakersfield in 1903 told c. H. Merriam that the people called themselves Tong-va (Heizer

1968:105, Note 1). The terms Gabrielino and Fernandeno are both derivations from their associations with those Fran- ciscan missions. However, the missions "collected" people from numerous corners of southern California into multi- ethnic congregations including Chumash, Cahuillas and others (Forbes 1966:137). While the terms "Gabrielino" and

"Fernandeno" are relatively meaningless except in reference to a collective body of neophytes of mixed origin, they have come to be associated by archaeologists and anthro- pologists with the aboriginal-traditional peoples of the

San Fernando Valley and greater Los Angeles Basin.

These people spoke a branch of the Cupan languages of the Takic family, part of the Uta-Aztecan linguistic stock

(Bean and Smith 1978:538). There were four or perhaps six or more internal dialectical divisions: those of the Los Angeles basin, San Fernando Valley, Santa Catalina Island and perhaps San Nicholas Island. However, Bean and Smith

(1978:538) have proposed that there may have been even more linguistic variation among the mainland peoples.

Social Organization

Very few details are known about these peoples, mainly due to their early incorporation into the mission system . along with factors of disease and dispersion prior to more extensive ethnographic and ethnohistorical studies. They 59 were considered one of the wealthiest, most populous, and most powerful ethnic societies in aboriginal California, their influence spreading as far north as the San Joaquin Valley Yokuts, as far east as the Colorado River, and south into Baja California (Bean and Smith 1978:538). While differences between the Chumash and Gabrielinos existed, there were also many similariti~s, technologically, socially, politically and ideologically. The similarities in religion, which ultimately reflected on all the above institutions, are presented in more detail later in this chapter.

Like the Chumash, the village level of organization was considered the strongest independent entity. However, it is ethnohistorically known that at least many of the

San Pedro area villages--and more than likely other areas as well--were "politically" unified to some degree and allied under a single chief or tumia'r (Johnston 1962:24;

Bean and Smith 1978:544).

From ethnohistorical data (Engelhardt 1927:20), it appears that the formation of intervillage alliances was at least partially in response to "war." According to Engle hardt (1927:20) "intervillage conflicts among the

Gabrielino were so frequent and of such intensity that inland Gabrielinos were effectively prevented by coastal

Gabrielinos from reaching the sea for fishing and trading purposes." Such village alliances were often established by marriage bonds. However, if a particular alliance-- 60 such as by kinship--did not exist, gifts might be sent to a village to form such a bond for either support or neutral ity. Conflicts stemmed from a number of reasons, such as failure to respond with economic reciprocity during cere monies, tresspassing, sorcery, abduction of women or revenge, and undoubtedly affected the different networks of economic exchange. Warfare amongst the Chumash seems to have followed very similar lines and may have resulted in changing alliances, and to some extent, changes in capital villages over time (Hudson et al. 1977:13-15).

Gabrielino society seems to have been structured similarly to that of the Chumash, in a hierarchically ranked ordering of different status positions through patrilineal descent. However, the data on the intricacies of kinship groupings and their viable roles in society are extremely sketchy. There is also no data on individual or group craft specialists, except that craft specialization did exist.

Chiefly descent usually followed primogeniture. A younger son, daughter or sister could qualify for the posi tion upon approval of the elders from the same kin group.

The responsibilities of leadership included community unification and welfare as well as being the guardians of the sacred bundle. The chief presided as judge in dis putes, supervised collections of "taxes/donations"

(usually to supply large ceremonial gatherings) and acted as the head of war parties and peace negotiations. This 61 position was assisted by special officers who acted as announcers, treasurers, and messengers and general attendants (Bean and Smith 1978:544).

The second highest "recognized" position was held by the ta•xk a' or paha. His responsibility was in the realm of ceremonial management of fiestas, the Mourning Ceremony and proper distribution of food following communal hunts.

As can be questioned for the recognized acceptable power of the Chumash paha, Hugo Reid pointed out for the Gabrielino, that "even chiefs had no jurisdiction over shamans because they 'conversed with the Great Spirit' and could be punished only by other shamans" (Bean and Smith 1978:544).

A somewhat similar situation existed between the Chumash chiefs and shamans in what Blackburn (1974:105-106) labeled the "unholy alliance." Important chiefs would select a shaman ('antap member) to poison other chiefs or wealthy men in order to extort large sums of money for upcoming fiestas, and to indirectly enhance their own political power.

Exchange In general, exchange within the Gabrielino territory and between their immediate neighbors, was considered quite common and frequent (Bean and Smith 1978:547).

Intermarriage ties with borderland neighbors were also quite frequent based on baptismal records. The common participation and belief in one of two cults, the yivar and/or later Ch·ingis hnich, undoubtedly encouraged and 62

prompted frequent exchanges through ceremonial gatherings.

Again, for the Gabrielino, no explicit examples of the

exchange mechanisms are known--only the particular products

and resources are noted. Archaeologically, soapstone items

are one of the most commonly observed and widely distri-

buted products that were present throughout the territories

of the Chumash (primarily), Yokuts, Ipai-Tipai, Luiseno,

Serrano, Tubatulabal and even into the American Southwest

(Bean and Smith 1978:547).

The following ethnographic and ethnohistorical state-

ments briefly summarize the known data on Gabrielino

exchange. During Vizcaino's voyage of 1602, certain patterns of

exchange were noted for the island peoples:

. they are a people given to trade and traffic and are fond of barter [goods traded to Vizcaino's crew included] .. skins, shells, nets, threads, and very well twisted ropes (Finnerty et al. 1970: 22) . Fr. Ascension, who was on the same voyage, made the

following comments:

They live by buying, selling, and bartering .... The Indians carry to the mainland and sell . . . certain edible roots from the island (Finnerty et al. 1970:22).

Pedro Fages wrote the following comments about the mainlanders in the late 1700's:

. they have their rafts of reeds on which to go out to sea, and by means of these the Indians of the plain of San Gabriel communicate with the islanders of San Clemente and Santa Barbara (Priestley 1937:23). 63

Longinos Martinez sent an informant to Catalina Island to gather "all the products of that island" and in

1792 he wrote the following list: . two seal skins, two sea otter skins, several strings of abalone and limpets, one of the small stones of silver and lead . . . and several others of quartz, sardonyx, and jasper . some shells also (Simpson 1939:52-53). Alejo Potencio, an early Twentieth Century Cahuilla informant stated: . shell money was received for the Palm Springs clan by his grandfather who received it from the Serranos at Mission Creek. They got it from the Gabrielinos, who in turn received it from Santa Catalina Island. Shell money was brought across from Santa Catalina Island on tule rafts to the San Fernando people, who dis tributed it among the inland groups (Strong 1929:_ 95-96). Other data indicates that the inland Serranos were exchanging the following items:

. acorns, seeds, obsidian and deerskins [with the coastal Gabrielinos for] . shell beads, dried fish, sea otter pelts, shells, possibly salt, and steatite (obtained by coastal Gabrielinos from those living on the island) (Bean and Smith 1978:547). Furthermore, the Cahuilla, Chemehuevi, and Mojaves may have acted as middlemen between the Gabrielinos and

American Southwestern Pueblo peoples (Bean and Smith 1978:

547). Both shells and steatite have been found in Pueblo sites while Southwest Cibola White ware (A.D. 1000) has been found in the Gabrielino area. Ruby (Bean and Smith

1978:547) proposed that Southern California and the South- west (perhaps as early as A.D. 600-800) " ... were engaged in a series of reciprocal exchanges, regularized by the 64 establishment of trading partnerships. II He further believes that most of the trading was done by bartering, but when infeasible or undesirable, strings of shell bead money were used, since it was considered the acceptable form of currency in most of Southern California.

A possible pattern surmised from some of the Harring ton notes, indicated that non-Gabrielino peoples traveled to the Gabr~elino area, perhaps at trading centers, more than the Gabrielinos went to other areas to trade (Bean and

Smith 1978:547).

CHUMASH AND GABRIELINO RELIGION

A recent study by Hudson and Blackburn (1978) has been able to elaborate upon Kroeber's (1925) work on religious complexes in southern California from more recently avail able data. They have demonstrated that many aspects of a complex religious system were shared among the native groups of south-central California: Chumash, Fernandeno,

Gabrielino, Juaneno, Luiseno, Tatavium, Kitanemuk and

Yokuts (Hudson and Blackburn 1978). In general, Hudson and

Blackburn (1978:243) have hypothesized that many of the major religious elements surrounding the deities of Wiyot and Chingishnish, and the siliyik/yivar cults complex, "may have been developed out of certain ideological concepts, involving a pantheon of deities, with considerable antiquity in Southern California." The links appear to be based upon "the mythic duality expressed in the celestial 65

peon game and the duality in social organization involving sibs/clans and moieties that characterize much of southern

California." Furthermore, the "links between mythology and

social organization . . reinforce the suggestion that sibs/clans and moieties once constituted basic and

essentially interdependent elements in social and ideologi-

cal systems throughout the region under consideration" (Hudson and Blackburn 1978:343-344).

It also appears that most of the major ideological elements included in the 'antap and yivar cults, developed within the coastal areas of the Chumash and Gabrielinos (Hudson and Underhay 1978:30). Although the actual time depth of these religious cults is not known, they appear to have originated in a "convergence of mythic and ceremonial elements" involving the worship of the sun during solsti- tial events, religious rites for mourning the dead, and

"elaborate eschatological beliefs" (Hudson and Blackburn

1978:246), with the Chumash perhaps being the most instrumental. Further developments along these lines were the use of certain common features (Hudson and Blackburn 1978;

Hudson and Underhay 1978:30, 130; Romani 1981), such as:

1. The construction of sacred enclosures during ceremonies,

2. The us~ of deer-bone whistles and bullroarers in ritual activities, 3. The use of sunsticks to "pull" the sun back to a central position at the winter solstice,

4. The use of charmstones (in ritual number com binations, that also correspond the number of ritual specialists of the cults - 12, 12 + 1 66

and 20),

5. Ritual specialists who performed during large public ceremonies and individual rites and who also had reputations "for controlling awe some and unprecedented amounts of supernatural power (and included captains, seers, adult male dancers, and female singers, who could cure or cause disease, poison people with herbs and ceremonies, make rain, communicate with super natural beings, turn into animals, and see the future), 6. The ritual participation in the peon game,

7. The sharing of some ritual songs and dances,

8. Feathered banners (?), 9. Astronomy and a ritual calendar based on celes tial occurrences. Furthermore, social integration along provincial or federation lines, which sometimes cross-cut linguistic boundaries, seems to have been intricately tied into the

Chumash 'antap cult and probably also similarly for the

Fernandeno/Gabrielino yivar cult (Hudson and Blackburn

1978:238). Ethographic and ethnohistorical evidence also demonstrates strong interaction between the Chumash, Fernandenos and Gabrielinos from a number of different examples:

1. Baptismal records of intermarriage, especially along the adjacent borderlands (Forbes 1966:138).

2. A Catalina Island man married a Chumash woman from HumaZiwo (Malibu) and became chief of that village (Brown 1967:45-47).

3. There were both Chumash and Gabrielino maritime people in the Santa Barbara Channel area, some of whom were also 'antap members (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:174, 178).

4. The ritual title of the 'antap leader, paha is very similar to the cognate title of the 67

Gabrielino medicine man, pahave (Hudson and Blackburn 1978:240).

5. Chumash placenames were given to Gabrielino occupied islands (Applegate 1975:28, 30; Black burn 1975:Narratives 19, 23, 92; Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:150). 6. There are a number of Chumash and Gabrielino myths and narratives that are very similar to each other and/or that reference places in each other's territories (Blackburn 1975).

While not every element of the Chumash 'antap and homologous Gabrielino yivar cult was adopted by each native group involved, many ideas were adopted, often combining

11 0lder concepts to form a kind of ideological mosaic 11 from the coastal 'antapjyivar religion (Hudson and Blackburn

1978:246). Many of these ideas probably filtered along either by direct or indirect economic and political interaction with the coastal peoples (Hudson and Blackburn 1978:

246). A major vehicle by which such interaction and sharing was possible was through the public/ .. community- oriented11 fiesta. The fiesta was a physical expression of the ideological/abstract beliefs in mythology involving the cosmos which linked individuals, communities and ultimately distinct ethnic groups 11 into a coherent, yet flexible network of interacting subsystems (that transcended normal ethnic, political and linguistic boundaries) .. by priests, shamans and ritual specialists (Blackburn and

Hudson 1978:225). Fiestas were a 11 complex of events .. constituting an important medium for significant.social, political and aesthetic interaction (Blackburn 1974; Hudson 68 and Blackburn 1978:225). Fiestas brought people together socially in an interaction with the cosmos to insure the reproduction of the individual, the community and the world as they conceived it. Since fiestas involved not only the local but also distant communities of different linguistic and ethnic backgrounds, political security could be main tained and prolonged. Furthermore, the fiesta also pro vided the vehicle for economic activities-the transference of raw products and finished commodities. In totality, fiestas ensured the reproduction of the institutions and the people involved.

An interesting developmental change in religion among the Gabrielinos, Juanenos, Diegenos, and to a somewhat lesser extent, the Cupenos, resulted from the deity and cult of Chinigchinich. From the available data, this religious complex seems to have developed from a fusion of native beliefs with certain Christian doctrines as the result of Spanish influence (Hudson and Blackburn 1978:

242, 247). Furthermore, this cult seems to have been created and advanced among the southeast Gabrielinos- possibly originating in the Long Beach area or on Santa

Catalina Island, or sli,ghtly "north" of it-to their neighbors south of the San Pedro area (Hudson and Black burn 1978:242). While the 'antap cult is ethnohistori cally said to have "developed on Santa Cruz Island" after initial European contact and spread to the m~inland

(Hudson et al. 1977:11, 17-19), the 'antap and yivar cults 69

probably reached farther back into history for their

origins from a well developed belief system.

Evidence for the formalization of these cults may

eventually be brought to light by further ethnographic/ ethnohistorical information combined with archaeological

data, such as from native astronomical studies. At best,

there is data suggesting that an organ1zed belief system

involving ceremonies and shrines was in existence for the

Chumash, since at least A.D. 1500 (Romani 1981:205).

Such information would be significant in understanding how the Santa Catalina Island inhabitants were influenced by these cults, and how it affected both the production and distribution of soapstone products (micaceous and fine- grained). Of particular interest in relation to this aspect, are the observations made by Kroeber (1976:633).

He observed that the Chumash practice of burying their dead, as opposed to the Gabrielino custom of cremation, was more prevalent on Catalina Island and the adjacent

Gabrielino coast from San Pedro north to the Chumash border, apparently throughout most of history. This observation is also substantiated in Glidden's unpublished notes on the

485 burials he exhumed on Catalina, where only 30 of the burials were cremated.

Kroeber (1976:566-567) also noted that:

Practically every implement here mentioned as Chumash was known also to the inhabitants of the Shoshonean (Gabrielino] islands, and most of them to the mainlanders of the coast for some distance south, especially the Gabrielino. The 70

archipelago must be considered a unit as regards material culture, irrespective of speech and origin of the natives. Santa Catalina remains, at any rate, show all the characteristics of Churnash civilization, perhaps even in their most perfect form. The Churnash coast, however, appears to have been much more closely linked with the Chumash islands, at least technologically, than the Shoshonean mainland with the Shoshonean islands; so that the prevailing impression of the culture as a distinctively Churnash one is substan tially correct.

In essence, similar observations made by other

earlier archaeologists (e.g., Rogers 1929; Orr 1943;

Johnston 1962) have led ·to the arbitrary labeling of the

coastal and island Churnash and Gabrielinos under one common

designation: the "Canaline Culture." This was based primarily on the material manifestations of the developed marine technology in conjunction with the use of plank

canoes. The available evidence for the canoe places its

"inception," around A.D. 500, and the bulk of its distri-

bution within the coastal territory of the Chumash main-

land and islands (Kohler 1977:68; Hudson, Timbrook and

Rempe 1978:22-23; King n.d.). Although the Gabrielinos

are said to have had the canoe-but perhaps gaining access

at a later point in time-the fairly scant direct data

(e.g., planks, asphaltum plugs, canoe effigies with dis-

tinct "ear" styles from the Churnash) are derived primarily

from the southern Channel Islands: Catalina (Finnerty et

al. 1970:14), San Nicolas and San Clemente (Kohler 1977:

6 8) • Indirect data from the mainland coast consist mainly

of the remains from deep-water fish, and perhaps some canoe drills, although this distribution may be the result 71 of archaeological sampling hampered by development and relic-collecting.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND INFORMATION

INTRODUCTION

In general, chronological sequences developed for cultural areas are based on artifact trait lists, usually with little substantial application to social development other than subsistence and technological levels. A number of chronologies have been proposed for the Southern Cali fornia coast as a unit and are based, for the most part, on the five-part division of Early Man, Millingstone,

Intermediate, and Late and Historic Period horizons

(Rogers 1929; Olson 1930; Wallace 1955; Harrison and

Harrison 1966; Orr 1968; Warren 1968; Leonard 1971; King n.d.).

Within these sequences, variations exist between beginning and ending dates as well as for sub-traditions in different areas. Inherent problems involve: (1) divi sions that are primarily based on coastal site data, which is cautiously extrapolated to interior areas; (2) applica tion to a rather extensive region, from the Chumash area to San Diego; (3) a reliance on a paucity of radiocarbon dates; (4) an extensive use of relative dating by associa tion of material types and densities from the few radio carbon dated sites; and (5) common traits which are sought for cultures with little consideration for variation 72 within a culture.

STANDARD CHRONOLOGY

The following sequence for the coastal Chumash and

Gabrieli~os is essentially the "standard" chronology used as defined by Wallace (1955) and later modified by Warren (1968). Early Man Horizon. The time period prior to 6500 B.C. has been described as the Early Man Horizon of San Dieguito Tradition. This tradition is exemplified by big game hunters who exploited Pleistocene megafauna. The arti factual assemblages are characterized by large leaf-shaped knives, projectile points, diagnostic scraper types, stone crescents and a lack of millingstones.

Millingstone Horizon (6500 B.C.-1800 B.C.). This phase is characterized by a shift from hunting megafauna to an emphasis on a plant gathering economy (wild seeds) and the hunting of smaller game. The artifactual assem blages are characterized by manos and metates, large leaf shaped projectile points and some non-utilitarian items such as cog-stones. Sites are generally situated on high coastal terraces, and on knoll tops in the interior valleys.

Intermediate Horizon (1800 B.C.-A.D. 500). This· period can be seen as a continuation from the previous period, however, there are major structural shifts in the range of seasonal exploitation and spatial organization. 73

The reliance on hard seed processing decreases while there is a greater emphasis on hunting along with a maritime oriented economy along the coast. The artifactual assem blages are characterized by large stemmed and notched projectile points, mortar/pestles, metate/manos, and the elaboration of non-utilitarian or socio-religious items.

Various exotic items can be found indicating the develop ment of trade networks.

Late Horizon (A.D. 500-Historic). The late period is seen as an increase in cultural complexity, with all of the integral cultural elements seen in the previous period being greatly intensified. The beginning of this period is marked by the introduction of money beads (OZiveZZa cups) in the Chumash area indicating the existence of a market economy that lead to a complex exchange system at the time of historic contact (King 1971). Along with the occurrence of money beads is the introduction of the tomoZ (plank boat) that enabled extensive island-mainland trade. Vil lages are characterized by a higher population density and a more defined internal spatial organization consisting of house rows, ceremonial enclosures, and often adjacent but distinct cemetery areas. Along the coast, villages are located at the mouths of drainages and essentially serve as permanent habitation sites. The sphere of interaction between villages increases, and there is a greater diver sity in the economic base, characterized by a greater diversion in site types (i.e., specialized sites, base 74 camps, and seasonal villages, etc.).

REVISED CHRONOLOGY

Chester King (1974:n.d.) has recently revised the standard chronologies for the Santa Barbara Channel area into tighter phases and sub-phases. His work is based on changes of raw materials, manufacturing processes, forms and overall sizes of beads and ornaments and their aper tures. Most of these data were derived from cemetery burial lots using available radiocarbon- dates as standards for further correlations to other sites. He further examined and correlated the contexts, frequencies, associ ated materials and distribution of beads and ornaments within cemeteries and village sites for the coastal area and islands. With these patterns in mind, correlations of other data such as settlement locations, subsistence pat terns and technology levels were brought together for a model of Chumash social development using Systems Theory Analysis. A brief synopsis of the interpreted develop mental changes will be presented (King n.d.).

Early Period (approximately < 5000 B.C.-approximately

1700 B.C.). This period is divided into three sub-phases with two finer variants. At this time the Channel Islands had been inhabited from at least 6000 B.C.-and it is likely that the tule balsa boat existed. In general this period is characterized by a gradual shift from an "egali tarian" society that had been based on achieved status with 75

no true centralized leadership and loose settlement affili ations. Villages tended to be located on high knolls,

gradually moving down towards the coast, although during

one sub-phase, a minor shift occurred toward a higher

location and then again moves down. These shifts are

interpreted as defensive locations. Inshore fishing was

done with seines and gorges while large pelagic fish were

taken by compound hooks, probably using tule balsa boats.

The consumption of small hard seeds by grinding them on a metate and mano was common. Some ceremonial or ritually oriented objects and adornments, similar to those found after Spanish contact, were being produced. Incipient craft specialization may have begun with the production of

certain items such as small serpentine bowls, large well made knives, beads and ornaments. The only clear-cut materials imported from outside the Channel area include obsidian, possibly other flaked stone materials, red ochre,

OZiveZZa dama beads and javalina tusks.

Middle Period (approximately 1700 B.C.-A.D. 1100).

This period is divided into five sub-phases with three finer variants, and is characterized by the transition and development from the Early Period of centralized, inherited

leadership, status differentiation and the differentiation and strengthening of religious specialist roles as exhibited in cemetery burial lots and spatial arrangements.

There was an increase in fishing and a development of the associated technology. The wooden planked ocean-going 76

boat also appears towards the latter part of this period,

and by this time the fishing technology is pr~ctically the

same as for the historic Chumash. It is interesting that a number of changes seem to occur around the_ time that the

plank boat is known to exist. Village sites with increased

populations move towards the shore, probably at boat land

ings and developing trade centers, and village interaction

increases. Trade for non-local obsidian begins to decrease

with an increased use of more local materials such as fused

shale. The local manufacture of products increases -and new

trade routes develop and/or increase in intensity (i.e.,

Santa Barbara Channel beads are found in the American

Southwest, although at a slightly earlier time period).

Throughout this period, there is also an increased use of

storable acorns as indirectly reflected in the use of

mortars and pestles, which is also seen as reflective of

increased ceremonialism and trade products. Shaped mortars, stone bowls of sandstone, granite and soapstone

develop along with basketry from the early period. Also

towards the end of the Middle Period, more individuals appear to be involved in the economic system--which was

previously closed except for chiefs--with the use of stan

dardized beads for currency and increased production of products from different environments; however, less wealth

appears to be buried towards the end of this time.

Late Period (approximately A.D. 1100-A.D. 1805).

This period is divided into three sub-phases with two 77

finer variants and continues into the time of historic

contact and missionization. It is characterized by the

further development and refinement of the technology seen

in the earlier periods. Socially, it is essentially that which was discussed in the ethnohistorical/ethnographic section presented earlier in this chapter.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXAMPLES OF CHUMASH CRAFT SPECIALIZATION

In the archaeological record, there are a number of sites or activity loci within sites, that indicate the specialized manufacturing of products. This is particularly evident by the acquisition of localized resources within close proximity to manufacturing sites and by the distribution of the finished products to sites/areas lack- ing both the resource and manufacturing activity. Some evidence from cemetery sites also indicates various types of specialization by the association of specific burial accompaniments (e.g., tool kits, fetishes, finished items). While the existence of localized resources, and the quality and quantity of the material, was undoubtedly an important factor in specialized craft production, various sets of data in relation to the social mechanisms functioning in society need to be more carefully examined.

For example, the differences between full-time and part- time specialists, and the importance of particular products over other products throughout time, needs to be explained. Several examples are presented indicating the 78 specialized manufacture of either products made from a particular localized resource or the localized manufacture of products to specific sites.

Chert. Evidence presented by Rogers (1929), Jones

(1956) and King (1976) from Santa Cruz Island indicates that the island had at least two specialized lithic indus tries; Chinese Harbor specialized in the production of a specific type of triangular bladelet, and Prisoners Harbor produced large, thin chert knives. The distribution of the bladelets suggests that they were made at one cluster of sites and traded to another site cluster to be used primarily as tools for bead manufacture. The large knives are most frequently found in historic Chumash cemeteries

(King 1976:312-313). The data also indicate that the

Santa Cruz Island sites contain the greatest quantities of chert cores found in the Chumash area, although chipping debris and a number of chert sources are located throughout the Chumash territory (King 1976:312).

Fused Shale. At present, there are only two known sources for this lithic material, and both are located south of the Santa Clara River in the area of Grimes

Canyon. The only known village that appears specialized in the modification of this stone is located adjacent to the Happy Camp source; however, fused shale is very common and widely distributed in the Late Period.

Mortars and Pestles. Specialized manufacturing sites producing these grinding implements have been recorded at 79

several site localities in different areas: San Nicholas Island (Bryan 1961), San Miguel Island (Heye 1921:45-46),

and Santa Cruz Island (Rogers 1929:313). These shaped implements are of a common type found after A.D. 100 in

villages, campsites and cemeteries among the Chumash, Southern and Central Yokuts, Channel Islands and San

Fernando Valley (King 1976:314).

Perforated Stones. These artifacts were made primar ily on the islands. Ethnographic data suggest that the

stone from Santa Barbara Island was the most prized mate rial and was owned only by the wealthy. They were also made on the islands of Santa Cruz and Santa Catalina since

the Early Period (King 1976:315).

Serpentine Bowls. A number of different areas in the Santa Ynez Mountains have serpentine deposits, as does

Catalina Island. The characteristic small "toZoache" bowl may have been produced in both areas. These bowls are mainly found in cemetery contexts along the Santa Barbara coast and on the islands (King 1976:315).

Soapstone Bowls, Ollas and Comals. At present, the only known area for both the location of the resource and it production, occurs on Santa Catalina Island.

SUMMARY AND SYNTHESIS OF THE DATA

The intent of this chapter was to present a compara tive overview of the significant known aspeqts of Chumash and Gabrielino social organization. Ethnographic, 80

ethnohistorical and archaeological data were used to supply this background information as well as to illucidate the

existing data gaps.

The material cultures and social structures of the

populous Hokan-speaking Chumash and Takic-speaking

Gabrielinos were among the most complex and sophisticated

hunting and gathering groups encountered by the first

Spanish explorers in California. It can also be seen from

the data that both groups (and especially the Chumash,

Fernandenos and north coast Gabrielinos) shared many of the

characteristics established within the general outlines of

their social structures and material, technological bases

by at least the Proto-Historic and Historic Periods.

Furthermore, both groups inhabited complimentary, adjacent,

unspecialized variable environments, with coastal access

and inhabitable offshore islands. Neither the Chumash nor the Gabrielinos were organized

into their own cohesive tribal units. However, "loosely"

unified social units, encompassing several villages/

communities into provinces, with the provinces organized into larger confederations apparently following dialectical or language groupings, existed for both the Chumash and

Gabrielinos (Blackburn 1975:8, 13; Bean and Smith 1978:

544). Blackburn (1974:105) and Hudson and Blackburn (1978) have suggested that kinship and/or the ubiquitous Chumash

'antap and homologous Gabrielino yivar cults may have pro vided the significant integrative mechanisms within each 81 cultural area. The integrative capabilities of the cults stems from the present interpretation that cult membership was restricted to only the prominent community members, those people associated with the highest ascribed status roles, wealth, social prerogatives and prestige, such as chiefs and their families (who-were required to join), important officials and shamans. There are also documented examples of 'antap initiates who were members of the more economically-oriented 11 brotherhoods 11 of specialists, such as those who made and used the plank canoes and the sinew backed bows (Blackburn 1974:105; Hudson, Timbrook and

Rempe 1978:156). It thus appears that while, specific and well-defined roles existed, the working relationships between the roles cross-cut their separate and specific functions, or what might be considered the sub-system activities of politics, religion and economics. Also derived from the Chumash narratives, Blackburn (1975:53) noted that some ritual specialists along with economic specialists and wealthy headmen, undoubtedly had political influence and may have served in informal, if not formal, decision-making councils.

Furthermore, recent information and studies on the

Chumash, and to a more limited extent for the Gabrielinos, have begun to demonstrate the existence of large-scale ceremonial networks based on calendars in conjunction with astronomical observations that were apparently controlled by the cults (Blackburn 1974:100-101, 1975:11, 13; Hudson 82 and Blackburn 1978; Hudson and Underhay 1978; Larson,

Romani and Romani 1981; Romani 1981). The religious

structure regulated a number of yearly ceremonial gather

ings that often involved participants from wide geographi cal areas, including neighboring cultural groups. These ceremonial gatherings apparently played a significant role in the different levels of political, social and religious integration, as,well as providing important contexts for much of the economic interchange of goods and services

(King 1969:42; Blackburn 1974, 1975:10-11; Larson, Romani and Romani 1981; Romani 1981:200-207). It must also be stated that periodic hostilities did exist between the different social groups.

The Chumash were also apparently the primary manufac turers and suppliers of a form of shell bead currency that was often used in economic transactions throughout the southern portion of California (Blackburn 1975:10-11; King n.d.). This shell bead currency, along with many of the manufactured commodities, was produced by craft special ists, primarily on the Channel;Islands (King 1974:292, n.d.). The introduction of the more efficient wooden planked canoe around A.D. 500, undoubtedly further increased and facilitated the traffic of goods and people between the mainland and channel islands and social inter- ' action in general (Blackburn 1975:10; Larson and Major

1975; Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:155; Larson, Romani and Romani 1981). 83

Of further interest, are the observations made by

Kroeber (1976:566-567), that the Gabrielino island of

Santa Catalina, has more prevailing characteristic, material similarities to the Chumash material culture than to their own affiliations among the Gabrielinos. In conjunction with religious beliefs and practices, a further similarity was apparent on Catalina in the practice of butying their dead--the common means of disposal among the

Chumash--as opposed to the Gabrielino custom of cremation, in the Late Period (Kroeber 1976:633; Glidden n.d.).

The known aspects of social interaction, such as intermarriage and bicultural population of borderland villages and the exchange of products (such as soapstone vessels), undoubtedly had significant ramifications in both societies. Many of the characteristics, especially the material manifestations of the coastal populations, led early archaeologists to label both societies under one common designation, the "Canaline Culture" (e.g., Rogers

1929; Orr 1943). But analyses focusing on the ramifica tions of the social interaction--influence, similarities and contrasting differences--have only recently begun with the publication of the Harrington notes. The least known aspects of both cultures are those involving the funda mental kinship groupings and the extent of the associated structural rules and functions, such as marriage, resi dence, inheritance rights, and other forms of kin interac tion patterns. 84

Although it seems apparent that the north coast

Gabrielinos, Fernandenos and Chumash conducted extensive

commerce between the Channel Islands and mainland, and more

specifically soapstone trade from Catalina Island, the

exact nature and complexity of this exchange structure has

only been partially reconstructed. These interactions may have had strong bases in the religious structures which may have also incorporated the dominant users of the tomoZ.

The following chapter is directed specifically towards

the ethnographic and ethnohistorical data regarding

specialized labor units among the Chumash, of which there

is no available comparative information for the Gabrielinos

at present. Chapter 4

CHUMASH EXAMPLES OF SPECIALIZED LABOR UNITS

INTRODPCTION

Chumash society possessed a number of part-time and full-time professional or specialized occupational roles.

The Spanish explorer, Pedro Fages, noted some of these occupational roles--although some may also represent sexual divisions of labor or individual pursuits--during the 1769

Portola expedition through Chumash territory.

The occupations and ordinary pursuits of these people is limited; some of them follow fishing, others engage in their small carpentry jobs, some make strings of beads, others grind red, white and blue paint clays, and a certain kind of plumbiferous stones, which serve for the men to paint themselves with when they are celebrat ing and dancing or when they go to war, and which are used by the women for their usual adornment. They make variously shaped plates from the roots of the oak and the alder trees, and also mortars, crocks and plates of black stone, all of which they cut out with flint, certainly with great skill and dexterity. They make an infinite number of arrows. The women go about their seed-sowing, bringing the wood for the use of the house, the water and other provi sions. They skillfully weave trays, baskets and pitchers for various purposes; these are well made with thread of grass roots of various colors (Priestley 1972:34-35).

The following list adapted from Blackburn (1975:52) presents the known specialized occupations of the Chumash as derived from their narratives; some are collaborated by

85 86

ethnohistorical and ethnographic information, and to an

extent by archaeological data (e.g., specialized sites and

activity areas, and mortuary contexts).

Economic Roles Political Roles Ritual Roles

Canoe maker Chief Astrologer priest Canoe owner Assistant chief Diviner Fisherman Ceremonial leader Sacrificer Hunter Messenger Singer cordage maker Chief's daughter Cult member Bead maker Curing shaman Tobacco maker Weather shaman Net maker Bear shaman Basket maker Sorcerer Leather worker Bow and arrow maker Bowl maker Mortar maker Chipped stone worker Board maker Headdress maker Mortician

Furthermore, some, if not many, specialists were organized into collectively structured groups that some-

times "cross-cut localized affiliations and had a kinship based charter" (Blackburn 1975:10). According to Craig

(1967:84):

Although these specialists were often part-time, in large coastal villages full-time individual and lineage specialization ·was present. Accord ing to one of Harrington's informants, "There was a dynasty or nobility made of persons who had to make no effort to live. Unlike those of the bear moiety, these did not have to work to live." Full time specialists included sea mam mal hunters, fishermen, women undertakers, shamans, anteps [sic] (protectors of village totems), boat builders, woodworkers, and bead makers.

The individual specialists or organized groupings can be broken down into divisions as devised by Blackburn, or 87

into general categories of trader/merchants, craft manufac-

turers, religious functionaries, political functionaries, hunters and fishermen. However, it must be stated that

these divisions do not necessarily fit into mutually exclu-

sive categories. The dominant social elements and their functions have to be isolated to understand how other pur-

suits are founded and organized into the productive activi-

ties of the society, as in relation to the access of the material means of production, organization of the labor forces and distributional networks.

The discussion will now focus on two groups of organized specialists, or gremios (the Spanish term for guilds or brotherhoods, used by Harrington in his field notes) for which there is ethnohistorical information: the brotherhood-of-the-tomol and the makers of the sinew-backed bows. However, many critical aspects of the internal organization and external relationships of these gremios are either ambiguous or unknown. This is primarily due to the time frame when the information was collected by John P. Harrington. One of his principt~ informants was a Chumash Indian named Fernando Librado Kitsepawit, who was born on Santa Cruz Island sometime between 1804 and 1820, or perhaps even later. The interviews with Harrington did not occur until between 1912 and 1915, the latter being the year of Fernando's death. Most of Fernando's direct observations as an adult began either towards the end of the Mission Period or after the secularization of the 88

Franciscan Missions, with aspects of the traditional life ways provided by his elders. It was also not until the

1850's that Fernando was said to have joined the exclusive brotherhood-of-the-tomat. Furthermore, Harrington's own interest was directed more towards obtaining linguistic data (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:13-15).

BROTHERHOOD-OF-THE-TOMOL

Types of Water Crafts

Three types of crafts were made and used by the historic coastal Chumash Indians: the dugout, tule balsa and plank canoe (tomoZ). While all three were used in calm lagoonal-type waters, only the latter two ventured the ocean as vehicles for fishing and intercourse with the channel islanders (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:27).

Rather scant information exists for the former two crafts in comparison with the tomot. The tomoZ, highly acclaimed by the Spanish, was a unique innovation for the California

Pacific, with its closest counterparts found in Chile and

Oceania (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:22). Furthermore, it is only for the tomoZ that information exists concern ing a collective organization involving both its construc tion and use. There are, however, a few accounts relating to several brotherhood members who also constructed dugout ' canoes (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:34-36).

The initial appearance of the tomoZ in the archaeo logical record for the Chumash, dates back to around A.D. 89

500 by means of associated paraphernalia: canoe drills, plugs, calking and elaborate marine technology (Hudson,

Timbrook and Rempe 1978:23). The antecedents to the development of the rather complex construction design of the tomol is not known, but has been theorized as being a

local innovation stemming from some of the similarities of the dugout canoe, although some regard the dugout as an historic phenomenon (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:22).

Briefly, the tomol was a frameless boat between eight and

30 feet in length, and was built by shaping seasoned driftwood into individually fitted boards that were both

11 glued" with asphaltum and sewn together with a special string of vegetable fiber. The entire process was said to have been completed within two to six months and involved a number of specialists (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:

40-41).

While a basic traditional design existed for the con struction of the vessel, there was also a considerable range of variation in the design and final product, and was probably dependent on its primary function, for whom it was intended, availability of construction materials, and perhaps final options decided by the builders. Such differences included size variables as length, depth, and width, light vs. heavy boards for body construction, and the use of optional features such as "ribs," "wings,"

"ears" and final decoration patterns. One example to be tested in the scant archaeological record for the specific 90 function of the tomol has been proposed by Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe (1978:127). They have suggested, based on vari ous sets of information, that heavy/thick boards consti tuting. heavy canoes would function more efficiently during fishing activities, whereas light/thin board canoes would better facilitate the transport of heavy cargos secured in trade.

Tomol Ownership

The tomol was ethnohistorically described as being extremely valuable and expensive, more so than a house.

This contention is supported by the data published (Hudson,

Timbrook and Rempe 1978) on the tomol and all the facets of material procurement, preparation, construction and its potential access to other resources, marine resources and trade commodities. Furthermore by the expense incurred for construction, ownership would be restricted to only the wealthy, which included village chiefs and those along the chiefly line, who would order canoes at their own expense {Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:39). Since the chiefs and his family members were required to join the

'antap cult, undoubtedly many, if not most canoe owners were also cult members as well as members of the tomol brotherhood. It is further noted that tomol owners did not always venture out to sea in their own canoes, but if they did, they always occupied the stern position as navigator-captains {Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:39). 91

In historic times, the mission priests often held a share in canoe ownership by supplying either building materials or money for construction, and would receive an unknown portion of the resources procured by that boat

(Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:39, 41).

TomoZ Builders There is some evidence from the Harrington data that in some cases, the tomoZ owner may also have been the master builder, as well as the captain at sea (Hudson,

Timbrook and Rempe 1978:39). It further seems that the brotherhood-of-the-tarnal was organized on a regional scale, encompassing perhaps provincial or federational boundaries. There was one inspector of all the deeds of his people. It was his duty to see that all the mem bers of the canoe brotherhood fulfilled their obligations to all the villages on the coast. The inspector was the head of the Brotherhood-of the-Canoe. At every village on the coast there was an inspector, and all those of the brother hood nominated him (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:155).

The local inspector was probably the master builder or director of construction activities for a village and was fully initiated into the secrets of construction by his elders. He was chosen (for an unknown duration in office) by his exceptional qualities of leadership, valor, devotion, responsibility and knowledge of both construe- tion and seamanship and probably esoteric powers conceived through hallucenogenic toloache (Datura sp.) dreams 92

(Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:7, 156). This man was also considered "its captain at sea" (Hudson, Timbrook and

Rempe 1978:39). Such men were distinguished by wearing

short bearskin capes and G-strings in traditional times, and later by cloth shirts and G-strings. The assistants and/or crew wore only the G-strings (Hudson, Timbrook and

Rempe 1978:144-145).

Assistants This body of men assumed a number of functions in the building stages as well as probably constituting the crew Such functions included building, frame making, board mak ing and/or wood procurement, tar preparing and string mak ing, with fishermen and/or rowers and bailers as crew

(Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:39-54). It is not known if these men were isolated or somewhat collective (multi- functioning) specialists, nor how a hierarchical ranking system was established in relation to these functions in terms of importance, knowledge and/or apprenticeship. With the social disruption caused by the missions and later with secularization, there were undoubtedly changes in the structure, and an ultimate end to the organization. This is evident in the story concerning Palatino's last meeting with the remaining brotherhood members perhaps in the

1820's or 1830's. Palatino, acting as headman, told the members that the organization had come to an end. All of the brotherhood members were too old, and none of the children knew the secrets or the true meaning of the 93

fraternity. There was also no more money to be made (Harrington n.d.).

But the gremio is not merely saying gremio, but there is a collection of money, and (by money) they strengthen their fraternity, it is only money that makes the world strong, and union (Harrington n.d.).

Aspects of Internal Organization

Based on an analogy from the Chumash "sinew-backed

bow guild" and interpretations made by Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe (1978:153-155), new membership into the brother-

hood was considered to be primarily along family lines or

lineage affiliations. Although non-relatives may have been .able to join, perhaps based on certain qualities or condi-

tions, such as toZoache induced visions relating to canoes

during puberty rites or the lack of direct heirs, and later

by the disruption caused by missionization. Those members

belonging to the upper echelon of the brotherhood and

society, at least the owners and master builders, were

probably also 'antap initiates. This is directly evident

in the Harrington data as many were members of the 'antap "Twenty" (cf. Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:169-181).

Furthermore, some members were also specialists in certain shamanic functions, such as Palatine, who was also a cur-

ing doctor (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:177).

The secrets or "mysteries" of construction and perhaps

certain aspects of seamanship were strictly confined to the

organization. To maintain this elitist aspect, only those involved in production were allowed to be present (Hudson, 94

Timbrook and Rempe 1978:40). Some of the secrets included a technical language and knowledge of the construction process, names for the various elements of the canoe, along with a special tool kit maintained in a net bundle which probably usually included a fetish or atishwin (e.g., soapstone or wooden canoe, or other small effigy), which was a supernatural dream helper acquired during a toZoache vision (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:126) and probably other ritual behavior. Tools were probably owned by the organization and entrusted to the members for use. Upon the death of a member, the tools may have been retained by the brotherhood and reallocated to a new member. Whereas other personal property of the deceased, including his fetish, were dealt with by the true blood relatives, by burning or burying. If, however, death occurred at sea without the person making the proper provisions for the disposal of his personal property with his family before venturing to sea, all possessions reverted to the brother hood as was the custom. The brotherhood headman would then be responsible for the distribution to the other members and to the relatives of the deceased, as well as perhaps preparing the funeral arrangements. The latter occurred in at least one case when a Mourning Ceremony (a ritual gathering to honor important people who had died 3-5 years prior to the event) was organized to honor those brother hood members lost in a canoe accident. This event also coincided with the annual Hutash harvest celebration 95

(Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:156). Other data suggest that headmen were assisted with advice and financial matters by a high-ranking council, possibly consisting of canoe owners (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:156). One of the most important functions of the brotherhood was to act as "sea traders" (Hudson, Timbrook arid Rempe

1978:125, 135, 155). However, there are no descriptions ellucidating the details of the role. Unanswered questions remain, such as how the goods were obtained by the brotherhood for exchange purposes, whether the products were jointly owned or if the brotherhood was commissioned by others as middle men to transport and transact the exchanges, and how payment for services and/or exchanged products was distributed within the group.

One example does exist for the distribution of resources obtained during a fishing excursion. When the tomol came near shore, it was met by several fraternity members who then unloaded the canoe. The fish were divided (in unknown proportions) to those who helped build the canoe, to the receivers of the canoe upon its return (who may have been the builders), and to the canoe owner's relatives (Harrington n.d.). Furthermore:

The canoemakers gave the privilege to four people to come whenever the canoe came ashore to take some corbina fish and eat it raw. Teodoro, Vicente, Leandro, and Millan had this privilege; they were canoemakers (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:130). An observation made by Fr. Senan at Mission San 96

Buenaventura noted that the fishermen themselves would not eat the fish, " ... believing that if he did, he would catch no more" (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:13).

The following passage from Harrington's (n.d.) original notes, illustrates a significant aspect of the brotherhood's reproductive structure in relation to their own members and those outside of the group.

Those who unload [fraternity members] are glad hearted, for it is their duty, they have their share, it is theirs. The fathers and mothers of these receivers and all those of the cayuco brotherhood give alms, they bring chia, acorns, islay, maize, beans, wheat, or some blanket or clothing to cover oneself with. For this reason the cayuqueros went out to sea, all that was given to them, they returned and more too (la ---~ . correspondencia) [agreement, interchange] was returned by the fishermen to those who give them the chia, etc. The custom of the Indians here, Fernando volunteers, was always progressive. You give them one dollar and they always pay you back more than you give them. This shows that the idea of interest is an ancient and live one among these Indians.

SINEW-BACKED BOW "GUILD"

Types of Bows

Two types of bows were made and used by the Chumash, the unreinforced self bow and the reinforced sinew-backed bow (Harrington n.d., 1942:14-15; Hudson 1974:3). Sinew- backed bows were considered superior in strength, quality, resiliency, elasticity, accuracy and overall performance.

This is due to the nature of the sinew (animal muscle) binding around the mid-section and ends, the type, treat- ment and form of the wood, and the strong sinew bow string 97

(Harrington n.d.; Gayton 1948:73; Kroeber 1976:530; Latta

1977:285; Tepp 1981). Chumash reinforced bows were usually somewhat wider and shorter than self-bows, and

curved with slightly recurved ends (Latta 1977:285; Hudson

1974:3). Fine quality sinew-backed bows were always said to be made from pinon-pine wood (Harrington n.d.).

Using the Yokuts sinew-backed bow as an analogy, both

Powers (Gayton 1948:73) and Latta (1977:285) described the manufacturing process as necessitating more skill and labor time than was required for the self-bow. The rather extensive time taken to prepare both the wood and sinew resulted in a highly valued product. Furthermore, few

Yokuts men knew how to make these bows and they were usually purchased from the neighboring Monos, who used juniper wood

(Gayton 1948:73).

Self-bows are considered the more common type that could be made by any man (Gayton 1948:73). These single curved bows possessed significantly fewer of the fine qualities of the sinew-backed bows, but tended to be longer (Hudson 1974:3). The process time described for making these bows was from three to six days (Gayton 1948:

7 2) •

Sinew-Backed Bow Ownership

To obtain a sinew-backed bow, permission had to be given by one of the members of the bow-makers fraternity (Harrington n.d.). If permission was granted, the person 98

became a "convert" ('a:f:.mesi) from the kaZiw (self-bow makers) to the kicnuna (sinew-backed bow makers) and was

considered a "relative." However, the "convert/relative" was obligated by the use/ownership privilege to give a

portion of the game brought down with the bow to the makers (Harrington n.d.).

Sinew-Backed Bow Makers Harrington was told by Churnash informants that those who "looked after the sinew-backed bow" (taZiw), were called kicnuna. Only a small number of bow makers resided in a village, "maybe 4 or 5 men." The kaZiw were those men who made and used unreinforced bows (cukowowo'n@'@c) (sic)

(Harrington n.d.).

Assistants

Assistants were not specifically mentioned, but this group was probably organized in a hierarchical structure, consisting of a leader, experienced makers and apprentices.

It is not known if there were particular specialists that performed one set function, or if they were multi functional specialists. Furthermore, along this line, it is not known if this group made only the bow, or if an entire hunting kit was involved (i.e., special arrow shaft, points, headdresses or other paraphernalia). Although other specialists may have produced the accessory equip ment, they may have been closely aligned to the bow makers, if not part of the same group, as in the case of those 99 involved in the different aspects of making the plank canoe, such as board or tar makers. The only suggestion for the bow makers making the entire kit, is provided by

Fernando Librado. Fernando was told that an Indian had received "permission from the Ventura tribe to carry bow and arrows of pedernal [flint] because another.Indian had threatened his life. Nobody carried these arrows about usually" (Harrington n.d.). It would seem reasonable for such a bow to be co~plemented with associated parapher nalia.

Aspects of Internal Organization The specific organization of this group is not known, but certain generalities may be assumed to be the same or similar to the brotherhood-of-the-tomoZ. Acceptance into the groups as an apprentice, which involved the actual procedures of manufacture, was probably based primarily along kinship lines, although exceptions could be made, and may have involved an initiation fee as with joining the

'antap. The initiate was probably entrusted with special tools, secrets of manufacture and use of the bow, and ritual behavior associated with the craft (Hudson 1977:4).

Furthermore, whether perspective members were selected from direct descent lines or not, new members seem to have , assumed a "relative" status in connection with the frater nity family, and perhaps an additional name. Fr. Senan wrote in his Ventureno confessionario, that the Indians called each other brother and sister, whether true blood 100 kin or not. Hudson (1977:14) also pointed out that the

Chumash custom was to avoid personal names, and instead they used 11 titles, nicknames, bynames and kinship terms. 11

SUMMARY OF THE DATA

This section was intended to provide the available ethnographic and ethnohistorical data on the social organi zation of special interest groups among the Chumash, and the significance of their specialties. While the data are still somewhat sketchy, it will provide some points of reference in discussing the potential for an organized group of Gabrielino soapstone manufacturers on Santa

Catalina Island.

A fairly large number of 11 part-time 11 and 11 full-time 11 professional or occupational specialist roles existed within Chumash society. While the role usually followed birthright, it is believed that qualified applicants from outside direct descent lines were also accepted and

11 adopted 11 as 11 relatives 11 into the occupation as apprentices, possibly accompanied by an entrance fee (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:154). Initiation into the roles undoubtedly involved apprenticeship programs to transmit the necessary technical and esoteric knowledge, and to develop the necessary performance abilities required of the skill. The' rudiments for manufacture of products or performance of services, were undoubtedly common knowledge. However, most aboriginal examples that distinguish the true specialist 101 from the non-specialist, besides a particular ability, involves the necessary, but secretly restricted, knowledge of magic and ritual that must accompany the specialty for proper performance (McKern 1922:249-250; Lebar 1964:345;

Herskovits 1965:146-147; Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978: 154).

The general categories of these roles include service and administrative positions, such as religious and politi cal functionaries, and the more economically oriented roles of trader/merchants and commodity producers. The roles of chiefs, bureaucrats and religious personnel were situated in the highest status positions, respectively. Craft specialists were below them, yet above the rank of com moner (Bean 1974:23).

In addition to individual specialists, there were also formal, cohesive and permanent cooperative organizations of specialists, such as those consisting of particular craft manufacturers, and those who performed administrative and/or service related duties. The actual frequency and duration of aggregation undoubtedly depended on the nature and requirements of the activity. While some groups probably maintained localized affiliations, such as those manufacturing products from unique resources, there were other organizations that cross-cut localized political and residential affiliations, but continued to maintain a kin ship veneer (Blackburn 1974:105, 1975:10; Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:156). Two Chumash examples of the latter, 102 at least by the Historic Period, include the religiously oriented, ubiquitous sodality, known as the 'antap cult, and the organizations of canoemen, known as the brotherhood of-the-tarnal. Of particular interest for both organiza tions, were their apparent multi-functional nature and involvement in different aspects of society, in addition to the fact that at least some individuals were members of both groups and possibly other specialist organizations as well (Blackburn 1974:105; Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:

156). These factors have led some authorities to concur with Blackburn's (1974:105) suggestion that " ... the

'antap cult may have provided a kind of supra-organizational framework for the integration of the kinship-chartered, economically significant sodality-like gremias [a Spanish term for guilds or brotherhoods] with the political and religious hierarchy."

As can be seen from the preceding discussion on organized groups of specialists, or gremias, feelings of commonality and comraderie existed among the members. The organizations were based on socially integrative factors derived from kinship, and their un~fication was strength ened by the restricted skill and knowledge to produce special marketable products and/or services that were imbued with social values. These factors maintained the groups on restricted communal levels of cooperation to ensure continuation and reproduction within the larger social formation. Chapter 5 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ON MICACEOUS SOAPSTONE PRODUCTS

INTRODUCTION

This chapter will summarize the present archaeological, ethnographical and ethnohistorical data base for micaceous soapstone. The information will include temporal, spatial and technological aspects of manufacture, exchange and some of the known uses. A comprehensive and systematic study of soapstone in all these aspects has yet to be accomplished.

Furthermore, there are gaps in the data base resulting from

(1) poor excavation techniques by early collectors

(especially on Catalina Island), (2) the paucity of archaeological excavations in some areas (such as the

Gabrielino occupied Palos Verdes area) and (3) poorly established chronological sequences that have relied on a paucity of C14 dates for the chronological placement of sites based on similar artifact types.

SANTA CATALINA ISLAND

A number of problems plague Catalina Island archaeol ogy. Foremost are the number of early collections from villages and cemeteries. These collections were done for museum displays (in many parts of the world) and for sale

103 104 to private collectors without the use of proper excavation techniques or systematic recording of the data (e.g.,

Glidden collected for the Museum of the American Indian between 1915 to 1925 and later for his own personal collec tion in the 1940's). These early excavations ~ave resulted in numerous unsystematic, poorly recorded and often unpro venienced data removal with very few publications of the work from the 1850's to the 1950's.

It was not until the 1950's that more systematic archaeological procedures were used to record and excavate sites, although relatively few (approximately 20) have been excavated. However, the lack of screening, or use of inadequate large meshed screens, and the use of amateur workers has hampered the retrieval of certain sets of data, such as the recovery of small shell beads and European glass trade beads. Further problems have resulted from the lack of publications for many of these excavations. Survey programs initiated by Reiss and Meighan in the 1950's,

Decker in the 1970's and Leonard in 1976 have now revealed

909 recorded sites. Many of these sites are micaceous soapstone workshops and quarry areas from the area around the Airport, Empire Landing and Potts Valley (Wlodarski

1979:331). For a comprehensive compilation of excavations and published literature on Catalina Island, the reader is referred to Wlodarski's "A Bibliography of Catalina Island

Investigations and Excavations (1850-1980)" (n.d.b),

"Catalina Island Archaeology Program" (n.d.c), and 105

"Catalina Island Soapstone Manufacture'' (1979:331-335).

A number of fine-grained talcose and serpentine deposits have also been recorded on the island (see Chapter 3), along with an "industry" geared towards the manufacture of small ornaments and "unusual/miscellaneous ceremonial 11 objects. Two such sites are the "West End Site" (Wlodarski

1975) and one excavated by Decker and Plog in 1971 (Wlodar- ski 1979:341). Relatively little is known about the extent and manifestations of this production, and there is no firmly established temporal placement for these sites.

However, Wlodarski (1981) has proposed that they may have preceded and perhaps were supplanted by the large-scale production of micaceous soapstone products.

CHRONOLOGY

Human occupation on Santa Catalina Island dates back to at least 5,000 years ago (Wlodarski 1979:338). Data from Meighan's 1959 excavation of the Little Harbor site on the Pacific side of the island, indicates that soapstone was manufactured on a limited scale into simplistic and unspecialized forms since at least 2000 B.C. According to

Meighan's chronology, this date would be placed into the

Intermediate Period (Meighan 1959:384). Eight fragments of small hemispherical bowls, some as shallow as "dishes," and' two boulder mortars of micaceous soapstone were recovered along with two beads, 14 simplistic effigies, 13 perforated stones and one charmstone of "steatite'' (Meighan 1959:391- 106

396). These few soapstone products were interpreted by

Meighan (1959:392) as possibly being manufactured from loose "float" rocks, with little or no quarrying done.

Other "early" sites, such as Cottonwood Creek and Rosski, also produced very few and relatively crude forms, probably geared towards local island needs and desires.

Unfortunately, a data gap exists between these earlier sites and sites that have been placed into the

Proto-historic and Historic Periods by means of more secure

14 dating methods (C , glass and/or shell beads). Thus the developmental sequence that resulted in large-scale production for trade with the mainland is poorly documented due to the lack of datable sites.

The several Late Period sites that have been dated and that provide evidence for the extensive quarrying and/or manufacturing of micaceous soapstone are as follows: a cluster of sites near Empire Landing (with C14 dates between A.D. 1340 and A.D. 1730) (Reinman and Eberhart

1980:72), Miners Camp (dated to the 1700's based on

European glass trade beads) (Rosen 1980:54), the Isthmus site (dated by shell and glass trade beads to 1771/1785 and

1820) (Finnerty et al. 1970:15). Several other fairly , ... J··--·-"" "" small sites have been excavated and demonstrate the manufacture of both fairly numerous fine-grained and coarse- grained artifacts, but have not been fully analyzed or firmly dated (BC-572, BC-429A, Big Springs site, Torqua

Cave) (Wlodarski 1979: 340-341). 107

Tentatively, it has been suggested that the small scale production for both fine-grained and coarse-grained soapstone artifacts began as early as 2000 B.C. The pro duction of coarse-grained artifacts intensified for the purpose of increased trade with the mainland around A.D.

1000 or A.D. 1200 (Meighan and Rootenberg 1957; Leonard

1973; Wlodarski 1979:342, 351).

GABRIELINO: PALOS VERDES PENINSULA

Although it is known that the Palos Verdes Peninsula was extensively occupied, perhaps as early as 9,000 years ago to the historic, few archaeological investigations have been done (Rice and Cooley 1976:1, 7). Some of the sites that have been excavated include Malaga Cove and adjoining area (Walker 1951), Lunada Bay, Los Verdes Golf Course,

Point Vincente, the San Pedro site (Butler 1972), LAn-844 and LAn-845 (Cooley and Rice 1976).

CHRONOLOGY

Unfortunately these sites have been dated only by relative comparative means using certain artifact types as temporal indicators. The earliest evidence for both fine grained and coarse-grained soapstone artifacts occurs in

Level 2 of the Malaga Cove site (Walker 1951:32, 53, 58-60):

The fine-grained material includes two "ceremonial" objects and the micaceous material is represented by a "paint cup" and comal fragments remade from a large bowl (Walker 1951: 108

60). This stratigraphic level has been attributed to

Wallace's (1955) Millingstone Horizon (6500 B.C.-1800 B.C.).

The upper two stratigraphic levels also had micaceous soap stone artifacts and have been placed into the Intermediate and Late Period Horizons, culminating in the Historic

Period by associated glass trade beads (Walker 1951:61-68).

Sites or levels containing the first occurrence of micace ous soapstone artifacts, along with other artifact types, in the Palos Verdes sites mentioned above, have been tentatively assigned to Wallace's Intermediate Horizon

(e.g., LAn-844, Rice and Cooley 1976:32, 35; LAn-283,

Butler 1974:9).

MAINLAND CHRONOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS

In general, the extensive trad~ of "steatite" vessels and other objects along the mainland coast is said to have begun during the Intermediate Horizon. Meighan's (1959:

386) suggested time range extends from 4000 B.C. to about 1000 B.C., whereas Wallace (1955) suggests a somewhat later time frame (1800 B.C.-A.D. 500), with other archaeologists suggesting other time brackets (e.g • .,

Butler 1974:16). Although it has been generally agreed that the trade of micaceous soapstone vessels increased in the Late Period, the bracketed time frames have not been agreed upon. Leonard (1971:126) posits that large micace ous vessels are found more frequently in villages and especially cemeteries dating from post-A.D. 1500. Finnerty 109

et al. (1970:23) have hypothesized that large-scale

micaceous soapstone production to the mainland may have

been limited to the proto-historic and historic periods According to King's (n.d.) latest bead chronology and

observations of micaceous soapstone primarily in the Santa

Barbara Channel area, mortar shaped bowls increase in

frequency around phase M4 (approximately A.D. 400-800) in

cemetery contexts. This time period also corresponds to

the increase of other stone bowl types and roughly with the

appearance of the plank canoe. However, the association of

soapstone bowls and other stone bowls/mortars in associa-

tion with mortuaries appears to decrease in phase M5c

(approximately A.D. 1000) until around phase L2b (approximately 1600). During the period of Spanish missionization, micaceous soapstone ollas and comals were widespread and

commonly used as cooking implements. The industry was cur-

tailed by the removal of the Catalina Island inhabitants to

the missions sometime between A.D. 1789 to A.D. 1818 (Rosen

1980:54).

MANUFACTURE OF MICACEOUS SOAPSTONE

Extensive evidence exists for the quarrying and manu-

facturing of micaceous soapstone products in and between

the areas of the Airport and Empire Landing. Within a

two-mile radius of the Airport alone, there are over 100 quarrying locations (Meighan and Rootenberg 1957:176). Almost all of the outcrops exhibit vessel removal scars 110

(some up to 60-70 em in diameter, and as many as 80 large vessel scars on one outcrop), with some having at least two

layers of stone removed (Meighan and Johnson 1957:27).

There are also numerous indications of open pit mining, the

largest known pit being about 13 meters in diameter and about one meter deep (Meighan and Johnson 1957:27). Limited subsurface mining may have occurred in response to

the need for an increased quantity and/or quality of micaceous soapstone when the industry reached its peak. Schumacher (1879:118) commented that the stone extracted

from pits tended to be softer than the exposed surface out crops.

Extraction and manufacturing tools (representative of almost all stages of production) , soapstone debris and broken forms are extensively scattered around the outcrop areas. The various stages of manufacture are also evident at small midden sites peripheral to the outcrops and at some more distant multi-functioning village locations on the coast.

An example of a small specialized micaceous soapstone producing site is Miners Camp (SCai-118) adjacent to the extensive outcrops of the Airport quarry and about 2.4 km from the Channel (Meighan and Rootenberg 1957:42). This shallow site was excavated in 1957 under the direction of

C. Meighan and S. Rootenberg of UCLA and later by UCLA

Archaeological Survey student volunteers in 1973. Between both excavations, approximately 75% of the 400 sq. meter 111 site was dug, with only the latter using Ya" screens. The quarrying and manufacturing tool assemblage con sisted of scrapers, choppers, slate saws, hammerstones, numerous flakes, abraiders (including garnet stones), picks and core tools. A small house depression was also evident and tested with one unit by the former excavation revealing household and other refuse in the midden (Meighan and Rootenberg 1957:176). The household implements included two mortars (one of a nonindigenous stone to

Catalina), tarring pebbles, two projectile points, one worked bone, shellfish, fish, sea mammal and some land mammal remains. From the limited assemblage it appears as though the site was occupied by a small family (or perhaps several specialists) for a short period of time (perhaps in the spring when the creek would have water) and was exclu sively geared towards quarrying and manufacturing activi ties. Out of 307 artifacts recovered, which includes 44 flakes from at least the latter excavation, 186 were vari ous sized broken pieces of micaceous soapstone (with only a few comal and vessel fragments showing evidence of utiliza tion· from soot accumulation). The fragments included unidentified pieces, perforated fragments, at least six large bowl or olla fragments, curved and rounded rims, bifacially parallel ground pieces, some bowl sherds dis playing evidence of edge grinding and a small single grooved arrow shaft straightener. Many of the fragments were apparently from the same vessel. No whole vessels 112 were recovered and it has been posed that the final finishing stages were done at permanent habitation sites due to the lack of fine finishing on the pieces recovered from the site. Furthermore, much of the initial manufacturing process is believed to have been performed within the quarry area, with roughed out objects brought back to camp for further work (Rosen 1980:48). Based on the shell and glass beads recovered from the latter excavation, the- site is believed to have functioned from perhaps A.D. 1500 to A.D. 1789 to 1818 (when the Indians were removed to the missions) (Rosen 1980:54).

Several archaeologists have compiled information on the production processes resulting in micaceous soapstone bowls, ollas and comals (Schumacher 1879:117-121; Meighan and Johnson 1957:24-29; Wlodarski 1979:342-350). A brief summary of this process will be presented based on the aforementioned publications, personal observations of the

Catalina quarries, carving experience, along with data from quarrying and manufacturing sites. This summary is geared towards the established industry rather than its antecedents, although procedures and tools probably differed little, except that loose, surface, float rocks were probably more extensively used in the earlier periods.

The first step towards the manufacturing process involved mentally conceptualizing the form desired. This would be followed by an examination of the available massive boulder outcrops for flaws, cleavages and other 113

imperfections which could result in breakage during manu

facture. A natural "protrusion" somewhat equivalent to the

vessel size in mind, would be a desirable quality in the outcrop. This would allow working with the stone rather

than against it.

The next process entailed the extraction of a vessel

blank by hacking and cutting out a rounded preform while

still attached to the boulder. The tool kit for this

process included comparatively large, "crude" hard slate

chisels, blades, saws and picks, granitic picks, white

quartz hammerstone, choppers and core tools (slate and quartz are locally available of the island). The charac

teristic marks made by these heavy tools are deep gouges.

Schumacher (1879:119) also noted "distinct signs of metallic tools having been used." He further suggested that they were made of iron, like those commonly found at

the Isthmus cemetery.

The preform was then cut or broken off the outcrop,

leaving a visible scar. General shaping, bulk reduction of

excess material and hollowing of the vessel blank proceeded with the use of a smaller, more refined, tool kit, which

included quartz hammerstones, cores, scrapers, choppers,

knives and perhaps large drills for hollowing. Locally

available garnet stone found in the Airport quarry may have

been used as rough abraiders. The shaping process included

scraping, abraiding, pecking and crumbling (Wlodarski 1979:

348-349). Characteristic marks from this process are 114 shallow grooves, gouges and striations.

The finishing process involved smoothing out the more obvious imperfections and/or manufacturing marks remaining from the previous step. The smaller, more precisely made tools for this step included quartz and chert scraper planes, chert reamers or incisors (for optional decorative incising) and fine-grained schist and sandstone abraiders.

Final finishing or polishing "tools," for which there is no direct evidence, might have included fine-grained dirt or sand, skins of shark or other animals, or perhaps hand rubbing.

When pieces of soapstone were explicitly chosen for the manufacture of a carnal, the finished product was characteristically flat and rectangular or trapezoidal in shape, with some exhibiting a slight lip on the upper surface. Apparently vessels broken in the process of rnanufac- ture were also rernodified into cornals and these tend to exhibit varying degrees of curvature and irregularities in shape and size, and lack lips (Harrington 1942:12; Kroeber

1976:562, 629; Wlodarski n.d.a).

Furthermore, there are two ethnohistorical accounts that indicate there was a traditional basis and knowledge involved in the acquisition and manufacturing processes of micaceous soapstone vessels, as follows: In making an olla, they selected good steatite. They did not select rocks which had a bad grain. Once they found a rock which would make a good stone olla, they started to shape it out by pecking it into a ball-like shape, according to 115

the form they desired. They pecked all around the outside. When this was done they hollowed it out by pecking, breaking off the pieces inside as they worked. When this was done they smoothed it (Hudson and Blackburn n.d.).

They worked the rock so that what was the bottom of the rock would become the vessel mouth, while what was the top of the rock became the vessel bottom where they were going to put the fire. Once at Ventura Mission there were two or three cracked stone ollas, and an old Indian named Felipe said that this was because they had been cut out of the rock bottom up (JPHFL; Hudson and Blackburn n.d.).

An additional account comments on the quantity of ollas manufactured on Catalina Island (Hudson and-Blackburn n.d.):

Called an olla SukuZ. There was a V. Indian by this name; his Christian name was Francisco, and he was of Sis'a rancheria. The SukuZ olla came from the Island of Catalina; that is the one place where they got soapstone. At Ventura dur ing a fiesta there were between 30 and 40 fire places, each with three or four ollas. Gee, they must have had a big olla factory over there!

This evidence helps to substantiate the archaeological reconstruction of their manufacture and also tends to indicate that there was some form of social cooperation during the production process.

EXCHANGE OF MICACEOUS SOAPSTONE PRODUCTS

The following ethnographic and ethnohistorical state- ments exemplify the known data for the exchange of micaceous soapstone products. The data includes specifying where soapstone was made and the types of products, the means of transportation and to some extent the direction of the 116 exchange flow, and some of the exchange products used to obtain soapstone.

Candalaria told Bizzel in 1914:

The steatite cooking pots were secured in trade from the island Indians to the south (Blackburn 1963:143-144) .

Harrington obtained the following three accounts from several Chumash informants in the early twentieth century

(Hudson and Blackburn n.d.):

Got this rock [soapstone for ollas] on an island [Santa Catalina] out from Los Angeles. Catalina Island is Huya (JPH/CV) .

. . This is name [sic] for the soapstone or serpentine which was obtained from certain island. It is soft and soapy to the touch. They made ollas, arrowshaft straighteners and other items here of it. The name means hot stone. Do not find it everywhere--is on one island only, MS volunteers. There is one island on which this stone is found. In olden times, when one of the soapstone ollas broke, they would use the pieces (JPH/MS).

They took it [cakes of asphaltum] to the islands, since no wogo exists there; and steatite, from which the Indians made their cooking utensils, was brought back (JPH/FL: Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:52).

Schumacher received the following information on soapstone in 1874:

The first information I gained of the locality of quarries of potstone, or where pots were made, was from a venerable Spanish lady while exhumin ing in Nipomo Rancho, San Luis Obispo County, in the spring of 1874. She recollected a narrative from her mother, according to which the Indians had brought [soapstone] ollas in canoe-loads from the islands in the Santa Barbara Channel to the mainland, which they exchanged for such -necessities as the islanders were in want of (Schumacher 1879:260). 117

. the principle articles of barter given in exchange for the ollas being grass-seeds, furs, skins, acorns, and roots of different kinds (Schumacher 1879:118; Finnerty et al. 1970:22).

Not only were cooking vessels extensively manu factured on this island, but also flat dishes (which the Mexicans called Comales), cups, pipes, stone rings which were used as weights for dig ging sticks, and all kinds of trinkets. These articles constituted the money of the people of Santa Catalina, like the shell-beads of the neighboring island of Santa Cruz, where they were extensively manufactured by the aborigines, and whence they were distributed far along the coast, and to some extent into the interior (Schumacher 1878:629). Hugo Reid wrote in his "letters of 1852":

Considerable barter and trade was carried on between those of the coast and those of the interior, the latter furnishing deer skins and seeds in exchange for money, fish, sea otter skins and soapstone pots. . Their pots to cook in were made of soapstone of about an inch in thickness, and procured from the Indians of Santa Catalina; the cover used was of the same material (Heizer 1968:43-44).

It has been demonstrated archaeologically and ethnohistorically that there was considerable sea traffic between the Gabrielino mainland and their islands, and between the Chumash mainland and their islands, especially in the late and historic periods. However, the exact routes and distributional flow of soapstone products by sea or via the mainland, are not known. It is also not known which cultural group was most instrumental in trading and transporting these products. Kroeber (1976:629) speculated on the following dispersion pattern.

From Santa Catalina, the pots, and perhaps the raw material, were carried to the villages at Redondo and San Pedro and gradually distributed 118

to the inland towns. The eastern Chumash may have got them from the people of Santa Monica and Topanga and from the Fernandeno. But the presence of steatite articles in fair abundance on Santa Cruz and the other northern channel islands suggests also a direct maritime disper sion to these Chumash, and from them to their kinsmen of the Santa Barbara coast.

Grant (1965~52; 1978a:515) has also suggested that the

Chumash sailed their canoes "directly" to Catalina to obtain the vessels (a round trip of over 100 miles). The only explicit example of Chumash travel to a Gabrielino

island has been presented in Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe

(1978:150): "Three canoes left someplace and headed for

San Nicholas Island. Two were lost." The closest distance to that island would be from Santa Cruz Island, which would be about 42 miles of open sea.

DISTRIBUTION OF MICACEOUS SOAPSTONE PRODUCTS

Although a systematic survey for the distribution of micaceous soapstone has not been done, a number of infer- ences concerning distribution have been made. Many archaeologists have observed and commented on the relative frequency of micaceous soapstone products in the Chumash area (e.g., Rogers 1929; Grant 1965, 1978a; Leonard 1971;

Kroeber 1976). Finnerty et al. (1970:4) noted that the class of "food preparation tools" have been found predomi- ' \ nantly in the historic Chumash area, whereas "sociotechnic" I items mainly of fine-grained soapstone (e.g., beads, \ plaques, small vessels, and effigies), have been recovered \ J 119 mainly in the Los Angeles basin, Santa Monica Mountains, ~ and the southern channel islands. Kroeber's (1976:629)

observations lead him to make the following comments on the

distribution of both micaceous and fine-grained soapstone

artifacts:

Most abundantly on Santa Catalina, but also on the coast immediately opposite, on the Churnash islands, and even on the Santa Brabara shore, a profusion of soapstone objects have been found.

King (1976:315) posited the following:

It is possible that the steatite bowls and ollas made on Catalina Island were mainly traded to villages in the Churnash area, since they are found rather infrequently in the Tongva (Gabrielino) area.

It is interesting that very few micaceous vessels have been reported for the Gabrielino area south of San Pedro and on the islands of San Nicolas and San Clemente, although numerous fine-grained objects have been recovered from those islands. Excavations in the Gabrielino San Fernando

Valley have produced a fair abundance of micaceous soapstone vessels and fragments in burial contexts (e.g.,

LAn-21, LAn-176) and to a lesser extent in village middens

(e.g., LAn-357, LAn-413).

At present, it seems that micaceous soapstone vessels occur in "profusion" predominantly along the coastal area of the Churnash, and especially in the Santa Barbara area.

Based on limited observations of museum collections and review of the literature, it seems that fewer vessels have been recovered in the Chumash interior valleys. 120

Grant (l978a:53l) has also commented that ollas are rare finds in the interior. Several archaeologists have also noted a decline or general scarcity of micaceous soap stone vessels in the Chumash territory north of Point Con ception (Ruth 1935; Carter 1941; Baldwin 1972:50). Green wood (1978:522) stated that in the Obispeno and Purisimeno territories, "steatite objects were less common than along the Channel." However, Wlodarski (1981) personally observed numerous micaceous soapstone fragments on the sur face and in a museum collection from a large coastal village at Avila Beach, in the San Luis Obispo area. According to Rogers (1929) and Olson (1930), micaceous soapstone bowls, ollas and comals are found on Santa Cruz

Island in the Late Period, but are less frequent than on the adjacent mainland. Grant (l978c:525, 527) stated that although fairly numerous steatite objects have been recov ered from San Miguel and Santa Rosa Islands, none of the objects included micaceous soapstone vessels or arrow shaft straighteners.

Several factors have undoubtedly contributed to a bias in the distributional record of micaceous soapstone vessels, such as relic collecting, sampling techniques, and intense archaeological collections from certain regions. (e.g.,

Santa Barbara coast). However, it is suggested that the regional variation portrayed is also the result of differ ential rates of social development and interaction. 121

USE OF MICACEOUS SOAPSTONE PRODUCTS

Micaceous soapstone vessels (bowls, small-mouthed ollas, comals) are predominantly labeled as implements related to food preparation (e.g., Finnerty et al. 1970:4;

Wlodarski n.d.a). The following ethnographic and ethnohistoric accounts substantiate this and also exemplifies the qualities attributed to these stone products (Hudson and Blackburn n.d.).

Costanso obtained the following information in 1769:

[They roast their seeds] in large bowls, putting among the seeds red-hot pebbles or small stones; then they stir and shake the bowl so as not to burn it (Hemert-Engert and Teggart 1910:45).

Longinos Martinez provided the following information about the Chumash in 1792:

Their instinct leads them to manufacture their pots and pans of a kind of mica stone, which is so resistant to heat that it never wears out or becomes unserviceable (Simpson 1939:54).

Harrington (1942:12) recorded the importance and quality of the round bottomed, small-mouthed ollas:

[In steatite boiling pots] food never burned . and one of them would be handed down in·a family for generations.

Harrington also obtained the following four comments on the types of foods prepared in ollas and decoration:

The Chumash cooked their mush over the fire; they did not boil it with boiling stones in a·basket. They liked the steatite cooking pot, although they were valuable, for one did not scorch acorn mush in them (JPH/Anon.: Hudson and Blackburn n.d.). In preparing islay pits after boiling, the kernels were pounded up in a deep stone olla 122

using a masher of holly wood about 9" long, shaped like a ball on the end (JPH/Anon.: Hudson and Blackburn n.d.).

Toyon berries were toasted in a soapstone ella without water (JPH/Anon.: Hudson and Blackburn n.d.). Things cooked in a stone ella tasted very nice. It had a narrow mouth and a round base like a ball. Most of the stone ollas seen by FL had no ornaments on the outside, but he did see some which had a single groove around the mouth (Hudson and Blackburn n.d.).

Taylor's comment attests to the fact that soapstone pots were used past the mission period:

The Indians of these parts made pots and many other utensils of the compact Soap-stone which abounds there [Santa Catalina Island] ... These utensils were well made and in use during the last 40 years among the coast mission adja cent. They are still often met with (Hudson and Blackburn n.d.).

Harrington also obtained information that at least some of the Spanish also used soapstone:

Two Spanish families--the wife of Ramon Valdez named Diaria, and the family of Magdelena Ortega of Santa Barbara--used stone ollas to cook beans in. It was supposed to make the beans more palatable when cooked thus: (illus trated) (Hudson and Blackburn n.d.).

The physical evidence demonstrating a vessel or carnal's use as a cooking implement is apparent on the outside base by burning marks or soot stains, and the hardening of the stone by dehydration resulting from a direct fire or heat. Inside the vessel, or on top of a carnal, food or other stains are often evident. Another related function for th~ ella seems to have been as a food storage container. This is suggested by the lack of visible heat 123 related stains or dehydration of the basal portion of the stone (Wlodarski n.d.).

Henshaw (Heizer 1955:102) recorded two words for steatite ollas; one refers to small ones, whereas the other refers to large ollas. The difference in sizes for either ollas or bowls is suggested to reflect different functions, such as food preparation use and "ritually" oriented uses (Hudson and Blackburn n.d.). The use of a small steatite bowl has been described as pa~t of a

"weather shaman's" paraphernalia (Hudson and Underhay

1978:34). Furthermore, a cache of small bowls (primarily micaceous, and some with incising) was recovered from a site in the San Fernando Valley by the Northridge Archaeo logical Research Center in 1981. This cache strongly suggesteq ceremonial/ritually oriented intent by the association with a number of other enigmatic items and human bone fragments. Smaller bowls that are often decorated with incised lines or grooves around the rim, may have been used for drinking toloache (a narcotic brew), as suggested by Kroeber (1976:629). Moreover, numerous and various shaped large and small micaceous vessels were recovered from a Gabrieliiio "Mourning Ceremony" or

"reburial" site in the San Fernando Valley (LAn-176); some containing the remains of cremated human bones (Walker

1951:108). As mentioned earlier, King (n.d.) found numer ous shaped soapstone bowls in association with mortuary contexts in the Santa Barbara Channel area, indicating 124 their use as burial goods. Ollas, presumably of micaceous soapstone, may also have been used in the preparation of asphaltum for canoes:

When they mashed up the dry hard tar and had added the pitch, they put all into an olla and heated it up. Palatine had a big olla for melt ing yap. Felipe and Tomas made their tarnal near a stone olla which contained boiling yap (Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:46). Supernatural charms, such as canoe effigies, were also made from both micaceous and fine-grained soapstone

~Hudson, Timbrook and Rempe 1978:126). This item provides the only potential evidence for the manufacture of micaceous soapstone on the mainland, since the owner of such a charm was said to have made it himself.

Furthermore, of particular interest is the exclusion of ceramic vessels in those areas of the Chumash and northern Gabrielinos, where micaceous soapstone vessels occur with some frequency. While both groups were apparently aware of ceramics, they did not significantly use them for vessel forms until the domination of the

Franciscan mission system. This may have been at least partially resultant from the beneficial qualities of the stone that enabled its use in place of ceramics. The qualities of micaceous soapstone include: (1) being a soft rock that could easily be shaped into vessels and other forms, (2) the stone's tolerance to direct heat exposure that enabled its use as an efficient cooking implement and (3) that it could also be remodified into new forms after being broken. 125

However, proto-historically and historically pottery vessels were made and used by many of the surrounding cul tural groups with whom the Chumash and Gabrielinos directly and indirectly interacted, both socially and economically, such as the Serranos, Luisenos, Cupenos, Mohaves,

Tubatulabal, Western Mono, some Yokuts groups, and the

American Southwest (Eberhart 1957:17-18). This point is significant in light of the fact that (1) the technology would seem to have been available from other groups,

(2) some ceramic objects have been recovered archaeologi cally, and (3) since the Chumash and Gabrielino areas have sufficient sources of adobe clays, there would have been a less restricted access to such resources. It is suggested that the Chumash and Gabrielinos may have socially excluded the use of ceramics in favor of the market created for various types of stone containers and possibly that of baskets and wooden vessels.

SUMMARY OF THE DATA

The purpose of this chapter was to present a concise discussion from the available sets of data on the inter related entities surrounding the production of micaceous soapstone on Santa Catalina Island through time. At present, the best documented information concerns the technical processes and tool types involved in the extrac tion of the stone and its modification into finished products. It is the social organization of the producers 126 and their relations to the consumer populations through time, that are the least understood. The following dis cussion summarizes the significant aspects relating to the production of these products, although it must be consid ered as preliminary data.

Procurement. Within the study area of the Chumash,

Gabrielinos and their immediate neighbors, the available data suggests that micaceous soapstone was a unique lithic resource available only on Santa Catalina Island, although two small unconfirmed localities may exist in the Palos

Verdes Peninsula area. Fine-grained materials are also available on the island along with certain areas on the mainland. Furthermore, the primary massive outcrops of the micaceous rock are predominantly confined between the area of the Airport and Empire Landing, with small isolated outcrops and float material available around the immediate periphery of the quarries. It further seems that the readily available float material was mainly used in the

Early Period (perhaps as early as 4000 B.P.) but only in a very limited and geographically restricted context. The intensification of the quarrying and mining activities on the main outcrops occurred later in time, sometime between

A.D~ 1000 and 1500.

Production. There is a notable increase in the quan tity and quality of manufactured micaceous soapstone items throughout time, although the sequence is poorly docu mented. This is based on quantitative amounts of debris, 127 unfinished, broken and whole artifacts recovered from

specialized sites and activity areas within villages, along with certain changes in form and diversity. It further seems that manufacturing activities are more confined to the areas of the large outcrops and the more immediately

adjacent village sites along the San Pedro Channel side of

the island. The range of specialized tools adapted to the

different processes of manufacture also increases.

Although there is a greater diversity and changes in products later in time, there appears to be a "standardiza

tion" of the forms of the products; however, the diversity of forms that were exported was apparently more limited than those distributed on the island. Moreover, there appears to be a major change in vessel styles, from the open-mouthed, thick-walled bowls of the Middle and perhaps

Late Periods, to the production of small-mouthed, thin walled ollas primarily found in the Proto-Historic and Historic Periods. Exchange. At present, there is no definitive evidence suggesting that people other than the Catalina Island inhabitants, directly procured or received raw micaceous soapstone. Moreover, there is some evidence (e.g., the

Isthmus Cove site on the channel side of the island) that one of the specialized functions of this and perhaps other sites, was the manufacture and distribution of finished soapstone products to the mainland, which would necessitate the use of an ocean-going craft for transport (Finnerty et 128

al. 1970).

Distribution. Micaceous soapstone products were widely distributed throughout the Churnash and Gabrielino

territories, especially in the Proto-Historic and Historic

Periods. However, the intra-site frequency seems rela

tively low in comparison to other types of stone bowls throughout time. Furthermore, there are unequal distribu

tions of these products regionally (e.g., within the

northern and interior Chumash and southern Gabrielino

areas, the· frequency is rather low in comparison to areas such as the Santa Barbara Channel area of the Chumash) . Also, an uneven rate of distribution through time is suggested by King's (n.d.) observation of the "virtual cessation" of micaceous soapstone bowls in cemetery con texts of the Santa Barbara Channel area from the time phase

MSc until L2b.

Consumption. As mentioned for distribution, consump tion appears both uneven and restricted, not only through out time, but also spatially between culture areas, intra cultural regions, and within sites. While a "market" obviously existed among the Chumash and Gabrielinos from an early time, the changes in distribution rates and vessel forms undoubtedly reflects changes in social use and exchange values, vessel function, and the social relation- ' ships with the consumer populations on the mainland and other islands. Chapter 6 ANALYSIS AND FURTHER RESEARCH

INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this thesis has been to establish a theoretical framework emphasizing certain concepts that can be applied towards the understanding of the social organi zation surrounding micaceous soapstone products, and the social means by which the system was able to reproduce itself. But before the theoretics can be applied, it was essential to provide background data on the social struc tures involved, as well as specific data on the product itself, such as the type of products manufactured, the technology used, and the regional distribution of the final products. Hence, the preceding chapters have drawn heavily from the available ethnographic, ethnohistorical and archaeological data to fulfill this requirement. However, much more comparative data is still needed to fill in the data gaps from both the Churnash and Gabrielino archaeologi cal records in order to adequately demonstrate the develop mental processes of the commodity.

The basic foundations for such an analysis requires a more complete (1) systematic comparative examination of the qualitative and quantitative distribution of micaceous

129 130

commodities on a number of levels, within and between broad cultural areas, intra-cultural regions, and intra-site

locations, (2) a carefully documented chronological sequence to account for the developmental processes of the product, including both gradual and rapid changes, and

(3) the directionality of the distribution through time.

Furthermore, analyses geared towards the development of other specialized products, especially other types of stone vessels, needs to be comparatively examined in relation to both soapstone production and the participating social groups.

PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS

A number of important interrelated tenets and relevant background information on the Chumash and Gabrielinos, have been presented in the preceding chapters, and will now be addressed and evaluated in relation to certain aspects of the known and unknown data: (1) the social use and exchange values of micaceous soapstone commodities that must exist in the context of the (2) production unit and the (3) con sumer populations.

The only known significant source of micaceous soap stone within the study area exists on Santa Catalina

Island, based on archaeological and ethnohistorical data.

Furthermore, the bulk of the large, massive outcrops that were used for quarrying and mining activities is fairly well confined between the areas of the Airport and Empire 131

Landing (approximately 10 sq. km) towards the channel side

of the island. There is also no substantial evidence to

indicate that people other than the island inhabitants

acquired the material in a raw, unprocessed form directly

~ or indirectly. Therefore, by all present indications, it) would suggest that this soft stone was a restricted-access'---)

resource available in raw form only to the Catalina /}

Islanders.

It is known that micaceous soapstone items were manu-

factured since at least 4,000 years ago; however, the

developmental sequence regarding the changes in social values, whether for self/family use, social exchange or

commercial exchange, is not known. It is known that these different values inevitably became embodied in the products by their substantial distribution on the island of Cata

lina, and throughout much of the Gabrielino and Churnash

territories, and even beyond. But once again, the form

and character of the exchange/distribution and types of relationships with the various consumer segments are not known. It can be assumed, to an extent, that the earliest )

~ production was primarily for self and/or family use (by the)!-''

lack of more standardized forms, and their limited use and _ sc<":,f distribution), with a development towards social exchange in the form of gift distribution to the various segments on

the island, and immediately adjacent coastal Gabrielino mainland. Most of these early items were probably made from loose, float materials or from small isolated outcrops, 132 with apparently no severe social restrictions of access to the resource by what seems to be a larger spatial distribution of small-scale manufacturing areas in sites on the island. The social and chronological development towards circulation beyond that point, as objects of commercial worth, is poorly understood. The relative time frame proposed for the intensification of commodity production for export purposes, is post A.D. 1000 or A.D. 1200, and undoubtedly indicates changes in the organization of the labor units and their relations to consumers. The apparent uneven rate of distribution throughout time and/or to final destinations--culture areas, intra-cultural regions and intra-site locations--seems to reflect further changes with exchange partners, product values and perhaps even some reorganization of the labor units themselves.

Around A.D. 500, there were a number of significant -( changes that occurred in the Chumash social structure; the • tomoZ and money beads were introduced, the production of specialized craft products seems to have increased, along with ceremonial interaction, and trade networks seem to have changed direction with more emphasis on locally acquired resources and concomitant production (i.e., obsidian trade drops off from northern California in favor {,,_ r, of locally obtained fused shell from within the Chumash territory) (King n.d.). While the introduction of the

Chumash tomoZ, and perh~ps its somewhat later acquisition by the Catalina Islanders, undoubtedly was a catalyst for 133 increased interaction along the coast and between the islands, it is not precisely known when the effect was felt by Catalina or what the true relationship was with the tomol users. Although,more commodities did reach the

Chumash at least by A.D. 1200, and exchanges seem to have increased with the Chumash over time, p'erhaps especially proto-historically-with the change from bowls to ollas.

The known interrelationship between the Chumash 'antap cult and the brotherhood-of-the-tarnal may have been very i~flu ential with the soapstone producers as it seems to have been with the various specialized producers on the Chumash

Channel Islands.

Micaceous soapstone vessels are less frequently recovered in sites than other types of stone bowls, although the Chumash ethnohistorical data indicate that they were considered to be superior and more valuable than other types, especially for cooking. This suggests that only certain segments of the population acquired these products. Since the Chumash and Gabrielinos were socially structured in hierarchically ranked orders with differen tial access to wealth, it is more than likely that only the higher ranked status roles could obtain such products, which might otherwise be prohibitive in light of manufac ture and transportation costs.

It is also significant that ceramic vessels were not considered important to either group until the missions were established. Ceramics were undoubtedly known and 134 would have been more accessible to the general population.

This suggests that social restrictions and values were involved in favor of established local commodities and the types of items that were produced and exchanged. There- fore, soapstone commodities would appear to be luxury status items, although at least one of their functions was for food preparation. However, the classification of these items relating to food preparation activities is not necessarily mutually exclusive from also being considered luxury/status items. It depends on the embodied use/ exchange values relative to the predominant consumer segments and their status positions in society.

Therefore, it would seem that micaceous soapstone vessels were considered as highly valuable commodities to particular consumer segments, which in turn would have a direct bearing on the social organization of the units of production. It is proposed that an organized group of micaceous soapstone manufacturing specialists did exist on

Catalina Island by the relative time that the intensification of production becomes archaeologically evident. This proposal is based on the evaluation of a number of interrelated factors: (1) by the seemingly substantial amount of physical evidence for the extraction and production of the stone into commodities, but (2) within a somewhat localized' area of the island and also {3) in relatively small and few specialized sites and/or localized activity areas within only certain villages, (4) by the standardization of the 135 forms indicative of a traditional basis for manufacture

(also substantiated by two ethnohistorical accounts),

(5) by its ultimate widespread, but also restricted, dis

tribution, (6) to a certain degree by analogy with special ized labor groups existent among the Chumash, and (7) by the social sanctions protecting hereditary rights to roles and/or occupations in both societies.

While the nature and complexity for such an organized body of laborers cannot be directly and fully addressed, some of the known data and concepts from collective groups should contribute towards establishing guidelines and avenues for further research.

As a means of comparative analysis, the conceptual requirements constituting corporate groups, corporations sole, corporations aggregate, corporate categories (Smith

1974:254) and craft guilds (which are essentially corporate groups by their structuring) are discussed. Two of the basic characteristics in general include the ideals of perpetuity and precise rules for recruitment and limited membership. In an organization such as a craft guild, both of these requirements are met.· Guilds tended to regulate their membership in order to maintain an ideal of equal opportunity and standard of living for members, whose mutual interest was the rather monopolistic protection and desired continuation of the craft. Furthermore, individual membership in guilds was usually a life-long commitment following a regulated program of training. A group such as 136

specialized micaceous soapstone workers might also fulfill

these requirements. Kinship groups are usually corporate in nature in the sense of being perpetual and by the rules that regulate marriage and kinship affiliations. The mode of recruitment and transmission of knowledge for the vari ous specialized status roles in Chumash society (as with many other pre-industrial groups) seems to have primarily followed along lines of inheritance from kin members.

While details are scarce, the Gabrielinos are said to have acquired status role positions primarily from patrilineal descent lines. Therefore, it would seem that the inheri tance of a social identity and role, or occupation and its associated status and requirements, would follow in a regulated pattern of recruitment and continuation.

The additional principles required for the corporate group, includes a precisely and purposefully organized aggregate of people, who are governed by internal rules and responsibilities, with collective feelings of exclusive ness and autonomy, which again applies to craft guilds, and possibly to lineages or lineage segments. While these additional features cannot yet be said to directly apply to those involved in soapstone production, these characteris tics do seem to have substantial applicability to the two organizations of the Chumash, the 'antap cult and the brotherhood-of-the-tomoZ. Both of these groups seem to have been rigidly organized, confined to only certain status levels and structured around particular restricted 137

points of commonality, the 'antap to special esoteric

knowledge, and the brotherhood to the plank canoe. Although, the functions, interests and purposes of both

groups apparently also intersected with each other and

other aspects of society, including the craft specialists

on the Channel Islands.

While the developmental antecedents of European craft

guilds would necessarily differ from the development of a

guild or guild-like situation in Gabrielino society--based on the overall prevailing conditions found in either area-

the intent of organizing around and protecting a skill and

craft may be a common ground, although the rationale behind "protection" would need to be socially defined

(e.g., status, magic, economic}. There are two particular features of established European craft guilds that would not necessarily fully correspond to a guild type of situa tion among the soapstone producers. The first point involves the replacement of kinship relations, by guild members, in fulfilling all the basic needs of social security. Although in the Chumash brotherhood-of-the tarnal, at least some of these needs do seem to have been taken care of by the organization, such as burial prepara tions and costs for decreased members. The second point for guilds includes a regular (daily} or regularized market (at frequently scheduled intervals, such as weekly or monthly} situations for the disposal of commercially oriented products at fixed prices. This also implies that 138

labor was performed on a more constant/continuous basis.

The only known evidence for a semi-regular market or market place situation among the Chumash and Gabrielinos, occurred during ceremonial occasions, although the intervals were rather widely spaced throughout the year (e.g., winter and summer solstices, fall Hutash). Various trading expedi tions, by tomoZ and by land, are documented, but the pat terns of regularity or frequency are not known. In addi tion, it is known that there were fixed measures of worth for various types of goods and equivalencies in shell bead currency. In essence, the patterns of exchange and/or the demands for micaceous soapstone products are not precisely known and, at best, can only be said to occur irregularly, and as an occupational pursuit, only on a part-time or perhaps seasonal basis. However, the concept of full-time as opposed to part-time labor pursuits needs further evaluation and clarification when dealing with aboriginal societies as against industrial societies.

There are certain characteristics of corporate groups and/or guilds that are similar to the organizational principles structuring, at least, the Chumash brotherhood of-the-tomoZ (which is the most thoroughly documented example of an organized group of specialists for the Chumash or Gabrielinos to date), and that may be found to apply to the soapstone workers upon further investigation.

Therefore, by further analyses of the production unit and 139 product, means and form of exchange and distribution to the consumer populations by archaeological examination incor porated with theoretical concepts, stronger criteria for the means of evaluating the type, magnitude and duration of cooperation for specialized manufacturing units and the development within the participating social structures should become more evident.

PROGRAM FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

This section concludes with the presentation of cer tain theoretical concepts that can be tested and evaluated in the archaeological record by the qualitative and quanti tative comparative measuring and patterning of the data.

Such data can be obtained from (1) previous excavations and analyses of the collections, notes and reports (islands and mainland), (2) by examining the unpublished Harrington notes and other historic records, (3) by reconstructing genealogies from the mission records (especially those per taining to the former inhabitants of Catalina Island),

(4) by surface surveying Santa Catalina Island to record specific sets of data on sites and soapstone outcrops and

(5) by addressing this research in future excavation research designs.

The following test implications directly relate to the' sets of data needed for a more complete analysis of mica ceous soapstone production. However, in the final analy sis, the patternings must be conceived as interrelated 140 data sets.

Resource Acquisition. The relationship between the population segments (different villages) and the relation ship to the resource (micaceous soapstone) on Catalina can be measured and evaluated by the spatial patterning of the outcrops and the patterning of resource extraction from the outcrops through time to determine the intensity of acquisition and if it became socially restricted to only certain population segments.

Production. The relationship between the population segments and relationship to the resources on Catalina, as an extension of resource acquisition, can be measured and evaluated by the spatial patterning of specialized manu facturing sites in relation to outcrops, and activity areas within sites through time to determine the developmental process of production (and concomitant technical knowledge) and if the production process became socially restricted to only certain population segments (villages and individuals within villages). The spatial patterning of status group ings within and between cemetery contexts and the types of associated burial goods (e.g., soapstone manufacturing tools or products, status items, and the potential cluster ing of such individuals) can be measured and evaluated to further determine the social restrictions of only certain individuals (sex, age and numbers) involved in the produc tion process as a social division of labor. The associa tion and patterning of metal tools or evidence of their use 141 in extraction processes and on final products post A.D.

1542 (Cabrillo's visit to Catalina) may indicate changes in the production process, organization of the labor units, and product forms (i.e., the possible change from bowls to ollas). Potential indications of seasonality (i.e., seasonal streams, floral and faunal material) within specialized sites, the size of the sites and evidence indi cating structures,_ could help narrow down factors indica tive of the time, duration, and number of participants involved in the activity.

Exchange/Distribution. The relationship between popu lation segments and the object of exchange (micaceous soap stone items) can be comparatively measured and evaluated by the spatial distributional patterning of the products

(types, forms and designs) throughout time and space (on the island, between cultures, within cultural regions, and intra-site locations) to determine who the consumer popula tions were and the specific types of products they were receiving. The measure and patterning of the distribution of different products throughout time can be examined to determine changes in (1) the intensity of production,

(2) types of products, and (3) relationships to the con sumer populations. Genealogical reconstructions of the mission registers may help determine some of the relation ships that existed within the island and between other areas to examine the forms of exchange that may have occurred and in relation to the types of products recovered 142 at certain sites.

Consumption. The relationship between humans and the social values of the product can be measured and evaluated by the distributional patterning of the products, particu larly within middens and cemeteries, to determine the com parative value of the products by specific contextual associations with certain individuals and their status levels by their material manifestations (such as other types of vessels) within household localities and cemetery contexts. The use/functions of the products can be evalu ated by physical evidence, contextual associations and final disposition. REFERENCES

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DEFINITION OF ARTIFACT TERMS

159 160

APPENDIX A

DEFINITION OF ARTIFACT TYPES

The following micaceous soapstone artifact forms are the most common types distributed throughout the Chumash and Gabrielino areas.

Comals. These are generally flat or somewhat curved slabs of micaceous-soapstone believed to be used for baking or frying foods over an open fire. They are usually char acterized by a straight, conical or hi-conical hole drilled at one end of the utensil for removal from a fire by inserting a stick. Further characteristics include traces of soot from a direct flame, the hardening and dulling of the material from dehydration, and evidence of stains on top from food or other sources.

Ollas. These vessel forms are generally characterized by smaller openings in comparison to rather larger bulbous bodies and vary in their size range. They tend to have relatively thin rims and walls near the top, with increas ing thickness towards the base. They are usually well smoothed inside and out. Some exhibit decoration in the form of lipping, bead inlay and/or incising around the rim.

Bowls. These vessels tend to exhibit a number of shapes, sizes and qualities. Generally, they are thicker than ollas and have wider openings and resemble the hemispherical bowls made from sandstone and granite. They have been found with and without decoration, such as 161

incising and bead inlay. Arrow Shaft Straighteners. This artifact also

exhibits variation in size, shape and design. Harrington

described 11 Arrow shaft straighteners [as being] made from a

single oval piece of steatite, with one (and sometimes two

or three) transverse groove" (Blackburn 1963:20). As the

name implies, these tools were used to straighten arrow

shafts, either by heating the stone and pulling the shaft through, or by perhaps rubbing the shaft within the

unheated stone for a straightening or smoothing effect

(Wlodarski n.d.a). Wlodarski has further described some with decoration, yet with little or no wear or evidence

indicating exposure to fire. True (Wlodarski n.d.a) has

commented that they are not common in southern California

sites.

Perforated Stones. These are generally round or oval

stones with a large hole drilled through the center. These

implements have been called by a number of names with func

tional implications, such as digging stick weights, donut

stones, fishing net weights, stone sinkers, war-club heads,

spindle whorls, and sun sticks. Furthermore, these items vary considerably in regard to provenience, size, material type, hole size and angle, decoration, wear patterns or the

·lack of them, and thereby may have fulfilled a number of

different functions.

While oth~r artifact types are occasionally manufac

tured from micaceous-soapstone, such as pipes, tube beads, 162 plaques (although more commonly made from tales, serpen tines, and chlorites), the ones mentioned above are the most common forms. APPENDIX B

DISTRIBUTION OF SOAPSTONE OUTCROPS

163 164

APPENDIX B DISTRIBUTION OF SOAPSTONE OUTCROPS

The following is an annotated list derived from ethnographic, archaeological and geological references that have either mentioned or documented exposures of talc- schist, chlorite-schist, micaceous-schist or serpentine within or closely adjacent to the study region. Many of the locations were personally investigated and sampled for geochemical analysis.

A. Channel Islands 1. Location: San Clemente Island

Reference: Taylor (Heizer and Treganza 1944:307)

Comments: No known potential or further references.

2. Santa Catalina Island

a. Location: USGS Santa Catalina Island North 7.5' Quadrangle - vicinity of the modern airport (Airport Quarry) .

Material: Micaceous-talc-schist (samples col lected) . Reference: Heizer and Treganza (1944:307), Reiss (1955), Meighan and Johnson (1957), Leonard (1976), Wlodarski (1979:337), Romani and Romani (n.d.).

Comments: This area has the most extensive evidence for both the mining and quarrying of soapstone in California.

/>·---~- //h.'""1Location: USGS Santa Catalina Island North 7.5'' \ ;·Quadrangle -vicinity of Empire Landing and -"----~ Potts Valley. Material: Micaceous and talc-schists (samples collected from Empire Landing) . 165

Reference: Schumacher (1879:117), Heizer and Treganza (1944:307), Gleason (1951:16), Jones (1965:226), Wlodarski (1979:337), Romani and Romani (n.d.).

Comments: _Evidence exists for both some mining and quarrying activities, although recent min ing around Empire Landing has disturbed or destroyed many of the outcrops and adjacent , sites. \\ . ~c~ J Location: USGS Santa Catalina Island North 7.5' ~ Quadrangle - Little Springs Canyon between Little Harbor and Lower Buffalo Corral Reser voir.

Material: Talc-schist and a report of a mica ceous schist outcrop in the immediate vicinity (samples collected from lower Little Springs Canyon).

Reference: Schumacher (1979:117), Leonard (1976), Wlodarski (1979:337), Romani and Romani (n.d.).

Comments: No quarrying evidence was observed for the fine-grained material, although float material may have been used for the artifacts found in adjacent sites.

Location: USGS Santa Catalina Island South 7.5' Quadrangle -area west of Eagle's Nest, east of Mills Landing, off Middle Canyon and Cactus Camp roads.

Material: Black and blue-black serpentine (samples collected) .

Reference: Wlodarski (1979:338), Romani and Romani ( n . d . ) .

Comments: No evidence for the use of this material was observed. Meighan (Wlodarski 1979:338) also recorded a "soapstone quarry" in the area of Eagle's Nest.

Location: USGS Santa Catalina Island West 7.5'' Quadrangle - Parsons Landing area.

Material: Good to poor quality talc-schist and also black serpentine (samples collected) .

Reference: Leonard (1976), Wlodarski (1979: 338), Romani and Romani (n.d.). 166

Comments: No quarrying or manufacturing evi dence was observed. The inhabitants of the West End Site may have collected soapstone from these exposures for the manufacture of talc-schist and serpentine artifacts (Wlodarski 1979:338).

Location: USGS Santa Catalina Island North 7.5' Quadrangle- area near Little Harbor.

Material: Good to poor quality talc-schist (samples collected) .

Reference: Martz and Gilmore (Wlodarski 1979: 338), Romani and Romani (n.d.).

Comments: No quarrying or manufacturing evi dence was observed, although Martz and Gilmore reported a "soapstone quarry" in association with a site.

g. Location: USGS Santa Catalin~ Island West 7.5' Quadrangle - Emerald Bay/Sullivans Beach.

Material: "Soapstone" outcrops (not sampled).

Reference: Leonard (Wlodarski 1979:338).

Comments: No information is known about this area.

(Note: The various outcrops on Santa Catalina Island constitute exposures of the fine-grained Catalina Schist Series (Woodford 1924:408; Gay and Hoffman 1954:477; Bailey 1964:11).

3. Location: Santa Barbara Island

Reference: Van Valkenburgh (1935:Item #170).

Comments: No known potential or further refer ences.

4. Santa Cruz Island Location: USGS Santa Cruz Island B 7.5' Quadrangle -vicinity of Willows Anchorage.

Material: Chlorite schist (samples collected).

Reference: Bremner (1932:13-15, Map 1), Romani and Romani (n.d.). 167

Comments: No evidence for the use of this material was observed. Area was investigated on the basis of the mineralogy from a geo logical map. Material is similar in appear ance to the chlorite schist beads that were used in the Chumash, Gabrielino and adjacent areas.

Location: USGS Santa Cruz Island C 7.5' Quadrangle - vicinity of Valley Anchorage.

~iaterial: Chlorite schist (samples collected) .

Reference: Bremner (1932:13-15, Map 1), Romani and Romani (n.d.).

Comments: No evidence for the use of this material was observed. Area was investigated on the basis of the mineralogy from a geologi cal map. Material is similar in appearance to the chlorite schist beads that were used in the Chumash, Gabrielino and adjacent areas.

5. Location: Santa Rosa Island

Reference: Yarrow ~Heizer and Treganza 1944:307).

Comments: No known potential or further refer ences.

B. Los Angeles County

1. Location: Palos Verdes Peninsula, USGS San Pedro and Torrance 7.5' Quadrangles- Peck Park and George F Canyon.

Material: "Steatite" (possibly micaceous) (not sampled) .

Reference: Bates (Butler 1974:23).

Comments: Two possible brittle micaceous soap stone (with many inclusions) exposures are said to exist, but have not been confirmed.

(Note: Exposures may be part of the small Catalina Schist Series outcrops reported in the Palos Verdes Peninsula area (Woodford 1969:408; Woodford et al. 1966: 66-67) •

2. Location: Redondo Beach, Serpentine Cove.

Material: An excellent grade of serpentine was sa1d to exist. 168

Reference: VanValkenburgh (1935:Item #169).

Comments: Report has not been confirmed.

3. Location: Pacific Palisades, Temescal Canyon.

Material: Chlorite-schist (not sampled).

Reference: Rosen (1979:28).

Comments: No information is known about this area.

0\1 ( 4 .) Location: Point Durne, USGS Point Durne 7. 5' '-,_/· Quadrangle - northwest cliff overlooking the ocean.

Material: Bluish chlorite-schist (samples col lected) .

Reference: Romani and Romani (n.d.).

Comments: No evidence of use was observed in the area of the small exfoliating outcrop.

5. Location: Sylmar, foothills of the San Gabriel Mountains.

Material: Short fibered tremolite-asbestos-talc that occurs in veinlets in the Placerita meta sedimentary rock complex (not sampled).

Reference: Oakshott (1958:106, 110), Ruby (1966: 98) .

Comments: It is not known if the deposit was aboriginally used, but it was reported to have been recently mined.

6. Location: Simi Valley, Tapu Canyon.

Material: "Soap~tone."

Reference: VanValkenburgh (1935:Item #171).

Comments: A "soapstone" deposit was reported to exist, although only float material was observed. , No known potential (based on the .geology) or further references.

7. Location: Sierra Pelona Range, USGS Sleepy Valley 7.5' Quadrangle- Katz Mine northwest of Boiling Point; Latteau Canyon; between Spade Canyon and Spade Spring Canyon; a number of inactive mines north of Boquet Canyon and east of Boquet 169

Reservoir; intermittently along the Sierra Pelona Ridge from the Lookout Station to at least Mt. McDill.

Material: Heterogeneous exposures of talc, chlorite and serpentine (samples collected).

Reference: Simpson (1934:315, 380), Van Valken burgh (1935:Item #168), Oakshott (1958:119), Dibblee (1954:67), Ericson (1972:13), King, Smith and King (n.d.), Romani and Romani (n.d.).

Comments: No direct evidence of aboriginal quarrying has been recorded, although the McCain Mine was reported to have been aboriginally "quarried" (Landberg 1980). A number of recent, inactive mines exist in the area.

8. Locationi USGS Ritter Ridge 7.5' Quadrangle LAn-806, south of Anaverde Valley; float material was also observed along the low ridges above Leona Valley.

Material: Talc and chlorite schists (samples col lected).

Reference: Greenwood (1978b), Romani and Romani (n. d. ) •

Comments: LAn-806 has numerous modified pieces of float material, although it may be recent. No evidence for direct procurement of the Leona Valley material was observed, but pendants and beads have been collected from the ridges by local residents.

(Note: Metamorphic rocks constitute the greater part of the Pelona Schist Series in the Sierra Pelona Range. Numerous talc, chlorite and serpentine dikes are exposed, and range from several centimeters to at least seven meters thick, and a few meters to over one-quarter kilometer long. C. Santa Barbara County

1. Location: San Emigdio Range, Santiago Canyon near , Mt. Pinos.

Material: "Steatite"

Reference: Wedel (Heizer and Treganza 1944:308). 170

Comments: This report has not been confirmed; how ever, Davis (1979) said there may be some serpen tine exposures in the area of Eagle Nest Peak.

2. Location: San Rafael Mountains, upper Santa Ynez River.

Material: Serpentine (no samples collected).

Reference: King (1976:315).

Location: San Rafael Mountains, USGS Los Olivos and Figuroa Mountain 7.5' Quadrangles- area between Alama Pintado Creek and Ranger Creek, along Figuroa Mountain Road.

Material: Pale green to greenish-black serpentine (samples collected) .

Reference: Dibblee (1966:11), Romani and Romani (n.d.).

Comments: No evidence for use was observed.

(Note: Geological references report numerous expo sures of serpentine in-the Franciscan Formation of the Coast Range [Johns 1954:9; Bailey, Irwin and Jones 1964:11; Hart 1976:11]. One of the largest serpentine exposures is located along the southwest slope of the San Rafael Mountains, northwest corner of the USGS Los Olivos Quadrangle [Dibblee 1966:1]).

D. Southern San Joaquin Valley

1. Location: Lindsay, Tulare County.

Material: Talc-schist.

Reference: Walker (1935), Wedel (Heizer and Treganza 1944:30). Comments: Walker's report confirms the deposit as a Yokuts quarry.

E. San Diego County

1. Location: USGS Cuyamaca Peak 7.5' Quadrangle SDi-9039 and SDi-9040, in the northeastern section of Cuyamaca Rancho State Park, approximately three kilometers southeast of Cuyamaca Reservoir.

Material: Micaceous-schist (fairly similar in appearance to the outcrops on Santa Catalina Island. A geochemical analysis is warranted to 171

compare the constitution of both types of mate rials) .

Reference: Parkman (1981, 1982), Parkman et al. (1981).

Comments: Both sites are soapstone quarries that were traditionally used by the Kumeyaay Indians of San Diego County for certain tools, ornaments and initiation ceremonies.

(Note: Leonard, 1979, 1981, also mentioned the possi bility of micaceous soapstone outcrops in northern San Diego County).