Segregation & Territorial Stigma

Bachelor thesis

Segregation & territorial stigma - A case study of Botkyrka municipality, Stockholm

Author: Tobias Persson Supervisor: Chris High Examiner: Manuela Nilsson Term: HT20 Subject: Peace & Development Level: Bachelor Course code: 2FU33E

Abstract

Segregation is increasing in Sweden, and the political discourse about violence in Swedish suburbs have intensified dramatically throughout the last years. Segregated areas are often described as dangerous areas with a lot of insecurities. In this paper, I´m going to present a case study of Botkyrka municipality which is in south Stockholm. The purpose of this study is to see if media and political discourse is stigmatising Botkyrka or not. By interviewing people living in Botkyrka, I get their perspective of living in Botkyrka municipality. This case study can be an exemplifying a case study of suburbs in Stockholm as the discourse can be similar to other suburbs in Stockholm. This case study is following an abductive qualitative approach using theories as neighbourhood-effect, segregation and territorial stigma to answer the research questions “Does the image of Botkyrka municipality presented by political actors and media create territorial stigmatization of Botkyrka municipality?” and “What are Botkyrka municipality as organization doing to decrease segregation, and what are their biggest challenges in their work?” Interviews are conducted both randomly in chosen areas and in-depth interviews with chosen respondents. Findings from this case study show that certain areas of Botkyrka is stigmatized, that citizens in Botkyrka refer to some areas as dangerous, which is also presented in political discourse and media, as events taking place in these areas are referred to Botkyrka, it creates territorial stigma of Botkyrka municipality. As some neighborhoods in Botkyrka is affected more negatively by school segregation, youth in these areas face higher risk of getting excluded from the society and fall into a destructive way of living, as influences among youth living in low-economic neighbourhoods are strong predictors of negative behaviours, such as drug abuse, crime and participation in the job market. Territorial stigma and the neighbourhood-effect becomes obstacles in the work of decreasing segregation, further, inequality is an obstacle in the work of decreasing segregation. The unequal access to different key resources as housing, education and jobs are great challenges in process of decreasing segregation.

Keywords: Segregation, Political discourse, Violence, Suburbs, Media, Botkyrka, Case study, Challenges, Stigmatising, Exemplifying, Criminal gangs, Car burnings, Shootings.

Table of contents

1. Introduction ...... 4 1.1. Segregation in Sweden ...... 4 1.2. Consequences of segregation ...... 4 1.3. Research problem ...... 5 1.4. Relevance ...... 7 1.5. Objective ...... 7 1.6. Research questions ...... 8 1.7. Structure ...... 8 2. Literature review ...... 9 3. Methodology ...... 12 3.1. Abductive approach ...... 12 3.2. Case study...... 13 3.3. Botkyrka municipality ...... 14 3.4. Interviews ...... 14 3.5. randomly selected interviews ...... 15 3.6. In depth interviews ...... 15 3.7. Discussion of sources ...... 16 3.8. Limitations...... 16 3.9. Ethical considerations ...... 16 4. Analytical frameworks ...... 18 4.1. Thematic analysis ...... 18 4.2. Theoretical framework ...... 19 4.2.1. Territorial stigma ...... 19 4.2.2. Neighbourhood-effect ...... 20 4.2.3. Segregation ...... 21 5. Results ...... 21 5.1. Fieldwork...... 21 5.2. Findings ...... 22 5.2.1. Dwellers worldview of living in Botkyrka municipality ...... 22 5.2.2. Safety in Botkyrka municipality ...... 23 5.2.3. Car burnings criminal activities in Botkyrka ...... 24 5.2.4. Outside image of Botkyrka ...... 25 5.2.5. Live in Botkyrka or outside Botkyrka ...... 26

5.3. The work of Botkyrka municipality and their main challenges ...... 26 5.3.1. A Sustainable Botkyrka ...... 27 5.3.2. Botkyrka, our place ...... 27 5.3.3 Education is the basis of Botkyrka ...... 28 5.3.4 Together for cohesion and democracy in Botkyrka ...... 29 5.3.5 Collaboration with the government ...... 30 6. Analysis ...... 31 6.1. Themes ...... 31 6.1.1. Home ...... 31 6.1.2. Territorial areas...... 31 6.1.3. Media ...... 32 6.1.4. People moving out...... 32 6.1.5. Bad reputation ...... 32 6.1.6. Trust ...... 33 6.1.7. School segregation ...... 33 6.2. Is Botkyrka municipality stigmatised? ...... 34 6.2.1. Territorial stigma ...... 34 6.2.2. Neighbourhood-effect ...... 35 6.3. What are the biggest challenges to decrease segregation in Botkyrka municipality? ...... 35 6.3.1. Territorial stigma and the neighborhood-effect ...... 35 6.3.2. Inequality ...... 36 7. Conclusion ...... 37 8.1. Recommendations ...... 37 8. Reference list ...... 39 9. Appendix: Interview guide ...... 43 9.1. Interview guide randomly selected and in-depth interviewees ...... 43 9.2. Interview guide key-informant ...... 43

1. Introduction 1.1. Segregation in Sweden Few people want Sweden to be a segregated society, unfortunately, we see this increasingly rarely today, instead, we see how the difference between people grows and segregation increases (Regeringen, 2017). In 2015, Swedish newspaper “Dagens Nyheter” presented an article “Segregation is increasing in Sweden”, the article showed that Botkyrka municipality and Sodertalje municipality in Stockholm were two out of three most segregated areas in the whole country (SVT, 2015). The research presented by Dagens Nyheter, also showed that from 1991, areas in Stockholm, it has developed areas with a very high middle income, and other areas where the middle income are very low.

Sweden have been working with programs to integrate the society and stop segregation since the 1970´s. “From 1995 to 2015, the public sector has invested billions in initiative such as the “Flower Money”, the Metropolitan Initiative and the Urban Development Policy” (Regeringen, 2017). These initiatives have brought some positive effect. Some individuals have been integrated more into the society; however, segregation have not been stopped, at the same time as these investments have been made, segregation has increased (ibid). According to the Swedish government, many efforts to stop segregation have been too late and in a limited amount of time (ibid).

1.2. Consequences of segregation A segregated society is a society that doesn’t hold together, which can impact the feeling of trust, belongingness and the feeling of feeling safe (Delmos, 2020). Segregation has more negative impact for those people living in areas with socio-economic challenges. Areas where most of the people have higher education and salaries, residents often face better opportunities of getting their rights approved than residents in socio-economic challenged areas (ibid). Peoples ability to create demands on the state and activities in the local community and their children´s education is affected by the background of education, economic conditions and the network of contacts. Therefore, it creates a risk of a negative spiral where segregation strengthens existing differences in living conditions in different areas (ibid). Segregation affects the whole society negatively, a society that have high concentrations of populations

with similar backgrounds and expectations on the job market, housing market and where the differences of living conditions are high, it threatens the unity in the society. This can create a sense of “we” and “them”, lack of trust, belonginess and insecurity (ibid). Further, the risk of segregated areas faces higher risk of being described as “vulnerable areas” with insecurities such as car burnings, criminal gangs and illegal sell of drugs (Polisen, 2015).

1.3. Research problem Violence in segregated Suburbs throughout Sweden is something that is reported daily in media and political discourse. As presented earlier in the introduction, Botkyrka municipality have been described as one of three most segregated municipalities, Botkyrka municipality is going to be in focus of this study. Car burnings, shootings and dealing of drugs have become a phenomenon of describing different suburbs in Sweden (Mitti, 2019). Areas are explained as “vulnerable areas” with insecurities and socio-economic problems (SVT, 2019), the information the society get of these places can create stigmatization of certain neighbourhoods. Lack of cohesion between regions creates a “we” and “them” problem, therefor, I´m going to present a case study of Botkyrka municipality which is in south Stockholm who have had several municipal parts listed as “vulnerable areas” (Polisen, 2015)

In my research I want to find out if local actors, such as government, police and newspaper are giving parts of Botkyrka municipality “bad reputation” as the information people often get is that Botkyrka is a dangerous area which can create stigmatisation of different parts of Botkyrka. People outside the municipality may think of it as a dangerous place with a lot of problem which makes it difficult attracting people to live in Botkyrka, this further makes it difficult to decrease segregation as people feel excluded from the rest of the society and it creates a stigmatization of people living in Botkyrka, which further makes segregation increase in Sweden increase.

Every year, the Swedish police releases a list of vulnerable areas in Sweden where they put in extra resources to decrease the criminality and increase stability in the regions. Whole north of Botkyrka municipality (Alby, Fittja, Hallunda, Norsborg) have been placed in the list, in 2019 Storvreten who is a small part of Tumba in Botkyrka also were placed in the list (SVT, 2019). Politicians in Botkyrka municipality have no impact on the list, they have also expressed critique to the list that its open for the public. According to Emma Östlin who is the

chairman of the municipal board in Botkyrka, the list is stigmatising, “who wants to live in a stigmatised environment” (ibid). Emma Östlin further points that the list makes it more difficult to invest in the area (ibid).

An issue that has gained much attention in political discourse is car burnings, particularly in suburbs in the region of Stockholm throughout the last decade (SVT, 2015). Car burnings have taken place in areas that have been explained as problematised segregated areas and have been reported extensively in the media. Between 2014-2016, more than hundred car burnings were reported each year in Botkyrka municipality, and between 2017-2018 there were 75 respectively 77 reported car burnings in Botkyrka (Mitti, 2019). The number have decreased after a new law that made it possible for the police to move cars that there were debts reported on (ibid). Martin Lazar, who works as municipality police in Botkyrka, says that the municipality have been used as place for insurance fraud with car burnings (ibid).

Car burnings get much attention in Swedish media and are also often explained as actions taking place in problematized areas with socio-economic challenges where the willingness to talk with the police is very low (Polisen, 2015). As parts of Botkyrka municipality are explained in this way, it gives Botkyrka a bad reputation where people living outside Botkyrka associate it as a dangerous insecure place. With this bad reputation it creates a risk of people with higher education and well-paid jobs seek to move to other parts of Stockholm instead of living in those areas that are categorised as problematic areas in Botkyrka municipality. People who doesn’t have the same resources has to stay, the result is that people who live there have similar background and socio-economic challenges which makes them excluded from the rest of the society which further makes it difficult to integrate the society.

As presented above, segregation is increasing in Sweden, and segregated areas are often explained as dangerous areas with a lot of problems. These statements often come from newspapers, the police or in the political discourse, not from the people themselves who lives in these areas. Therefor, it is very important to do an case study in these segregated areas that are presented as segregated and dangerous, to hear the voices of the citizens living there. Botkyrka municipality which is going do be the focus of this case study, there isn’t any case study done on before.

1.4. Relevance With the presented research problem, I want to analyze how stigmatization makes it difficult to integrate the society and decrease segregation. Since many suburbs in Sweden are explained as vulnerable areas that are segregated with socio-economic challenges where criminal activities are normal, this explanation creates risks of territorial stigma which further makes it difficult to decrease segregation. Therefore, I have chosen to analyze one specific municipality in Sweden to find out how they are working to decrease segregation and if territorial stigma exists in the municipality. In 2018, the Swedish government presented a 10- year long plan (2018-2028) with the purpose of decreasing segregation (Regeringen, 2018). The municipality I have chosen to do a case study in is part of that plan.

As segregation increases, the risks of a more divided and polarized society increase. The political discourse Swedish suburbs representing “vulnerable areas” have changed dramatically throughout the last decade. Therefore, I find it important to do research regarding this topic to present knowledge on how we can get a more integrated society and analyze how the discourse throughout politics, society and media affects the society. As there hasn’t been much case study on this topic of segregation and stigmatization, it is very relevant to do an case study to bring information from information living in these segregated “vulnerable” areas

1.5. Objective Botkyrka municipality has gotten much attention in the political discourse and media from incidents such as car burnings, shootings and criminal gangs. The objective of my research is to analyze how rumors of areas in Botkyrka affects the municipality in terms of territorial stigma and segregation, from the perspective of people who live in the area. Drawing on interviews with people working in the municipality, this will then be contrasted research on how Botkyrka municipality as organization are working to stop segregation, and what challenges they face.

1.6. Research questions

• Does the image of Botkyrka municipality presented by political actors and media create territorial stigmatization of Botkyrka municipality?

• What are Botkyrka municipality as organization doing to decrease segregation, and what are their biggest challenges in their work?

1.7. Structure In the introduction a background of an explanation of segregation is explained, followed with explanation of the concept of segregation and the consequences of a segregated society. The research problem is then presented with its relevance, objective and research questions. A literature review with earlier research related to the research problem is presented. The methodology is a case study with an qualitative abductive approach, the methodology involves a section with discussion of used sources. Analytical framework is presented, thematic analysis and ethnography is used to both as approach to the fieldwork in the case study and when presenting the results and analysis from the case study. In the chapter of analytical framework, theories of segregation, territorial stigma, neighbour-effect and ethical considerations is presented. The results are presenting the findings from the case study following with analysis of the results. Summary of the paper is presented in the conclusion following with further recommendations.

2. Literature review In 2013, Bo Malmberg wrote about that in 2009, Sweden experienced a wave of segregation and urban unrest concentrated in segregated low performing socio-economic areas (Malmberg, 2013). He measured unrest by measuring the number of car burnings reported to the police between 2002 and 2009. In Malmerg´s research (2013), he found “a positive and statistically significant link between residential segregation and car burnings at the scale of municipalities and metropolitan districts” (ibid). In 2007, Swedish newspapers reported incidents of car burnings, riots and stone-throwing in suburbs with high concentrations of foreign-born people. These incidents were a result of unemployment, social exclusion and segregation (ibid).

Today, 8 years later we have not seen segregation decreasing, instead we have seen it increase in some parts of Sweden, with criminal activities such as gang violence and shootings. Therefore, it is important to highlight segregation and continue to do research regarding segregation. In Malmberg´s research (2013), he analyzed the relation between urban unrest and segregation. In my research I focused on what attention car burnings brings to the people that lives in Botkyrka municipality, by interviewing local actors and youth in Botkyrka I can get their perspective on how attention from car burnings or other reported actions affect them in their daily life.

One other aspect that can be a result of segregation is youth who are joining criminal gangs. Youth are often used in criminal activities that are often related to the selling of drugs (Botkyrkadirekt, 2018). The organized criminality affects the whole society; therefore, the police and social service have started a collaboration to stop youth from being recruited to criminal gangs in Botkyrka (ibid). Youth joining criminal organizations have gotten much attention in the last years and its debated what is the actual reasons for that, one thing that is clear is that it is actions taking place in suburbs that are explained as problematizing and segregated areas. Talking with local actors in Botkyrka municipality I can get answers on what affects it has for them and why we are seeing this kind of actions taking place.

In a book called “Undoing Homogeneity in the Nordic Region Migration, Difference, and the Politics of Solidarity”, Magnus Dahlstedt wrote a chapter on “Problematising the urban periphery Discourses on social exclusion and suburban youth in Sweden” (Keskinen, Skaptadóttir, Toivanen, 2019). Magnus Dahlstedt is a Professor in social work at Linköping

university (Liu, 2020). In the book, he writes about the increasing attention on tensions in peripheries in Sweden. “They are framed as posing a serious threat to the social cohesion of Swedish society. Media reports about burning cars, and stones thrown at police and rescue vehicles, have placed focus on urban peripheries, and particularly on suburban youths as subjects of social disorder and disintegration (Dahlstedt, 2019). The aim of Dahlstedt´s research was to analyse the situation with a focus on different ways of conceptualising the social exclusion of suburban youth (ibid).

Dahlstedt based his research based on interviews and texts, such as policy reports and debate articles. He also interviewed stakeholders working in suburban areas in Sweden, such as the police, schools, social services, and locally based projects, as well as youth living in the same areas (ibid). As the suburban areas are described as areas with insecurity and social problems, the youth that Dahlstedt are interviewing have a different feeling different from the descriptions. They describe the area that they are living in as a “safe place, as the home of a family-like community, and as a place where they are cared for and feel at home” (ibid). In contrast, people that were interviewed explained that the TV and media described the place where they lived in as a “ghetto”. This can further be related to problematisation of stigmatization and social exclusion in suburban areas that I bring up in my research problem.

Magnus Dahlstedt has also written a book called “Förortsdrömmar, Ungdomar, utanförskap och viljan till inkludering” (Dahlstedt, 2018). The book is written between 1998 until 2018 and focuses on exclusion in the society. He uses one suburb that he doesn’t reveal the name on, he visits that suburb in the period of almost two decades. Dahlstedt (2018) explains that every time there is election, the suburbs are in focus, areas explained as exclusion areas are debated and politicians address the concern of handling this problem of decreasing gaps in Swedish society. The author talks to people in the suburb he gets a different response “every time there is elections the politicians come here and promising things, but nothing happens” (ibid). When the author talked with people in the so called excluded areas, respondents often express their mistrust to politicians, further the research very much explains the gaps and deviance existing in the Swedish society which creates a sense of “we” and “them” (ibid).

“The killing fields of inequality” by Göran Therborn (Therborn, 2013), explains inequality. “Inequality is not about the size of our wallets. It is a socio-cultural order which, for most of us, reduces our capabilities to function as human beings, our health, our dignity, our sense of self, as well as our resources to act and participate in the world” (ibid). The author explain

that inequality is literally a killing field, that it does not only affect the poor world, but also increasingly in the rich countries (ibid). He states that, even if the rich world survive inequality, “millions of human lives are stunted by humiliations and degradations of inequality linked to gender, race and ethnicity, and class” (ibid).

Therborn´s research (2013) can be related to the research of Magnus Dahlstedt and my research problem of segregation and territorial stigma as Dahlstedt brings up the million programmes. Dahlstedt brings up the attention drawn to the Million Programme that in the 1960s were initiated by Swedish welfare policies, which provided rental apartments for the broader population (Dahlstedt, 2019). “From the start, these urban areas were portrayed in terms of deviance and as sites of social problems, tensions, and conflicts—in the 1970s, the focus was on class divisions, and in the 1980s and 1990s, this shifted to ethno-cultural difference” (ibid). These areas have later been characterised in terms of social exclusion and that the residents were portrayed as excluded and outside the rest of the society (ibid).

Throughout the last years, there have been an intense debate about the picture of Sweden, what Sweden is and or what it stands for, what Sweden have become or should be (Dahlstedt, 2018). “From that under a long period of time to be seen of an international role model, for developed a including society, a welfare model with a purpose of creating an equal society with low socio-economic gaps, including with international measurement measured a generous migrations- and integration model” (ibid). Instead Sweden have become in the political debate described as a form of an international horror examples (ibid).

Previous research shows the ongoing situation in the Swedish suburbs, with Malmberg´s research we can see the result of unrest in segregated areas, Dahlstedt, has working with the suburbs in decades and are the explaining the social exclusion as “we” and “them” and the gaps in the society which creates mistrust to leaders and local actors such as the police. Thernborn´s research gives an overall view on inequality, which can be used in explaining the increasing gaps in Sweden that creates segregation and stigmatization. This brings the importance of doing an case study in Botkyrka municipality to analyse segregation and stigmatization to bring new light to these issues.

3. Methodology In the study of my research I’m going to use a qualitative case study with an abductive approach. In Qualitative Inquiry Research Design, Choosing Among Five Approaches by John W. Creswell and Cheryl N. Poth, (Creswell, Poth, 2018). the authors states that “We conduct qualitative research because a problem issue needs to be explored (ibid). This exploration is needed, in turn, because of a need to study a group or population, identify variables that cannot be easily measured, or hear silenced voices” (ibid). Therefore, I believe a qualitative method is going to be useful for my research, as my research problem needs to be explored by talking directly to people rather than only using predetermined information from the literature or rely on results from other research studies (Creswell, Poth, 2018). With an qualitative method I´m able as an researcher to empower and share stories from people who lives in Botkyrka municipality, which I can relate to the research problem so I can understand the context or settings in which the people in Botkyrka address the problem.

3.1. Abductive approach With an abductive approach I will be able to study the case of Botkyrka of segregation and stigmatization from the perspectives of worldview from those who lives in Botkyrka municipality. The aim of my research is to create an understanding of my research problem by observing Botkyrka municipality, but also create an understanding by interviewing people who doesn’t live in Botkyrka municipality to create an understanding of perspective of what people think about Botkyrka to find out if the responses are different from people who lives in the municipality to those who doesn’t lives there. With an abductive approach, I can get a theoretical understanding while I´m conducting my research, depending on the findings I get, I can apply theories as I believe fits in to my research (Bryman, 2012). As I have mentioned segregation and stigmatization in my introduction, one could argue that a deductive approach could fit in better, when having an existing theory and then develop a hypothesis that fits in or not to the theory. This creates a risk of generalization; therefore, I choose to use an abductive approach to be able to create a theoretical understanding of the context of the knowledge I can present from my selected case study (ibid).

3.2. Case study As a case study, the case study I´ve chosen to use in my research can be explained as an exemplifying case, “the objective is to capture the circumstances and conditions of an everyday or commonplace situation” (Bryman, 2012). As it is mentioned in the literature review, the problematized picture of Swedish suburbs, this case study can be a study of example on how segregation, stigmatization and social exclusion is a phenomenon existing in suburban areas in Sweden. This is going to be an exemplifying case study of suburban areas in Sweden.

According to Yin (2018) a “case study is useful when questions seek to explain some contemporary circumstances (e.g., “how” or “why” some social phenomenon works), the more that case study research will be relevant” (Yin, 2018). Yin further points that case study research are relevant the more when the research questions require an extensive and “in- depth” description of some social phenomenon (ibid). Therefore, I believe a case study fits in to my research as the purpose of my study is to explain a social phenomenon with “how” or “why” questions. Also, my research questions need to be explained with the help of interviews in my case study so I can get in-depth answers from people living in Botkyrka municipality, which is the area I´m going to do my case study.

In my case study I´m use qualitative interviewing to collect information related to research question and research problem. In the interviewing process I´m going to use semi-structure interviewing as approach. Me as researcher are going to have “a list of questions or fairly specific topics to be covered, often referred to as an interview guide, but the interviewee has a great deal of leeway in how to reply” (Bryman, 2012). The interview process will be flexible, and questions may not follow as planned, as the interviewee might bring up other interesting aspects that needs to be addressed. “The emphasis must be on how the interviewee frames and understands issues and events that is, what the interviewee views as important in explaining and understanding events, patterns, and forms of behaviour” (ibid). It is important that I as interviewer have clear and understandable questions. To create a picture of Botkyrka municipality, I´m also going to use closed questions in my interviews. One example of a closed question is “Describe Botkyrka with three words”, or “Do you feel safe in Botkyrka?”.

3.3. Botkyrka municipality This research following a qualitative method to collect data in one specific municipality to collect information regarding segregation, stigma and social exclusion. The municipality chosen to do a case study in is Botkyrka municipality. Botkyrka is in south Stockholm between Sodertalje and Stockholm. Botkyrka has 93 000 residents, which 59 percent of those living in Botkyrka have foreign background (Botkyrka, 2020). The unemployment rate in Botkyrka is 6,3 percent (2018) compared to 3,7 percent in Sweden (ibid). Botkyrka consists of 6 different municipal parts. As mentioned in the introduction, several parts of Botkyrka (north Botkyrka) have been placed in the list of vulnerable areas presented by the Swedish police. Throughout the years, Botkyrka have gotten attention in the society of different criminal events occurring in the area such as youth joining criminal gangs, car burnings and shootings.

This case study in Botkyrka municipality involves a fieldwork in three different parts of Botkyrka which is Alby, Fittja and Hallunda, all those areas have been placed in the list of vulnerable areas by the Swedish police that is presented in the introduction. As this case study is focusing on stigmatization in segregated areas of Botkyrka municipality, it is very useful to do a fieldwork to conduct randomly selected interviews from citizens living in Botkyrka municipality. Alby, Fittja and Hallunda are nearby each other easily connected with the subway or bus. All three have centrum with some restaurants and supermarkets, connected to the subway and bus station.

3.4. Interviews To get contextual information to the research problem and research questions, thirteen semi- structured interviews will be held, ten of the thirteen interviews will be held with randomly selected participants in different areas in the municipality. There will be held three in-depth interviews, two of those will be with participants who have lived in Botkyrka, one will be with a key informant who works in the organization of Botkyrka municipality. All interviews are going to follow the case study protocol, during the interviews the interviewer is taking notes and ask following up questions if needed. interviews can result in a snowball effect where respondents can attach the interviewer with participants who they believe can be good sources, which can result in longer in-depth interviews.

The questions in the interview protocol is the same in all interviews except the interview with the key informant respondent. The in-depth interviews is open ended, shorter case study

interviews that is planned to last around one hour. The in-depth interviews are following the case study protocol, but they follow a conversational manner which will leave space for following up questions or added questions which fit in to the interview.

Referencing to the interviewees will be done be dividing the interviewees into two groups, the randomly selected group and the in-depth group. Referencing to the randomly selected interviewees will be by using code RS (randomly selected) merging from 1-10. Referencing to the in-depth interviews will be by using the code I (in-depth) 1-3.

3.5. randomly selected interviews This case study involves semi-structured interviews following a case study protocol, the researcher is taking notes during the interview leaving space for discussion with some following up questions if necessary. If respondents interested when the interview is done, they can stay and discuss parts that draws their intrest with the interviewer.

3.6. In depth interviews The first in-depth interview (I1) is with a man who is 29 years old, who lived in Alby in Botkyrka between 2000-2017. The person went to pre-school and secondary school in Alby. The second in-depth interview (I2) is with a person who moved to Sweden from Ecuador when he was 14 years old, he lived in Alby in Botkyrka municipality between 2009 and 2015 (I2). Alby became the second place where he lived in Sweden since he moved to Sweden, before he moved with his family to Alby, he lived in Salem municipality, which borders to Botkyrka municipality (I2).

The third in-depth interview in this case study is with an key informant respondent (I3). The person (I3) works as chief of development in Botkyrka municipality with long-term social development, her responsibilities are intercultural society development, human rights, equity and discrimination (I3). The interview with I3 is useful to answer the research question “what are Botkyrka doing to decrease segregation” and what their challenges are.

3.7. Discussion of sources In my case study I´m using media reports, police documents and documents from the Swedish government to present the reader a picture of Botkyrka municipality, but also bring evidence to my research problem and research questions. Data from the official website of Botkyrka municipality will also be used as there I can find documents that can be related to the research problem and research questions. Sources taken from the internet are secondary sources of my research. As information about the research problem that can be connected to Botkyrka is very limited in peer reviewed scientific articles, I find it useful to use media, official reports and the website of Botkyrka municipality to present information in my research.

The primary sources of my research are the participants of my interviews in Botkyrka municipality and the key-informant. The randomly selected interviewees and the in-depth interviewees are very important to be able to present answers to my research questions and relate my case study to an existing theory. The key-informant is a person who works with integration and social development in Botkyrka, this person are used as a key-informant as the person has experience working in the field with questions related to the research problem, and is useful to present data related to the research problem and research questions.

3.8. Limitations Limitations in this case study was to get randomly selected interviewees to respond my questions, this was very time consuming when people didn’t want to talk with me. The fieldwork of my case study was very necessary, as I sampled most of my data from the fieldwork. The opportunities of my fieldwork were reduced dramatically due to the COVID- 19 pandemic when I had to stay in quarantine for ten days. This made me limit my randomly selected interviews, from having as many I could get to ten random selected interviews. Even if quarantine limited my fieldwork, it gave me the opportunity to pursue the in-depth interviews.

3.9. Ethical considerations As this research is a case study of one municipality, it needs to involve ethical considerations. As the research involves studying a phenomenon focusing on one area, this can be critical. When interviewing people in Botkyrka municipality it creates a risk of the participants feeling

stigmatized, as the researcher can be looked at person who views them as “outsiders” when asking questions about their daily life living in an area that are viewed as problematized which maybe a picture they disagree to. Therefore, it is important as a researcher in social science in the field of environment, society and citizens, to have an equal standing to give treatment with service spirit, respect, attention and kindness (Akademssr, 2011). Me as the researcher must follow laws and regulations, support the democratic system and work based on correctly made decisions, unless there are very strong reasons for acting in another way (ibid). As a researcher, I must share my knowledge and provide open and relevant information in my research (ibid). In my research I´m using some important ethical considerations, those are written in the fifth edition of Research Design, Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Method Approaches by John W. Creswell and J. David Creswell.

• Avoid deceiving participants. It is important that interviewees are informed that they are involved in a university research study, therefore it is important that I as researcher provide clear instructions of the purpose of the study (Creswell, Creswell, 2018).

• Respect potential power imbalances. As my interviews involve sensitive interview interactions with subjects such as security, criminality and exclusion, this can feel stressful for the interviewees, how critically participants might be questioned. Therefore, it is important that from the beginning of the interview process, there is an existing power imbalance between me as the researcher and the interviewee (ibid).

• Avoid exploitation of participants. It is important that the participants in the case study doesn’t feel used, that I take the time in building trust and talking with the participant. An example can be a reward like a coffee for an interviewee who takes their time answering my questions. If I abruptly leave directly after the interview, it can result in exploitation (ibid).

When analysing data from interviews, it is important to take into notion a few important considerations that are also written about in fifth edition of Research Design, Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Method Approaches by John W. Creswell and J. David Creswell.

• Avoid going native. In qualitative research, there is a risk of supporting different perspectives like “taking sides” and discuss the participant that is in favour, therefore it is important to maintain transparent in the research (ibid).

• Respect the privacy of participants. In my interview process, I´m always going to explain that if the interviewee wants to act anonymous, it is totally fine and I´m not going to share personal details which are unnecessary (ibid).

4. Analytical frameworks 4.1. Thematic analysis According to Bryman who has written Social Research Methods eth edition, thematic analysis is the most common approaches to qualitative method (Bryman, 2012). A theme can be the following; “A category identified by the analyst through his/her data, that relates to his/her research focus (and quite possibly the research questions); that builds on codes identified in transcripts and/or field notes; and that provides the researcher with the basis for a theoretical understanding of his or her data that can make a theoretical contribution to the literature relating to the research focus” (ibid). Thematic analysis is useful because of its flexibility, “not simply theoretical flexibility, but flexibility in terms of research question, sample size and constitution, data collection method, and approaches to meaning generation” (ibid). Thematic analysis is used to find patterns of participants in a case study for example, to get their lived experience, views and perspectives, and behaviour and practices. Further thematic analysis is used to give the researcher an understanding from the participant perspective. Thematic analysis can be used in studies of smaller case, such as case studies of 1-2 participants, up to larger case studies with up to 60 or more participants (ibid).

In my research with thematic analysis I´m going to look for themes, when doing that I´m going to look for repetitions, which are topics that recur again and again in the research process. Repetition is the one of the most common criteria for establishing a pattern within the data which can be considered as a theme. With this framework I can see if aspects are being repeated in my interviews, while doing that I can identify key-themes of my research which

can help building a theory that fits in to my research problem. It is important that the repetitions are relevant to the research questions in my research to be able to create a theme. The aim of my thematic analysis “is not simply to summarize the data content, but to identify, and interpret, key, but not necessarily all, features of the data, guided by the research question (but note that in TA, the research question is not fixed and can evolve throughout coding and theme development)” (ibid).

4.2. Theoretical framework 4.2.1. Territorial stigma The concept of territorial stigma is developed from the theory of stigma that is founded by Goffman, Further Loïc Wacquant have developed the concept of territorial stigma (Wacquant, 2008). “Stigma is discursively produced through media and policy discourses, which frame certain neighbourhoods as dysfunctional places requiring radical outside intervention, which sometimes involve community work or community development strategies” (J Power, Haynes, Devereux, 2020). Territorial stigma is linked to poverty, imputed immorality, degraded housing and is encompassing lower-class foreign migrants, street crimes, regional minorities, recognized or not (Wacquant, 2014). Further according to Wacquant (2014), in every country, a small scale of neighbourhood has become more famous, in the space as redoubts of self-inflicted and self-perpetuating destitution and depravity (ibid). These neighbourhoods become as synonym of social hell, as their names circulates in a negative way in discourses of politics, journalism and scholarship (ibid). This negative picture is not just prevailed by social and cultural elites, it also prevails by the citizens in large, included those who lives in the so called territorial stigmatized neighbourhoods. Swedes who lives in the remotest areas in Sweden, describes areas like Rinkeby, Tensta and Fittja with fear and disgust, even if they never have been in these “no go” areas in Stockholm (ibid). Stereotypes makes people feel stigmatized, when they are labelled, linked to undesirable stereotypes and set a part, this leads to an experience of status loss and discrimination (Link, Phelan, 2001). In relation to this, is that stigmatized groups don’t express the same advantage in terms of general profile of life chances like education, psychological well-being, housing status medical treatment, health and income (ibid).

4.2.2. Neighbourhood-effect The so-called neighbourhood-effect is a type of contextual effect, which can view as socially deterministic point a view that describes the influence of neighbourhood’s individual opportunities in life. Further the neighbour-effect describes that a person’s local social environment affects the persons behaviour in terms of the way of thinking and actions. In the book Neighbourhood Effects Research: New Perspectives, edited by Ham, Maarten van, et al., Springer Netherlands, 2011. “The concept of neighbour effects – as an independent residential and social environmental effect – is academically intriguing but has also been embraced by policy makers” (Ham, Maarten van, et al., Springer Netherlands, 2011). Neighbourhood- effects have been reported on outcomes of youths achievements in school and dropouts from school, access to social and occupational mobility, which leads to social exclusion and deviant behaviour.

Neighbour-effect involve a category of institutional mechanisms provided by citizens who are typically not living in the named neighbourhood who control important institutional resources that are located there or meets the residents and vital markets (ibid). Neighbourhoods may be stigmatized by stereotypes presented by powerful private actors or institutions of the area (ibid). Further, regardless of the current situation of the area, its history, scale and type of citizens or the condition of commercial areas can create stigma (ibid). Secondly local institutional resources are connected to the concept of neighbourhood effect. The gap between areas in terms of access to high-qualitative private, non-profit or public institutions and organizations, such as medical clinics, day care facilities and schools affect the area with less access negative in terms of personal development opportunities of its citizens (ibid).

The third mechanism connected to the neighbourhood-effect, is the local market actors. In different neighbourhoods, there may be variations in the kind of certain private market actors that can have a positive or negative effect on the behaviour of dwellers in the neighbourhood. The kind of local market actors can be, fresh food markets, liquor stores, fast food restaurants and illegal drug markets (ibid).

One case study of youth living in low-income neighbourhoods in Boston, showed that influences among youth living in low-economic neighbourhoods are strong predictors of negative behaviours, such as drug abuse, crime and participation in the job market (ibid).

4.2.3. Segregation What defines segregation in Sweden is socio-economic differences, large income differences are example of what´s contributing to the reason why segregation in Sweden is increasing. During the last decades, people in all income groups in Sweden have gotten better economy, however, at the same time the socio-economic differences has increased in Sweden and therefore have segregation also increased (Delmos, 2020). Further according to Delmos (2020) scientists also argue that the rising prices on the housing market, job market and ethnical discrimination are important reasons behind segregation (ibid). Segregation appears in many different forms, such as residential segregation, school segregation and segregation in the job market, these parts are closely linked together, residential segregation affects school segregation which affects the segregation in the job market (ibid).

As according to Delmos (2020), segregation is a combination of residential segregation, different groups of people’s accesses to different types of housing, differences in income and individuals’ preferences of choice (ibid). Households with limited economic resources face more difficulties in choosing where they want to live, which makes it that those with resource strongest preferences becomes governing for the distribution of groups across the city (ibid).

5. Results

5.1. Fieldwork The first day the fieldwork was in Alby in Botkyrka municipality, Alby is placed in north Botkyrka and has a small centrum with one supermarket, one pizzeria, one café and one kiosk. When approaching people in Alby, I explained my purpose of being there politely and that I also lived in Botkyrka. The beginning of my fieldwork was successful, having three interviews in one hour, all participants were very interested in the subject and felt that is was necessary for them to express their voices as a resident living in Botkyrka municipality. The second hour wasn’t successful, as people rejected me, even if I was rejected, people were never rude, they simply said “I don’t have time” or “I´m on my way to something”.

The second day of the fieldwork started in Alby centrum to conduct more interviews, when I arrived, I could see two police cars by the entrance to the subway, however I didn’t get information why the police was there. After being in Alby, I decided to go to Fittja centrum, which is only on station with the subway from Alby. When I came to Fittja, I went in to Fittja centrum, the centrum looks like Alby centrum with only a few stores and the centrum is linked to the subway and bus station. From my observation I could notice that my appearance drew people’s attention, after five minutes on person came up to me and yelled “are you looking for someone?” “Are you from the police?”. I explained my purpose of being there, I got the answer “you should leave”. I stayed for a while, but it felt difficult to get people to answer my questions, so I decided to go to Hallunda centrum instead, which is only a few minutes away with car from Fittja centrum.

Hallunda has the biggest centrum of all three I went to, with many different stores, cafés and restaurants. In the centrum there were many people, both young and adults, people doing their business visiting stores and people who spent time there socializing together. During the fieldwork, I conducted the in-depth interviews from home threw Zoom.

5.2. Findings 5.2.1. Dwellers worldview of living in Botkyrka municipality One repeating pattern throughout the interviews with the randomly selected participants is that the respondents like Botkyrka because that it is their home, one responds “it´s fantastic, everybody knows each other here” (RS2). Two other respondents who I interviewed replies “it´s good, we are curds and it lives a lot of curds here so that is good for us, it creates a sense of inclusiveness” (RS4). Respondents also say that they feel safe because everybody know each other. A repeating pattern is also that respondents says that they feel safe, but it can depend on where you are, that it can feel dangerous in Alby centrum.

The first in-depth respondent (I1) describes Botkyrka municipality as culturally, eventful, mysterious. When he says that the municipality was eventful, he means that there was never a quiet moment, for better or worse. “Either you played football, or someone's car burned”. he also describes the municipality as cultural, that it was people of all nationalities, no more dominant which he got a sense of the case could be in other municipalities. He also explains

Botkyrka as mysterious, with the explanation that it is difficult to put a word on Botkyrka, that it involves so much, both love and hate, friendship and all bad things that happens and mentions an incident in the summer of 2020 when a 12 year old girl was shot to death in Botkyrka in the summer of 2020.

The second respondent (I2) describes Botkyrka municipality as violent, disorganized and forgotten. Alby was the second place that he lived in after he moved to Sweden from Ecuador. The first place he lived was Salem municipality which is next to Botkyrka municipality (I2). I2 further describes Salem as nice and safe, while he describes Alby as dirty compared to Salem (I2). He says that Alby did not really feel like Sweden, before he moved to Sweden he had heard about how safe and beautiful it was in Sweden (I2). When he moved to Alby, he felt that there was no structure, that when he went to school, he felt that the other students didn’t listen to the teacher and it felt disorganised, he also says that it was more difficult to learn Swedish in Alby than it was in Salem municipality (I2). The respondent (I2) further describes that it was a cultural clash to live in Alby where many different cultures are mixed, that people were not so inviting, that from his experience people had a hard attitude and that he felt like an outsider (I2). When asking I1 on how he experienced school in Botkyrka he says that “we had fun and all, but it wasn’t until I started high school, I learned that you needed to listen to the teacher” (I1).

5.2.2. Safety in Botkyrka municipality The response I get from almost all respondents in the randomly selected interviews is that they do feel safe, but it can feel unsafe in Alby Centrum. One participant responds to the question “5 without no doubt, I have lived here for 35 years without no trouble” (RS2). However, RS2 also mention that it can be dangerous sometime in Alby Centrum. One other participant responds, “they sell drugs in the centrum, it makes me feel unsafe” (RS3). Two other participants respond “we know everybody here, so we feel safe”, when I asked them if they want to live in Botkyrka in the future they respond “no, I don’t want my kids to grow up in an unsafe environment” (RS4, RS5).

I1 expresses that he doesn’t feel very safe in Botkyrka any longer, he further says that it has become much worse now than ten years ago and that he does not go there if he does not have to (I1). The big turning point for him was when his friend was shot dead in Alby Centrum, he

believes that it is criminals who control and destroy for the rest (I1). “People are easily offended and cannot respect other people” (I1). During his childhood he enjoyed living in Botkyrka but can now agree with the image described by Botkyrka which is not beautiful (I1).

I2 expresses that at first when he lived in Alby in Botkyrka, the safety felt okay, but after a while he noticed that people who did not recognize him from there started arguing with him and caused problems that resulted in a fight between him and three other youth (I2). The respondent (I2) further describes that if he had lived there for a longer time and grown up there, he would have felt safer, but since he was not from there then he felt that people questioned him who he was and what he was doing there (I2). He also describes how a friend of his was shot to death in Alby Centrum (I2). I2 describes that his father wanted the family to move somewhere else outside Botkyrka because they wanted safety and that was difficult to move somewhere else because other municipalities demanded a higher income (I2). I2 further describes that he felt safer in Ecuador because there he felt at home, he also says that he experienced it as the most dangerous in Alby Centrum, but that if you went a bit outside Centrum, it was nice and safe (I2). I1 tells how his friends who would come and visit him, how they got questioned on what their purpose was there, also that they got asked if they wanted to buy drugs in Alby centrum (I1). I1 also describes one incident when he was going to record a music video and were waiting for a person who came by car, the person got followed by another car and when I1 asks “why are you following him?” then he got the response, “we thought it was a civil cop” (I1).

5.2.3. Car burnings criminal activities in Botkyrka When asking the participants about car burnings in Botkyrka municipality, many respondents could relate to car burnings in some way, either they knew someone who got affected, or they did have seen it happening nearby where they lived or they had heard about it on the news. Respondents expressed that it didn’t really affect them, it was kind of a normality for them, they didn’t care that much about it other than they commented that it was stupid, and they thought it was related to insurance fraud. One respondent said, “it affects me badly, because the insurance gets more expensive on my car” (RS2). I1 says “it became a normality, organized or not, if you wanted to sell your car there was someone who could solve it for you, so you got insurance money” (I1). He further tells that even himself did it, “I wanted to sell my car and talked to my friend, who said that he could take care of it and so he did, and I got

my money” (I1). For him it was not a big deal, but he says that when he has told other people about it, they say it´s crazy (I1).

The question about youth joining criminal gangs, I got responds like “it´s the societies fault, the youth have nowhere to be, the government doesn’t do anything, people are restless and they feel downgraded and excluded from the rest of the society” (RS6). Other say that people follow their friends, that they look up to older people in criminal gangs and that they see an opportunity to earn quick money (I1). Respondents also say that youth get in the wrong place early in life, and get difficulties to change their path in life, that they get stuck in this kind of criminality (RS7). I1 responds that “something has gone wrong in the society, social media is romanticizing the life in suburbs (I1). The respondent (I1) further describes the development with social media and smartphones, that people have access to everything, that it has created a romanticizing image of the suburbs (I1). I2 thinks that the reason for this is because people isn’t integrated to the society and that they have wrong role models (I2).

5.2.4. Outside image of Botkyrka All the people I interviewed in Botkyrka municipality says that people outside Botkyrka view the municipality as dangerous and ugly, they say that Botkyrka have bad reputation. When I ask if this picture is correct, respondents agree do some part, “there are things happening, but media worsening everything” (RS10). One respondent responds, “people think of Botkyrka as worst ghetto, but it isn’t like that” (RS2). Another respondent says, “If you live here, you get another picture of what says in media” (RS9). When asking what needs to be done to change the image people have about Botkyrka, I get responds like “media must stop report about everything bad” (RS1), “as long as media report like they do, nothing will change, people need to see and experience with own eyes” (RS2). Another respondent says, “I don’t know, it’s the migration networks fault, they put everyone in the same place, so people have hard to get in to the society” (RS4). When asking people if they feel included in the society in terms of getting a job, I get the respond that they don’t feel excluded if they stay in school and get an education.

Both respondents in the in-depth interviews (I1, I2) say that the society don’t have a good image of Botkyrka and that Botkyrka has bad reputation. I1 says “they think its chaos here” (I1) while I2 says that people think of Botkyrka as segregated, a lot of immigrants and

dangerous (I2). They both say that the image is correct, I1 says “but yes, media could report some good things that is happening here” (I1). Each respondent says that the government must work more to integrate the municipality and create jobs for youth to change the outside image of Botkyrka (I1, I2).

5.2.5. Live in Botkyrka or outside Botkyrka I got similar responds from the younger respondents (18-22), they all said that they wanted to live somewhere else, some said that they wanted to live somewhere else because they wanted security for their kids in the future (RS4, RS5) while some of the respondents wanted to live somewhere else because they wanted to live more central in Stockholm (RS1, RS6, RS8). The responds from older participant is that they wanted to stay in Botkyrka, because it was their home and they didn’t want to live somewhere else (RS2, RS3).

The I1 respondent says that he would not like to live in Alby, because of lack of security, I1 further says “never in my life that I would like to live in Botkyrka! I don’t want to have to watch my back all the time” (I1). The respondent (I1) further says that he did not want to expose himself to the risk of getting into trouble or being shot (I1). He also says that he does not want to live in Botkyrka because he is tired of being stopped by the police all the time, “I just want to mind my own business” (I1). I2 responds that he could live in Botkyrka, but somewhere else than Alby, somewhere where it would feel safer (I2).

5.3. The work of Botkyrka municipality and their main challenges The key informant of this case study which is I3 presented a document that she has been working on together with other stake holders in Botkyrka municipality. The document is a control document called “A Sustainable Botkyrka - Botkyrka's sustainability challenges and contribution to the UN's 17 global goals for sustainability development” (Botkyrka, 2020). This document together with the interviews with the key informant is very useful to answer the second research question of this research bv.

5.3.1. A Sustainable Botkyrka Botkyrka's first sustainability challenges were adopted by the City Council in June 2007. The starting point for A Sustainable Botkyrka was the Aalborg Declaration, today it is the UN's 17 global goals for sustainable development, Agenda 20301, which has a clear focus on the municipalities work for global sustainability. Botkyrka municipality has since then worked purposefully with sustainability challenges, with positive development on the site of Botkyrka, and for more Botkyrka residents to get a better life better over time (Botkyrka, 2020).

The control document “A Sustainable Botkyrka” involves 6 sustainable challenges where 5 of those focus on social development within 4 can be related to the research questions of my case study of Botkyrka municipality.

Botkyrka wants everybody to have access to work and good working conditions which enable people to make choices in life and creates a meaningful life for individuals and families. This means that Botkyrka works for creating more work opportunities for its citizens. It exists a general trend in Sweden with decreasing gaps between those who live with good socio- economic conditions and those who don’t, which also exists in Botkyrka. The income gap between households with security on the job market and steady income and households with lack of security on the job market or complete outside the job market is clear. The unequal distribution of access to work creates a risk of segregation between people (ibid). Botkyrka is part of a strong growth region, which gives Botkyrka a great start with opportunities of growth and local economic development (ibid). The goal of Botkyrka is that citizens of Botkyrka will have a self-sufficiency that provides the conditions for a life of self- determination. The second goal is that residents in Botkyrka will have the same opportunities for work and access to safe and developing works that take advantage of their capacity (ibid).

5.3.2. Botkyrka, our place Botkyrka works to secure that the municipality is an including place with access to safe housing and an environment which create a feeling of inclusiveness in Botkyrka. The citizens of Botkyrka shell feel a community over the different municipal parts, no one should feel excluded or threated badly because of their religion, gender, religion or identity (ibid). The citizens of Botkyrka have belonging from over 160 different countries, over half of the

population has a family history that begins in another country (ibid). At the same time, almost all youth and children are born in Sweden, the debate in the society today, both in Sweden and globally has a negative effect on citizens in Botkyrka. Citizens of Botkyrka are in higher grade vulnerable for intolerance and are therefore more worried. Botkyrka provides housing for households with limited resources, but Botkyrka also focus on providing mixed forms of housing in all different regions. Mixed forms of housing make it possible for people to stay in Botkyrka when their economy gets better. This is a way to meet the negative effects of segregation. I3 further mentions the unequal distribution of rental housing in the Stockholm region, that some municipalities avoid building rental houses and how the demand of household’s income to get housing is different throughout Stockholm. I3 also mentions a changing in the “Ebo-law, which provides asylum seekers the right to live wherever they want with the right to funding from the state or the municipality” (SVT, 2020). From 1 January of 2020, municipalities who have had a high pressure of new incoming asylum seekers have the right to make exception in this law. What means with this is that asylum seekers who which to live in these exception areas, will not get funding from the state ore the municipality (ibid). The purpose with the changing in the Ebo-law is to decrease segregation and make asylum seekers live in other areas with a more geographical spreading. I3 tells how several municipal parts of Botkyrka is involved in these exceptions.

5.3.3 Education is the basis of Botkyrka Education creates access to work, health and a self-sufficient life, in a world that is constantly changing, knowledge and competence become more important (Botkyrka, 2020). Good education helps decreasing gaps in the society, to increase the access to the job market and creates opportunities to a good and healthy life (ibid).

A major challenge in Botkyrka is school segregation, differences between student´s socio- economic background correlates to differences in school results (ibid). The anxiety of not being able to success in school is decreasing and is contributing to physical illness among youth and children. Botkyrka have difficulties in the pedagogical task to educate students who have migrated to Sweden under their school time. This creates a risk of citizens get excluded in the job market, and therefor gets in a life situation with low income and low compensations in the Swedish welfare system with lifelong low pension money (ibid). The interview with the key informant tells how education is very important to create a better future for youth living

in Botkyrka, especially those living with low socio-economic standards. The lack of educated teachers in Sweden hits socio-economic vulnerable areas the most, as the percent of competent teachers are lower in those areas the informant responds. In a socio-economic challenged area, the school is more than just knowledge, it is a place for safety, cohesion and love (I3).

5.3.4 Together for cohesion and democracy in Botkyrka There are significant differences in participation in elections between different groups of residents in Botkyrka. The people of Botkyrka have different habits, traditions, opportunities and ability to take part in democratic contexts. It depends on factors such as family background and individual circumstances and is reinforced by socio-economic segregation. This means unequal access to networks, power and influence for residents from different parts of the municipality and in relation to other municipalities in the Stockholm region. The municipality's residents must be given the conditions to be involved in the community and not end up outside. The municipality works to increase turnout and for increased participation in democratic contexts also between the elections for both new and old Botkyrka residents and among Botkyrka residents with different living conditions. A central part of safeguarding cohesion across municipal and group boundaries is also to respond to rumours and misinformation as this has a negative effect on Botkyrka residents (Botkyrka, 2020).

Several parts of Botkyrka have low participation in election, reasons of this can they don’t feel included in the society or that they don’t feel trust to the society. Therefore, Botkyrka´s goal is to make people trust each other in the municipality and have trust to the democracy (ibid). The world is in a time with increasing polarization, which creates a “we and them” mentality which further creates dividedness and anxiety of hope for the future. The risk is that more people choose to stay outside the democratic society which in the long-term will decrease trust between people and to the ability of the society to solve problems (ibid).

When discussing this with the key informant of this case study, I told her about the responds I got from the interviews in my fieldwork, that people feel that the society don’t do anything and that youth don’t have anywhere to go so that’s why they do crimes for example. I mention a place named Subtopia (Subtopia, 2020), which is only a few hundred meters from Alby centrum, where all the respondents say they can feel unsafe sometimes. Subtopia is a centre for culture, art social commitment and ranges over 15 000 square meters (ibid). In Subtopia

works artists, film producers, circus companies, non-profit associations and other creators work to realize their dreams and make the world a little better (ibid). I asked I3 “people say that they don’t have any place to go, but just five hundred meters from Alby centrum Subtopia is located, why don’t people go there?” I3 responds that is it was a difficult question, that somehow when they developed Subtopia, they failed to send this message to the citizens of Botkyrka (I3). I3 further responds that it became a place that people from outside Botkyrka went to and that it created a provocation between citizens of Botkyrka and people outside who came to spend time in Subtopia (I3). When I discuss Subtopia with I1, I1 says, “it isn’t a place for us, its hipsters from town who goes there, you don’t find a lot of hipsters in Botkyrka” (I1).

However, if I3 agree that the municipality failed to send out the opportunities with Subtopia to the citizens in Botkyrka, I3 says that the municipality have done some progress in the matter of changing the life of youth positively (I3). I3 mentions tow programs that the municipality have supported which are “the good talents” and “changers hub” (Botkyrka, 2020). The good Talents helps young people see their own potential and develop their skills in both leadership and entrepreneurship. This is done through a requested one-year leadership program and through network meetings (ibid). Changers hub provides coworking space, courses and events. The purpose of Changers hub is to democratise success and give everyone no matter what background a person has, an opportunity for success (ibid).

5.3.5 Collaboration with the government In 2018 the Swedish government released a plan that were going to last between 2018-228 with the purpose of decreasing and stop segregation, Botkyrka is involved in this project. I asked I3 how she views the collaboration between the municipality and the government. The respondent say that the ambition is good, but the first thing she and her colleagues reacted to is the language that is used by naming Botkyrka as “vulnerable area” (I3). The respondent (I3) says that the language that is used is stigmatizing Botkyrka municipality. The respondent (I3) further tells that they have been working with programs to decrease segregation for a long period and that their numbers are showing better results than the expectations they have (I3). “what is vulnerable” the respondent says and tells that the majority of the people in the municipality lives an ordinary life, but they are being punished by the minority who commits crimes which place parts of Botkyrka as “vulnerable areas” (I3). The reported crimes hit hard

on the positive development in Botkyrka and draw the attention from the positive things the respondent says.

6. Analysis This chapter is going to analyse the findings that are presented in the result section, the analytical framework that is used to analyse the findings of the case study is thematic analysis. With Thematic analysis, I´m presenting patterns that have occurred repeating time in the interviews of the case study. The patterns are presented in different themes that can help answering the research questions. The themes are first to be presented following with answer to the research questions with relating the findings from the themes to fitting theories.

6.1. Themes 6.1.1. Home When I was interviewing people in my fieldwork, I could see an repeating pattern that the respondents viewed the part of Botkyrka as their home, people described Botkyrka as “fantastic”, “full of love”, “everybody know each other”, people also described a sense of community in Botkyrka because they knew many people who had similar background. From the in-depth interview with R1 respondent, the respondent that his childhood was always eventful, that he always had fun with friends in school and outside school when playing football. Responds from my interviews showed that people felt safe because of that they knew everyone where they lived so they didn’t feel unsecure because it felt like home (RS2, RS4, RS5).

6.1.2. Territorial areas All the respondents commented that it could be dangerous sometimes in Alby centrum, they explained that they felt unsafe because of crimes like illegal sell of drugs and criminal gangs in Alby, therefor, territorial areas became a theme. I1 told about his friends who would come and visit him who got asked what their business was there and who they were going to meet. From my direct observations I also experienced this when I went to Fittja centrum to

interview people, when a person came to ask me what I was doing there after just five minutes. I2 also explained about the incident when he was new to Botkyrka and got into an incident with three other persons questioned who he was. Therefore, territorial areas became a theme in this case study, as incidents respondents explained were connected to certain areas, like Alby Centrum.

6.1.3. Media When I ask the respondents on what image people who don’t live in Botkyrka about the municipality, they all say that the society has bad image of Botkyrka, respondents say that they think Botkyrka is dangerous, ugly and segregated ghetto. When I ask the respondents why they think people outside thinks like this about Botkyrka, they all say it is because of media, “they only report all the bad things happening here”, “media must stop lying” respondent says (RS2). Respondents also agree that the image is correct, but media is making it worse, “they could report good things too” one respondent says.

6.1.4. People moving out Most of the respondents in my case study responded that they would not like to live in Botkyrka in the future if they could choose. Safety was the biggest reason of why people did not want to live in Botkyrka municipality, they wanted to live in a safer environment. The key informant who also had lived in Botkyrka responded “even myself, wanted to live somewhere else because of the safety for my kids” (I3). However, the respondent mentions that there is probably more reported in the area where she lives in which is Sodermalm than it is in Botkyrka municipality.

6.1.5. Bad reputation All the respondents in my case study mentioned at least one incident that affect the reputation of Botkyrka municipality badly, even from citizens who lives in Botkyrka. Respondents mentioned incidents like “they sell drugs” (RS3), “my friend was shot” (I1, I2), “a girl was shot this summer” (I1) “a car next to mine was burned” (RS3). These examples are also incidents that have got attention in the media, even like I3 says that the most people just live their ordinary life, the reports give an image of Botkyrka as a dangerous place.

6.1.6. Trust One repeating theme is the lack of trust to institutional actors and the society in Botkyrka municipality, the dwellers answer that the reason of why youth are joining criminal gangs is because they feel downgraded and excluded from the society. The political discourse about Botkyrka presented by institutions and media creates a “we” and “them” problem. The interview with the key informant also gives me data on the unequal participation in elections in the municipality, that in some areas the participation is very low and one reason of this is because they don’t feel included into the society.

6.1.7. School segregation As presented earlier in this paper, education is a ground foundation for a good life, as education gives access to work. However, the interviews show that schools in Botkyrka are facing big challenges, where school segregation is a big problem. The interviews with the I1 and I2 respondents showed that they didn’t experienced the education in Alby as the best place for learning. I1 who had grown up in the area says that he had fun in school, but they didn’t learn very much, and it wasn’t until high school I1 understood the importance of listening to the teacher. I2 who also went to school in Alby, but were new to Alby, expresses how the school was disorganised and how he got difficulties learning the Swedish language when he went to School in Alby.

The key informant also expresses the problem with school segregation in Botkyrka, how the unequal access to educated teachers affects the low socio-economic areas negative, as providing good education, but also safety and cohesion is very important in these areas. School segregation creates a risk of people not reaching their full potential, which further creates a risk of school dropouts which affects people’s access to jobs. When people dropout from schools and have difficulties finding a job, the risk of getting excluded from the society increases.

6.2. Is Botkyrka municipality stigmatised? 6.2.1. Territorial stigma Data shows that Botkyrka is stigmatized and territorial is created both by the political discourse and from citizens who lives inside Botkyrka. Dwellers who lives inside Botkyrka municipality describe certain areas like areas as dangerous, which also is described throughout political discourse and media. As people are saying they do enjoy living in Botkyrka, but they do agree to the extent that they avoid some areas and that there are crimes happening. Therefore, the theory of stigma can be related to the research problem and research questions of this case study, as territorial stigma is linked to poverty, imputed immorality, degraded housing and is encompassing lower-class foreign migrants, street crimes, regional minorities, recognized or not (Wacquant, 2014).

Data from the interviews and thematic analysis shows that people don’t want to live in Botkyrka in the future because of lack of safety further creates territorial stigma when people don’t want to live in the municipality and move out. As areas of Botkyrka are placed as “vulnerable areas” the presence of the police is higher. Even if the presence of the police is therefore the security of the citizens, it creates a territorial stigmatization when people get questioned by the police repeating times or the presence of the police reminds dwellers that they are living in a dangerous neighbourhood.

It is clear that the media doesn’t do Botkyrka municipality very much good, as data shows that dwellers in Botkyrka think that media only report things that affect the reputation about Botkyrka in a negative way. These findings can also be related to territorial stigma explained by Wacquant (2014) that “neighbourhoods become as synonym of social hell, as their names circulates in a negative way in discourses of politics, journalism and scholarship” (Wacquant, 2014). The stereotypes that are presented discourse of politics and journalism like “vulnerable areas for example makes people feel stigmatized, when they are labelled, linked to undesirable stereotypes and set a part, this leads to an experience of status loss and discrimination (Link, Phelan, 2001).

6.2.2. Neighbourhood-effect The concept of the neighbourhood-effect has also been used in this case study, the neighbourhood effect can be used to explain why different kind of actions are taking place in Botkyrka and it can also be related to territorial stigma. In the description of the neighbourhood-effect, it is presented that influences among youth living in low-economic neighbourhoods are strong predictors of negative behaviours, such as drug abuse, crime and participation in the job market. This can be related to the so called “vulnerable areas” that have been in focus of this case study. School segregation that is presented to be a challenge to development of well-being in Botkyrka municipality can be related to the neighbourhood- effect. As data shows that dwellers experience Alby Centrum as an unsafe place with incidents occurring like the selling of drugs, these areas can become a place to go for youth who dropout from school. with the dysfunctional education in certain areas in Botkyrka, it creates a risk of dropout from school and unemployment. These youth face higher risk of being excluded from the society and seeks cohesion somewhere else. With lack of role models, youth who feel excluded in the society look up to wrong types of role models which can be older people in criminal gangs. As the society provides different kind of local market actors in different regions, illegal drug market can be one example in Botkyrka municipality, as a person who feels excluded from the society that lives in one of the so called vulnerable areas in Botkyrka have easier access with illegal drug market as it is commonly known that sell of drugs are happening open on the streets in these neighbourhoods.

6.3. What are the biggest challenges to decrease segregation in Botkyrka municipality? 6.3.1. Territorial stigma and the neighborhood-effect At first, territorial stigma and the neighborhood-effect are two main challenges for Botkyrka municipality in their work of decreasing segregation. Territorial stigma creates deviance in the society which further becomes an obstacle of decreasing segregation. The neighborhood- effect explains why certain events or patterns are taking place in Botkyrka municipality such as car burnings, shootings, sell of drugs and involvement in criminal gangs. As presented in the result, car burnings became kind of normality in Botkyrka, like I1 responded that even he did it, because his friend was suggesting doing it (I1). If I1 would have lived in a neighborhood where there were no reported car burnings, I1 may never would have thought

about doing this kind of crime. Environments where there are reported typical kind of crimes, like crimes in Alby centrum, ordinary lawful citizens avoid going there, which further creates territorial areas where crimes can occur openly. Even if Botkyrka municipality are doing a great job with programs to develop Botkyrka as place of cohesion and the opportunity for a good life, there still are neighborhoods in Botkyrka that is represented dangerous areas both by citizens living in Botkyrka and the society, which creates territorial stigma which is one of the main challenges in the work of decreasing segregation.

6.3.2. Inequality Inequality can be connected to both territorial stigma and the neighborhood-effect. As presented in the literature review, “Inequality is not about the size of our wallets. It is a socio- cultural order which, for most of us, reduces our capabilities to function as human beings, our health, our dignity, our sense of self, as well as our resources to act and participate in the world” (Therborn, 2013). As the control document “A sustainable Botkyrka” presented with help of key informant Helena Rojas in this case study, Botkyrka are doing a lot of efforts to create a safe environment where people feel cohesion an integrated in Botkyrka municipality. However, the unequal access to different key resources as housing, education and jobs are great challenges in process of decreasing segregation. Even if Botkyrka are providing housing for households with limited economic resources, and that they are building mixed forms of housing in the municipality, it is an unequal balance in the region Stockholm between the providing of rental housing. Another factor is the different demands of household income between different municipalities in Stockholm which discriminates groups with low income.

As presented in “A sustainable Botkyrka” school segregation is a great challenge for Botkyrka municipality, especially providing education for those who have migrated to Sweden under their school time. The inequal distribution of educated teachers hits the low socio-economic areas most where education is very important in providing opportunities for a good life. When people don’t get the education they need, the risk increases of being excluded from the job market and society, which further have an impact of their trust to the society in terms of participating in the Swedish democracy. This further increases the territorial stigma and segregation.

7. Conclusion As presented in the introduction, ssegregation has more negative impact for those people living in areas with socio-economic challenges. Areas where most of the people have higher education and salaries, residents often face better opportunities of getting their rights approved than residents in socio-economic challenged areas.

I have done a case study of Botkyrka municipality which is a suburb in south Stockholm, as presented in the introduction. As presented in the introduction, Botkyrka have been represented as one of the most segregated municipalities in Sweden. Even if Sweden have a welfare model that makes it possible for an equal society. Violence such as shootings, car burnings and criminal gangs in suburbs throughout Sweden get a lot of attention in the political discourse and media. In my case study, I have analyzed how the political discourse and media have affected Botkyrka by interviewing people living in Botkyrka, I have got their worldview on how they experience it living in Botkyrka. Findings from my case study show that certain areas of Botkyrka is stigmatized, that citizens in Botkyrka refer to some areas as dangerous, which is also presented in political discourse and media, as events taking place in these areas are referred to Botkyrka, it creates territorial stigma of Botkyrka municipality. As some neighborhoods in Botkyrka is affected more negatively by school segregation, youth in these areas face higher risk of getting excluded from the society and fall into a destructive way of living, as influences among youth living in low-economic neighbourhoods are strong predictors of negative behaviours, such as drug abuse, crime and participation in the job market.

Territorial stigma and the neighbourhood-effect becomes obstacles in the work of decreasing segregation, further, inequality is an obstacle in the work of decreasing segregation. The unequal access to different key resources as housing, education and jobs are great challenges in process of decreasing segregation.

8.1. Recommendations Decreasing segregation and create a more integrated society, is not something someone can do on its own, measurement must be taken from the whole society together. If there is an

unequal distribution of resources as housing, education and jobs between municipalities, segregation is difficult to decrease. Political actors such media must take responsibility on how they are framing areas in Sweden, as discourses of areas are creating certain images of areas. One person who live an ordinary life in a so called “vulnerable area” does not has to be punished for living there. The police must continue doing their job in creating a safe environment in the work of decreasing street violence such as illegal sell of drugs, car burnings and criminal gangs. More effective measurements for young people living in these so called “vulnerable areas” must be taken so that youth don’t fall in a destructive way of living.

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9. Appendix: Interview guide During this case study, the interview guide followed two different interview protocol, the first one was adapted for interviews with randomly selected respondents and chosen in-depth interviewees representing Botkyrka municipality. The second interview protocol was adapted for interview with key-informant who works in Botkyrka municipality with tasks that can be related to the research problem and research questions.

9.1. Interview guide randomly selected and in-depth interviewees Can you describe Botkyrka in 3 words?

On a scale of 1–5, how safe do you feel in Botkyrka municipality?

Between 2012 and 2017, there were approximately 100 car fires reported in Botkyrka each year, did you feel affected these events?

In recent years, it has been reported that the number of young people who join criminal gangs is increasing, this is something that has also been reported within Botkyrka, why do you think young people choose to join criminal gangs?

What image do you think people who don’t live in Botkyrka have of Botkyrka?

Is this image correct?

What would need to be done to change this image?

If you could choose, would then like to live in Botkyrka or not?

Living in Botkyrka municipality, do you feel included to the society?

9.2. Interview guide key-informant In 2018, the Swedish government released a plan of stopping and decreasing segregation in Sweden between 2018-2028. How are Botkyrka municipality collaborating with the Swedish government to decrease segregation in Botkyrka

What are the biggest challenges in the work of decreasing segregation Botkyrka municipality?

What are the reasons, according to you, that it is an existing trend of youth joining criminal gangs in Botkyrka municipality?

When I was interviewing respondents in Botkyrka, a repeating pattern was that people told that it could be dangerous in Alby centrum, why do you think feel like this?

Respondents express that one reason of why youth are committing crime and joining criminal gangs is because youth don’t have anywhere to go. Five hundred meters from Alby centrum where respondents expressed it is dangerous, Subtopia is located. Why don’t youth go there?

In my interviews with people living in Botkyrka, people say that they don’t want to live in Botkyrka because of the lack of the security, how does it affect Botkyrka, when people don’t want to live in Botkyrka and move out from Botkyrka?