Poland's New Front
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Netflix's Bloodline
Economic Impacts of the Netflix Original Series Bloodline Prepared for the Monroe County Tourist Development Council December 2015 Monroe County Tourist Development Council Economic Impact Analysis of the Netflix Original Series Bloodline TABLE OF CONTENTS Summary of Results ................................................................................................. 2 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 4 Study Purpose .......................................................................................................... 4 Season 1 Production Spending in Florida ............................................................. 4 Season 1 Production Spending in Monroe County ............................................... 5 Economic Impacts of Production Spending .......................................................... 5 Film Induced Tourism Impacts ............................................................................... 6 Additional Impacts ................................................................................................... 7 Appendix A – Economic Impact Methodology ...................................................... 8 Appendix B – Share of Production Spending in Monroe County......................... 9 Appendix C – Comparison of Economic Impacts from Visitor Spending ......... 10 Page | i Monroe County Tourist Development Council Economic Impact Analysis of the Netflix Original Series Bloodline SUMMARY OF RESULTS The -
Initiative of President Andrzej Duda Regarding the Change of the Constitution
Teka of Political Science and International Relations – OL PAN/UMCS, 2018, 13/1 DOI: 10.17951/teka.2018.13.1.25-34 INITIATIVE OF PRESIDENT ANDRZEJ DUDA REGARDING THE CHANGE OF THE CONSTITUTION Bożena Dziemidok-Olszewska Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin Faculty of Political Science, Department of Political Systems e-mail: [email protected] Marta Michalczuk-Wlizło Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin Faculty of Political Science, Department of Political Systems e-mail: [email protected] Abstract: The objective of the article is to present and evaluate the initiative of President Andrzej Duda regarding the amendment of the Constitution, with which he appeared on 3 May 2017. The activities and presentations of the President in this regard during the previous year and related problems were all demonstrated. The controversies regarding the presidential initiative were di- vided into legal and political. Legal one is the regulation of the institution of referendum in the Constitution of 1997, the political ones result from the opinion and concepts of parties and citizens about the constitution and referendum in its case. Keywords: change of constitution, president, referendum, political science INTRODUCTION During the last year, from 3 May 2017 to 3 May 2018, we witnessed the, still incomplete, process of President Andrzej Duda’s activities regarding the referendum on the amendment to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The aim of the article is to present and assess the President’s activities in this area, and also to demonstrate the reactions to the President’s initiative. The research question is the justification, meaningfulness and effectiveness of the presidential initiative; the research hypothesis is the claim that the President’s actions are odd and irrational (pointless). -
Assumptions of Law and Justice Party Foreign Policy
Warsaw, May 2016 Change in Poland, but what change? Assumptions of Law and Justice party foreign policy Adam Balcer – WiseEuropa Institute Piotr Buras – European Council on Foreign Relations Grzegorz Gromadzki – Stefan Batory Foundation Eugeniusz Smolar – Centre for International Relations The deep reform of the state announced by Law and Justice party (PiS) and its unquestioned leader, Jarosław Kaczyński, and presented as the “Good Change”, to a great extent also influences foreign, especially European, policy. Though PiS’s political project has been usually analysed in terms of its relation to the post 1989, so called 3rd Republic institutional-political model and the results of the socio-economic transformation of the last 25 years, there is no doubt that in its alternative concept for Poland, the perception of the world, Europe and Poland’s place in it, plays a vital role. The “Good Change” concept implies the most far-reaching reorientation in foreign policy in the last quarter of a century, which, at the level of policy declarations made by representatives of the government circles and their intellectual supporters implies the abandonment of a number of key assumptions that shaped not only policy but also the imagination of the Polish political elite and broad society as a whole after 1989. The generally accepted strategic aim after 1989 was to avoid the “twilight zone” of uncertainty and to anchor Poland permanently in the western security system – i.e. NATO, and European political, legal and economic structures, in other words the European Union. “Europeanisation” was the doctrine of Stefan Batory Foundation Polish transformation after 1989. -
Co-Operatives Unleashed from the Grassroots
Co-operatives Unleashed from the grassroots July 2020 About CCIN and the Policy Labs The Co-operative Councils’ Innovation Network (CCIN) is a non-party political active hub, founded in 2012 to achieve co-operative policy development, innovation and advocacy which is: Action-focused: a vehicle for helping councils translate co-operative policy and principles into practice. Membership-based: funded by modest membership subscriptions from its member councils. Open to all UK councils: members share the belief that working co-operatively with communities holds the key to tackling today’s challenges. Part of the local government family: the network is a Special Interest Group registered with the Local Government Association (LGA) where we work to promote innovation in local government. Established in 2016, the Policy Lab programme is an opportunity for any CCIN Member to present an idea and receive funding for collaboration with other CCIN members to fund co-operative solutions to the challenges facing local government. To find out more about joining the CCIN contact: [email protected] CCIN Accountable Body: Oldham Council, Oldham Civic Centre, West Street, Oldham OL1 1UL T: 0161 770 5691 Acknowledgements As Author, I am indebted to the following people and organisations whose contributions have proved invaluable in compiling this report: Co-operatives UK Congress fringe event participants and Plymouth City Council colleagues across multiple departments who, provided the foundation for our understanding of the relationship between co-operatives and councils. CCIN members, including representatives of 15 member councils at the LGA conference stand and also colleagues from Oldham Council, Preston City Council, Rochdale Borough Council, Sunderland City Council and Glasgow City Council, who contributed case studies and gave their time for many detailed discussions. -
Opposition Behaviour Against the Third Wave of Autocratisation: Hungary and Poland Compared
European Political Science https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-021-00325-x SYMPOSIUM Opposition behaviour against the third wave of autocratisation: Hungary and Poland compared Gabriella Ilonszki1 · Agnieszka Dudzińska2 Accepted: 4 February 2021 © The Author(s) 2021 Abstract Hungary and Poland are often placed in the same analytical framework from the period of their ‘negotiated revolutions’ to their autocratic turn. This article aims to look behind this apparent similarity focusing on opposition behaviour. The analysis demonstrates that the executive–parliament power structure, the vigour of the extra- parliamentary actors, and the opposition party frame have the strongest infuence on opposition behaviour, and they provide the sources of diference between the two country cases: in Hungary an enforced power game and in Poland a political game constrain opposition opportunities and opposition strategic behaviour. Keywords Autocratisation · Extra-parliamentary arena · Hungary · Opposition · Parliament · Party system · Poland Introduction What can this study add? Hungary and Poland are often packed together in political analyses on the grounds that they constitute cases of democratic decline. The parties in governments appear infamous on the international, particularly on the EU, scene. Fidesz1 in Hungary has been on the verge of leaving or being forced to leave the People’s Party group due to repeated abuses of democratic norms, and PiS in Poland2 is a member of 1 The party’s full name now reads Fidesz—Hungarian Civic Alliance. 2 Abbreviation of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). * Gabriella Ilonszki [email protected] Agnieszka Dudzińska [email protected] 1 Department of Political Science, Corvinus University of Budapest, 8 Fővám tér, Budapest 1093, Hungary 2 Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw, Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28, 00-927 Warsaw, Poland Vol.:(0123456789) G. -
Justice Under Pressure – Repressions As a Means of Attempting to Take Control Over the Judiciary and the Prosecution in Poland
IUSTITIA RAPORTY Justice under pressure – repressions as a means of attempting to take control over the judiciary and the prosecution in Poland. Years 2015–2019 Edited by Jakub Kościerzyński Prepared by: sędzia SA Michał Bober sędzia SO Piotr Gąciarek sędzia SR Joanna Jurkiewicz sędzia SR Jakub Kościerzyński prokurator PR Mariusz Krasoń sędzia SR Dorota Zabłudowska Th e report was drawn up by judges from the Polish Judges’ Association “Iustitia” and by a prosecutor from the “Lex Super Omnia” Association of Prosecutors. “Iustitia” is the largest association of judges in Poland. It is fully independent, apolitical and self-governing, with over 3500 members, which is over 1/3 of the total number of judges. Our main mission is to defend the principles of a democratic state of law: freedom, rights and civil liberties, which are the cornerstone of democratic Poland. We are active in many fi elds not only throughout Poland but also in the international arena as a member of international associations of judges (IAJ, EAJ, MEDEL). “Lex Super Omnia” is fully independent, apolitical and self-governing. It brings together more than 200 prosecutors. Th e main goal of the association is to strive for establishing an independent prosecution, the position of which is defi ned in the Polish Constitution. ISBN: 978-83-920641-8-3 Spis treści Introduction ................................................................................................................. 7 Part I. Judges ............................................................................................................... 9 Chapter I. List of judges against whom the disciplinary prosecutor of common courts, judge Piotr Schab and his deputies, judges: Michał Lasota and Przemysław W. Radzik, have launched investigations or initiated disciplinary proceedings in connection with judicial and extrajudicial activities. -
POLAND: Duda's Victory Paves the Way for Pis Rule Until 2023
Europe | July 13, 2020 POLAND: Duda’s victory paves the way for PiS rule until 2023 According to preliminary data from the National Electoral Commission (PKW), incumbent President Andrzej Duda – supported by the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party – narrowly won the second round of the presidential election held on 12 July. With nearly all ballots counted, Duda secured 51.2% of votes, leaving his opponent Rafal Trzaskowski (Civic Platform, PO) behind with 48.8%. The fiercely contested presidential race attracted a nearly record turnout of 68.1%. The PKW is expected to announce the official results within few days. Trzaskowski has not accepted defeat yet and could still challenge the result in courts, although this appears unlikely. An extremely divisive electoral campaign and a tight result reveal the deep polarization of Poland’s society. Exit polls show that Duda was predominantly supported by farmers, senior citizens, blue-collar workers, and the unemployed based in smaller towns and villages in the eastern parts of the country. Meanwhile, Trzaskowski performed well among students and entrepreneurs, as well as highly-qualified professionals. He is also much more popular in large cities and the western parts of the country. Duda’s re-election is a major win for the ruling PiS, which is now relatively well-positioned to continue carrying out its policy agenda until the parliamentary election in the autumn of 2023. In terms of the government’s policy priorities going forward, justice minister Zbigniew Ziobro (United Poland) has highlighted that it would further reform state institutions – including the judiciary – and continue implementing its generous social policies. -
Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Address by President of the Republic of Poland Mr Andrzej Duda On
Address by President of the Republic of Poland Mr Andrzej Duda on the occasion of the New Year`s meeting with the Diplomatic Corps Presidential Palace, 14 January 2019 Your Excellency, Most Reverend Sir, Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, Your Excellencies, the Ambassadors, Honourable Marshal, Honourable Prime Ministers, Excellencies, Most Reverend Bishops, Honourable Ministers, Madam Justice of the Constitutional Court, Generals, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is my great pleasure to welcome you to our fourth joint New Year`s meeting. 2018 is over, a year rich in numerous events, out of which the most significant, truly momentous ones for us, were undoubtedly the celebrations of the centenary of regaining independence. I wish to thank you warmly for making our jubilee visible also in your home countries; it was often an occasion for grand festivities and joy. Last year we commenced our 2-year-long, non-permanent membership of the United Nations Security Council, whereas in Katowice we presided over the session of the 24th Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Its successful outcome was reflected in the adoption of the so called Katowice Rulebook, which was possible thanks to the readiness for compromise demonstrated by all parties participating in the negotiations. I would like to thank your countries for cooperation and for expressing acknowledgment of our good and effective organization of the Katowice conference. The year 2018 was marked, once again, by high level of my international activity. Throughout the whole year I paid 26 foreign visits, and met with more than 20 international leaders who visited Poland. -
The Evolution of the Israeli Party System Gyula Gazdik
The evolution of the Israeli party system Gyula Gazdik he Israelis pride themselves in being the only democracy in the Middle East. At first sight this claim seems to be the case. It is true to say that while the region's TIslamic countries made numerous attempts during the past decades to reform their institutional system - by contrast to the Jewish state - they made little progress with respect to the liberalisation of society and executive control. However, such comparison can only be ostensible, since the exercise of power is largely influenced by the historical and cultural diversity of the countries under scrutiny. The situation of the Palestinian population of Israel is the primary target of various critiques with respect to Israeli democracy.1 Israel - with a population of six million - is a multiethnic, multi-religious and multicultural country.2 Eighty per cent of the population is Jewish and - besides the 17 per cent-strong Arab community - there are also Druses, Circassians and other minorities. The coexistence of three regional monotheistic religions makes the country unique. While one half of the Jewish population was in Israel, the other half comprises immigrants from 70 countries. As a consequence of the wave of large-scale immigration from the successor states of the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s, approximately 800,000 people arrived in the country. This enduring multicultural environment had an intrinsic effect on national integration. Whereas this persistent hostile environment, which has endured since the creation of the state in 1948, coupled with the feeling of insecurity following the Arab- Israeli conflict reinforced this process, the continuing division between the various Jewish communities retarded integration. -
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland a Cultural History of the Socialist Discourse, 1970-1991
The Infirmity of Social Democracy in Postcommunist Poland A cultural history of the socialist discourse, 1970-1991 by Jan Kubik Assistant Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University American Society of Learned Societies Fellow, 1990-91 Program on Central and Eastem Europe Working Paper Series #20 January 1992 2 The relative weakness of social democracy in postcommunist Eastern Europe and the poor showing of social democratic parties in the 1990-91 Polish and Hungarian elections are intriguing phenom ena. In countries where economic reforms have resulted in increasing poverty, job loss, and nagging insecurity, it could be expected that social democrats would have a considerable follOwing. Also, the presence of relatively large working class populations and a tradition of left-inclined intellec tual opposition movements would suggest that the social democratic option should be popular. Yet, in the March-April 1990 Hungarian parliamentary elections, "the political forces ready to use the 'socialist' or the 'social democratic' label in the elections received less than 16 percent of the popular vote, although the class-analytic approach predicted that at least 20-30 percent of the working population ... could have voted for them" (Szelenyi and Szelenyi 1992:120). Simi larly, in the October 1991 Polish parliamentary elections, the Democratic Left Alliance (an elec toral coalition of reformed communists) received almost 12% of the vote. Social democratic parties (explicitly using this label) that emerged from Solidarity won less than 3% of the popular vote. The Szelenyis concluded in their study of social democracy in postcommunist Hungary that, "the major opposition parties all posited themselves on the political Right (in the Western sense of the term), but public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of social democratic measures" (1992:125).