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Delayed Govt Support to Farmers Angers Members of Parliament PF
No 65 www.diggers.news Friday November 24, 2017 Delayed govt support to farmers Eric Chanda angers members of parliament joins NDC By Zondiwe Mbewe And a Choma district farmer, I have joined NDC because I have seen Sata’s pro-poor Joseph Sichoza, says Siliya is policies in Chishimba Kambwili and the NDC, says Eric fooling farmers by promising Chanda. that one million beneficiaries Chanda has since told News Diggers! that he is no longer will receive e-voucher cards president of the 4th Revolution. by next week, saying such an “I’m a member of the central committee of the National undertaking was impossible Democratic Congress with a position. But let me not confirm and would be a miracle to it now, I will confirm at a later stage. I will be holding a press achieve. conference at some appropriate time . But what I can confirm During the questions for oral for now is that I’m an NDC member," Chanda said. answer session in Parliament "For now, ifyabu president nafipwa. For now, I’m no longer MPS today, Katuba UPND member a president [of the 4th Revolution]. All of us must live to of parliament Patricia support the cause of NDC to put a stop to the Edgar Lungu- led corrupt government." Mwashingwele asked Siliya By Mirriam Chabala And Chanda has already started fighting battles for the newly to explain why she had gone Agriculture minister Dora formed party, while encouraging citizens to join-in. back to Parliament for the Siliya this morning struggled On Wednesday, PF Copperbelt youth chairman Nathan second time to give farmers to explain why government Chanda who is also Luanshya mayor said Kambwili was a deadline for the activation has been making empty practicing childish politics because he kept insulting of e-voucher cards which she promises over the distribution President Lungu; a statement that did not go well with knew would not even be met. -
Zambia » Levy Mwanawasa
» Biografías Líderes Políticos (Only in spanish) » África » Zambia » Levy Mwanawasa Levy Mwanawasa © UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe Zambia Updatte:: 8 Febrruarry 2016 Presidente de la República (2002-2008) Levy Pattriick Mwanawasa Term off offffiice:: 2 jjanuarry 2002 -- 19 augustt 2008 Biirtth:: Muffulliirra,, prroviinciia de Copperrbelltt,, 3 septtemberr 1948 Decease:: Parríís,, Frranciia,, 19 augustt 2008 Polliittiicall partty:: Moviimiientto porr lla Democrraciia Mullttiiparrttiidiistta ((MMD)) Proffessiion:: Abogado Edited by: Roberto Ortiz de Zárate Presentation En agosto de 2008 fallecía a los 59 años, víctima de un derrame cerebral, el presidente de Zambia desde 2002, tercero desde la independencia y segundo del partido Movimiento por la Democracia Multipartidista (MMD). Aupado al poder en unas elecciones que recibieron consistentes denuncias de fraude pero reelegido sin sombra de ilegitimidad en 2006, Levy Mwanawasa gobernó este país africano muy castigado por la pobreza y el desempleo con una reputación de probidad, modestia y sensibilidad social, manifiestas en sus prudentes reformas macroeconómicas y sus medidas anticorrupción, obtuvo la reducción de la deuda externa y legó una economía en crecimiento basada en la minería del cobre. En casa cortó amarras con su corrupto predecesor, Frederick Chiluba, y de puertas a fuera fue un elocuente defensor de la democracia en la vecina Zimbabwe. Biography 1. Vicepresidente de la República discrepante con el oficialismo 2. Contestado sucesor de Chiluba en 2002 3. Un presidente comprometido con la democracia y el desarrollo 4. Enfermedad y fallecimiento en 2008 1. Vicepresidente de la República discrepante con el oficialismo Perteneciente al pequeño grupo étnico lenje y segundo de diez hermanos, recibió la educación primaria en varios centros de la populosa provincia minera de Copperbelt y la secundaria en la Escuela Chiwala de Ndola, en los tiempos en que Zambia era el protectorado británico de Rhodesia del Norte. -
Theparliamentarian
100th year of publishing TheParliamentarian Journal of the Parliaments of the Commonwealth 2019 | Volume 100 | Issue Two | Price £14 The Commonwealth at 70: PAGES 126-143 ‘A Connected Commonwealth’ PLUS Commonwealth Day Political and Procedural Effective Financial The Scottish Parliament 2019 activities and Challenges of a Post- Oversight in celebrates its 20th events Conflict Parliament Commonwealth anniversary Parliaments PAGES 118-125 PAGE 146 PAGE 150 PAGE 152 64th COMMONWEALTH PARLIAMENTARY CONFERENCE KAMPALA, UGANDA 22 to 29 SEPTEMBER 2019 (inclusive of arrival and departure dates) For further information visit www.cpc2019.org and www.cpahq.org/cpahq/cpc2019 CONFERENCE THEME: ‘ADAPTATION, ENGAGEMENT AND EVOLUTION OF PARLIAMENTS IN A RAPIDLY CHANGING COMMONWEALTH’. Ū One of the largest annual gatherings of Commonwealth Parliamentarians. Hosted by the CPA Uganda Branch and the Parliament of Uganda. Ū Over 500 Parliamentarians, parliamentary staff and decision makers from across the Commonwealth for this unique conference and networking opportunity. Ū CPA’s global membership addressing the critical issues facing today’s modern Parliaments and Legislatures. Ū Benefit from professional development, supportive learning and the sharing of best practice with colleagues from Commonwealth Parliaments together with the participation of leading international organisations. During the 64th Commonwealth Parliamentary Conference, there will also be a number of additional conferences and meetings including: 37th CPA Small Branches Conference; 6th triennial Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians (CWP) Conference; 64th CPA General Assembly; meetings of the CPA Executive Committee; and the Society of Clerks at the Table (SOCATT) meetings. This year, the conference will hold elections for the Chairperson of the Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians (CWP), the CPA Treasurer and the CPA Small Branches Chairperson for new three-year terms. -
Intra-Party Democracy in the Zambian Polity1
John Bwalya, Owen B. Sichone: REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY … REFRACTORY FRONTIER: INTRA-PARTY DEMOCRACY IN THE ZAMBIAN POLITY1 John Bwalya Owen B. Sichone Abstract: Despite the important role that intra-party democracy plays in democratic consolidation, particularly in third-wave democracies, it has not received as much attention as inter-party democracy. Based on the Zambian polity, this article uses the concept of selectocracy to explain why, to a large extent, intra-party democracy has remained a refractory frontier. Two traits of intra-party democracy are examined: leadership transitions at party president-level and the selection of political party members for key leadership positions. The present study of four political parties: United National Independence Party (UNIP), Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), United Party for National Development (UPND) and Patriotic Front (PF) demonstrates that the iron law of oligarchy predominates leadership transitions and selection. Within this milieu, intertwined but fluid factors, inimical to democratic consolidation but underpinning selectocracy, are explained. Keywords: Intra-party Democracy, Leadership Transition, Ethnicity, Selectocracy, Third Wave Democracies Introduction Although there is a general consensus that political parties are essential to liberal democracy (Teorell 1999; Matlosa 2007; Randall 2007; Omotola 2010; Ennser-Jedenastik and Müller 2015), they often failed to live up to the expected democratic values such as sustaining intra-party democracy (Rakner and Svasånd 2013). As a result, some scholars have noted that parties may therefore not necessarily be good for democratic consolidation because they promote private economic interests, which are inimical to democracy and state building (Aaron 1 The authors gratefully acknowledge the comments from the editorial staff and anonymous reviewers. -
Zambia, a 'Christian Nation'
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Vol. 6, No. 7; July 2016 Zambia, a ‘Christian nation’ in Post Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) Era, 2011-2016 Austin M. Cheyeka Department of Religious Studies University of Zambia P. O. Box 32379, Lusaka Zambia Abstract The declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation in 1991 has become a field of research because of its many faces, the interpretations it has accrued which generate debate and things it has spawned; numerous Pentecostal churches and political parties with the ‘Christian’ name tag. What is more, it has given birth to organizations such as ‘Christian Nation Coalition’, ‘Christian Nation Foundation’ and most significant, a national chapel (House of Prayer for All Nations Tabernacle) yet to be constructed in the capital city next to State house where the declaration occurred. In this article I extend my research on the Christian nation rhetoric beyond Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) era, by examining its status during the Patriotic Front rule from 2011 to 2016, before the August 11, 2016 general elections. In 2011 the party of the president who declared Zambia a Christian nation lost power to a new party of Mr. Michael Chilufya Sata, a staunch Catholic, who, after his demise, was succeeded by Edgar Chagwa Lungu of unknown religious or denominational affiliation. I argue in the article that while Sata hardly used the Christian nation rhetoric, Lungu made the most of it during his campaign thereby revitalizing the Christian nation fervor and prompting some Pentecostal big men and women to rally around him. My stark conclusion is that: Lung perceptively reconfigured the Christian nation rhetoric for political mileage. -
Evaluation Report Nimd – Programme in Zambia 2004-2007
EVALUATION REPORT NIMD – PROGRAMME IN ZAMBIA 2004-2007 December 2007 Nadia Molenaers [email protected] IOB-University of Antwerp, Belgium TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………………………………………3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY…………………………………………………………………………4 I.INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………………………….5 I.1. Working with political parties - NIMD: mission, vision, strategy I.2. Terms of Reference and a note on methodology II.ZAMBIAN POLITICAL HISTORY AND CONTEXT ………………………………………………….9 II.1. Independence and the formation of a one-party State: Kaunda’s legacy II.2. 1991: The first multi-party elections, the first alternation of power II.3. From multi-party to dominant party system? Chiluba seeking a third term II.4. MMD continues to rule: Mwanawasa consolidates the dominant party system II.5. Is the power balance slowly tilting towards a second real alternation in power? II.6. An overall assessment of the political situation III.EVALUATING THE NIMD PROGRAMME IN ZAMBIA……………………………………………15 III.1. Facts and Figures III.2. Perceptions and views III.3. Perceptions with regards to the institutional set-up of ZCID IV. CONCLUSIONS……………………………………………………………………………......................39 LIST OF INTERVIEWED PEOPLE……………………………………………………………………….41 ANNEX: TERMS OF REFERENCE……………………………………………………………………….42 2 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS FDD: Forum for Democracy and Development HP: Heritage Party IPB: Inter Party Bureau MMD: Movement for Multiparty Democracy NCC: National Constitution Conference NIMD: Netherlands Institute Multiparty Democracy PF: Patriotic Front SoP: Summit of Presidents ULP: United Liberal Party UNIP: United National Independence Party UPND: United Party for National Development ZCID: Zambian Center for Interparty Dialogue 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY1 “The thing that threatens ZCID yet at the same time is its driving force is the turbulent nature of politics and political parties. -
Zambia's Independence
Zambia’s Independence In thy cozy loamy soils deeply flowed mine young blood/ In thy sun- scotched patches birth-ed thee a patriotic lad/ How this thought of hilarity mine psyche partly flood/ Thy progeny in hope mine entrails thou maketh glad/ Thy black visage daily mine heart gladly beholdeth/ For thine good, whence mine desire dryly flourisheth/ Oh Zambia, kind Mother to me thou may be more/ Oh land, thy toil, the oil that boileth our common soul! BRIEF INTRODUCTION In this chapter, the author relives the memories of Zambia’s 19th independence celebrations as a child at Mibenge Primary School in Mibenge’s village in Samfya- Mansa district of Luapula Province. It introduces the major theme of independence, the founding fathers of the independent Republic of Zambia, and the promise of a prosperous, democratic and free nation. MAJOR THEME: Independence ≈ History ≈ Politics ≈ §1.1 Mibenge was born on the ninth Christmas after Zambia became independent. My mother told me that she almost named me Mary had I been a girl, but for the second born who was already called by that name in the family. I was born Charles Chushi Zachariah Mwewa to Zachariah I 1 Kalubeya Mwewa and Justina Kunda of Mibenge village in Samfya-Mansa district in the Luapula Province of Zambia.2 I am positioned seventh in an eight-member family of only two girls: John Mwewa, Mary Kalaba, Gilbert Ng’andwe, George (also called Charles Chibwe), Joseph Ng’andwe, Jeremiah Chushi, and Anne Mwewa. When I was born, it was perhaps not a family secret that I was unexpected. -
CHAPTER 1 the SYSTEM of LAND ALIENATION Introduction Zambia Is
CHAPTER 1 THE SYSTEM OF LAND ALIENATION Introduction Zambia is a landlocked country located in Southern Africa. It covers an area of about 752,614 square kilometres between latitudes 8 and 18 degrees South, and the longitudes 22 and 23 degrees East. A large part of the country is on the Central African plateau between 1000 meters, and 1600 meters above sea level. The system of land tenure in Zambia is based on statutory and customary law. Statutory law comprises rules and regulations which are written down, and codified. Customary law, on the other hand, is not written, but it is assumed that the rules and regulations under this system are well known to members of the community. Statutory law is premised on the English land tenure system, while customary tenure is essentially based on tribal law. Land in Zambia is administered through various statutes by established institutions in the country. 1 Land administration in general is a way and means by which land alienation and utilisation are managed. The process of land administration therefore, includes the regulating of land and property development, the use and conservation of the land, the gathering of revenue from the land through ground rent, consideration fees, survey fees, and registration fees; and the resolving of conflicts concerning the ownership and use of the land. 1 Functions of land administration may be divided into four components, namely: juridical, regulatory, fiscal and information management. 2 The juridical aspect places greatest emphasis on the acquisition and registration of rights in land. It comprises a series of processes concerned with the allocation of land through original grants from the President. -
Politics in Plural Societies : a Theory of Democratic Instability
POLITICS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES A Theory of Democratic Instability ALVIN RABUSHKA University of Rochester and KENNETH A. SHEPSLE Washington University, St. Louis Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company A Bell & Howell Company Columbus, Ohio CHAPTER 5 Majority Domination We turn in this chapter to an analysis of ethnic politics in dominant major- ity configurations. A major theme that emerges from this analysis is the denial by majorities of political freedoms to minorities as well as access to a proportional share of the public sector. First we explore ethnic politics in Ceylon to illustrate how a dominant Sinhalese majority deals with an important Tamil minority; second, we extend the empirical coverage with a comparative treatment of majority domination in Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Mauritius, Rwanda, and Zanzibar (now part of Tanzania). Ceylon The most important source of division and disruption in Ceylonese politics and the greatest impediment to integrative trends has been the persistence of sentiments of identification and solidarity with broader primordial groups generally referred to as communities.1 The Sinhalese, constituting about seventy percent of the population, is the majority community in Ceylon. The remaining minorities consist of Ceylon Tamils who arrived from India between the fourth and twelfth centuries, eleven percent; Indian Tamils who arrived in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to work on the tea estates, twelve percent; Moors 1. Robert N. Kearney, Communalism and Language in the Politics of Ceylon (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1967), p. 4. We rely heavily upon the evidence Kearney provides of Sinhalese politics. See also W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Nation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960); Calvin A. -
Zambia's 2001 Elections: the Tyranny of Small Decisions, 'Non-Decisions
Third World Quarterly, Vol 23, No 6, pp 1103–1120, 2002 Zambia’s 2001 elections: the tyranny of small decisions, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ PETER BURNELL ABSTRACT The course of the 1990s witnessed deterioration in the quality of elections held across sub-Saharan Africa. Zambia’s elections for the presidency, parliament and local government held on 27 December 2001 are no exception. They returned the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) to power, but with much reduced popular support and leaving doubts about the legitimacy of the result. A ‘tyranny of small decisions’, ‘non-decisions’ and ‘not decisions’ perpetrated over 12 months or more leading up to these elections combined to influence the outcome. The previous MMD government and the formally autono- mous Electoral Commission were primarily but not wholly responsible. For independent analysts as well as for the political opposition, who secured a majority of parliamentary seats while narrowly failing to capture the presidency, identifying the relevant category of ‘decisions’ to which influences belong and comparing their impact is no straightforward matter. Zambia both illustrates the claim that ‘administrative problems are typically the basis of the flawed elections’ in new democracies and refines it by showing the difficulty of clearly separating the administrative and political factors. In contrast Zimbabwe’s presi- dential election in March 2002, which had the Zambian experience to learn from, appears a more clear-cut case of deliberate political mischief by the ruling party. There is little doubt that in the course of the 1990s the quality of Africa’s elections went into decline. -
Zambia Country Report BTI 2016
BTI 2016 | Zambia Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.70 # 61 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 6.25 # 57 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 5.14 # 77 of 129 Management Index 1-10 5.19 # 58 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2016. It covers the period from 1 February 2013 to 31 January 2015. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2016 — Zambia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2016. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2016 | Zambia 2 Key Indicators Population M 15.7 HDI 0.561 GDP p.c., PPP $ 3904.0 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 3.1 HDI rank of 187 141 Gini Index 55.6 Life expectancy years 58.1 UN Education Index 0.591 Poverty3 % 78.9 Urban population % 40.5 Gender inequality2 0.617 Aid per capita $ 74.9 Sources (as of October 2015): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2015 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2014. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.10 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary Zambia remains one of the least developed countries in Africa, with 75% of the population living on less than $1.25 a day and a life expectancy of 57. -
Download It From
IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 The IMD – an institute of political parties for political parties The Institute for Multiparty Democracy (IMD) is an institute of political parties for political parties. Its mandate is to encourage the process of democratisation in young democracies by providing support to political parties as the core pillars of multi- party democracy. IMD works in a strictly non-partisan and inclusive manner. Through this approach, the Institute endeavours to contribute to properly functioning, sustainable pluralistic political party systems. It also supports the activities of civil society groups which play a healthy role in multi-party democracies, even though they are not part of any formal party structure. IMD was set up by seven Dutch political parties in 2000 in response to requests for support from around the world. The IMD’s founding members are the Dutch Labour Party (PvdA), Liberal Party (VVD), Christian Democratic Party (CDA), Democratic Party (D66), Green Party (GroenLinks), Christian Union (ChristenUnie) and Reformed Party (SGP). Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy Korte Vijverberg 2 2513 AB The Hague The Netherlands Address per September 1, 2006: Passage 31 2511 AB The Hague The Netherlands T: +31 (0)70 311 5464 F: +31 (0)70 311 5465 E: [email protected] www.nimd.org IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 Partners in Democracy Preface Without properly functioning political parties, resulted in a study for the European Parliament entitled democracies do not work well – a fact that is not yet No lasting Peace and Prosperity without Democracy & fully recognised within the international development Human Rights.