DOCSLIB.ORG

The Italian Resistance in Piedmont: Motives and Aspirations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Italian Resistance in Piedmont: Motives and Aspirations DOI: 10.7763/IPEDR. 2012. V51. 18 The Italian Resistance in Piedmont: Motives and Aspirations + Michael C. Kelly School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Nazarbayev University Abstract. At the end of May, 1945, the forces of the Italian Resistance were in a seemingly impregnable position of power: they had emerged victoriously from an eighteen-month-long armed struggle against the German occupying army and Fascist Republic of Salò; they had liberated the major towns and cities of northern Italy before the arrival of the victorious Allied troops; they had installed Committees of National Liberation (CLN) throughout the north which controlled civil administration and the management of the major industrial enterprises; and their leaders had been installed in power to head a government of national unity under the leadership of the Action Party's (PdA) FerruccioParri.Yet how had this seemingly victorious movement begun? What type of Italians had joined the forces of the Resistance, and equally importantly why? What had motivated the participants in what was an essentially minority, northern Italian phenomenon, and what did they want to achieve? This paper will examine the diverse motives for joining the Resistance struggle during 1943-45, as well as examining the political aspirations of the participants. Through a series of interviews, ex-partisans from the Garibaldi, Justice and Liberty, Matteotti and Autonomi Brigades give fascinating - and varied - responses to these questions. Keywords: Italian Resistance, Partisan Warfare, Guerrilla Warfare, Italian Anti-Fascism. 1. Introduction Italy!! The belpaese – the beautiful country. The imagination runs wild. Images of the rolling hills of Tuscany, the classical cities of Venice, Florence, and the eternal city itself – Rome – come to mind. Yet between September 1943 and April 1945 there was another Italy. An Italy of burning villages; an Italy of corpses strung from trees; an Italy of torture chambers and the death's head insignia; of the Black brigades and Mussolini's hated and feared killers of the Decima Mas. It was an Italy of total war. The south, occupied by the Allied armies who crept slowly, ever so slowly to the north: a north occupied by the German army and Hitler's puppet state of the Italian Social Republic – ostensibly led by Mussolini; yet a north which also saw the rising of the second largest Resistance movement of the Second World War. Approximately 200,000 Italians fought in the Resistance and another 200,000 engaged in its support. Generally this support was spontaneous and certainly more than 100,000 partisans and civilians died in the struggle, making their losses greater than those of the Allies throughout the entire Italian campaign.1 As the Allied troops streamed into the cities of northern Italy at the end of May, 1945, they found that they had already been liberated by the forces of the Italian Resistance; the partisans had installed Committees of National Liberation (CLN) throughout the north – committeeswhich controlled local government, industrial production, public utilities and which instigated the purging of Fascists from government bureaucracy and private industry; under the Allied Military Government (AMG) they still controlled civil administration and the management of the major industrial enterprises; and their leaders had been installed in power to head a government of national unity under the leadership of FerruccioParri of the Action Party (PdA). Yet how had this seemingly victorious movement begun? What type of Italians had joined the forces of the Resistance, and equally importantly why? What had motivated the participants in what was an essentially minority, northern Italian phenomenon, and what did they want to achieve? This paper will examine the diverse motives for joining the Resistance struggle during 1943-45, as well as examining the political aspirations of the participants. Why join the Resistance? What type of society did the partisans envisage for post-war Italy? How was it to be achieved? Through a series of fifty interviews, ex-partisans from the Garibaldi, Justice and Liberty, Matteotti and Autonomous Brigades give fascinating – and varied – responses to these questions. + Corresponding author. Tel.: (+7 7172 705912); fax: (+65 6774 2528). E-mail address:([email protected]). 1 John Clarke Adams and Paolo Barile, The Government of Republican Italy, 3rd ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1972) 13. 80 2. Italian Resistance in Piedmont Perhaps the most surprising aspect of this study concerns the political motivations for becoming a partisan. Although some respondents clearly had a well-developed political conscience, overwhelmingly the majority of partisans had little understanding of politics and no official political affiliation of any kind, prior to their involvement in the Resistance. Even the Garibaldini, regarded by most historians as ideologically- committed communists, had very little understanding of politics. As the ex-Garibaldini of the Verzuolo branch of the National Italian Partisan Association (ANPI) stated (Carlo Ferrero, Ermanno Genovese, Giovanni Torre, Lorenzo Gallo, Federico Gèrello, and LelioPeirano) 'We were all around eighteen years old: before, we didn't even know what politics was.'2 Similarly, Giellista Marisa Sacco, on reading some literature on the Youth section of the Action Party in 1943 remarked: 'It was the first party I had ever encountered in my life. Before, I didn't even know the names of the parties.'3 If any affiliation existed, it tended to be, like Giellista Renzo Minetto – and most other Italians of the time – membership of the Italian Fascist party; in the case of Minetto, in the GruppoUniversitarioFascista. As he admitted, in a somewhat embarrassed manner, he had accepted the Fascist regime until 1943.4 Almost all partisans – like AutonomoGiulioNicoletta – had been members of the Fascist youth group, the Balilla.5 Of the minority who had distinct political affiliations with anti-fascist groups prior to the Resistance, this led almost invariably directly into partisan involvement. Furthermore, of such respondents interviewed, the vast majority was linked to the Action Party. GiellistaTullioFornasari stated that he had been enrolled in the Action Party for a couple of months prior to September 8 1943 and immediately a clandestine Committee of National Liberation (CLN) had been established at his place of work in Turin. Being a member of the Action Party meant immediate political involvement in the factory committee (CLN) and thus in the Resistance.6 Giorgio Diena, also a Giellista, frequented groups of friends of a social-democratic political stance and joined the Action Party after the 25 July 1943 and moved naturally into the Resistance, where he fought in a Justice and Liberty formation.7 Similarly, UgoSacerdote was already a member of the clandestine Action Party in the period immediately prior to the Resistance struggle,8 and Marisa Sacco was a member of the Youth section of the Action Party. Interestingly, however, she commented that her membership was not a political choice. She stated that, '…instead, I ended up in the Action Party because a friend of one of my brothers told me "listen, some young people need our help, what do you think?" and I responded "of course I'll help!"' 9 As well as party affiliation, at times religious ties could prove instrumental in moving towards the Resistance. This was particularly true in Jewish families. GiellistaUgoSacerdotewas a member of the clandestine Action Party. His mother, Irma Nizza, and aunt, Paola Levi, had both been active anti-fascists before the war. While Sacerdote had never been a particularly devoted Jew, he began attending meetings of young Jewish clubs in 1941-42 – partly as a result of his exclusion from the Italian school system in 1938 following the racial laws of that year. At these meetings he encountered other anti-fascist spirits such as the now famous Primo Levi. As Sacerdote stated, these meetings formed, '…a disguised school of anti- fascism…in private we exchanged highly formative ideas…and so practically the racial campaign of 1938, which excluded us from state schools, was the catalyst for a more active participation in the anti-fascist movement.'10While Sacerdote considered these meetings to be somewhat passive exercises in criticism of Fascism and current events, they would soon propel him into a more active phase in the early months of 1943 when Sacerdote would distribute anti-fascist pamphlets and political propaganda for the Action Party.11 In this sense, therefore, the young Jewish groups proved to be embryonic forms of later resistance. The vast majority of partisans, however, had no concrete political affiliation with clandestine parties or groupings. Many of them, however – particularly those who would fight in the left-wing formations (the 2 Interview with Carlo Ferrero, Lorenzo Gallo, Ermanno Genovese, Federico Gèrello, LelioPeirano and Giovanni Torre of ANPI Verzuolo, 4/11/2000. Tape in possession of author. 3 Interview with Marisa Sacco, 12/12/2000. Tape in possession of author. 4Interview with Renzo Minetto, 7/12/2000.Tape in possession of author. 5Interview with GiulioNicoletta, 8/11/2000.Tape in possession of author. 6Interview with GiannettoAsteggiano and TullioFornasari, 6/12/2000.Tape in possession of author. 7Interview with Giorgio Diena, 14/12/2000.Tape in possession of author. 8Interview with UgoSacerdote, 4/12/2000.Tape in possession of author. 9Interview with Marisa Sacco. 10Interview with UgoSacerdote. 11 Ibid. 81 Garibaldini, Giellisti and Matteottini) – were firmly influenced by attitudes of family members. The father of Garibaldino Giovanni Torre had worked in France before the war and had developed distinct anti-fascist tendencies.12 The father of Matteottino Gino Cattaneo was a communist, and under his influence his entire family joined the partisans.13Garibaldino Bruno Carli was influenced by the flight of his anti-fascist uncle into France in 1922, the opinions of his father, who had been involved in the early trade union struggle while working in France, and by his older brother, Carlo, an outspoken anti-fascist.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Lawlessness in the Occupied Soviet Territories During World War Ii
    LAWLESSNESS IN THE OCCUPIED SOVIET TERRITORIES DURING WORLD WAR II Ben Hanson Bachelor of Arts in History 1 2 Statement of Presentation This thesis is presented as part of the requirements for the Honours degree of Bachelor of Arts in History at Murdoch University. June 2017 I declare that this thesis is my own account of my research and contains, as its main content, work that has not previously been submitted for a degree at any tertiary educational institution, including Murdoch. Signed: Full name: Benjamin Elliot Hanson Student Number: 31859487 Date: 3 Copyright Acknowledgement Form I acknowledge that a copy of this thesis will be held at the Murdoch University Library. I understand that, under the provisions of s51.2 of the Copyright Act 1968, all or part of this thesis may be copied without infringement of copyright where such a reproduction is for the purposes of study and research. This statement does not signal any transfer of copyright away from the author. Signed: Full Name of Degree: Bachelor of Arts with Honours in History Thesis Title: Lawlessness in the Occupied Soviet Territories During World War II Author: Ben Hanson Year: 2017 4 ABSTRACT Members of both the German counterinsurgency forces and Soviet partisans terrorised the civilians of the occupied Soviet territories during World War II. At times, fighters of either force robbed, sexually assaulted and killed civilians. The nature of the rear-area security war was such that these actions could be treated as legitimate acts of war rather than wanton crimes. This thesis seeks to explain these crimes by exploring its preconditions.
    [Show full text]
  • Stony Brook University
    SSStttooonnnyyy BBBrrrooooookkk UUUnnniiivvveeerrrsssiiitttyyy The official electronic file of this thesis or dissertation is maintained by the University Libraries on behalf of The Graduate School at Stony Brook University. ©©© AAAllllll RRRiiiggghhhtttsss RRReeessseeerrrvvveeeddd bbbyyy AAAuuuttthhhooorrr... Invasions, Insurgency and Interventions: Sweden’s Wars in Poland, Prussia and Denmark 1654 - 1658. A Dissertation Presented by Christopher Adam Gennari to The Graduate School in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Stony Brook University May 2010 Copyright by Christopher Adam Gennari 2010 Stony Brook University The Graduate School Christopher Adam Gennari We, the dissertation committee for the above candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree, hereby recommend acceptance of this dissertation. Ian Roxborough – Dissertation Advisor, Professor, Department of Sociology. Michael Barnhart - Chairperson of Defense, Distinguished Teaching Professor, Department of History. Gary Marker, Professor, Department of History. Alix Cooper, Associate Professor, Department of History. Daniel Levy, Department of Sociology, SUNY Stony Brook. This dissertation is accepted by the Graduate School """"""""" """"""""""Lawrence Martin "" """""""Dean of the Graduate School ii Abstract of the Dissertation Invasions, Insurgency and Intervention: Sweden’s Wars in Poland, Prussia and Denmark. by Christopher Adam Gennari Doctor of Philosophy in History Stony Brook University 2010 "In 1655 Sweden was the premier military power in northern Europe. When Sweden invaded Poland, in June 1655, it went to war with an army which reflected not only the state’s military and cultural strengths but also its fiscal weaknesses. During 1655 the Swedes won great successes in Poland and captured most of the country. But a series of military decisions transformed the Swedish army from a concentrated, combined-arms force into a mobile but widely dispersed force.
    [Show full text]
  • Memory of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Post-Soviet Ukraine
    ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in History 103 Reordering of Meaningful Worlds Memory of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Post-Soviet Ukraine Yuliya Yurchuk ©Yuliya Yurchuk, Stockholm University 2014 Södertörn Doctoral Dissertations 101 ISSN: 1652-7399 ISBN: 978-91-87843-12-9 Stockholm Studies in History 103 ISSN: 0491-0842 ISBN 978-91-7649-021-1 Cover photo: Barricades of Euromaidan. July 2014. Yuliya Yurchuk. Printed in Sweden by US-AB, Stockholm 2014 Distributor: Department of History In memory of my mother Acknowledgements Each PhD dissertation is the result of a long journey. Mine was not an exception. It has been a long and exciting trip which I am happy to have completed. This journey would not be possible without the help and support of many people and several institutions to which I owe my most sincere gratitude. First and foremost, I want to thank my supervisors, David Gaunt and Barbara Törnquist-Plewa, for their guidance, encouragement, and readiness to share their knowledge with me. It was a privilege to be their student. Thank you, David, for broadening the perspectives of my research and for encouraging me not to be afraid to tackle the most difficult questions and to come up with the most unexpected answers. Thank you, Barbara, for introducing me to the whole field of memory studies, for challenging me to go further in my interpretations, for stimulating me to follow untrodden paths, and for being a source of inspiration for all these years. Your encouragement helped me to complete this book.
    [Show full text]
  • TACTICS of RESISTANCE a Two-Part Lesson (45-60 Minutes Each) for 9Th – 12Th Grade Students CURRICULUM Photo: Channukah: Kiel Germany, 1932
    Jewish Partisan Educational Foundation www.jewishpartisans.org HISTORY LEADERSHIP ETHICS JEWISH VALUES TACTICS OF RESISTANCE a two-part lesson (45-60 minutes each) for 9th – 12th grade students CURRICULUM Photo: Channukah: Kiel Germany, 1932. Rachel Posner, wife of Rabbi Dr. Akiva Posner, took this photo just before lighting the candles for Channukah and Shabbat. Source: Posner family/USHMM. CONTENTS 1 Who are the Jewish Partisans? Lesson Overview 2 How to Use This Lesson Use primary sources to expand your 3 Overview students thinking about the spectrum of 4 Guide possible responses to genocide and other forms of aggression—from non-violent to 5 Setup armed resistance. 6 - 8 Procedure Includes innovative tools to help your 9 - 13 Attachments students analyze conflict and brainstorm 14 - 23 Jewish Resistance Slideshow solutions to aggression in their own lives. 24 - 29 Appendix Conforms to Common Core Standards jewishpartisans.org/standards ©2012 - 2014 JEWISH PARTISAN EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATION Tactics of Resistance Who Are the Jewish Partisans? par·ti·san noun: a member of an organized body of fighters who attack or harass an enemy, especially within occupied territory; a guerrilla During World War II, the majority of European Jews were deceived by a monstrous and meticulous disinformation campaign. The Germans and their collaborators isolated and imprisoned Jews in ghettos. Millions were deported into concentration camps or death camps—primarily by convincing them that they we were being sent to labor camps instead. In reality, most Jews who entered these so-called “work camps” would be starved, murdered or worked to death. Yet approximately 30,000 Jews, many of whom were teenagers, escaped the Nazis to form or join organized resistance groups.
    [Show full text]
  • The German Military and Hitler
    RESOURCES ON THE GERMAN MILITARY AND THE HOLOCAUST The German Military and Hitler Adolf Hitler addresses a rally of the Nazi paramilitary formation, the SA (Sturmabteilung), in 1933. By 1934, the SA had grown to nearly four million members, significantly outnumbering the 100,000 man professional army. US Holocaust Memorial Museum, courtesy of William O. McWorkman The military played an important role in Germany. It was closely identified with the essence of the nation and operated largely independent of civilian control or politics. With the 1919 Treaty of Versailles after World War I, the victorious powers attempted to undercut the basis for German militarism by imposing restrictions on the German armed forces, including limiting the army to 100,000 men, curtailing the navy, eliminating the air force, and abolishing the military training academies and the General Staff (the elite German military planning institution). On February 3, 1933, four days after being appointed chancellor, Adolf Hitler met with top military leaders to talk candidly about his plans to establish a dictatorship, rebuild the military, reclaim lost territories, and wage war. Although they shared many policy goals (including the cancellation of the Treaty of Versailles, the continued >> RESOURCES ON THE GERMAN MILITARY AND THE HOLOCAUST German Military Leadership and Hitler (continued) expansion of the German armed forces, and the destruction of the perceived communist threat both at home and abroad), many among the military leadership did not fully trust Hitler because of his radicalism and populism. In the following years, however, Hitler gradually established full authority over the military. For example, the 1934 purge of the Nazi Party paramilitary formation, the SA (Sturmabteilung), helped solidify the military’s position in the Third Reich and win the support of its leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • The Culmination of the Lithuanian Partisan Movement by Vylius M
    Volume 11, 2009 Baltic Security & Defence Review “Forest Brothers” 1945: The Culmination of the Lithuanian Partisan Movement By Vylius M. Leskys* The conventional acceptance of the Lithuanian partisan movement against the Soviets from 1944 to 1953 typically delineates the effort into three stages according to distinguishable patterns of operations and centralization of effort (Kuodyte & Tracevskis, 2006:34). Operationally, however, the Lithuanian resistance fought by the “forest brothers” (Ibid., p. 17) may be more clearly divided by defining the unacknowledged culmination that occurred in 1945—a point when overwhelming Soviet combat power caused a decline in partisan capabilities that continued until the conflict’s final demise in 1953. Although the resistance effort maintained its strength ideologically, the Lithuanian partisan movement never recovered from the culminating point because of a shortfall in resources, a lack of external support, and the inability of resistance leadership to adapt rapidly enough against a comprehensive Soviet assimilation campaign. Cold War delineation of the Lithuanian partisan movement generally divided the war into two stages, “four years of strength (1944-48) and four of gradual decline (1949-1952).” (Vardys, 1965:85) With the elucidation provided by previously classified documents of the NKVD (People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs), the generally accepted post-Cold War division of the partisan movement is segmented into three stages: 1) July 1944-May 1946, 2) May 1946-Nov 1948, and 3) Nov 1948-May 1953. The first period encompassed the years of “victory and romanticism” when partisans “would gather in the hundreds in the forests and arrange well- fortified camps” to plan large scale attacks against the Soviets (Kuodyte & Tracevskis, 2006:36).
    [Show full text]
  • Amendola: Mobilitazione Unitaria E Vigilanza Dimassa Perche Gli Organi
    s dI n ANNO XIX / NUOVA SERIE / N. 12 pcital< '* e"° grupp« '"o •"»"""1 bis/70•) ic Luntdi 22 mtrzo 1971 / Lire 80 (.rr.tr.ti L. IM) Tito in Italia: Casa: il governo nuove prospettive nei chiamato al rispetto rapporti jugo-italiani degli impegni (A PAGINA 12) ORGANO DEL PARTITO COMUNISTA ITALIANO (A PAGINA 2) A Bologna una possente dimostrazione antifascista ha concluso il Congresso nazionale dei partigiani CENTOMILA IN PIAZZA CONTRO LA REAZIONE Amendola: mobilitazione unitaria e vigilanza dimassa perche gli organi dello Stato facciano il loro dovere Un grande corteo riafferma gii ideali della Resistenza e li collega ai compiti presenti - Numerosissimi i giovani nella fiumana di popolo - I discorsi di Vecchi, vice-presi- dente del Consiglio regionale, e del senatore Arialdo Banfi: il governo colpisca senza esitazione i responsabili e i mandan*' dei piani eversivi - Le richieste dell'ANPI SEQUESTRATE NUOVE LISTE DI NOMI SU CUI CONTAVANO I SEDIZIOSI DALL'INVIATO BOLOGNA, 21 marzo Con una grande, appassionante, indimenticabile manifestazione popolare si e con­ cluso questa mattina a Bologna il VII Congresso nazionale dell'ANPI. Non meno di Borghese centomila cittadini hanno sfilato per oltre due ore per le vie del centro per riaffer* mare la decisa volonta di sbarrare la strada al fascismo, sotto qualsiasi forma esso .si manifesti. Preceduti dai gonfaloni delle citta-martiri di Marzabotto e di Boves e e in Grecio? da quello del Comune di Bologna, medaglia d'oro della Resistenza, il corteo dei centomiUi si e poi portato in piazza Maggiore, dove hanno parlato i compagni Banfl, ROMA, 21 marzo vice presidente dell'ANPI, e Giorgio Amendola.
    [Show full text]
  • The Croatian Ustasha Regime and Its Policies Towards
    THE IDEOLOGY OF NATION AND RACE: THE CROATIAN USTASHA REGIME AND ITS POLICIES TOWARD MINORITIES IN THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA, 1941-1945. NEVENKO BARTULIN A thesis submitted in fulfilment Of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of New South Wales November 2006 1 2 3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Nicholas Doumanis, lecturer in the School of History at the University of New South Wales (UNSW), Sydney, Australia, for the valuable guidance, advice and suggestions that he has provided me in the course of the writing of this thesis. Thanks also go to his colleague, and my co-supervisor, Günther Minnerup, as well as to Dr. Milan Vojkovi, who also read this thesis. I further owe a great deal of gratitude to the rest of the academic and administrative staff of the School of History at UNSW, and especially to my fellow research students, in particular, Matthew Fitzpatrick, Susie Protschky and Sally Cove, for all their help, support and companionship. Thanks are also due to the staff of the Department of History at the University of Zagreb (Sveuilište u Zagrebu), particularly prof. dr. sc. Ivo Goldstein, and to the staff of the Croatian State Archive (Hrvatski državni arhiv) and the National and University Library (Nacionalna i sveuilišna knjižnica) in Zagreb, for the assistance they provided me during my research trip to Croatia in 2004. I must also thank the University of Zagreb’s Office for International Relations (Ured za meunarodnu suradnju) for the accommodation made available to me during my research trip.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideological Conflict Between Soviet Partisans, the German Military, and Ukrainian Nationalists in Nazi-Occupied Ukraine David L
    Student Publications Student Scholarship Spring 2016 Battle for the eople:P Ideological Conflict between Soviet Partisans, the German Military, and Ukrainian Nationalists in Nazi-Occupied Ukraine David L. Heim Gettysburg College Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship Part of the Ethnic Studies Commons, European History Commons, Military History Commons, Political History Commons, and the Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Heim, David L., "Battle for the eP ople: Ideological Conflict between Soviet Partisans, the German Military, and Ukrainian Nationalists in Nazi-Occupied Ukraine" (2016). Student Publications. 440. https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/440 This is the author's version of the work. This publication appears in Gettysburg College's institutional repository by permission of the copyright owner for personal use, not for redistribution. Cupola permanent link: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/student_scholarship/ 440 This open access student research paper is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Battle for the eople:P Ideological Conflict between Soviet Partisans, the German Military, and Ukrainian Nationalists in Nazi-Occupied Ukraine Abstract Soviet historiography discusses the People’s War during the Second World War, the idea that all of the Soviet people rallied to the cause and fought off the aN zi invaders, but this is far from the truth. Within the western borderlands of the Soviet Union multiple conflicting groups fought for control of and support from the people.
    [Show full text]
  • Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
    UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society.
    [Show full text]
  • Il Fondo ANPI Della Biblioteca Corticella
    Il Fondo ANPI della Biblioteca Corticella Via Gorki 14 Corticella ( Bologna) Tel. 051 700972 [email protected] N.Inv.: CN D 13325 ANPI 261 LAV *Pacem in terris : l'enciclica della liberazione / Raniero La Valle. - San Domenico, Fiesole : Cultura della pace, 1987 N.Inv.: CN D 13477 ANPI 320 LAV La *voce della Resistenza : *antologia del 1. decennio di "Patria indipendente" 1952-1961 / introduzione di Lucio Cecchini. - Roma : a cura del Comitato nazionale dell'ANPI, stampa 1981 N.Inv.: CN D 13335 ANPI 324 COM I *comunisti e la società italiana / a cura di Ettore A. Albertoni, Berta Berti, Sergio Mariani ; [scritti di Amendola ... et al.]. - [S.l. : s.n.], 1962 N.Inv.: CN D 13396 ANPI 324 GAL *Storia del Partito comunista italiano / Giorgio Galli. - Milano : Schwarz, 1958. N.Inv.: CN D 13481 ANPI 324 NED *Faenza e Rimini sotto la dittatura : contributo alla storia dell'antifascismo e della Resistenza repubblicana 1919-1945 / Bruno Nediani ; prefazione di Oddo Biasini. - [S.l.] N.Inv.: CN D 13323 ANPI 324 RIN *Rinascita : 1947. - Roma : Editori Riuniti, stampa 1976. N.Inv.: CN D 13324 ANPI 324 RIN *Rinascita : 1944-1945. - Roma : Editori Riuniti, 1974. N.Inv.: CN D 13385 ANPI 324 ROB *Trent'anni di lotte dei comunisti italiani : 1921-1951 / Paolo Robotti, Giovanni Germanetto. - Roma : Edizioni di cultura sociale, 1952 N.Inv.: CN D 13375 ANPI 324 SEC L'*azione svolta dal partito comunista in Italia durante il fascismo, 1926- 1932 : ricordi, documenti inediti e testimonianze / Pietro Secchia. - Milano : Feltrinelli, 1970 N.Inv.: CN D 13327 ANPI 324 SET L'*uomo qualunque : 1944-1948 / Sandro Setta.
    [Show full text]
  • Timeline for World War II — Italy
    Unit 5: Crisis and Change Lesson F: The Failure of Democracy and Return of War Student Resource: Timeline for World War II — Italy Timeline for World War II — Italy 1920-1938: • 1922: October 28: Fascists took control of the Italian government with Benito Mussolini as the Prime Minister. • 1924: April 6: Fascists received 2/3 majority and won elections in Italy. • 1925: January 3: Benito Mussolini announced he was taking dictatorial power over Italy. • 1928: August 2: Italy and Ethiopia signed the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty. • 1928: August 27: The Kellogg-Briand Pact was signed in Paris by the major powers of the world. The treaty outlawed aggressive warfare. • 1929: February 11: Italy and Vatican City signed the Lateran Treaty. This treaty made Vatican City a sovereign state (June 7). • 1929: October 29: The Great Depression began. • 1930: April 22: The United States, Japan, Italy, and Great Britain signed the London Naval Treaty, which regulated shipbuilding and submarine warfare. • 1932: February 11: Pope Pius XI met with Benito Mussolini in Vatican City. • 1934: December 5: The Abyssinia Crisis occurred. Italian and Ethiopian troops exchanged fire. Italian dictator Benito Mussolini attempted to expand the Italian Empire in Africa by invading the Ethiopian Empire (known as Abyssinia). Until then, Ethiopia had successfully resisted European colonization. Pre-1935, France wanted to secure alliance with Italy and, as a result, gave Italy the go-ahead for activities in Ethiopia, which Italy wanted as a colony. • 1935: October 2: The Kingdom of Italy invaded Empire of Ethiopia. The Second Italo- Abyssinian Colonial War lasted until May 1936.
    [Show full text]