Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document politicised English identity wasnotjust asalientfeature Englishpoliticised identity ofthe2016referendum but nationwhich mightbeseeking itsindepende European Union inthefournations ofthe United Kingdom raised thequestionof the United Kingdom, forleaving notforEngland. insupport the But thedisparity caveat theimportant that Farage24 June 2016: with wasostensibly speaking for inequities of foreign rule. ence, notapeople seeking to regain nationhood theirown upagainst byrising the peoples. Until recently, theEnglish were many national narratives that endinindependentnationhood subject forformerly English (not theScots, Welsh theIrish) andleast ofall are thechiefmalefactors in theUnited Eastandeven theMiddle within Africa, Kingdom (UK)itself –Asia, the absurd. disconcertingly is oftheworld – Inpart almostevery to from theAmericas, theidea oftheEngli imperialism British the European Union andthenature ofEnglish nationalism itself. waysEnglish ofunderstanding nationalism boththevote opensupfruitful to leave paign andoutcome dominated event this asa‘moment’ byEngland. Examining of that to someBrexiteers save. claimed theywere trying Moreover, wasacam- this enacted bytheelectorate challenged who, thesovereignty ofParliament insodoing, offoreign relations.box’ In to contrast,thedecision leave theEuropean Union was traces on theelectorate andwasconducted politics ordomesticBritish inthe‘black Indian subcontinent nottheTh in1947,if of1956andpotentiallythegreatestCrisis the greatest failure leading policy to ageo- strategic reorientation since theSuez Union (EU) that emerged from therain onthemorning of24June 2016.It was It hard is to understate signifi thehistoric cance ofthe vote leaveto the European ihal 2016) Withnall, asourindependence June day! (NigelLet 23go inourhistory down Farage, cited in Dare to dream that breaking thedawn is onanindependent United Kingdom … Yet how wasportrayed is Brexit this inNigel Farage’s speech at on 4a.m. victory In conditioned is byresistance oftheworld national parts where to memory Euroscepticism andthe Anglosphere Itouto:Egih nationalism, Introduction: English sh seeking and winning theirindependence sh seeking andwinning a people from whom you soughtindepend- apeople from whom irteenColonies in1783. But Suez left 1 1 lossofmarkets since independence inthe nce and from what or whom? A newly A newly nce andfrom what orwhom?

few Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ously ‘awkward’ relationship between project to alter theUK’s relationship theEUand populargrievances. Th with todecision leave theEuropean Union andtheinter- relationship between anelite intheyears preceding the mobilisation ofnationalist thepolitics considers follows an extended event, notsolelythereferendum campaign of2016.Th andEuropeanevent inBritish politicalhistory. In understood sense, is as this Brexit Doing sotherefore usto allows openupnewfi major forthis ofexplanation elds usto gain asallowing aswell v of Brexit, ofEnglish nationalismin theconstruction the lensofanemergent politicisation thecomparativebaby outwith bathwater. Analysing theUK’s ‘awkwardness’ through Th suspicions’ oftheEuropean project asasub- totext (Flinders, Brexit 2018 : 185– 188). strains andtensionsunderlying inWestern 2017 infavour ofBrexit ). Some downplays analysis ofbroader, theparticularity Euroscepticism andtheEnglishness (Wellings, ofBrexit 2012 al., ; Henderson et nationalism defi ned byapoliticaldesire to separatefrom theUK theEU. cross- was this sectional that alliance shift ject that aimed at theUnited withdrawing Kingdom from theEuropean Union. It Englishness butcontingent andanelite apoliticised between pro- important alliance of English nationalism at itscentre – astheresult becomes Brexit explicable ofan United Kingdom themselves (Wellings, 2015 ). In arately from theincreasingly awkward setofrelationships between thenations ofthe book att as an ideology (ratheras anideology than shortha

borne by new media. Th bynewmedia. borne cratic system that wasadapting eff to slowly thedisruptive oftheLeaveparts vote andthediffi politicaleff causes: the Kingdom had become. Th Union theUnited at wasarrived opened upquestionsabout ofcountry what kind Britain’s relationship to theworld. Th moretwo inter- related problems: England’s relationship to theUnited Kingdom and United Kingdom’s membershipoftheEuropean Union – thereferendum deepened the att the United Kingdom that wasonlyoneofthepoliticaldilemmas were opened by eventual outcome. to referendum thedecision holdtheBrexit elementinexplaining andits important ofthetenalso years leading upto it.In way this Englishness politicised became an 4 oft eseshorter- butwe mustnotthrowterm are explanations theEnglish important, en noted. Yet litt Th sovereignty questionsofwhere wasincharge lay exactly in andwho Raising onresearch bookbuilds is that highlightsthe peculiar Englishness of empt to resolve three others. In see empts to make such anexplanation. le sustained att ects ofwealth theus disparities, e national divisions that enational the2016referendum divisions are exposed eoutcome ofthereferendum vote wastheresult ofdiverse ention has been given to theplace ofnationalism culties ofpoliticalcommunication inademo- eway that to thedecision leave theEuropean nd forxenophobia) Th Brexit. inexplaining the UKandEUcannot of English nationhood andlonger continuities ed politicised Englishnessed politicised into anEnglish aluable insightsinto English nationalism. ming to resolve one grand dilemma – the democracies, noting the ‘long- democracies, noting the‘long- standing allows foramedium- allows term explanation this light – light – this aninterpretation with e of xenophobia to mobilise e ofxenophobiato mobilise ects ofmisinformation Discovering England be understood sep- e analysis that eanalysis e fam- is Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document in thereferendum of2016. Th itdeliveredBy sodoing, aslimbutsignifi cant to takemajority theUKoutofEU of theEuropean Union andthefree movement oflabour that membership entailed. bytheissue oftheUnited Englishnesspoliticised mobilised Kingdom’s membership of theEUandreposition itinaglobalising arecently world wasable to with ally that wasshapedemergent bythis nationalism. elite An project to get out Britain voiced inthelanguage Englishness, politicised apoliticalstrategy ofthis formed Introduction gate ofabreak- thepossibility up. world’ asameans toofwithdrawal from theEUandmiti- ‘wider lessentherupture together onEnglish terms and,thirdly, how to reintegrate apost- EU UKinto the were, fi secondly, how rstofall, whilst, to get theUKoutofEU keeping theUK game boughtabout throughTh ofBrexit. thepolitics devolvedally United Kingdom. England at founditself thecentre ofathree- level as England began to emerge asadefa from theEU. ofexit the dilemma itemerged anamed ideology at As thesametime national particular ofthis was part imagination that appeared to off Brexiteers to imagine aglobal fortheUnited future Kingdom. Th ofpresentjoined inacritique politicalarrangements. Britain’s past allowed imperial not theonlyaspect ofthecreation ‘national’ ofthis moment. Past were andfuture or ‘Litt nationalism asanemergent political pr ‘the Anglosphere’ thenature init.It English helpsexplain ofcontemporary also the United Kingdom’s departure from theEuropean Union played andthepart by medium- range fortheorigins explanation nationalism. prehend Brexit – and to ofEnglish comprehend itasamajor momentinthehistory to appreciate how each relates helpsuscom- inturn to theotherwhich and informs implications foraction- oriented polit as aninterconnected aperspective form setofideas ontheworld that which have ideas anideology. However, we dosobased if onabroad understanding ofideology Anglosphere. Th English nationalism, Euroscepticism andthe politics: inBritish and ideologies – the important yet under- – researched inter- eraturerelationships three ofEnglish between onthepolitics nat ideas trading space left this putativethis resistance directions to particular inEuropean integration some Th the term ‘Eurosceptic’ press wasintheBritish 1985 (Vasilopoulou, 2018 : 23). andinthat politics sensearetemporary relatively novel. Th atcher’s ‘Bruges Speech’ in1988,although ta In order to respond to andmanage that populargrievance wasincreasingly By reframing through Brexit thelensofEnglish nationalism, book off this Th ecurrent manifestations ofthesethree le England’, butbacked byothercoun ere may begood reasons to hesitate each incalling ofthesepolitical bytheUK’s departure from theEU. Grounded inthegrowing lit- econtingent elites between alliance andmasses was ionalism and nationhood, this book examines ionalism andnationhood, bookexamines this ical behaviour (Leach, 2002 : 1), we canbegin cto intheasymmetric- politicalcommunity oject, andnotjust a‘standoject, alone’ entity and outcome ofthecampaign to secure political ideas are closelylinked to con- tries totries helpfill thediplomatic and me byBrexiteers’ standards, gave ethree levels dilemma of this efi rst recorded useof e ‘Anglosphere’ er asolutionto ersa 5 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document

English past. national relationships based onthecivilisa that alternatives to European integration are to befoundinarenewed setofinter- of sovereignty narrative inEngland ofitscollective historical aspart andsuggests gration altogether. Anglosphere thought alternativeseeks ofEuropean models integration oranalternative to European inte- 2018 ). Sovereignty amajor is constitutiv long development ofEnglish politicalpractice andnational consciousness(Black, element inany nationalismSovereignty aspecialplace acrucial anditholds inthe is the understanding ofsovereignty required European to legitimise integration. because theunderstanding ofsovere ways theirown theyhelped cause too. thosedilemmas great Th dilemmas: in times ofpoliticaldislocation. But are theseideologies notonlyaresponse to these to outlined thepoliticaldilemmas above a thepast. Importinuities with much olderideas andtraditions inEnglish po democracies at thehighpoin intheEnglish- ofthepoliticalspectrum right a project onthedisgruntled speaking Th nomena. the 1990sand – aswesee – shall there we emerged justaft inScotlandshowing andWales) in1997.Neve was amootpointaft ornottherepolitical coherence. Whether 6 enquiry into thegeneral EU enquiry ‘Euroscepticism’ farmore is embedded a ofnationalism ananalysis inEnglait with Usherwood, 2013 It case in theUnited doessointhis Kingdom,: 10). bylinking embeddedas the‘pervasive, andpersistent thenatureit explains ofwhat Nick andSimon Startin have Usherwood referred to phenomenon writt of this English nationalism from Tom Nairn to themore recent (and diff Euroscepticismalism, andtheAnglosphere. analyses of onimportant Building nationalism. Th Euroscepticism andtheAnglosphere; a ical inter- relationships: between English nationalism andEuroscepticism; between and reconceptualised foraglobal era as‘the Anglosphere’. Th from theEUandouttowards the‘English- speaking peoples’, recently rehabilitated sovereignty away ofBritish dominant inclinestheEnglish articulation worldview Th thenovelty ofthese Notwithstanding Th is book examines these important inte theseimportant bookexamines is is re- is waslocatedenergised English worldview at theintersection ofthree polit- e last element in this ideational elastelementinthis trinity, theAnglosphere, developed as e memory ofEngland’s ememory development the historical that underpins er there- emergence force ofEuroscepticism in asaparliamentary er New Labour’s (and electoral win poor theConservatives’ en by Krishan Kumar,en byKrishan Aughey andMichael Kenny, Arthur - phenomenonsuggests. wide t oftheinfl‘Th uence ofthe tantly, gives each this asaresponse ofthemlegitimacy ignty in these ideologies diff intheseideologies ignty nd between theAnglosphere andEnglish re important links between these two phe- thesetwo between links re important nurtures theconstitutionalnurtures development tional commonalities stemming from this political phenomena, they all rest theyall politicalphenomena, on nd persistent than even theseauthors’ was such athing asEnglish nationalism e elementofEurosceptic thoughtthat ’ nature ofEuroscepticism (Startinand nd andshowsthat whatwe mightcall r- relationships between English nation- nd provides reassuringnd provides in continuity litics andthushavelitics signifi cant con- rtheless, a politicised Englishness apoliticised rtheless, ird Way’ in1999– 2000. estrain that these Discovering England ers markedly from ering) accounts ering) is is Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the referendum campaign andintheri themurder andpro- oftheLabour symbolised phobia, MPJoRemain Cox during Th that we associateglobalisation inthedecade with aft ture’ towards European – andeven British – levels ofgovernance andthosepolicies To besure, nationalism inEngland displa connecteda globally deeply engaged world. is phenomenon,which thewider with tingent electorate between alliance andel values’ and everyday experiences with the political structures ofgovernance thepoliticalstructures is with values’ andeveryday experiences too. Nationalism culture a politicises toappears about beabout that mostobviously itis politics, elusive concept ‘culture’ notion ofsovereignty atoftheBr theheart cept shaping English nationalism asapo traditionsof ideological (Kenny, 2014 ). However, con- thesingle mostimportant between sections alliance oftheelectoratedecisive disaff votethe Brexit being caused byadeepening parochialism, itwasanawkward but the orreligious inracist abuse inthemonthaft a 41percent rise up to andaft to ‘Remain’ whether inthearguments expressed inor‘Leave’ theEuropean Union competing conceptions ofEngland andBr Introduction orate throu populargrievances expressing in friends’ realign its‘true theUKwith gent between supporters ofanelite alliance project to withdraw from theEUand sovereignty.a defence ofBritish In doin festation ofEnglish nationalism. Euroscepti todrive withdraw theUKfrom theEUwasconstitutive mani- ofthecontemporary Th withdrawal thereaft upto from the1960sright theBr policy nationalism, Euroscepticism andtheAnglosphere that shaped Britain’s European the planet.Th informedperspective,ically English nationalism wasoneoftheleast parochial on as analternative to aEuropean vocation fortheUnited Kingdom. From histor- this Th liberal globalisation andelites att edebate referendum theBrexit during ca is book mounts an argument that bookmountsanargument is resistance to European integration andthe oftheoffi earguments Th ofways byavariety informed English andis nationhood inavariety expressed is EU Observer us,farfrom being inwardly focused a er the historic voteer thehistoric to take theUK outoftheEUheldon23June 2016. is global orientation is crucial in explaining thelinkbetween English inexplaining crucial global is is orientation , 2016 make). Butdoesnotnecessarily itparochial. this Instead of er. cial Leavecial campaign soughtto stress Britain’s global links ttn te argument the Stating toempting Britain to more expose ofthesame. nd the alignment or misalignment of‘nationalnd thealignmentormisalignment se inhate Home crimes: the Offi exit referendum of exit in2016andthepolitics g so, itcreated theconditions foracontin- the Anglosphere andsections oftheelect- ites, English nationalism contemporary is litical ideology is the historically derived thehistorically is litical ideology gh arecently Englishness. politicised yed a‘defensive whatwe mightcall pos- nd parochial, understood asacon- when itain placed onnational traditions were cism revitalised English revitalised nationalismcism as mpaign tainted wascertainly byxeno- itish political tradition. Whilst this this politicaltradition.itish Whilst er theGlobal Financial Crisis. ected bytheeff erthevote (cited in ce reported ects ofneo- 7 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document

itics ofnationalismitics inEngland. Empire,British version this ofthepast pol- shaped thecontemporary andinformed ofgovernmentand existence andgovernance theUnited within Kingdom andthe creating andmemory: in anarrativebetween that history theoperation legitimised followed wasbyimplication notasgood). In lay relationship ofthis all animportant secessionist Scott militarily, but bytheperceived threats from anencroaching European Union anda of thetwenty- fi theendurance rst century ofsuccess – anotherform anointing itwith endurance. However at thebeginning of sovereignty atofEnglish cons theheart 1940, buteven in1983aft Kingdom throughout century – thetwentieth in1917– 18, mostdramatically in ofgovernmentstitution asforms andgovernance. Th sett Canada, led the‘second’ Empire British to itsgreatest territorial and,inthe extent inaddition to theconsolidation of Oceania andAfrica, inAsia, expansion further United Kingdom andIreland). Despit empire inthe‘Atlantic world’ (including thearchipelago that today the comprises ofEnglishfor theexpansion trade that, laidthefoundations inturn, ofthe‘fi rst’ the English constitution inthesevente confl sovereigntyEnglish andglobal liberty. ictinpreserving Th ‘British’then thetruly Empire; and,thirdly, oftwentieth- thememory century secondly,opment; andcontraction theexpansion offi rstthe Empire‘Atlantic’ and Anglosphere founded onthree is pillars: fi rs system; thelatt politics – butofBritish tory andthe interpretation notjustofEnglishRevolution his- of1688andthesubsequent Whig ofstatecraftdilemmas that presentedeignty is asbeing both politicalandcultural. and makes themappear legitimate ba is should begoverned by‘its people’), own that shapes theworldview thesedemands of nationalism (that thestate andnation andthat shouldbecongruent thenation Euroscepticism, immigration (WynJones et al that Richard Wyn Jones which andcolleagues characterised as‘devo- anxiety’, governance. English ofcontemporary nationalism – someofthedrivers So whilst political culture’ andtherelationship ofthat version ofEngland to of structures ofEngland inarticulations th the historical oneneeds to politics, compreheBritish persistent andembeddeda pervasive, a major motor ofnationalist mobilisation 8 ler colonies andDominions, to theimitat Th appealing major faced makes politically when English with this worldview What enarrative thread thatEnglish nationalism, links Euroscepticism andthe er symbolised byEngland andBr er symbolised ish nationalism. Between 2011 and 2019, the British Government Government 2011and2019,theBritish Between nationalism. ish is aheady is brew ofinitialsuccess – bytheGlorious symbolised er the Able Baker scare – er theAbleBaker scare – appeared to thenotion give e the loss of the American colonies by1783, e thelossofAmerican expansion, imitation andenduranceexpansion, ofthat nd therelationship between thepoliticaland phenomenon and as a structuring force in phenomenon andasastructuring sed onanEnglish understanding ofsover- enth century laid important foundations laidimportant enth century titutionalism lease aprovidential oflife, . To understandEnglish nationalism as of this sovereigntyof this waschallenged not at coalesce aspresentations of‘English t of all, England’st ofall, constitutional devel- ion andadaptation oftheEnglish con- . , 2013 ) – violate general principles principles general violate 2013 ) – , itain’s ‘fi in1940(what nesthour’ e endurance oftheUnited Discovering England e emergence of Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document att In itssecessionist orautonomist nationalism apoliticalgoal guises, is to be of nationhood andnational belonging presented politics. British incontemporary expansive‘nationalthis tradition’ that conditions English responses to thedilemmas (their foreign rule own)sought to justify existence, operation andmemory. In itsforma instead theyinstinct and nation congruent: sought to throw off It onethat is diff diff the ‘national tradition’ inEnglish created politics, that aworldview wasmarkedly (anddominantly conservative Conservative) ance over time. esoteric intheirpurely Although constitutional thesepre- form, produced to counter such movements won internal to owing theirendur- legitimacy from national andclass- based movements, narratives thoselegitimising that were English ofgovernance andtheirform to the theUnitedwithin Kingdom produced itself narratives legitimising the to explain of English sovereignty from early times,throughempires modern thetwo and extendedcenturies beyond theborders ofEn stand English nationalism inthepast andtoday. England’s sovereignty has formany nationhood, too. butitblursitsboundaries Th concept inEnglish nationalism illuminates certainly anunderstanding ofEnglish depicted ideologues theprocess.century Focusing onsovereignty asthecore emergence process to of‘national beastraightforward awakening’ asnineteenth- nationals fellow mobilised initsdefence. But could politics never such allow an itical community, defendersofEnglish sovereignty with articulating narratives that of Singapore. Gamble’s phrase (Gamble, 2003 some : 34); return to a‘global Britain’, achampion offree trade, inAndrew island’ a‘world loss ofmarkets wassimultaneously compensa notonlytheEUbutScotland too. of‘losing’ ran therisk Butprospective this major Introduction Although diminishing insalienceAlthough aft wasproposedrule asananswer to the‘Irish Question’ between 1885and1914. secessionist nationalism once role politics home assumed inBritish animportant national composition oftheUnited Kingdom meant that managing autonomist and Both theseelementsofnationalism operate intheUnited Kingdom. Th ofastate existence that thedaily legitimises orjustifi esthecreation ofanewone. ained, orapoliticalproblem to bemanaged, statecraft via erent from thesecessionist nationalisms oftheUnited inother parts Kingdom. Faced thesepoliticalchallenges, ‘England’ with unwitt English nationalism: expressing andoccluding England ered ofnationalist notably movements from theideal type that foreign English rule. nationalists donotseek to make thestate er theGovernment ofIreland Act(1920), rather it.Importantly, than critique itis mselves andothers. Despite challenges is is a crucial point if we are pointif to under- acrucial is is thing abigger like andcolder version vl eedBiihsvriny – sovereignty ively defendBritish its tive stages, English national narratives ted prospect bythetantalising ofthe explanations for what we might call forwhatwe mightcall explanations gland itself. Justifying the extension the extension Justifying gland itself. ingly re- emerged asapol- . It is also an ideology . It anideology also is e multi- 9 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document this reason, it is important to development reason, consider thehistorical this important ofany itis particular given constituencies intheexisting within resonateclaims are legitimate to will politicaltraditions make andwhich within narratives to draw. uponwhich Th

diff narrativesalist cannotbecreated from nothing even theycanbearticulated if within co- referenceconstitute themselves with to a broaderofpoliticalstruggle. aspart citizenry andgoals that memories myths, animate a thatabout politicallegitimacy shapes thecontent nationalisms: the ofparticular ical goals – disintegration orunity – that theyseek to about. bring It contest this is tain nations andideas about nationhood intheiratt and psychologicalneeds ofthecitizenry. ofnationalists create Bothtypes andsus- governance asalready thosestructures bylegitimising thebestsuited to thematerial Integrationist nationalists seek to reinforce state of existing andforms structures statehood. In theirview, newborders are more legitimate than thepre- ones. existing needs ofthegroup ofcitizens that theyseek to represent through independent their nation ofgovernance theform is bestsuited to thematerial and psychological to is suggestitical boundaries that areorganisation ofgeo- political space around eignty within thoseborders. Th within eignty politicalborders existing delegitimise or formative national community, autonomist- secessionist nationalists seek to main forms).two ultimately bothvariants Although seek to integrate anexisting secessionist andintegrationist irredentist nationalism (with sitt and reformulated andsuggested asanansw what were referred to as‘traditional orsimply‘the Anglosphere’ allies’ were renewed ation, structuredbytheembedding of‘globalisation’ since the1990s,oldertieswith relations therest oftheworld. In with thi European Union questionsabout theUnited byextension posed further Kingdom’s Question’the ‘British inEurope. Moreover about Britain’s uncertainty place inthe United Kingdom’s diffi independence were inadvertently posin in Europe devolution andtherest andthepushfor Scott oftheworld. Whereas from othernationalseen inisolation que of thetwenty- fiwhatwith England of could notbe thedilemma do to rst century or secessionist goals ofthenationalisms oftheperiphery. Furthermore, bytheturn However, national this questiondidnotat fi rstseem to share thesame autonomist question gradually forced itsway ‘English onto Question’. thepoliticalagenda: the the United Kingdom inthe1970sandaft secessionist andautonomist nationalism returned onthegeographic of peripheries 10 erent politicalandcultural traditions that themdiff give Th anideology,As nationalism into broad two canbedivided types: autonomist- usnationalism ofpoliticalcont born is cult part intheprocess cultpart ofEuropean integration wasposing eirresponse to to ofwhere draw thedilemma pol- e past sets boundaries onthe present epast setsboundaries andwhat and the extension andoperation andtheextension ofsover- er. devolution But following anew national s evolving domesticandgeo-s evolving political situ- g the‘English question’ the intheUK, stions thatstions situated theUnited Kingdom nd sustain nationalists andresonate with er to Britain’s ‘European Question’. signifi cantpoliticalothers. But nation- orputative politicalcommunity. For estation, and particular nationalismsestation, andparticular empt to thepolit- legitimise erent emphasesand Discovering England ing between the ish ish Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document were resolved byaccording thosesett the Empire andthegrowing assertiveness three years later. ‘National questions’that asked whatwasthe bestway to organise arebellion inQuebec following in1837andtheissuing oftheDurham Report lution’ ofresponsible government mirrored aprocess that inthecolonies started make defence oftheUnion oneofthedefi ning features ofthe Conservative Party. dilemmas. In way, this from Westminster rule itwaselided with theidea andwith was assumed to beanunproblematic elementintheframing ofpolitical andinvisible power- sharing governments vote theBrexit in2007until in2016. over taking the mantle fromIreland Northern aft in theUK, lution inthe1990s,Scott in the1970s,posing ‘national theirown questions’. Th Ireland.Northern Scott ofhowdilemma to respond to secessionist nationalism returned in to politics British thesequestionshad been resolved When upthroughoutquestions sprung Britain’s As pendence, decolonisation andtheendofEm State Empire, intheBritish independence by1949.By to thetimeofIrish inde- full 1916 and1923,theGovernment ofIreland Actof1920that made Ireland aFree independence wasadrawn- out aff nationalisms, England included. the Empire elementfor became animportant in1899– Africa sovereignty theextension ofBritish throughout1902. Legitimising defeated bypan- eff military imperial Conversely, secessionist theDominions nationalisms were within contained or of nationhood intheUnited Kingdom, including England (Wellings, 2002 ). byanintegrationistinformed imperialism of Dominions between 1867and1935.Th att Th Question’ emerged inthewake ofagitation foranindependent Ireland aft pluri- national United Kingdom (Colley, 1992 ; Newman, 1987 ). Th had create eighteenth century’ the ‘long understandings ofEnglish nationhood. questions’ that onWestminster intruded case ofnationalism to inEngland, comprehend important of‘national itis theseries relations that secessionist orintegrationist nationalists seek to alter orsustain. In the nationalism inrelation national to otherimportant narratives power andexisting Introduction e response from the Liberal Party was ‘home rule intheround’, rule eresponse Party from theLiberal was‘home three successive empts to introduce ‘home rule’empts to betwee introduce ‘home Th toIt note important is the assumptions bui thefiWhen crack rstserious Empire inthe British came, itwasin Ireland. Irish Th is politicalprocess is wasnotrelated to theUnited Kingdom alone. Th efi rstofthe ‘national arose politics aft questions’in British ish andWelshish nationalisms emerged also aspoliticalforces ish nationalismish became the‘motor’ ofnationalist politics air, warbetween ranging andcivil from uprising inSouth notably thatorts, oftheAfrikaners ler colonies thealmost- d a sense of Britishness in support ofthe insupport d asenseofBritishness politics andhowpolitics theseshaped dominant bygranting independence, thepolitical that fed back inturn into understandings n 1885and1914that ultimately helped esecolonial nationalisms were deeply lt into these‘national questions’: England and self- and self- confi dence of colonial elites ian, African andCaribbean colonies. ian, African pire had inearnest. begun National nationalists oftheseemergent inall rough thedebates about devo- er the stabilisation of er thestabilisation idpnet status independent e so- eso- ‘Irish called er the politics of erthepolitics e ‘devo- er 1848. 11 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the nineteenth century. Kumar’s notionof‘missionary nationalism’ concedes that the nationalisms emerging inContinental Europe from forming inEngland during inhibited it.It wasBritain’s that mission prevented imperial resembling anything ofEnglish expressions nationhood didnotsomuchinform imperialism butinstead of English national identity. oncomparative Building analyses, Kumar that argued stateBritish anditsEmpire, Kumar’s canbefoundinKrishan account ofthemaking consciousness intoconsciousness anoffi franca. lingua that nationalists themselves drew governance, upon: history, common language or thatin language looked andsymbols mor empire- states forced offi imperial Yet thenationalist challenge pluri- to ofthesedynastic thelegitimacy national power’ (Nairn: power’ 2003 [1977 ]: 290). sourcethe emergence ofpopularsovereignty of ofthedoctrine asthetrue inBritain of the‘absolutism ofParliament’ aft throughexpressed themonarchy. Th 1992 : 27) – into waschannelled andult consciousness – ‘God’s fi rstborn’Liah in For Nairn, precocious thehistorically nature ofthedevelopment ofEnglish national itical nationality are orlacking diminished, inEngland’ (Nairn: 2003 [1977 ]: 285). the 1970s,noting that ‘some elements vital off of ‘Britain’ Th itself. 12 both Benedict Anderson and Krishan andKrishan both Benedict Anderson in these pluri- in thesepluri- national empires: ties’, nothing to do ‘had Anderson, argued empires. fortheirown imacy Th challenge forced thoseinpower to adopt andadapt nationalist ideas about legit- the challenge to pluri- national empires byautonomist- secessionist nationalists. Th Th of Nairn’s – augmented Nairn’s theconcept of‘offi with explanation is variety ofnationalism emerged variety inthemid- is inresponsenineteenth to century ered. Tom Nairn provided anaccount ofwhat hetermed ‘the English enigma’ in in Prussia and Romania, Witt andRomania, in Prussia nationality shouldbeassigned to Bourbonsruli oft families of thesamedynastic asScotsas well andIrish, English andWels andAustro- Ukrainians HanoverianGermans. Finns. Habsburgs were perched highover over Tartars ruled Romanovs andLett Traces about explanation thediversion ofthis ofanearly ofEnglish form national Th is explanation ofpoliticalquiescence explanation is ree broadly have elision consistent forthis explanations been wasto the nationalism, legitimise cial function whose elsbachs inBavaria andGreece? (Anderson, 1991 : 83) e ‘fundamental legitimacy formostofthesedynas- e‘fundamental legitimacy en ruled indiff en ruled cials and supportive citizenry to empires legitimise citizenry andsupportive cials er thelongand‘prevented seventeenth century is historic outcome historic is ensured thecontinuation Kumar. Anderson – Kumar. Anderson – aNew Left andArme s, Germans imately subsumed state bytheBritish and h. On the continent, furthermore, members furthermore, h. Onthecontinent, e and more like the types of mythic tropes ofmythic e andmore thetypes like Magyars andCroats,Magyars andItalians, Slovaks Greenfeld’s evocative phrase (Greenfeld, with nationalness’.with noted Anderson that in the modern political principle ofpol- politicalprinciple in themodern erent, sometimes rivalrous states. What states.erent, sometimesrivalrous What s presided over Bengalis andQu é becois, was given an imperial dimensionby animperial wasgiven ng inFrance andSpain, Hohenzollerns nians, Russians and nians, Russians Discovering England cial cial nationalism’. stable mate is Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document prise amongst Germanaudience. his prise More surprisingly, hesingled out the‘we’ in partner’, comfortable heexplained – astatement that would have caused litt inthe2014elections to theEuropeanwitnessed Parliament: ‘We have never been a orcandidates forparties support advocating withdrawal from theEuropean Union Speaking inBerlin inNovember 2014,John Major in thegrowth soughtto explain question. English question, political dilemmas: the but surely upthepoliticalagenda. Th 2016 pushed another‘national: 353), question’ – timeEngland’s this own – slowly that ‘the Augheycalled disordering of En (Mannpolitics andFenton, 2017 Th : 136). Englishness emergedpoliticised asasignifi cantelementof British (and European) inthelattdiminished confi dence wasnow asource ofinsecurity itical space along wasonce national thesource ofEngland’s lines. What political as ‘absence’ andwastherefore now aproblem aft But 2016: 351). that fact’ didnotrequireevident let alone explanation (cited theorisation inAughey, nationhood that were socloselylinked to itwere, inErnestBarker’s phrase, a‘self- the organisation ofgeo- political space, nationalism when wasbecomingthe period means theprincipal oflegitimising England’s of‘ironic aseries constitutionalinversions’. place experienced During ConstitutionLords Committ – of the1990s resulted constitutional resett inanasymmetric century.the twentieth Devolution intheUK – aresponse to the‘national questions’ ical communities anddiff nationhood that informed – andwere informedby – inturn imagined polit- wider att we might(theoretically)where to fi expect andits of ndexamples ‘national identity’ bothrestrainedmission andinhibited ofEnglish expressions national identity. Th theyhavewhich been called’ (Kumar, 2003 Th : 34). stress thepolitical,cultural orreligious to rather mission ethnic identity; theywill groups.peripheral ‘Such people’, suggested notto becareful stress Kumar, their ‘will for fear ofupsett led nationhood to mission ofstrident of animperial adiminutionofexpressions (Kumar,of themselves andtheirdestiny’ 2003 For Kumar,: 34). being at theheart gives to ofnational kind which thedominantcertain groups identity aspecial sense empires, opposed to ‘though inprinciple claim Introduction endant myths and memories, we instead andmemories, endant myths None wasthesource ofthis ofapolitical English Euroscepticism: pervasive, embedded andpersistent ing the imperial applecart andcausinging applecart nationalist theimperial reactions from er devolution ‘self- this natureevident’ became reconceptualised ofthe2000stoer part bereplaced by‘resentment’ a when erent, if cognisant, ideologies. ideologies. cognisant, erent, if ee, 2016 Augheynoted,). In situation, this asArthur is phenomenoncreated is three inter- related England’s constitution andtheideas of is emergence is Englishness ofpoliticised andresentment. Perceptions ofabsence dilemma inEnglanddilemma un the British questionandtheEuropeanthe British fi ndmuted and conflexpressions of ated in a polity that inapolity wasreorganising pol- glish self understanding’ (Aughey, understanding’ self glish s ofnationality, may ofa becarriers is meant is that Britain’s imperial lement (House of til the very endof thevery til le sur- us 13 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Th mi deep andstrong: we is and EUfunding initspersonnel(Varsari,ously partisan 2010 ). Th nomenon (Brack andStartin, 2015 : 239). Th

Mde 02:13. Th 2012: 193). (Mudde, researchging onEuroscepticism: the so- ‘Sussex’called and‘North Carolina’ schools ingeneral tendency countervailing this leave oneofEuroscepticism combinedalism placed uswell with will to understand European integration (Lequesne, 2018 appreciation A theoretical : 290). ofnation- gave greater ofEuropean to urgency need this foratheory to beamajor concern to scholarsandpractitioners (Taylor, alike 2008 Brexit : 92). able to produce anewone – Taylor sugges thecurrent system process oneandasenseofdynamic within from anexisting required elements – two asasystem defi ned thatagainst criteria wasdiff certain Europeanby which integration may unravel. Noting that ofintegration any theory 2010 Paul Taylor: 45). suggested that weouratt shouldturn ations’, resulted inthefivi eldbeing inhis hurrah historiography and theconventional di of European integration history, whatWolfram identifi Kaiser as ed ‘the federalist lectively off Kingdom at thecentre ofaweb oflike- minded, English- speaking nations col- who imagining forwithdrawal from theUnited theEUvia popularsupport and mobilise traditions inEnglish nationalism, soughtto and towards theAnglosphere. Politician inclined away Britain theEnglishness worldview ofthis from whilst theEU ereignty to European integration English revitalised nationalism sov- asadefence ofBritish nature ofsuch embedded persistence. Th and Startin, and Startin, 2017 Th : 11). – and later itsorganisation transnational andpan- European (Fitzgibbon, Leruth study ofEuroscepticism concerning itsnature – initially embedded andpersistent – Th ( 2013: 10). embedded naturethe ‘pervasive, andpersistent’ ofEuroscepticism, asnoted above to England’s to conceptualised contribution andUsherwood what Startin to be andasentimentthaternment inintensity over varied time), Major drew att European integration (a claim more accurate at thelevel rather ofpolitics than gov- leave theEU. at justunder50%’(Major, I putthechance ofexit 2014 ). now, forthefi that ourelectorate rsttime, possibility thereis aserious could vote to the population oftheUnited Kingdom, oppositionhas reached mass and acritical statementthis England’, asonenation inparticular: ‘In 85%of is headded, ‘which 14 is had is someappreciable eff Making Euroscepticism acore concern ofEuropean arecent itself Studies is phe- Writing in2012,Cas Mudde identifitwo ofthought about emer-main schools ed In claiming that theEnglish were never intheprocess partners comfortable of ered analternative to Britain’s place inEurope. is comparative is research avenues added important into ofanalysis the eSussex School wasconstituted bythepioneering research is research is raised cause questionsabout theexact and ect onresearch into European integration. In thefi eld and help to explain Brexit inparticular. Brexit and helpto explain e argument in this book is that bookis resistance inthis eargument ew ‘conceptually underdeveloped’ (Kaiser, s framing this dilemma via thedominant via s framingdilemma this estudyofEuropean integration fam- is ted that European disintegration ought ght even say persistent andembedded. re- ‘traditional with allies’ links energise plomatic history ofinterstateplomatic history negoti- erelationship academia between dis ention to themeans integration as aswell Discovering England ention erent Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document and signing oftheTreaty ofMaastricht in1991– 93. Th aft down gration byarguing that a‘permissiveconsensus’ towards process this had broken Hooghe achronolog popularised andMarks pan- European phenomenon wastheissue ofEuroscepticism schoolemphasised that this Marks, thewellspring asa Gary andfocus. Based onresearchmethodology conducted Hooghe byLiesbet and (Hooghe andMarks, 2009 : 1). greatly reduced towards ofpopularscepticism bythegrowth theEuropean project by a‘constraining that dissensus’ meant that room forpoliticalmanoeuvre was the idea ofEurope (Trenz anddeWilde, 2012 no anemergent with polity : 537). As creation ofthediscursive ustothat theimportance shouldalert andcontestation of 2013). Sternberg, embedded feature ofEuropean integration (Parsons from itsstart 2003 ; Schrag over othersandthat contestation oftheEur concerns accorded thoseofCraig Parsons: that with out politicalideas certain win Euroscepticism as aby-such (with product contestation). ofthis Schrag Sternberg’s ition, butfocused oncontestation rather over legitimacy than Euroscepticism as (Leconte,sharply 2010 166).Claudia Schrag Sternberg adopted pos- asimilar : Leconte suggested that thepre- andpost- Other scholarstook the implications ofsuch itsapproachunderpinning to Eurosceptici originated,inating itwould bebett activity linking theuniversitiesmotorway of Surrey andBath, muchof thecoord- where European integration. tempting Although the‘M4School’ to this aft call the place ofnationalism factors andnationhood asexplanatory inresistance to onethat itis sympathetic opensupavenuestomounted book, inthis ofenquiry Tez 2018: 293). (Trenz, ation’ at theEUlevel, Eurosceptics whereas ‘hard’ engaged contestation’ in‘polity Taggart, 2018 In otherwords, ‘soft: 13). European integration orplanned exten European integration and‘soft Euroscepticism‘hard’ referred to oppositionto principled thepoliticalproject of of oppositionto European integration and‘soft as‘hard’ ofEuropean orprinciple icies integration. andmovements politicalparties various Th 2008b ). and 2008a was published underthetitleof was published Szczerbiakof Aleks andPaul Taggart andtheirtwo- volume edited collection, which Introduction We mightnow add athird schoolto Th Th ese analyses ally with aconstructivis with eseanalyses ally e‘North Carolina’ schoolpursued aslightlydiff er thedebate unionaround thenegotiation about politicalandmonetary is research is focused onthecategorisation anddefi nitionsof ’ Euroscepticism to oppositionto thetrajectory of Opposing Europe Opposing sion ofEUcompetencies (Szczerbiak and that inoneway oranotheropposed thepol- ’ Eurosceptics engaged contest- in‘policy Most enduring was their binary typology typology Most wastheirbinary enduring t understudying ofEuropeant understudying integration of party management.of party Most importantly, linewasdrawnMaastricht dividing too this list. Importantly for the argument fortheargument Importantly list. this opean project has been apersistent and ical break inthestudyofEuropean inte- theidea er to schoolwith linkthis embedded persistence further. C é cile sm, that ofembedded persistence. in2008(Szczerbiak andTaggart, erent approach interms of is wasreplaced is thereaft ’ Euroscepticism, where er the er er 15 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document

Lcne 05:28. Th 2015: 258). (Leconte, national identity, without that forapolity ‘challenges true particularly notes, is this exclusive defi nitionsof agreed- upon 16 issue ofBritain’s place inEurope meaning that ofpriorities, highonthelist elites referendum, necessitated elites seeking to infl uence anelectorate that rarely putthe Euroscepticism. Projecting elite this co public opinion.In reading, elite this cont decades, vanIngelgom anoverstatement itis argued to modelonto transpose this plausible thatit is aconstraining emerged dissensus at anelite level inthepast two changed wasnotcitizen butrather politicisation, elite Th polarisation. creatingitics, anewcategory: ‘Euro- indiff that European citizens largely from EUpol- theirinterest withdrew andactivity in Europe. Far from becoming aft politicised European Parliament revealed were now asolidfeature ofthepoliticallandscape knows’ and‘don’t cares’, theresults which ofthe2009and2014elections to the mitt committ framed interms that forUKwithdrawal took from theEUbeyond support the through thereferenduman opportunity (O that contestation’ the‘polity oftheEuropean Union wasnotonlyprovided with result in2016.Toof thesurprise understand lift theexplanatory cannot doall lapped considerably. Th the radical rather right than Euroscep Dorling, 2016 ). Crucially, for Ford support soughtonlyto explain andGoodwin educated,less well menintheirfi white ft the appeal ofEuroscepticism leave notall inEngland; voters in2016were poorer, FordRobert andMatt andlosers’ofEu link between the‘winners (and versa) vice (Vasilopoulou, 2013 notthefi Although : 163). rst to make the requiredis ontheway that Euroscepticism infl uences national formation identity nature embedded ofthis Sofi persistence? As a notes,Vasilopoulou more research andstatehoodtity asbeing theoptimal site fordemocratic participation. referencegration, with legitimised to nationhood asbeing thesite ofcollective iden- European integration andopponentsofthepr the concept ofthe‘left nationhood inEurosceptic (Ford mobilisation andGoodwin, 2014 ). Employing had analysis litt important But this intheUK. parties forradical ofsupport right-explanation (andwing Virginie vanIngelgom focused herresearch similarly onthe‘undecideds’, ‘don’t Th ed to vote to leave theEU. is is shift of Euro-ed support rejectionists andmanaged to persuade theuncom- offocusraised anotherbroad resear fi nalit é , theEuropean Union generates such contestation. Leconte As behind’ is important butcan important behind’ is hew Goodwin’s is was an important element in support for Brexit but forBrexit elementinsupport wasanimportant is is lacuna is facilitated contestation of supporters between succeeding inconstructin ing that wasgiven to itintheimmediate wake ticism, although the two phenomena over- althoughthetwo ticism, ntestation onto ofa andthrough thedevice Revolt ontheRight Revolt ies (Evans andMellon, 2016 ; Hennig and erents’ (van Ingelgom: 2014 What : 183). estation feature becomes animportant of ropean integration andglobalisation, ppermann, ppermann, 2018 butwasalso : 249), vanIngelgomer Maastricht, argued ocess and principle ofEuropeanocess andprinciple inte- Brexit we need thewaysBrexit to examine ch question: what is thesourcech question: whatis or ipso facto only be a partial explanation of explanation only beapartial le to say about theplace of g anewEuropean off Eurosceptic) populist ered thebest- known Discovering England us, although demos ’ Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document peoples oftheUnited Kingdom. needed to fi ndalternative registerswhich throughto pitch theirarguments to the Introduction appeared to becontemplating to aman committ exit 2016sawnegotiations inFebruary from someone himswitch who inBrussels itical system (Giff to Eurosceptic populist susceptibility embedded politics inthepost- pol- war British way regressive that simplynostalgic, is ordelusional butresults from astructural term – although hedoesnotusethis theAnglosphere. Th nationalism onethatEuroscepticism bothapopulist is argument links and – with state oftheBritish structure European andamissing imperial ‘rescue’, Giff dependency Nevertheless focusopensupvaluab his ‘Populism it’s populism, is notnationalism’ (Giff nationalism: cautions against making too closeacausal linkbetween Euroscepticism andEnglish in relation to itspost- politicaleconomyimperial (Giff and Euroscepticism (Spiering, 2004 ). scholars such asMenno traced Spiering who acausal linkbetween national identity and Euroscepticism inGeorge’s wasnotexplored Th seminal work. denizens Isles. oftheBritish Despite European integration suggested butalso amongst characteristic asocial observable ‘awkward’: a concept that notonlysuggested relationship anuncomfortable with 1998 (George, 1998 ). Th book ofthesamename, appeared fi rst Kingdom. Th suffi management.beyond ofparty issues Party management butnot anecessary is and from theUnited that explanations Kingdom move led tous somefruitful andintensity unti support Euroscepticism became characteristic from themid- oftheright in 1980s, building from theideas oftheEuropean socialism andpolicies defend British centre- right. the left Eurosceptics were as‘Anti- known Marketeers’ drawn andwere from principally thefiformed during rstnegotiations (Dewey, 2009 set Principled oppositionamongst awidening ). In the1960sand1970s, European sincebe foundinBritain the1950swhen integration began inearnest. towardsscepticism theemerging project regional ofmeaningful integration can embedded’ phenomenon.Th Kingdom’s notdiffi caseitis forthepersistent explanation naturecient ofEuroscepticism intheUnited Th Th Th Crs Giff Chris eterm ‘Euroscepticism’ putunderstrain David wasitself byBrexit. Cameron’s e emphasis on the continuity ofopposition to onthecontinuity eemphasis European integration within eabove conclusions were theproduct ofcomparative research. In theUnited of British politics with an emphasis onprotecting anemphasis with politics sovereignty ofBritish inorder to ord explains thepersistenceord explains ofEuroscepticism intheUnited Kingdom e expression ‘awkwarde expression partner’, coined byStephen George inhis out oftheEU(and to else). somewhere onthepost- Withitsemphasis r, 2014: 6). ord, e durability ofGeorge’s edurability phrase rested upontheconcept of l the Brexit referenduml theBrexit in2016. econtours ofsuch anarrative are Offi known. well Euroscepticismcult to construct asa‘persistent and this resonance,this thelinkbetween nationhood in 1990, with asecond edition in published in 1990,with le avenues ofenquiry, suggesting apath of interest groups in civil society society of interest groups incivil ed to campaign ‘heart andsoul’ ed to campaign ‘heart r, 21 1) Giff 15). 2014: ord, is doesnothappen is ina r, 21 363). 2015: ord, is wasleft is to later later to ord’s cial cial ord 17 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document

litt outlined above – to beacontest soft between in England inthelead upto referendum theBrexit tended – intheconceptualisations to remain inareformed EU(or rather areformed UK– EU relationship). Th 18 novel ofanolderidea expression inthe rather entity, than existing asanactually networks theAnglosphere arelatively is gration andtheEUpoliticalproject asawhole. by suggesting analternative to ofcontinued thepoliticaltrajectory European inte- to Euroscepticism became – inthecaseofBrexit – constitutive ofEuroscepticism beyondbut extends theborders ofEurope. Indeed extra- this European dimension dimension ofemergent Euroscepticism notsolelyapan- is European phenomenon, andStartin, Leruth 2017 ). It benoted, shouldalso however, that thetransnational relates to itspan- European andtransnational nature andorganisation (Fitzgibbon, insightprovidedbythe important Another cover claimsare characterised‘Eurosceptic’ thosewhose contestation’. by‘policy will denote EU- will rejectionists advocating the represented ofpolity bytheEuropeantype Union. Daniel in Mandel As explained world (Vucetic, 2011 It imagined wasalso asabalancing corrective to: 165). the speaking that countries onolder built ‘Anglosphere’ cameto represent amutually bindtheAnglosphere. century eff narratives concerning thedevelopment ofrepresentative democracy, thepositive Commonwealth – ofIreland. theRepublic Atanideational level, three interlinked theBr given itsmeansatically ofexiting included, notably Singapore, India, countr anAnglophone heritage Empire oralinkto British with theformer are sometimes States, theUnited Kingdom, Canada, Austral are farfrom fi entity ofthis aries xed, butthe ‘core’ states are taken bethe to United ects ofempire andfree trade andthedefeat inthe twentieth oftotalitarianism le Euro- enthusiasm onoff force that helped shape thebett remain that navalthe fact British will power benign apowerful has been onthe whole infl ofBritish the expansion uence andinstitut measure supremacy established at maritime to Trafalgar, theBritish permitt which democratic Anglosphere mightyet prove acorr In centralising aworld ofpolitically bureaucracies, avigorously sovereign, free market, Perhaps bestseen asatransnational politicaltradition through given life policy itenteredBy 2007,when the IPA Review Th eAnglosphere: England’s transnational Euroscepticism ofthe Batt onthe200thanniversary er. theterm ‘Brexiteer’ In book, inthis theanalysis er contours ofourworld. (Mandel, 2005 : 32) Shorter OxfordShorter English Dictionary politics ofAnglophone countries. Th politics political traditions linking theAnglophone a position of ‘polity contestation’,a positionof‘polity whereas itish Empireitish andnon- membership ofthe ies oftheCaribbean and – more problem- beneficial politicalassociation of English- andhard ofEuroscepticism forms with recent scholarshiponEuroscepticism ions via trade andempire.ions via not, if And ia andNew Zealand.Other countries ective. Ifbeowed so, inlarge itwill le ofTrafalgar in 2005: Discovering England , theterm e bound- e debate ed ed Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document uuaa ae . Bennett Fukuyama, James C. Delegates included Margaret Th second inBerkshire, brought together an placethose taking inothers. andideas thatthese networks linked debates oftheAnglosphere inonepart with ‘British’ civilisation(s) theyears during 1996– 2007 (Berryman, 2015 It was : 591). about ontheright ‘Judeo- discourses wider Ch space’ (Gulmanelli, 2014 Th : 593). values’ that aligned Australia’s implicitly andarealignmentalism ofinternational re was advanced intheareas ofachallenge ‘Anglospherist reshaping ofAustralia’ John during Howard’s minister timeasprime was asanalternative to theEuropean Union. Stefano As Gulmanelli has the shown, Eurosceptics intheUnited Kingdom, theAnglosphere’s main practical att in fact amultilayered that identity means diff Kingdom andCanada. Th new concept inright- transatlanticwing Conferences in1999and2000announced ofpolitics.Ifthe right adate were to bechosen,however, Hudson two Institute hard to say. It probably is saferto suggest that theidea never really went away on or safelyonthebackbenches. places, butthat alove also that is dare notspeak itsname, inopposition except when suggest ofsupporters also list that the mentions oftheconcept thecloserto diminished government thesefigures got. Th ofincreasedspoke insupport cooperation across theAnglosphere, althoughexplicit Cash, Michael Fox, Liam Bill HowardLamont, andJacob Rees- Mogg wrote or Th and high- profiwho ev le Conservatives of theEU. Accordingly the idea wasatt and Brexiteers intheUnited Kingdom inhelping to themto imagine theUKoutside Pearce, 2018 oft ). But whatis regardwith to boththat idea andthat ofthe‘English- speaking peoples’ (Kenny and idea of‘Greater Britain’ (Bell, 2017 ) andMichael Kenny andNick Pearce have shown Th Introduction English- English- speaking nations, ‘congealed into amovement’ (Lloyd, 2000 ). Statesman Minogue. It washere, John argued att who Lloyd, in thehistory, culture andinstitutionsthat many Eurosceptics andespecially (anddomestic politics occasionallyan international organisation), to begrounded atcher, David Willett is was certainly true oftheUnited true wascertainly is the Kingdom, has with shown asDuncanBell Th ‘the exactly Anglosphere’ emerged manifestationWhen is initscontemporary Th ese mutually constitutive transnational forEurosceptics were esemutually links important e Anglosphere idea represented apushforrealignment ofglobal and , that thevague notionofareturn to closercooperation between kindred s, John Daniel Redwood, Hannan, David Davis, Norman ese two conferences, esetwo the fi rstin DC andthe Washington, en referred to as‘the Anglosphere’ is inthesingular , John O’Sullivan, Robe atcher, David Davis, Conrad Francis Black, esespecifi were careas bolstered of activity by Anglosphere is an idea with friends inhigh friends Anglosphere anidea is with ractive to prominentEurosceptics British foreign relations ina‘transnational cultural discourse intheUniteddiscourse States, theUnited to existing understandingsto ofmulticultur- existing impressive grandees. array ofconservative entually became Brexiteers.entually Margaret lations towards thosestates‘shared with ristian’, Enlightenment, ‘Western’ and erent things indiff the arrival oftheAnglosphere asa the arrival ended as an observer forthe ended asanobserver rt Conquest andKenneth rt erent places.For raction New is 19 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document

but is basedbut is onbott as thepractice of‘everyday a‘civilisational’ thatlike looks alliance, diplomacy’ cooperation Anglosphere between c was established between 1946and1956(Vitor Tossini, 2017 ). Such long- standing oftheso- the existence ‘Five called which Eyes’ ofintelligence network sharing, Th existed. 2005: 225). (Conquest, hope intheworld peace, …round which cooperation, candevelop’ anddemocracy cooperation,security theAnglosphere constitute would, itwasargued, ‘a centre of andSingaporeislands being dedicated all to States, Canada, New Australia, Zealand, India, theEnglish- speaking Caribbean (Bennett enterprise’ neurial andentrepre-representative society government, andaculture that civil nurtures lacked: ‘aand Asia common law tradition, respect forprivate property, continuous were byasetofinstitution distinguished late ofthe‘Anglosphere’ 1990s,exponents argued that theEnglish- speaking nations anexpression’ itself theEUis andofwhich (Laughland,tinent, 2008 ). Since the politicalcultures andeven prevalent authoritarian corrupt ontheEuropean con- theimplication thatwith thesevalueswere notshared bythe‘corporatist, socialist, an att Henriksen, 2018 John). As ex Laughland Brexiteers believe make diff Britain 20 of commonality. Th theAnglosphere.ation within Such interaction didnotalways produce asense New Zealand andtheUnited Kingdom) al Anglosphere asan emergent unitinworld CANZUK (Canada– politics. Australia– ofDonaldpresidency Trump complicating rather than facilitating theidea ofthe theAnglosphere, theuniqueplacewithin butalso oftheUnited States, the with relations. Th largest oftheseandtheAnglo- US allian separate inter- if relate designed fortheAtlantic( Grey’ RA Australianthe Royal Navy’s (RA diff active thereferendum during (Cadwalladr, Graham- Harrison andTownsend, 2018 ). Aggregatepaign, via IQandBeLeave, show Th 2016). beyondextend intelligence sharing andin Legrand’s research andtheidentitiestheycreate how has shown thesenetworks Nvessels (more appropriate to Pacifi c conditions) to replace the British ‘Storm erences. Sometimes thesecanappear In respects, certain theAnglosphere didnothave already to beconjured up: it theirpast relationships,Whatever fi independent ve nation- have stateswill their achment to individualism, the rule oflaw therule …andtheelevationachment to offreedom’, individualism, erevelations about Cambridge Analytica’s involvement cam- intheBrexit is was particularly true at theleve true wasparticularly is is ‘special’ is relationship ofbilateral hintsat theimportance relations eAnglosphere contains hierar om- up andquotidiancooperation (Ditt d spheres within theAnglosphere.d spheres within Th , 2004 54).WiththeUnited Kingdom, theUnited : N) adoption shade ofitsown of‘Haze for Grey’ Daily Telegraph erent from theContinent (Nedergaard andFriis ountries led toountries whatJason Ditt ce is the most important forinternational themostimportant ce is to beshades ofgrey: literally inthecaseof s andvaluesthat othernations ofEurope to therealmtransfer (Legrand, ofpolicy so emerged asanothersource ofcooper- plained, theAnglosphere ‘united is by that trans- were Anglosphere networks l ofintelligence cooperation through free trade andgreater and military , 21 1. Th 2016: 11). , chies as well ascommonalities.chies aswell eCommonwealth the is e, 21 0) Tim 2015: 605). mer, Discovering England ere are, however, mer described mer described Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the national self- confi dence ‘leave’to vote (Mycock and Wellings, 2017 ). Empires possible myopia thebestofall wasused to inwhich inspire voters to have Mycock noted, itrested notsomuchonimpe move ideological toa necessary imagine theUKoutsideofEU. Andrew As (Bell, 2017 ). Marching back to gave thefuture air, itsnostalgic Brexit butitwas ation andguide’, noted ‘We DuncanBell. are invited to march back to thefuture’ toforrelaunchingschools cries Yacht theRoyal about thecurrentmuch else moment – theplanned restoration ofgrammar from oftheAnglosphere too.was true Th ofthegovernment’spart for‘Global vision Britain’ (Murray- Evans, 2018 : 197). Th Commonwealth andanintegral force ofBrexit’ driving oftheideological waspart Brexiteers wasasmuchideational asmaterial. Peg As Murray- Evans noted ‘the not onlyasitspointofdeparture, butasitsplace ofdestination too. Its valuefor a response to that adilemma used hi Brexiteers’ grand strategy. oftheEnglish- some politicians speaking world asmuchitcreated forthe support led toBrexit stronger statements ofwhat a senseofcommonality, asSteven Loveridge (Loveridge, has shown 2015 ). Indeed, asaredistinctions, oppositional andmacro- level Intra- Anglosphere relations forcreating are asimportant andsustaining national Introduction to behave otherwise (Vucetic,to behave otherwise 2011 Th : 25). itics. According to Vucetic, actions should the Anglosphere consequences anditslikely onthecentre- exist networks left refer to explicitly itassuch are butsuch of politics, policy who foundontheright amongst policy- theAnglospheremakers (Legrand, within 2016 what Tim Legrand hasthese‘elite, called 440).Th about elusive andexclusive’ networks : to theinter- relationship between Engli applied andonethat politics place canbefruitfully inexplaining animportant tity challenged an interests is bythis notfriends enon that actors andanalysts to bring bear topic. onthis Part II , ‘Th English nationalismcontemporary a parts. Part I,‘Discovering England’, that setsoutthedilemmas have helped create and outtowards the ‘English- speaking peoples’, structuredinto bookis three this England’s development historical away inclinestheEnglish worldview from theEU content Englishlogical of nationalism forcontemporary and that thememory To make that theargument Euroscepticism themostformed- provides up ideo- Th For represented itsconceptual politics theAnglosphere vagueness, all inBritish eAnglosphere agrowing area is ofacademic att Th eoutlineofthe book too. Srdjan Vucetic to theorise has gone furthest epast wasused so asapoliticalresource: ‘Like nd theways phenom- ofunderstanding this storical consciousness andpoliticaltraditionstorical consciousness sh nationalism, and theAnglosphere. Brexit we might call ‘Anglo-we mightcall scepticism’ amongst alysis. Yetalysis. Vucetic to right is accord iden- ewell- mott known follow identity despite identity rationalfollow reasons rial amnesia, butinstead amnesia, rial of onaform ininternational relations andpol- Britannia – asinspir- the past serves ‘civilisational’ identitiesincreating ention. Yet, litt o that nations have ree of Pillars known le is ose is 21 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document book concerns themerging ofEnglishness perception that required Th explanation. the phenomenon.Th used to defiideal types ne English nation Scotland, England appeared to bemis way,this theoretically asgeographically aswell when located between France and like Scott found itto be‘absent’ butfordiff integrative republican traditions. More r sense; thatdevelopment to thehistorical ofFrance is say with incomparison andits hegemony, Nairn English nationalism described initially as‘absent’ inthe‘normal’ aMarxist- within understandin derived had amajor inflframing. uence onthis Situating of analysis English his nationalism politics: France andScotland. Th politics: France ofnationalist hasalism been development trapped ideal between two and types has andresearched. been theorised It that argues ofEnglish theanalysis nation- nationalists away from Europe andtowards theEnglish- speaking world. other. continuities thehistorical w Again, 1990s, Euroscepticism andEnglish nation analysing the‘awkwardness’ theEUwithout ship with Since itself. the ofBritain sub- to that impossible claim is an itis secondly inrelation to withdrawal from theEuropean Union. Th both object andagent ofchange, fi rstin relation to Scott and English nationalism were admitt therest ofthe world. Th with theEuropeantionship with Union andtheUnited Kingdom’s changing relationship constitutional nature oftheUnited Kingdom, theUnited Kingdom’s changing rela- factornot beoverlooked asanexplanatory ofpoliticalEnglishness inthis struction choices con- beappliedandthediscursive to ofpolicy theanalysis that this it is will tradition theyoverlookedOne important in choices intheirpolicy beguided itical actors will have pol- Rhodes adilemma, confronted andRod that argued Mark when Bevir with towaunderstanding policy English nationalismporary andadopts a‘t referendum. Anglosphere before, ofBrexit informedthepolitics andaft during Anglosphere’, theway En examines inwhich Euroscepticismalism, andtheAnglosphere. the English Anglosphere’, outlines theideas th 22 Chapter 3 , ‘Locating England’, theway English examines nationalism inwhich 2 Chapter , ‘England’s Dilemmas’, theemergence examines ofcontem- ish secessionism, which is anaccount Kumar. is Krishan associated secessionism, which ish with In e‘absence’ wasonlyever a rds England, theEuropean Union andtheAnglosphere. einter- relationships between thesemajor dilemmas e Scott erent because reasons, itdidnotlook principally edly complexedly since theUnited Kingdom was sing inaction. Butwasonly because this the alyse the‘awkwardness’ ofBritain’s relation- us another important sub- sub- usanotherimportant inthis argument g of historical developmentg ofhistorical andideological ish intellectualish andnationalist Tom Nairn alism inhibitedalism a nuanced understanding of ecent analyses ofEnglish nationalism also book. In otherwords,book. nationalism should ithin English nationalism inclineEnglish when seeking to understandthechanging when and Britishness thatand Britishness cameabout through alism havealism become constitutive ofeach their analyses wasthenational oneand raditions anddile glish nationalismglish andtheidea ofthe Part III , ‘England’s andthe Brexit at animate andlink English nation- perception bypre- politicaltraditions. existing ofabsence anditwas this independence and ish mmas’ approach to Discovering England us an important usanimportant e te 2016 the er Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document English publiclife. the ultimately pro- ones),Remain thereby reinforcing anAnglosphere narrative in global preferences elementsoftheCoalition oftheConservative Government (even was notjustadebate tea about history alism’. chapter this In forHenriett that context, argues this support suggesting analternative (global) to future Europe through a‘shared exception- stitutional narrative in2010– 14 asameans of forthatand thesubsequent politicalsupport celebratory Edwardian English con- towards theEnglish- speaking world. sovereignty, theEnglish are drawn away from theEuropean Union and propelled English nationalists speak thelanguage Building onthedefi nitionof nationalism advanced above we cansee notonlyhow inEnglishthe tendency nationalism to legi Introduction surrounding there- publication ofHenriett threefoundation forall ideologies.Th English nationalism,links Eurosceptici Anglosphere thought.England’s constitut ofresistance asaform to Europeanconstitutional history integration and for theirprojectsimise ofreform or exit. version ofthepast andbothwere deployed bytheirpoliticalsupporters to legit- that had lostfaithinthenation. Bothversions crowded outaEurophilic English but wasthenbetrayed in1973bywhat was Empire itsformer andCommonties with and globalisation are incompatible). Th presentedopportunities byglobalisation (assuming that European integration means that which theUKshouldwithdraw from theEUandembracecrisis, the democratic development aft oftheEUsince 1992andespecially inEnglandtive democracy perceived what asincompatibleis with astheanti- English Eurosceptic version ofthepast presents thedevelopment ofrepresenta- for itsdiff erence. way, this In muchthe ‘Scotlandis very it of Europe’. Th theEuropeanincompatible with Union aslong given special recognition asitis England – confl usually with the ated United Kingdom – butnotentirelyis distinct Europethat, andtotalitarianism. helpedIn inturn, rid version, this ofmilitarism racy, helped create which foranEmpire theconditions necessary offree trade Euroscepticism suggests that Engl and ‘soft of twentieth- conflcentury politicalmemory, ict.Withinthis ‘hard’ there are government; theacquisition andoperation Empire; oftheBritish andmemory development ofrepresentativepillars: the past. Broadly, theEnglish Eurosceptic version ofthepast rests onthree intertwined English w elementofthis A crucial hpe ‘Gift , Chapter 4 ’ Eurosceptic interpretations ofthepast. Th to theWorld’, develops ofEnglish idea this oftheimportance and wasthehomeofrepresentative democ- us Chapter 4 at bylooking begins thedebate orldview rests onan orldview ching butsuggested theconstitutional and is reorientation is included re- emphasising sm and the Anglosphere and serves asthe sm andtheAnglosphere andserves of Britishness, but in defending British butindefending British of Britishness, wealth thewar, that win helped Britain ional development is the fulcrum that ional development thefulcrum is democracy andthe Englishdemocracy ‘genius’ for a Marshall’s timise and defend British sovereignty. anddefendBritish timise presented asaspinelesspoliticalclass cohering Britain and Britishness and andBritishness cohering Britain e ‘soft Our Island Story understanding ofthe ’ version ofEnglish a Marshall’s book er theEurozone e ‘hard’ in2005 23 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document

a global policy underpinned by the importance offree trade. bytheimportance underpinned a global policy ical project that areorientation soughtto away legitimise from Europe andtowards or a‘Bad Th for aglobal era. Once again, debates about Empire – itwasa‘Good whether Th dimension to English national consciousnesshas been reworked andrehabilitated Empire (orwith ofit). Th memory aparticular ceptual one, whereby sovereignty equated is ‘greatness’ with equated that inturn is to day. this worldview Importantly, occurs alongside blurring historical acon- this formation thehistorical during ofnationalis ofsovereignty inEngland,importance ofEnglishness were theboundaries blurred Anglosphere andhence imagining theUKoutsideofEU. It that, argues given the categories ofbelonging’, elementingenerating forthe animportant support 24 for theAnglosphere inthereferendum camp thatEnglish worldview again favoured theAnglosphere ofEurope. at theexpense of warcommemoration ofthetwent at thestart oftraditional Th enemiesat allies. former theexpense with theUnited via rupture a historical Kingdom’s seemingly ever- closer relationship par accession excellence. British to theEuropean Communities in1973represented ‘1940’standing asametap England with In England, thewarssuggested that Continental Europe wasasource of threat to the confl conclusion ictsbetween 1914and1945,a took contrary root in England. of theSecond World War that saw European integration outcome asalogical of aFranco- century. twentieth Whereas narrativeGerman emerged soonaft national narratives. Th enon butthere were strong affi boom’ was notsimplyanationalist beginning inthelate phenom- century twentieth elementofnationalistaction are ontology. acrucial Th Interpretationsthe nations oftheUK. ofthepast forcurrent andfuture asaguide cohering theUnited Kingdom around themostcommonly shared narrative amongst Europe,between theAnglosphere andthe threats ofthetwenty- fi than anEUthat one rst century Eurosceptic described critic ‘muscularthe EUandonewhose turned to theAnglosphere asamore appropriate cultural andeconomic ‘fit’ than thatitical community could off governance andfree trade wasless European Union forpro- Leave elites. In contrast theregime to ofglobal 1975,when theEU,ship with theAnglosphere exercised astrong ideational away pull from the isation andat timessubsumed amongst in2015.Heavily boundupinideas about electionConservative global- victory Chapter 6 , ‘Great Wars’, examines examines Wars’, ‘Great Chapter 6 , deve Britain’, ‘Greater , Chapter 5 7 Chapter , ‘Leap into theKnown’, played thepart examines byarguments ing’ – ing’ – were notmerely academic (or comedic) butwere ofapolit- part is was especially true for English memory ofthewars forEnglish memory true was especially is nities between remembrance,nities between commemoration and er any alternative to Europe, Eurosceptics in2016 extensive andtheCommonwealth wasnotapol- liberalism’ wasamore eff lops this themeandexamine lops this the place of war memory insituating Englandthe place ofwarmemory alternative ‘models’ fortheUK’s relation- hor for the defence of British sovereigntyhor forthedefence ofBritish wider world, whilst at thesametime world, whilst wider e sub- esub- that imperial is argument this m that conditions anAnglo- British aign that began inearnest aft y- fi helped reinforce rst an century e so- eso- ‘secondcalled memory ustheaccelerating pace ective counter to the Discovering England s England’s ‘wider er theend er the er ing’ ing’ Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document English nationalism. memory, thepastlink between account andpresent, via inthis ofcontemporary State- helpto make the inEngland, will publiclife informs which sponsored history from therecent past. Th sovereignty into called salience through thereferendum. European Union, from thealternative butalso andpotentially competing sources of itical actors astheUKGovernment soughtto ‘take back control’ notonlyfrom the England importance – receded inpolitical at Yet English issueson particularly andworldviews. intheaft ofEnglishwas a‘moment’ nationalism inthehistory andthevote to leave wasbuilt boundaries ‘wider still and wider’ at thebe andwider’ still ‘wider boundaries Union andputtheUnited Kingdom onatrajectory that seemingly setEngland’s helped cause.also English nationalism coalesced around resistance to theEuropean nity. Th European integration andtowards theAnglosphere asanaff imagination historical ofthis boundaries inclined English nationalists away from categories andoccluded bothmerged bythesewider ofbelonging.is Th with England’s nationalism shouldbeunderstood asbeing constituted frame. It inawide ideaand Glory’, ever aparticular ofEngland mentioning express it, without which sovereignty.founded on thedefence ofBritish thewords ofHope Like of‘Land nationaltion revivedpowerful andenergisedthis tradition inEngland, historically ation inEngland ways. inenduring Contemporary resistance to European integra- ofpoliticalEnglishness.the boundaries Th ‘1940’, thelasting result oftheendurance ofEnglish sovereigntyof wasablurring the English byEmpire genius forgovernment, wasexported andsaved which in unite English nationalism, Euroscepticism andtheAnglosphere. If ‘1688’established pastdevelopment, andoftwentieth- ofitsimperial are warfare thecords thatcentury English nationalism’, arguing that the thatcess ofBrexit began aft the world. theEnglish- with senseofcommonality not straight forward) speaking peoples of sovereigntydefence andatt ofBritish Englishtique andreorientation nationalism sat with committ comfortably as ‘regulated, apologetic, sclerotic andfeeble (Hannan, 2013:356)’. Such acri- Introduction Th vignett a by preceded is chapters these of Each Chapter 8 , ‘Taking Back Control’, thefate examines ofEngland thepro- during e book concludes with ebookconcludes with Chapter 9 as , ‘Interregnum andRestoration: Brexit is national framed is responses imaginary to it major which politicaldilemmas, ese vignett er thereferendum vote of2016.Th es are designed to highlighttheway inwhich uned to the (somewhat illusory and certainly uned andcertainly to the(somewhat illusory political memory ofEngland’spolitical memory constitutional is blurring shaped blurring thenational is imagin- ginning of the twenty- ofthetwenty- ginning fi rst century. least that accorded to itbyseniorpol- e ofacommemorative moment ective politicalcommu- e Brexit referendum eBrexit ermath ofthevote, e wide ed to a to a ed 25