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Changing Nuclear Thinking in Pakistan Policy Brief No. 6 APLN/CNND1 APLN CNND Asia Pacific Leadership Network for Nuclear Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Disarmament Policy Brief No. 9 February 2014 Changing Nuclear Thinking in Pakistan Pervez Hoodbhoy and Zia Mian Summary and the public to tie the fate of their country to the bomb. In the four decades since Pakistan launched its nuclear weapons program, and especially in the 2. Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal is rapidly expand- fifteen years since the nuclear tests of 1998, a ing, with a growing capacity to make nuclear way of thinking and a related set of feelings weapon materials. An array of nuclear delivery about the bomb have taken hold among policy systems is under development, including makers and the public in Pakistan. These include weapons for use on the battlefield.1 For years the ideas that the bomb can ensure Pakistan’s now, Pakistan has been said to have the fastest security; resolve in Pakistan’s favour the long- growing nuclear arsenal in the world.2 This standing dispute with India over Kashmir; help expansion is part of an arms race with India, create a new national spirit; establish Pakistan with which Pakistan has fought four wars and as a leader among Islamic countries; and usher repeatedly been on the brink of fighting more, in a new stage in Pakistan’s economic develop- and which many in Pakistan see as an existen- ment. None of these hopes has come to pass, and tial enemy. But it may also have to do with each in many ways Pakistan is much worse off than of Pakistan’s armed services wanting a nuclear before it went nuclear. Yet the feelings about the role, self-interest on the part of its nuclear es- bomb remain strong and it is these feelings that tablishment, increasing redundancy in its arse- will have to be examined critically and set aside nal to make sure some weapons will survive an if Pakistan is to move towards nuclear restraint attack, and wanting to deter the United States and nuclear disarmament. This will require the from attempting to snatch Pakistan’s weapons. emergence of a peace movement able to launch a national debate, and that a much higher inter- 3. The bomb serves many other roles as well. national priority be accorded to the grave dan- Many Pakistanis clutch passionately at the gers posed by nuclear arms racing in South Asia. 1 For Pakistan’s recent nuclear development see Zia Mian, “Pakistan,” in Ray Acheson, ed., Assuring Destruction Forev- er: Nuclear Weapon Modernization Around the World (New York: Reaching Critical Will, March 2012), Introduction http://www.princeton.edu/sgs/faculty-staff/zia- mian/Pakistan-nuclear-modernization-2012.pdf. For a 1. Pakistan’s leaders and much of its public are detailed assessment of Pakistan’s production of highly enriched uranium and plutonium for nuclear weapons, see committed to maintaining and expanding its International Panel on Fissile Materials, Global Fissile Ma- nuclear weapons program. What will it take for terial Report 2010: Balancing the Books – Production and them to reconsider and to begin to move to- Stocks (Princeton, NJ, 2010), wards nuclear restraint, arms control and http://ipfmlibrary.org/gfmr10.pdf. For a 2013 update on stockpiles, see International Panel on Fissile Materials, eventual disarmament? Any answer to this Global Fissile Material Report 2013: Increasing Transparen- must begin with understanding and confront- cy of Nuclear Warhead and Fissile Material Stocks as a Step ing the way of thinking and structure of feel- toward Disarmament (Princeton, NJ, 2013), http://ipfmlibrary.org/gfmr13.pdf. ings that have led much of the Pakistani elite 2 Thom Shanker and David Sanger, “Pakistan Is Rapidly Adding Nuclear Arms, U.S. Says,” New York Times, 18 May 2009. 2 Policy Brief No. 9 APLN/CNND bomb as a talisman that wards off danger and with social and economic inequalities. 6 This can realize hopes, a source of safety and suc- perspective has yet to gain currency, however. cess, a symbol of national achievement and power. The bomb did not conjure these into 6. There is little help from the international being. All these ideas and feelings existed be- community. Ever since the attacks on the Unit- fore Pakistan got the bomb, but were seen as ed States in September 2001, most of the out- separate and to be achieved in different ways. side world has seen Pakistan’s army as a vital The power of the bomb, however, was so ally in the war against the Taliban in Afghani- overwhelming that many in Pakistan thought stan and a check on radical Islamist militancy. that the bomb could solve all their problems. For many leaders, especially in the Western Fifteen years after the nuclear tests of 1998, alliance led by the United States, keeping the and despite much evidence and bitter experi- support of Pakistan’s army and political elite is ence, many still cannot let go of these ideas. a higher priority than Pakistan’s nuclear build- up and the nuclear arms race in South Asia. 4. Pakistan is not the first nuclear-armed state to have gone down this path or learned so 7. This essay sketches out the origin and evolu- slowly. It took America’s leaders almost 20 tion of the ways of thinking and feeling that years to learn the lessons of nuclear weapons. mark dominant Pakistani discussion and deci- President Harry Truman, who took the deci- sion-making about the bomb. It is these ideas sion to bomb Hiroshima and Nagasaki, called and sensibilities that would have to be ques- the atomic bomb the “greatest thing in histo- tioned and set aside by Pakistani elites and ry.”3 In 1962, with America trapped in an ex- most of the public for Pakistan to engage in panding arms race with the Soviet Union, Pres- nuclear disarmament. The essay outlines some ident John F. Kennedy described the bomb as of the main hopes invested in the bomb by Pa- having turned the world into a prison in which kistan’s elite, suggests why they have not come humanity awaits its execution and called for to pass, and highlights the benefits that could progress on nuclear disarmament. 4 Despite accrue to Pakistan from getting past the bomb. this, and even though the Cold War ended over It should be read in conjunction with the com- 20 years ago, the United States still has thou- panion piece on India.7 sands of nuclear weapons and is investing heavily in modernizing them. A Little Bit of History 5. There is dissent even if there is no national 8. Strange as it may sound today, there was a nuclear debate in Pakistan. There is a small time when there was little enthusiasm in Paki- community of civil society groups, of which the stan for making the bomb. In the first decade authors are members, that has long been press- after independence from Britain in 1947, only a ing for nuclear restraint and disarmament and small band of scientists and military leaders in peace with India. 5 This nascent movement Pakistan thought it might ever be necessary or points out the many dangers and costs of Paki- possible for the country to build the bomb.8 It stan’s acquisition of nuclear weapons; dangers was not discussed and did not figure large in and costs that imperil a country already torn the national consciousness – except when driv- by its wars and crises, and struggling with re- en by outside events like nuclear weapons tests curring failures of governance now manifest in by the United States and the Soviet Union, and multiple armed insurgencies, widespread sec- the idea of the Atoms for Peace program. tarian religious and ethnic violence, and riven 3 Cited in Richard Rhodes, The Making of the Atomic Bomb 6 See the essays in Pervez Hoodbhoy, ed., Confronting the (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995), p. 734. Bomb – Pakistani and Indian Scientists Speak Out (Oxford: 4 President John F. Kennedy, State of the Union speech, 11 Oxford University Press, 2013). January 1962, 7 Ramesh Thakur, “What Did India Gain by Getting the http://www.jfklink.com/speeches/jfk/publicpapers/1962 Bomb?” APLN/CNND Policy Brief No. 7 (Canberra: Asia /jfk07_62.html. Pacific Leadership Network and Centre for Nuclear Non- 5 See the essays in Smitu Kothari and Zia Mian, eds., Out of Proliferation and Disarmament, November 2013). Both the Nuclear Shadow (London/New Delhi: Zed Press and papers were delivered to audiences in New Delhi (Institute Lokayan/Rainbow Press, 2001; revised second edition for Defence Studies and Analyses) and Islamabad (Jinnah Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2003); and Zia Mian and Institute) in October 2013. Smitu Kothari, eds., with K. Bhasin, A. H. Nayyar, and M. 8 Zia Mian, “Fevered with Dreams of the Future: The Com- Tahseen, Bridging Partition: People’s Initiatives for Peace ing of the Atomic Age to Pakistan,” in Itty Abraham, ed., between India and Pakistan (New Delhi: Orient Longman, South Asia Cultures of the Bomb (Bloomington: Indiana 2010). University Press, 2009). Hoodbhoy & Mian Changing Nuclear Thinking in Pakistan 3 9. Some of Pakistan’s elite were hopeful of one Pakistan is capable of becoming a total war. day having a nuclear option. They found oppor- It would be dangerous to plan for less and tunity to make their case starting in the 1960s our plans should, therefore, include the nu- in public arguments in India to build a bomb clear deterrent… our problem in its es- and progress in India’s plutonium separation sence, is how to obtain such a weapon in time before the crisis begins.11 program.
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