ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI
XLII
ANALECTA ROMANA
INSTITUTI DANICI
XLII
2017
ROMAE MMXVII ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI XLII © 2017 Accademia di Danimarca ISSN 2035-2506
Published with the support of a grant from: Det Frie Forskningsråd / Kultur og Kommunikation
Scientific Board
Karoline Prien Kjeldsen (Bestyrelsesformand, Det Danske Institut i Rom) Jens Bertelsen (Bertelsen & Scheving Arkitekter) Maria Fabricius Hansen (Københavns Universitet) Peter Fibiger Bang (Københavns Universitet) Thomas Harder (Forfatter/writer/scrittore) Michael Herslund (Copenhagen Business School) Hanne Jansen (Københavns Universitet) Kurt Villads Jensen (Syddansk Universitet) Erik Vilstrup Lorenzen (Den Danske Ambassade i Rom) Mogens Nykjær (Aarhus Universitet) Vinnie Nørskov (Aarhus Universitet) Niels Rosing-Schow (Det Kgl. Danske Musikkonservatorium) Lene Schøsler (Københavns Universitet)
Editorial Board Marianne Pade (Chair of Editorial Board, Det Danske Institut i Rom) Patrick Kragelund (Danmarks Kunstbibliotek) Sine Grove Saxkjær (Det Danske Institut i Rom) Gert Sørensen (Københavns Universitet) Anna Wegener (Det Danske Institut i Rom) Maria Adelaide Zocchi (Det Danske Institut i Rom)
Analecta Romana Instituti Danici. — Vol. I (1960) — . Copenhagen: Munksgaard. From 1985: Rome, «L’ERMA» di Bretschneider. From 2007 (online): Accademia di Danimarca
ANALECTA ROMANA INSTITUTI DANICI encourages scholarly contributions within the Academy’s research fields. All contributions will be peer reviewed. Manuscripts to be considered for publication should be sent to: [email protected] Authors are requested to consult the journal’s guidelines at www.acdan.it Contents
Sine Grove Saxkjær: The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities: Case Studies from the Sibaritide Region 7
Alessia Di Santi: From Egypt to Copenhagen. The Provenance of the Portraits of Augustus, Livia, and Tiberius at the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek 33
Lars Boje Mortensen: The Canons of the Medieval Literature from the Middle Ages to the Twenty-First Century 47
Søren Kaspersen: Body Language and Theology in the Sistine Ceiling. A Reconsideration of the Augustinian Thesis 65
Nicholas Stanley-Price: The Myth of Catholic Prejudice against Protestant Funerals in Eighteenth- Century Rome 89
Annika Skaarup Larsen: Bertel Thorvaldsen and Zeuxis: The Assembling Artist 101
Kaspar Thormod: Depicting People in Rome: Contemporary Examples of Portaiture in the Work of International Artists 119
The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities: Case Studies from the Sibaritide Region1
by Sine Grove Saxkjær
Abstract. Based on two case studies in the Sibaritide region in Southern Italy, the article deals with the identification of ethnic markers in the archaeological record. The chronological framework of the article spans the eighth to sixth centuries BC, the era of the so-called Greek colonisation. The central point of the approach argued is the need to identify patterns in the material culture over time. These patterns can reflect continuity or discontinuity in past practices which may be culturally determined and which may eventually have come to function as ethnic markers in the encounter with the Greeks. Such patterns can be established by taking a contextual approach to the material. The article focuses on two types of pattern in the archaeological record: the first relating to the material style and production of pottery, and the second centring on material patterns connected to funerary practices.
Introduction Sybaris was founded by Achaeans3 emigrating The aim of the present article is twofold: first, from the northern Peloponnese. Based on to shed light on aspects of the emergence and the literary accounts, the cultural dynamics development of ethnic and cultural identities unfolding in the Sibaritide region between the among the indigenous populations at eighth and sixth centuries belong to the era Timpone della Motta and Amendolara, in the long referred to as the Greek colonisation. period between the eighth and sixth centuries While the impact of the earliest academic BC; and secondly, to explore the methodology works on Greek colonisation4 – which were for the identification of ethnic markers in characterised by an uncritical acceptance of the archaeological record. Both Timpone the later Greek and Roman sources entailing della Motta and Amendolara are indigenous a history of colonisation in the true sense of foothill settlements in the Sibaritide region the term – continued to pervade the field of in Southern Italy. The earliest Greek settlers research throughout most of the twentieth arrived in this region when Euboeans settled century, within the last twenty-five years, on the southern slope of Timpone della interpretations related to coexistence and two- Motta in the first half of the eighth century way cultural exchange have gained a central BC,2 while Sybaris was established on the position. Recent approaches include, among coastal plain in the last quarter of the eighth others, the notions of a colonial “middle century BC (Fig. 1). According to tradition, ground”,5 of hybridity, and of a “third
1 The present article is largely based on my unpublished sen 2013. PhD dissertation, Markers of Ethnicity in the Archaeologi- 3 Strab. 6.1.13. cal Record: The Emergence of Indigenous Ethnic and Cultural 4 Some of the most comprehensive of these being Identities in Southern Italy (eighth – sixth centuries), Aarhus Ettore Pais (Pais 1894) and Emanuele Ciaceri (Cia- University 2015. The article was written during my ceri 1924–1932), while the most thorough study of postdoctoral scholarship at the Danish Institute in the written sources was presented by Jean Bérard Rome, funded by the Carlsberg Foundation. (Bérard 1957). 2 Jacobsen et al. 2009a; Jacobsen et al. 2009b; Jacob- 5 See e.g. Malkin 1998; Malkin 2002. 8 Sine Grove Saxkjær
Fig. 1. Map of the Sibaritide (illustration: S. G. Saxkjær). space”,6 while additional approaches to the which came into close contact with Greek Greek so-called colonisation and its effects settlers in the eighth or early seventh centuries include human mobility and globalisation7 BC. Following the arrival of the Greeks, a as well as network theory.8 Common to shift in the prevailing material style can be these approaches, even if the term is used in observed throughout the Sibaritide region. different ways and with varying definitions, is This shift is most clearly seen in the pottery the notion of ethnic identity. Accordingly, the production. The indigenous pottery was subject of the present article is by no means characterised by being hand-made by coiling novel; however, it is hoped that its focus on the technique and adorned with a matt-painted method – the practical identification of ethnic decoration. This is in contrast to the Greek markers in the archaeological material – will material style, in which the pottery was wheel- nevertheless contribute to the existing corpus turned and decorated with a lustrous paint. of theoretical and methodological work on At Timpone della Motta, the local indigenous this subject, as well as the question of how material style completely disappeared during we approach material which might point to the second quarter of the seventh century developments in ethnic and cultural identities. BC,9 while a reduced and adapted production of matt-painted pottery was maintained at Identifying markers of ethnicity Amendolara10 exceptionally in the region. In ‘Pots do not equal people’ has been a common both cases, the Greek material style became adage in archaeology for decades; in practice, dominant, and if we base our observations however, there is still a strong inclination and interpretations solely on the material style to see the adoption of material culture as of the archaeological remains, the indigenous reflecting an integration of cultural and ethnic cultures indeed seem to have been suppressed features. In the case of Timpone della Motta by the Greek culture. So, if ‘pots do not equal and Amendolara, it is generally agreed that people’, what do we do then? What is the the sites were important indigenous centres relationship between archaeological artefacts
6 See e.g. Antonaccio 2001; Antonaccio 2003; Anto- 9 Handberg & Jacobsen 2011, 180; Jacobsen & Hand- naccio 2005; Antonaccio 2010. berg 2010, 30. 7 See e.g. Horden & Purcell 2000; Purcell 2005. 10 Yntema 1990, 133. 8 See e.g. Malkin 2011. The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities 9 and the people who once used them? How the emergence of ethnic identity – an ethnic can we identify specific groups of people in awareness, so to speak – in which these the archaeological record? cultural elements become ethnic markers. In Research on ethnicity in archaeology can situations of social tension, for instance in benefit from distinguishing between ethnic competition for land or ecological resources, and cultural identity, rather than using the it is even possible to emphasise or exaggerate terms synonymously as has often been the particular cultural elements so as to create practice.11 Separating the two allows us to more strongly defined boundaries, outwardly understand the finer nuances of cultural as well as internally. In this way, ethnic identity encounters, rather than merely assessing can gain an instrumental capacity and thus the extent of the impact of one culture on serve as a social strategy. It is important to another, a method that closely corresponds note that different ethnic groups can come to ascertaining the extent of “Hellenisation”. to share a cultural identity, thereby sharing a Yet ethnicity is in itself a much-debated range of different behaviours within the same concept. One of its weaknesses, which has cultural framework while still maintaining been repeatedly emphasised, is the lack of an certain ethnic traits. What is more, after agreed definition12 – or in some cases the lack generations of coexistence, ethnic boundaries of any definition. To avoid this potential pitfall, can completely cease to exist. I will make my understanding of the concept The above theoretical framework has its of ethnicity and its relation to cultural identity basis in anthropological research on ethnicity. clear.13 An individual is born into a particular It is less straightforward, however, to observe cultural framework. Within this framework, cultural encounters and the emergence and the individual moulds himself to a certain development of ethnic identities in the field of life-pattern.14 The life-pattern is unconscious: archaeological research than in anthropological it is implemented and reinforced both by fieldwork, because these processes cannot be experience and by handed-down ways of established by studies of customs and daily doing things. In other words, it simply involves life. The indigenous populations of Southern doing things in a way that seems “natural”. Italy did not have a written language, and Within a certain group, the shared life-pattern there are no contemporary written sources creates a strong sense of belonging, of being for the earliest cultural encounters. This of “the same kind” – the feeling of real or leaves us with the archaeological remains – imagined kinship. This shared life-pattern is the artefacts – and the already-mentioned one’s culture; the unconscious group identity question: How are we to identify specific is one’s cultural identity. groups of people in the archaeological record? It is important to stress that culture and My argument is that we need to identify cultural identity are not constant. On the past practices in order to identify ethnic contrary, they are continuously changing and markers. As set out above, the way people do evolving, albeit unconsciously. Ethnicity and things – perform rituals, prepare food, build ethnic identity emerge through the encounter houses, manufacture pottery – is formed by with other cultural groups. These encounters underlying culturally determined choices. lead to a break with the unconscious body These choices can be made consciously, but of social knowledge that is embedded in are most often the unconscious outcome of the cultural identity. Suddenly, one becomes learned habits. Any practice, in other words, aware of one’s own cultural identity, one’s is inherently imbued with cultural identity. In own cultural framework. In the process of the encounter between cultural groups, some communicating these differences to other of these culturally determined elements can groups, elements of the life-pattern (rituals, be used actively to signal ethnic identity and habits, routines etc.) are used consciously to create ethnic boundaries. Such elements could express the cultural identity, which leads to include a particular ritual or everyday practice,
11 Hylland Eriksen 2010, 15; Jones 1997, 56. previously presented a similar view on ethnicity and 12 Jones 1997, 56; Levine 1999, 165. cultural identity in Saxkjær & Jacobsen 2015, 378–379. 13 For a more comprehensive explanation of the the- 14 The so-called life-pattern is somewhat comparable oretical concepts as well as for an assessment of the to the nature and development of habitus and doxa study of ethnicity and culture in archaeological re- in the terminology established by Pierre Bourdieu. search, see Saxkjær 2015, 15–26. In addition, I have See Bourdieu 1977, 77–78, 164. 10 Sine Grove Saxkjær but also some of the culturally determined marking of ethnicity, would distort our choices within, for instance, the pottery overall understanding. What is more, it is production that forms a particular material important to stress that in any social context, style – which is why material style in itself can many different identities, both individual become an ethnic marker. But while ethnic and collective, are in play at the same time, markers can be found in the form of material overlapping one another – which means that style, they can perhaps more importantly be an artefact or its use can signal more than one found in the use of material culture: that is, in identity at a time. the form of the practice in which the artefacts In addition, as emphasised by Jones, the use were once used. However, like cultural and of material style and – I would add – material ethnic identities, cultural or ethnic meanings culture (that is, past practices) may differ embedded in a certain practice or material between different social domains.21 Ethnicity style are inconstant. It cannot be assumed that plays a different role on different occasions, a fixed relationship exists between a particular just as it does today in our own everyday life, material type and a particular identity.15 In the where some events are closely connected to context of the present article, this means that culturally determined traditions and ways of a Greek-style artefact does not necessarily doings, while others are not. In archaeological signal a Greek ethnic identity.16 In order for contexts, it is hard to decipher exact events us to identify whether a particular object and occasions solely based on the material or practice functions as an ethnic marker, a culture; however, it is possible to distinguish contextual approach to the material is called between larger social contexts. In the case for. It is necessary to study the specific of Timpone della Motta and Amendolara, archaeological context in order to understand we are dealing with habitation/craft contexts the specific social and historical context that and funerary contexts as well as (at Timpone can provide the background knowledge of della Motta) ritual/sanctuary contexts. In the use and meaning of an artefact. this regard, the two sites are unique in the Sibaritide region, where most contemporary The necessity for a contextual approach to the indigenous sites consist solely of funerary study of ethnicity and identities is supported contexts or, more infrequently, include more by a range of scholars including Siân than one social context, but with diverse Jones,17 Lynn Meskell18 and Mats Roslund.19 chronology. Once several different social Nonetheless, the identification of past contexts can be observed, the identification practices, even with a contextual approach, of ethnic markers gains a more solid basis, as is not without its challenges. Above all, we the various social contexts reveal additional have to keep in mind that we have access aspects of the developments in cultural and only to the final context: in other practices ethnic identities. In practice, the approach and contexts before their deposition, objects is to establish those patterns in the material may have been used differently.20 In addition, culture over time that reflect continuity or as the indigenous populations did not have a discontinuity in past practices and that were written language, we can attest ethnic identity also culturally determined, and might thus only when it is expressed in practices that leave have come to function as ethnic markers in imprints in the material culture. This makes the encounter with the Greeks. for a “margin of error” in our analyses – for instance, we have no textiles preserved from The Sibaritide region: Timpone della Motta and either Amendolara or Timpone della Motta. Amendolara If ethnic identity was expressed through Starting with the regional context, the clothing in a way that is not reflected in the geographical area of the Sibaritide is formed use of dressing ornaments, pins or fibulae, by the hinterlands of the supposed Achaean then we have no way of detecting it – which, colony of Sybaris,22 the modern-day city if clothing was part of the last maintained of Sibari. The area consists of an almost
15 Jones 1998, 223; Jones 2008, 327; Dietler & Herbich 19 Roslund 2007, 131. 1998, 241. 20 Garrow 2012, 111. 16 Jones 1997, 129. 21 Jones 2007, 52. 17 Ibid. 125; Jones 2007, 53. 22 For an overview of the research on Sybaris, see Pao- 18 Meskell 2007, 30. letti 2010. The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities 11 triangular alluvial plain on the Gulf of Taranto, rapidly, as a large part of the alluvial plain surrounded by the Pollino massif to the north was transformed into the chora of Sybaris in and the Sila mountain chain to the south (Fig. order to feed the growing population of the 1),23 a topography such that the landscape settlement.33 However, as has been noted by of the Sibaritide can be roughly described as Vanzetti, the earliest layers of human activities comprising three zones: mountains, foothills, in the area of Sybaris are covered by several and coastal plain.24 At the time when the metres of sediments and situated up to five indigenous settlements were established metres below sea level.34 With the current state during the Bronze Age, the foothills were of knowledge, it is not possible to draw any favourable locations for settlement: they were conclusions based on the sediment processes easily defensible, and enjoyed the strategic and of the alluvial plains in the area; yet it seems socioeconomic advantages brought by their reasonable to assume that if any human role as a junction in the trade and travel that activities did indeed take place in the plains took place along the river valleys.25 According of the Sibaritide prior to the foundation of to Renato Peroni, the Sibaritide was already Sybaris, their remains would today be buried divided into territories with nucleated sites by under several metres of sedimentation, the Middle Bronze Age.26 However, it seems and would thus be close to impossible to that some of these supposed territories did detect through survey investigations. The not contain a central site in the Middle Bronze accessible material remains still indicate that Age, although a centralised site was established the indigenous settlement pattern underwent later in the Recent Bronze Age. From the rapid changes in the late eighth to early extensive surveys conducted in the area, seventh century BC, as reflected at the large Peter Attema, Gert-Jan Burgers and Martijn Bronze and Iron Age settlements at Torre van Leusen interpret a non-hierarchical Mordillo and Broglio di Trebisacce, for pattern in the Middle Bronze Age;27 a similar example, both of which witnessed a drastic conclusion has been presented by Alessandro decline in the second half of the eighth Vanzetti.28 From the Recent Bronze Age century BC.35 In contrast, a continuation in onwards, the settlement pattern continued its settlement activities is found at Amendolara development towards centralised settlements and Timpone della Motta, although these in the foothills, and a hierarchical system was are not without substantial changes in the likely established during this period, Timpone organisation of the settlements. It is generally della Motta and Amendolara being among accepted that Sybaris came to be the most the nuclear settlements in the region.29 Still, important settlement in the area during the in spite of the fact that a range of survey archaic period,36 and that the indigenous projects have been conducted in the Sibaritide settlements were strongly influenced by region over the years,30 the complete layout Sybaris by the sixth century BC.37 of the habitation pattern is still not known.31 As described in the above, there is no written Based on archaeological finds, it seems that history of these indigenous populations, the coastal plain of the Sibaritide was hardly although a number of later sources describe inhabited when Sybaris was founded in the the ancient inhabitants of Italy, where the last decades of the eighth century BC,32 after territory of the Sibaritide can be determined which the situation seems to have changed as part of the indigenous territory of
23 van Leusen & Attema 2002, 398. preliminary and exploratory surveys, primarily in the 24 Attema et al. 2010, 83. surroundings of Timpone della Motta. From 1997 25 Ibid. 2010, 89. onwards, the Sibaritide has been one of three re- 26 Peroni 1994, 832–872, figs. 227, 229, 232. gions studied in the extensive RPC survey project, 27 Attema et al. 2010, 93. directed by Attema from the Groningen Institute of 28 Vanzetti 2012, 11. Archaeology. For a more comprehensive account, 29 Attema et al. 2010, 93. see van Leusen & Attema 2002; Attema et al. 2010. 30 Archaeological research in the form of surveys has 31 Vanzetti 2012, 24. a long history in the Sibaritide, beginning with the 32 Attema et al. 2010, 89. surveys directed by Lorenzo Quilici in the 1960s. 33 Ibid. 90. A series of surveys were conducted from 1979 34 Vanzetti 2012, 24. onwards by the University of Rome in collaboration 35 Attema et al. 1998, 331. with the Superintendence for Calabria. Since 1991, 36 Attema 2012, 192. the Groningen Institute of Archaeology has made 37 Attema et al. 2010, 121; Jacobsen & Handberg 2010, 11. 12 Sine Grove Saxkjær
Oinotria.38 As the accounts of Oinotria and been sited in the Rione Vecchio area where the the Oinotrians are not only the work of later settlement was situated at the time. This area third-party and distantly connected authors is today superimposed by the modern village, but tend to have a mythical character, they but in connection with construction work cannot be used as valid sources when trying near the medieval church, two sixth-century to establish cultural and ethnic identities miniature cups surfaced, which, according among the indigenous populations.39 Neither to La Genière, could suggest the existence Timpone della Motta or Amendolara appear of a sanctuary that was (presumably still) in in any of the later Greek or Roman sources, use several centuries after the Rione Vecchio whereas Sybaris is mentioned by more than settlement had otherwise been abandoned.49 seventy authors,40 principally Herodotus, Obviously, the basis for this suggestion is Athenaeus, Diodorus Siculus, Pliny the Elder likewise quite untenable. At the current stage and Strabo.41 From these written accounts we of knowledge, it is not possible to draw any know the history of Sybaris, its importance conclusions about the potential connection and wealth, and its destruction. As for Sybaris’ between the mythical site of Lagaria and status in the socioeconomic hierarchy of the Amendora or Timpone della Motta. area, Strabo describes the city as being very In conclusion, the written sources do not powerful in its early days as it ruled over four contribute any insights into the identities of tribes in the neighbourhood and twenty-five the indigenous populations in the Sibaritide subject cities.42 While Timpone della Motta region, as they are neither contemporary nor and Amendolara do not appear directly in written by the indigenous people themselves. the written accounts, both settlements have This renders them inadequate in the study in their own manner been considered as the of cultural and ethnic identities that are mythical site of Lagaria. Marianne Kleibrink constantly evolving and changing. In the cases has connected the worship in the sanctuary of Timpone della Motta and Amendolara, we on Timpone della Motta to the legend of are thus left with the material evidence, where Epeios, and accordingly identified Timpone a rapid shift towards a Greek material style della Motta as Lagaria.43 Epeios was the can be detected in the seventh century BC. carpenter of the Trojan horse, who, after the end of the Trojan War, went to Italy, where Timpone della Motta he founded Lagaria and dedicated his tools This settlement was established on a low in the city’s Athena sanctuary.44 This could hill 280 metres above sea level, with several be consistent with the sanctuary on Timpone plateaux, some of them artificially terraced, della Motta, as we know from an inscription on extending along the left bank of the a sixth-century bronze plate that Athena was Raganello River. Activities were distributed worshipped in the sanctuary.45 However, the between several plateaux: the sanctuary was justification for identifying the site as Lagaria situated on the upper plateau, the habitation is questionable, as has been pointed out by areas on Plateaux I, II and III in addition to Juliette de La Genière on several occasions.46 Area Rovitti on the southern slope, and the On the contrary, La Genière argues, based on Macchiabate necropolis on another plateau Strabo, that Lagaria’s siting between Sybaris east of the sanctuary and the habitation areas and Siris47 is more consistent with the location (Fig. 2). The earliest traces of human activity of Amendolara.48 Still, as yet no Athena date back to the Middle Bronze Age, while the sanctuary has been identified at the site. Yet if main period of activity was from the eighth to the Greek newcomers in the eighth century BC sixth centuries BC.50 Based on the excavated had encountered a sanctuary at Amendolara remains, it seems that the development of that was capable of being connected with the the settlement to some degree stalled in myth of Epeios, that sanctuary would have the seventh century BC, in which very few
38 See Hdt. 1.167; Ps.-Scymn. 246–249; Strab. 6.1.5. 45 Kleibrink 2010, 117–119, fig. 158. 39 Horsnæs 2002, 119. 46 La Genière 2012, 261; La Genière 2010, 227–228. 40 Bullitt 1967, 2. 47 Strab. 6.1.14. 41 Brown 1963, 40. 48 La Genière 2012, 261; La Genière 2010, 230. 42 Strab. 6.1.13. 49 Ibid. 231–232. 43 Kleibrink et al. 2004; Kleibrink 2005. 50 Jacobsen & Handberg 2010, 11. 44 Lycoph. Alex. 930; Strab. 6.1.14. The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities 13 traces of habitation activities and a notable B (datable to the late eighth and early seventh decrease in the number of burials have been centuries BC).57 Since 2009, the University attested. In contrast, the sanctuary seems to of Basel has continued the excavations in have maintained a constant level of activities the Macchiabate necropolis, so far leading to throughout the period,51 which shows that the identification of several tumuli and the the worship in the sanctuary was, at the very excavation of 22 individual burials.58 In 2017, least, regionally based rather than reserved to the excavations were resumed in the sanctuary inhabitants at the site. under the Danish Institute in Rome, focusing Timpone della Motta has been subject to on the south-western end of the sanctuary, extensive excavation for over half a century. where a sixth-century altar has been identified. Paola Zancani Montuoro excavated in the As appears from the above, the various Macchiabate necropolis 1963–69, unearthing building structures on the summit of Timpone approximately 140 tombs arranged in five della Motta are named in accordance with tumuli and dating from the late ninth to the their excavation sequence, not their communal sixth century BC.52 The majority of these chronology (Fig. 3). The structures show burials, approximately ninety, belong to the signs of several building phases, yet their eighth century BC, while the rest are divided chronology is hard to establish. Buildings I– between the seventh and sixth centuries BC.53 III are characterised by a lack of stratigraphy, At the same time as the excavations in the while Building IV remains unpublished. Macchiabate necropolis, excavations were Initially, Buildings I–III were dated to the carried out in the sanctuary by Maria W. Stoop, late sixth–early fifth century BC by Stoop.59 who unearthed Buildings I–III together with The dating was later reinterpreted by Dieter a series of votive deposits.54 Excavations were Mertens and Helmut Schläger, who ascribed also commenced in the habitation areas on the remains of Buildings I and III to two Plateaux II and III, directed by Kleibrink.55 subsequent phases belonging to the seventh During campaigns in 1982 and 1986–87, and sixth century BC,60 and by Kleibrink, Silvana Luppino directed the excavation of who distinguished between four phases of Building IV and related votive deposits on the Building I and two phases of Building II.61 In upper plateau.56 In the 1990s, the Groningen the case of Building V,62 the excavators have Institute of Archaeology continued reconstructed six subsequent phases, dating excavations on Plateaux I and III, as well as from the Middle Bronze Age to the fifth on the upper plateau, where a fifth building century BC.63 In relation to the present article, (Building V) was unearthed. During 2008–10, the phases of Building Vb–Vd are of special the excavations at the plateau were resumed interest: Building Vb was an apsidal timber under the direction of Peter Attema and Jan K. longhouse (8 x 26 m) with postholes dug into Jacobsen, yielding part of an altar, a possible the conglomerate, and in use from the late sixth structure, and several votive deposits in ninth/early eighth century until c. 725 BC. It relation to a large temenos wall. In addition to the was succeeded by Building Vc, a rectangular excavations on the upper plateau, excavations timber building with tripartite interior were further undertaken in Area Rovitti on and postholes dug into the conglomerate the southern slope of Timpone della Motta in bedrock. The building was in use from 2009 and 2010. Two eighth-century huts were c. 725 until c. 650 BC, after which Building discovered, Structure A (datable to the first Vd was erected. This was a rectangular half of the eighth century BC) and Structure building constructed with walls of dried mud
51 Saxkjær & Jacobsen 2014, 269. sen 2013. 52 Zancani Montuoro 1970–1971; Zancani Montuoro 58 Guggisberg et al. 2010; Guggisberg et al. 2011; Gug- 1974–1976; Zancani Montuoro 1977–1979; Zanca- gisberg et al. 2012a; Guggisberg et al. 2013; Guggis- ni Montuoro 1980–1982; Zancani Montuoro 1983– berg et al. 2014; Guggisberg et al. 2015; Guggisberg 1984. et al. 2016. 53 See Saxkjær & Jacobsen 2014. 59 Stoop 1979, 77. 54 Stoop 1972; Stoop 1977; Stoop 1979; Stoop 1980; 60 Mertens & Schläger 1980–1982, 148. Stoop 1983; Stoop 1985; Stoop 1987; Stoop 1988; 61 Kleibrink 2005, 756. Stoop 1989; Stoop 1990. 62 For a thorough examination of Building V, see Sax- 55 Kleibrink 1972; Kleibrink 1976. kjær et al. 2017, 92–96. 56 Luppino 1996. 63 Kleibrink 2006b, 112–113. 57 Jacobsen et al. 2009a; Jacobsen et al. 2009b; Jacob- 14 Sine Grove Saxkjær
Fig. 2. Map of Timpone della Motta (illustration: S. G. Saxkjær, after Jacobsen & Handberg 2010, 12, fig. 1).
Fig. 3. Map of the sanctuary on Timpone della Motta (illustration: S. G. Saxkjær).
Fig. 4. Map of Amendolara (illustration: S. G. Saxkjær). The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities 15 bricks on stone foundation and in use from hill itself, while two large necropolis sites were c. 650–620/615 BC.64 Building V reflects the found on the south-eastern slopes of S. Nicola overall sequence in building techniques used (Fig. 4). The necropolis sites are situated c. 250 throughout the sanctuary: the building phases m apart and separated east-west by a ravine, prior to the middle of the seventh century Canale Traviano. The northern necropolis BC were constructed with wooden posts site is called Mangosa (or Morgetta), while the placed in holes dug into the conglomerate southern necropolis site is called Paladino (or, bedrock, after which the building technique colloquially, Uomo Morto).71 shifted towards wall foundations of stone The ancient site of Amendolara was with mud brick walls. Returning to Building discovered in the 1930s, when agricultural Vc, this seems to have been erected as part of activities in Rione Vecchio brought pottery a large-scale reorganisation of the sanctuary and bronze objects to light.72 Vincenzo in the late eighth century BC which has been Laviola, a local physician, ensured that all interpreted as reflecting a Greek influence, as sporadic finds were collected and stored.73 reflected in the tripartite design of the temple, His private collection is today exhibited in for example.65 Furthermore, contexts related the local museum, the Vincenzo Laviola to Building Vc held the contextual evidence state archaeological museum. During the late for the ending of the matt-painted pottery 1960s, the areas surrounding the modern production, as no contexts dating after c. 680 town of Amendolara were subjected to survey BC contained matt-painted pottery in any investigations, directed by La Genière, which significant amounts.66 led to the discoveries of S. Nicola and the neighbouring necropolis sites. The excavation Amendolara of the Paladino necropolis was carried out In ancient times, activities extended over between 1967 and 1975,74 during which more several plateaux, changing location over time. than 300 burials were exhumed. In addition, The earliest finds stem from the Agliastroso excavation campaigns were conducted in the area (Rione Vecchio) and the neighbouring Mangosa necropolis in 1967, 1974 and 1975, area of S. Cavalcatore, where Iron Age burials unearthing 36 burials.75 In the period 1967–73, have been identified based on sporadic finds. excavations were also carried out on the plateau The latest finds among the material, composed of S. Nicola. La Genière has noted that as little by a few bichrome matt-painted shards, can as ten to fifteen years before the excavation be ascribed to the seventh century BC.67 It were begun, the remains of ancient walls still has further been suggested that the associated occupied the entire surface of the plateau. habitation contexts, which thus date to the Unfortunately, in the intervening period these Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age, are to had been destroyed by agricultural activities. be found in the same area;68 however, if so, At the time of excavation, only the foundation they have been superimposed by the medieval walls remained partly intact. During the village of Amendolara.69 As mentioned in the excavations, it was possible to identify 23 above, in addition, two sixth-century miniature houses. Most of these were simply identified; cups were found during construction work near only a few were systematically excavated.76 the medieval church at Amendolara, hinting at It was, however, possible to establish three later ritual activities in the area.70 On the hill of phases of the settlement, corresponding S. Nicola, situated about 1.5 km north-east of to three different types of construction Rione Vecchio, activities dating to the seventh techniques. Juliette de La Genière and André and sixth centuries BC have been identified, Nickels suggest that the earliest phase should and these constitute the focus of the present be dated prior to the beginning of the sixth article. The habitation areas were situated on the century BC,77 the second to the second quarter
64 Jacobsen & Handberg 2010, 18–41. 71 Ibid. 10. 65 Ibid. 25; Kleibrink et al. 2004, 52. 72 Catanuto 1931; D’Ippolito 1939. 66 Handberg & Jacobsen 2011, 179–180; Jacobsen 73 La Genière 2012, 9. 2007, 100. 74 Ibid. 10. 67 La Genière 1967, 198. 75 La Genière 1980, 309. 68 La Genière 1973, 33, fig. 1. 76 La Genière & Nickels 1975, 486. 69 La Genière 1978, 337; La Genière 1984, 165. 77 Ibid. 483. 70 La Genière 2012, 261. 16 Sine Grove Saxkjær of the sixth century BC, and the latest to the Judging from our current state of knowledge, end of the sixth century BC.78 the settlement at S. Nicola had a rather short lifespan, covering the period from the late seventh to the late sixth century BC. However, Cultural encounters at Timpone della Motta and La Genière argues that the people who once Amendolara inhabited the area of Rione Vecchio were the Recent excavations at Timpone della Motta same as those who founded the settlement on have challenged the traditional understanding the hill of S. Nicola. She further connects the of Greek–indigenous encounters at the site. relocation of the settlement with the prosperity While interpretations used to centre on the of Siris and Sybaris, which presumably drew role of the Greeks following the founding the indigenous population closer towards the of Sybaris in relation to a “hard” or “soft” Greek centres.86 From the very beginning, colonisation of the site,79 the excavations in La Genière has argued that Amendolara was Area Rovitti have shown that Euboean settlers an indigenous site, although not excluding were already present at the site from the first the possibility of a Greek presence.87 The half of the eighth century BC onwards, and interpretation that there was a profound clay analyses have confirmed that pottery Greek influence on Amendolara is based on in a Euboean material style was produced the material culture, which encompasses large at the site.80 This pottery has been labelled amounts of Greek and Greek-style pottery, in ‘Oinotrian–Euboean’ by the excavators, who addition to the presumed Greek construction have stressed that the term refers only to the technique of the houses.88 Furthermore, geographical location of production within among more than a thousand loom weights the Oinotrian territory, not to an indigenous collected at the hill of S. Nicola, four are stylistic component.81 The pottery was found adorned with Greek (Achaean) letters. La in the sanctuary prior to the identification of Genière interprets these names as attesting the habitation contexts and a potential craft the presence of Greeks who had established area in Area Rovitti; however, it accounts for themselves in the settlement of Amendolara, less than one per cent of the total pottery where they conducted craft activities among assemblage from Building Vb and Vc, the indigenous population.89 Based on the whereas the majority of the contemporary material evidence, Greeks are likely to have material was composed by matt-painted been present at the site at least throughout the and impasto pottery.82 Likewise, only a few sixth century BC until it was abandoned. burials in the Macchiabate necropolis contain Having outlined the context of the Oinotrian–Euboean pottery.83 The new Sibaritide as well as of Timpone della Motta data from Area Rovitti shows that the initial and Amendolara, I will in the following cultural encounter between Greeks and the focus on two categories of patterns within indigenous population did not take place in the material culture over time, related to the connection with the founding of Sybaris, but emergence and marking of indigenous ethnic that there was in fact coexistence between identities at the two sites. The first category the indigenous population and Euboean is linked to the material patterns within the immigrants from the first half of the eighth production of pottery; the other is linked to century onwards.84 Still, the influence of practices within funerary rituals. Sybaris became increasingly pronounced later on, as the sanctuary on Timpone della Motta Patterns in pottery style and production seems to have been controlled by Sybaris Material styles of matt-painted pottery from the second half of the seventh century A typology and relative chronology of the onwards.85 matt-painted pottery of South Italy was Turning to Amendolara, the role of Greek developed by Douwe Yntema,90 whose work settlers among the local population is less clear. is partly based on previous contributions on
78 Ibid. 495. 85 Jacobsen & Handberg 2010, 11. 79 Kleibrink 2001, 33–70; Vanzetti 2009, 179–202. 86 La Genière 1967, 208. 80 Jacobsen & Handberg 2012, 705. 87 Ibid. 207; La Genière 1969, 84. 81 Jacobsen et al. 2009a, 90. 88 La Genière 2012, 260. 82 Jacobsen 2013, 3. 89 La Genière 1991b, 65; La Genière 2012, 260. 83 Jacobsen & Handberg 2012, 706. 90 Yntema 1990. 84 Jacobsen 2013, 20. The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities 17 the subject by Alastair Small91 and Ettore The pottery continued to be hand-made and De Juliis.92 According to Yntema, the matt- matt-painted with a monochrome decoration, painted pottery from Amendolara resembles but each region developed its own distinctive West Lucanian Ware closely enough to be style of decoration and shapes.98 Both West considered a local variation of the style, Lucanian and Crati Style developed during whereas the matt-painted pottery from the first quarter of the eighth century BC.99 Timpone della Motta is decidedly different in At Timpone della Motta, C14 analyses regard to shape and decoration. Yntema has have so far dated the earliest production of suggested that the matt-painted pottery from matt-painted pottery to the second part of Timpone della Motta should be ascribed to the ninth century BC; they have also dated Crati Ware, a matt-painted style related to West substantial changes within the production to Lucanian Ware.93 When Yntema published the middle of the eighth century BC.100 The his book in 1990, the matt-painted pottery various regional styles in Southern Italy show of Timpone della Motta and Amendolara a range of features in common until the late was known only from a limited number of eighth/early seventh century BC, after which fragments. This corpus has since increased: they become increasingly individualised.101 in the case of Amendolara, La Genière Concurrently, the use of bichrome decoration published the western part of the Paladino emerges around 700 BC.102 necropolis in 2012, while four recent volumes Herring has convincingly related the present parts of the matt-painted pottery changes within matt-painted pottery from the sanctuary on Timpone della Motta.94 production to cultural and social changes A complete understanding of the chronology, in the contemporary society. The growing provenance and stylistic development of these individualisation of the various regional styles matt-painted wares is still lacking. Because in the late eighth/early seventh century BC103 some of the closely related matt-painted can be seen in connection with the region’s wares can be hard to distinguish based on increasing involvement in Mediterranean trade stylistic appearance alone, future studies on from the late ninth century BC onwards.104 the material in question would benefit from Additionally, Herring links the heightened conducting archaeometric analyses to aid the regionalisation to the arrival of the Greeks, distinction between local productions and which further increased the competition imports from neighbouring sites and other for resources and thereby prompted “the South Italian regions. awareness of cultural identity”.105 This The production of matt-painted pottery reading of the material is in concordance with in Southern Italy began sometime around the theoretical framework presented in the the middle of the eleventh century BC,95 present article, in the sense that in situations and it did not undergo any radical changes of social tension – such as competition for in manufacturing technique throughout its land or ecological resources – certain cultural duration. It is generally characterised by elements can be emphasised in order to create being hand-made by coiling technique and well-defined boundaries, outwardly as well as with a matt-painted decoration, although in internally. However, what Herring determines some cases a slow wheel (turntable) might as “the awareness of cultural identity” is here have been used.96 The matt-painted pottery defined as the emergence of ethnic identities. remained largely uniform throughout the In addition, the fact that the emergence of regions of Southern Italy, classified as South these regional styles can be traced back to the Italian Protogeometric and South Italian Early early eighth century BC – and possibly even Geometric,97 until the late ninth/early eighth further back in time, as the South Italian Early century BC, when regional styles emerged. Geometric Ware already shows some evidence
91 Small 1971. 98 Yntema 1990, 111. 92 De Juliis 1977. 99 Herring 1998, 161; Yntema 1990, 311. 93 Yntema 1990, 311. 100 Masci 2016, 76. 94 Kleibrink et al. 2012; Kleibrink et al. 2013; Kleibrink 101 Herring 1998, 162, 171. 2015a; Kleibrink 2015b. 102 Bellamy 2013, fig. 3; Yntema 1990, 135. 95 Yntema 1990, 23. 103 Herring 1998, 162. 96 Herring 1998, 37. 104 Ibid. 25. 97 Ibid. 39. 105 Ibid. 165. 18 Sine Grove Saxkjær of regional variation106 – indicates that the the burials in the Paladino and Mangosa germ of the various regional styles derives necropolis sites did contain, in addition to from the period before the increased contact imported Greek pottery, matt-painted and with Greek culture. This in turn implies that what seem to be locally produced Greek-style the matt-painted pottery was already being vessels. La Genière describes both productions used to create material boundaries between the as being of local clay.111 From this, it seems various indigenous peoples and settlements fair to assume that both matt-painted and prior to the arrival of the Greeks. In other Greek-style pottery were manufactured at words, there is a precedent for emphasising Amendolara, although the two productions ethnic boundaries within this type of material could have taken place in different workshops. culture (matt-painted pottery). What is An interesting observation which can be more, this underlines the existence of social made in relation to the pottery production tension, not only between the indigenous and in Amendolara is the adoption of the wheel Greek populations, but between the various technique into the indigenous potters’ indigenous populations along the Ionian manufacturing process, which took place coastline. sometime during the sixth century BC, if not Needless to say, the contexts of production earlier. This phenomenon can be observed are central to the changes and continuities for example in relation to the characteristic within the pottery styles, as the styles emerge narrow-necked jugs, of which one example from differences in culturally determined is found in T.215 (Fig. 5). La Genière does practice. In the following section, I will look not comment on the use of wheel technique at the archaeological evidence for the pottery within the matt-painted pottery production, production, and its importance in relation but she refers to the shape of these wheel- to detecting the establishment of a shared turned jugs as resembling that found among cultural framework and material culture across the indigenous matt-painted vessels.112 The ethnic groups in the archaeological remains. same goes for elements within the decoration such as the vertical strokes and arrows on the Contexts of production body, and the characteristic band composed by At Amendolara, the remains of at least three two parallel wavy lines framed by horizontal pottery kilns were discovered at the S. Nicola lines placed above the vertical strokes and plateau.107 Juliette de La Genière and André arrows (Fig. 6a-b). In fact, several fragments Nickels have been able to date two of the kilns which seem to originate from Amendolara to the earliest phase of the occupation, i.e. the have surfaced from the acropolis of Timpone late seventh century BC.108 The material from della Motta. One example is found in the form the S. Nicola plateau remains unpublished; of two joining body fragments (Fig. 7) from however, based on the preliminary reports context SM US 73, dating to the sixth century it seems that pottery production continued BC. The fragments belong to a narrow-necked throughout the sixth century BC, situated in jug which closely resembles those found in the close proximity to more than twenty identified Paladino necropolis (Fig. 6a-b).113 It is clear house structures.109 In addition, based on from the fragments that this narrow-necked the findings of hundreds of loom weights, a jug was indeed wheel-turned. The use of the concurrent extensive textile production was wheel technique in the sixth-century matt- likewise taking place in the area.110 As the painted pottery production at Amendolara material from the kilns remains unpublished, points to a close contact between the two it is not possible to establish the material style productions in order for this technical skill to of pottery produced at S. Nicola. However, have been adopted by the indigenous potters.
106 Ibid. 158; Yntema 1990, 36. viously been published in Masci 2016, 394–396 107 Handberg & Pace 2005, 43. (FMM 32br; FMM 33br; FMM 34br), 420 (FMM 108 La Genière & Nickels 1975, 482. 12tv). Additional wheel-made matt-painted frag- 109 Ibid. 486. ments, most likely imported from Amendolara, 110 La Genière 1978, 351. were among the repatriated material from the J. 111 La Genière 1971, 468. Paul Getty Museum in Malibu, the Institut für Klas- 112 Ibid. 468. sische Archäologie in Bern and the Ny Carlsberg 113 Additional fragments from similar jugs unearthed Glyptotek in Copenhagen, see Kleibrink 2008a, at the summit of Timpone della Motta have pre- 196–197 (III.76-III.78). The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities 19
Fig. 5. Narrow-necked jug from T.215, Paladino Necropolis, Amendolara (illustration: S. G. Saxkjær, after La Genière 2012, 129, fig. 1).
Fig. 6. A. Narrow-necked jug from T.203, Paladino Necropolis, Amendolara; B. Narrow-necked jug from T.205, Paladino necropolis, Amendolara (illustration by S. G. Saxkjær, after La Genière 2012, 120, fig. 1; 121, fig. 8). 20 Sine Grove Saxkjær
pottery were made from the same clay, and which further connect the clay to deposits close to present-day Lauropoli,118 there can be no doubt that productions of respectively Oinotrian–Euboean and matt-painted pottery took place concurrently at the site. At Timpone della Motta, some elements of the production, such as the extraction of clay, seem to have stemmed from a shared practice, although judging from its compactness and texture the clay subsequently underwent a different treatment. So far, we know of three indigenous shapes – the biconical urn, the scodella and the attingitoio119 – that were Fig. 7. Fragments of narrow-necked jug, context SM incorporated into the Oinotrian–Euboean US 73, Timpone della Motta (Photo: S. G. Saxkjær). repertoire, a development that could be read as a sign of exchange between the two productions. The indigenous potters did not At Timpone della Motta, a workshop adopt any Greek shapes into the repertoire of has been identified in Area Rovitti on the matt-painted pottery, whereas a few attempts southern slope of the hill. The production to produce skyphoi and kotylai in the impasto is attested by several kiln fragments, test production have been attested.120 From our pieces, and misfired pottery.114 So far, there current state of knowledge, in contrast to are no signs of a production of matt-painted the matt-painted production at Amendolara, pottery taking place within the Oinotrian– the wheel technique was never adopted into Euboean workshop. However, during the the indigenous production of matt-painted excavation of the Macchiabate necropolis, and impasto pottery at Timpone della Motta. Zancani Montuoro discovered kiln fragments It is, however, still possible to see a Greek incorporated into the Cerchio Reale tumulus115 stylistic influence within the final stages of the which led her to suggest that the necropolis matt-painted production at the site. Thapsos- site covers an earlier craft area.116 However, like panels, lozenges and the hourglass are as this craft area would have been almost motifs within the matt-painted repertoire, contemporary with the necropolis site, this influenced by the Oinotrian–Euboean or interpretation seems unlikely. Since the tumuli imported Corinthian pottery.121 A matt- in the Macchiabate necropolis are composed painted bichrome olletta (Fig. 8) from context by river stones, the kiln fragments could have AC22A.11 (Building Vc), dating to the early been collected together with the stones on the seventh century BC, displays a panel that with banks of the Raganello river and used in the its combination of vertical lines and lozenges construction of the Cerchio Reale tumulus. bear some resemblance to those found on the Accordingly, Jan K. Jacobsen, Gloria P. Mittica imported Thapsos and locally produced Sub- and Søren Handberg have suggested that the Thapsos pottery.122 kiln fragments stem from another (and perhaps earlier) craft area than that in Area Rovitti. This The emergence and blurring of ethnic boundaries in craft area could have been situated near the material style river, further east and closer to the necropolis The matt-painted pottery provides insights site than the Area Rovitti workshop.117 Based both into the emergence of ethnic identities on clay analyses which have established that and into the gradual blurring of ethnic the Oinotrian–Euboean and matt-painted boundaries as expressed in the form
114 Jacobsen 2013; Jacobsen & Handberg 2012; Jacob- scodella, see Jacobsen 2013, 4, fig. 1. For the Oi- sen et al. 2009a; Jacobsen et al. 2009b. notrian–Euboean attingitoio, see Guggisberg et al. 115 Zancani Montuoro 1977–1979, tav. XVb. 2012b, 6, Fig. 6a; Kleibrink et al. 2012, 55, cat. 15. 116 Zancani Montuoro 1974–1976, 106. 120 Colelli & Jacobsen 2013, 62–64. 117 Jacobsen et al. 2009b, 91. 121 Jacobsen & Handberg 2012, 703. 118 Jacobsen & Handberg 2012, 705. 122 On Sub-Thapsos pottery from Timpone della Mot- 119 For the Oinotrian–Euboean biconical urn and ta, see Saxkjær forthcoming. The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities 21
Fig. 8. Matt-painted bichrome olletta, AC22A.11, Timpone della Motta (illustration by S. G. Saxkjær, after Kleibrink 2006a, 28, fig. 7). of material style. The development and Timpone della Motta. We can even detect some enhancement of local styles within the matt- aspects of this gradual process reflected in painted production reflect each community’s the archaeological remains, for example in the emerging awareness of its own culture, above-mentioned shared use of clay deposit prompted by the increasing social tension in from an early stage in the Greek–indigenous the eighth century BC. That a matt-painted coexistence at the site. What is more, it is production was maintained even after the clear that a shared material culture did not years of coexistence with Greek culture and evolve overnight, nor was it forced upon the a distinctly different material style underlines indigenous populations. On the contrary, we this ethnic awareness. From taking this for see several generations of coexistence at the granted as the natural way of producing sites before this phenomenon becomes visible. pottery, the indigenous populations gradually At Timpone della Motta, Euboeans settled became aware of the underlying culturally during the first half of the eighth century determined choices within the production. BC, roughly one century before the matt- The phenomenon played out differently at painted production ceased. At Amendolara, the two sites: matt-painted production came Greeks are likely to have been present at the to an end c. 680 BC at Timpone della Motta, site throughout the sixth century BC until its whereas it continued throughout the seventh abandonment, which coincides with the end and sixth centuries BC at Amendolara, of the matt-painted production. Thus, again, where the wheel technique was adopted. At the distinct material styles survived about a Timpone della Motta, it seems that during the century of Greek–indigenous coexistence. early seventh century BC, the Greek material style lost its “Greek” meaning just as the need Patterns in funerary practices to establish ethnic boundaries through the As is apparent from the above, the shift in the matt-painted pottery style disappeared. The material style of the indigenous populations indigenous and the Greek inhabitants came can be explained by the emergence of to share the same cultural framework, and the a cultural identity shared across ethnic locally produced Greek-style pottery became groups, reflected most prominently in the part of the unconscious life-pattern of the archaeological record at Timpone della people of different origins who inhabited Motta, where the production of matt-painted 22 Sine Grove Saxkjær pottery disappeared completely. However, it vessels now begin to appear. At Amendolara, can be difficult to determine whether ethnic where the burials in the Mangosa and Paladino boundaries had become completely blurred necropolis sites belong to the seventh and by this point in time or whether the different sixth centuries, Greek-style, imported Greek, ethnic identities still existed. The marking of and indigenous matt-painted pottery are used ethnicities could very well have been taking side by side throughout the two centuries. place in ways that left less clear, less tangible If we look beyond the question of material imprints in the archaeological record than style to the functional aspect of the pottery those left by material style.123 This is where in combination with the depositions in the the identification of past practices becomes burials, it is possible to detect a reoccurring important. Patterns in the depositing set of vessels across the timespan of the three of material culture can reflect culturally necropolis sites in the form of a cup and a determined past practices, practices that, container (Figs. 9-10).125 At Timpone della again, could have become ethnic markers in the Motta (Fig. 9), an olla and an attingitoio make encounter with other groups. This approach up the most frequent set of vessels in the enables us to identify continuity in indigenous eighth century BC, while in the later part of practice beyond shifts in material culture, the century the olla is often replaced by a jug. in so far as we can identify indigenous, yet During the seventh and sixth centuries BC, the culturally determined ways of using material set of vessels continues to occur, although in culture executed in a Greek material style. a new material style in the form of a skyphos Burials are among the most easily accessible in combination with a jug, oinochoe or hydria. contexts in which to seek to establish significant At Amendolara (Fig. 10), we see a similar set patterns in the depositing of material culture of vessels comprising a skyphos and a narrow- over time. Naturally, we cannot know how the necked or wide-mouthed jug throughout the objects within the grave goods were used prior seventh and sixth centuries BC. In other words, to the placing in the burial. The burial does, there is a clear continuity across the timespan however, represent a so-called closed context, of the necropolis sites – and thereby over a complete unit of objects (although without several generations – in the funerary practice any perishable material) which was deposited related to the various attested sets of vessels. on purpose. In other words, we have the full Further, it is possible to observe local variations picture of a social situation, although only of in addition to establishing variations over time, its final stage. We should bear in mind that the e.g. at Timpone della Motta, where at some identity displayed in the final resting place is point the jug replaces the olla as the prevailing often manipulated – or, as Ian Hodder once shape. In addition, Greek or Greek-style vessels put it, “In death people often become what are incorporated into the funerary practice at they have not been in life”.124 Still, I argue that both sites, replacing the matt-painted vessels. if we look beyond the personal representation At Timpone della Motta, the indigenous cup, of the deceased and the expression of social the attingitoio, is replaced by Greek drinking status and wealth, it is possible to recognise cups in the seventh and sixth centuries BC, past practices connected to the culturally whereas the skyphos is the prevailing cup type determined funerary rituals that might have already from the earliest burials at Amendolara, come to function as ethnic markers in the where the attingitoio is rarely deposited in the encounter with other groups. Paladino and Mangosa necropolis sites. La An example of such a past practice can Genière suspects that the skyphos replaced the be deduced from the burials at Timpone indigenous cup,126 although no burials dating della Motta and Amendolara. In the sphere to the previous period have yet been identified of funerary gifts, the general picture is that other than from surface finds. at Timpone della Motta the ceramics consist However, this is not to say that the during the eighth century BC mainly of indigenous burial rites at the sites were matt-painted vessels, after which the overall unaffected by coexistence with the Greeks. situation changes with the shift in material While a continuity in indigenous funerary style, and Greek-style and imported Greek rituals can be argued, a number of changes
123 Herring 2009, 125. 2014, 270–271. 124 Hodder 1982, 201. 126 La Genière 2012, 250. 125 La Genière 2012, 250–255; Saxkjær & Jacobsen The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities 23
Fig. 9. The three diagrams show the percentage of datable burials (divided between centuries) in the Macchiabate necropolis that includes the identified set of vessels formed by a cup and a container (illustration by S. G. Saxkjær, sources: Zancani Montuoro 1970-1971; 1974-1976; 1977-1979; 1980-1982; 1983-1984; Guggisberg et al. 2010; 2011; 2012a; 2013; 2014; 2015; 2016).
Fig. 10. The six diagrams show the percentage of datable burials (divided between centuries) from the necropolis sites at Amendolara that includes the identified set of vessels formed by a cup and a container. The leftmost row shows the percentwise distribution among the burials in the Paladino necropolis, the central row in the Mangosa necropolis, and the rightmost row of diagrams shows the percentwise distribution among the burials from both necropolis sites (illustration by S. G. Saxkjær, sources: La Genière 1973; 1980; 2012). 24 Sine Grove Saxkjær can likewise be attested across the indigenous necropolis sites have been interpreted as being necropolis sites. Greek vessel shapes which are arranged after lineage, kinship or in so-called unparalleled in the indigenous repertoire were family “clusters”127 closely related to cultural introduced among funerary goods during the and ethnic identity as well as to an awareness seventh and sixth centuries BC. An example of the past. This ascription is based on the is the deposition of oil containers (aryballoi, arrangement of the burials and the layout alabastra, lekythoi and amphoriskoi), which of the necropolis sites. In the Macchiabate indicates a new element in the funerary practice. necropolis, there are very few examples of Another change which occurs around the same ancient disturbances of the burials within the time is the decrease in the quantity of bronze tumuli, a feature that has been linked to respect and iron ornaments and tools in the burials. At for previous generations and for ancestors.128 Timpone della Motta, there is a rapid decrease However, an ancient disturbance did take after the end of the eighth century BC, while place in T.23, where a sixth-century burial the depositing of metal objects continues at disrupted an eighth-century burial. Still, the Amendolara, although more sporadically from eighth-century skeleton was not removed; on the second half of the seventh century BC the contrary, a skyphos and an amphoriskos onwards. However, this could be a change that were placed next to the first occupant of the was triggered not by the increasing contact burial.129 with Greek culture, but perhaps by changes in Another phenomenon that could be linked the display of social status or wealth within the to an awareness of and respect for the past indigenous society. is the case of the Tomba della Strada (Strada Returning to the reoccurring set of vessels 1), which is an isolated burial. It seems that and its relation to ethnic identity, the argument although this tomb was situated in a central is that prior to the arrival of the Greeks, the position in the necropolis site, no other burial practice of depositing these specific vessels in mounds were placed in its immediate proximity. combination is part of the unconscious life- Moreover, it was never superimposed by later pattern – the “natural” practice in relation burials.130 Kleibrink compares Strada 1 with the to funerary rituals. However, as it continued Cerchio Reale tumulus: she believes that the beyond the Greeks’ arrival, and even beyond tumuli were originally family mounds, designed the transition from matt-painted to Greek or to reflect the hierarchy and power relations of Greek-style pottery, the funerary practice in the indigenous society. Kleibrink interprets itself becomes an ethnic marker. Moreover, Strada 1 as belonging to an important member the variations within the practice that can be of an elite family that later lost its influence attested prior to the incorporation of Greek and power. As a consequence, the tumulus and Greek-style pottery – as identified by never grew beyond its first burial.131 However, the differing prevalence and/or predominant if the family had indeed lost its status, it is combination of olla, jug, askos or biconical worth considering, as pointed out by Martin urn, together with an attingitoio or impasto A. Guggisberg, whether it is not more likely cup – themselves show different traditions that the tomb would then have been forgotten and local indigenous identities, as can also be and subsequently superimposed or erased.132 established by the different local styles of the Kleibrink has compared the shape of Strada matt-painted pottery. 1 to that of indigenous apsidal huts,133 which would suggest the landscape of the dead The importance of a shared past mirroring that of the living. However, this Another important feature related to ethnicity comparison is very speculative: the only is the notion of a shared past, a common contemporary hut with a preserved plan is history. Staying within the funerary sphere, that of Building Vb on the upper plateau of this is yet another element that we can discern Timpone della Motta, a fragile basis for such at Amendolara and Timpone della Motta. an interpretation. Still, based on the large burial The Macchiabate (Timpone della Motta) and mounds that characterise the Macchiabate the Paladino and Mangosa (Amendolara) necropolis and that stood untouched for
127 See e.g. Zancani Montuoro 1983–1984, 49; Klei- 130 Guggisberg 2014, 158. brink 2004, 55–56. 131 Kleibrink 2004, 74. 128 La Genière 1991a, 155. 132 Guggisberg 2014, 158. 129 Ibid. 157; Zancani Montuoro 1983–1984, 66–69. 133 Kleibrink 2004, 59, 74; Kleibrink 2008b, 4. The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities 25 generations after they went out of use, it is as heirlooms, as they have been found in clear that there was a respect for and awareness contexts that are decades removed from the of the past and past generations. In this sense time of their manufacture.141 Based on these the Macchiabate necropolis was a landscape observations, I suggest that the inscription on of remembrance.134 In the Paladino necropolis the Amendolara loom weights could be seen at Amendolara, likewise, respect for older in relation to the importance of family and burials has been attested. In two cases, it lineage. Naturally, it is not possible to know seems that older burials were accidentally whether these loom weights were heirlooms, disturbed by new ones and the grave goods or intended as such, but their marking with of the disturbed burial were carefully collected Greek names indicates the importance of the and moved to a new position in the burial owner’s origin. (T.291 and T.315). Moreover, La Genière has suggested that amber beads that had belonged Concluding remarks to earlier, erased tombs were deposited in Both at Timpone della Motta and at new ones (T.161 and T.176).135 Their position Amendolara, it is clear that the indigenous in the new burials, where the beads did not populations maintained an indigenous ethnic adorn the deceased, indicate that the beads did identity even after generations of coexistence not belong to the occupant of the burial.136 with Greeks and the gradual emergence Another potential sign of an awareness of of a shared cultural identity across the two the past is found among the metal ornaments ethnic groups. In the above, I have focused in the Paladino necropolis. It is noted that on contexts related to pottery production the bronze jewellery in the earliest seventh- and funerary rituals. However, an interesting century burials is of a typical Iron Age type observation can be made if we look at the and date prior to the vessels within these distribution of Oinotrian–Euboean pottery burials.137 The presence of heirlooms in the among the various eighth-century social seventh-century burials marks the importance contexts at Timpone della Motta. While of lineage; moreover, La Genière interprets considerable amounts of matt-painted and the occurrence of older jewellery as indicating impasto pottery were discovered in Area a connection with the previous settlement in Rovitti, only a few Euboean-style vessels Rione Vecchio.138 have so far been found in the Macchiabate In relation to lineage and the remembrance necropolis, apart from a few Euboean-style of the past in the case of Amendolara, I wish shards in the habitation contexts on Plateau I. briefly to draw attention to another element, It therefore seems fair to conclude that in the although it is not related to an indigenous eighth century BC the use of the Oinotrian– ethnic identity: the four sixth-century loom Euboean pottery among the indigenous weights with Greek names. According to population was limited, even though the Linn Foxhall, loom weights were prised two communities had lived side by side for possessions among women, despite having generations. In contrast, the visibly larger no great inherent value. This understanding amounts of Euboean-style pottery within the is further supported by the dedication of sanctuary could indicate a larger degree of loom weights in ritual contexts as well as in cooperation between the two groups within burials, as seen at Timpone della Motta and the ritual context – or, alternatively, to the Amendolara. Moreover, in some cases, loom material style losing significance earlier in the weights could be marked with stamps made sphere of offerings to the gods. This could by seals, metal ornaments or fingerprints.139 support a situational importance of ethnicity. In the Metapontino area, Foxhall has shown I find it convincing that the importance of that the loom weights, as well as the seals, indigenous ethnicity had a long – perhaps travelled over large distances, most likely due even the longest – duration within funerary to the movement of women in relation to contexts. Aside from the fact that it is possible marriage.140 The loom weights also functioned to detect a culturally determined practice
134 Bradley 2002, 33. 138 Ibid. 244. 135 La Genière 2012, 242. 139 Foxhall 2013, 110. 136 Ibid. 84, 99. 140 Foxhall 2011, 545–347. 137 Ibid. 243. 141 Quercia & Foxhall 2014, 72. 26 Sine Grove Saxkjær which became an ethnic marker across several of a given practice. By contrast, other types centuries and across the shift in material style, of past practice can be more difficult to attest this interpretation is further supported by the in the archaeological record, because they do fact that ethnic identities are closely tied to not involve the manufacture of a tangible imagined or real kinship, and that it is precisely product. Even so, I find this latter approach kinship and the notion of ancestors that are to be the most promising in the attempt to central elements in the funerary landscape. identify ethnic identities, because it allows us In this article I have attempted to present to do so over and above any shift or change in several different approaches to identifying material style. ethnic markers in the archaeological record. In the practice of pottery production, we have the final product to analyse in terms of technique, manufacture, shape, and Sine Grove Saxkjær, PhD decoration, all of which concretise the various Postdoc, Accademia di Danimarca underlying and culturally determined choices [email protected]
BIBLIOGRAPHY Antonaccio, C. M. Attema, P. A. J. et al. 2001 “Ethnicity and Colonization”. In: Malkin, I. 2010 Regional Pathways to Complexity. Settlement and (ed.), Ancient Perceptions of Greek Ethnicity, Cam- Land-Use Dynamics in Early Italy from the Bronze bridge, 113-157. Age to the Republican Period, Amsterdam.
Antonaccio, C. M. Bellamy, C. 2003 “Hybridity and the Cultures within Greek Cul- 2013 “La céramique indigène décorée de l’Italie mé- ture”. In: Dougherty, C. & Kurke, L. (eds.), The ridionale à l’âge du Fer: matériau datant ou à Cultures within Greek Culture: Contact, Conflict, Col- dater? Réflexions sur le cas de l’Incoronata près laboration, Cambridge, 57-74. de Métaponte”, Annales de Janua. Actes des journées d’études, 1.
la I età del ferro”, Notizie degli scavi di antichità Guggisberg, M. A. et al. 1931, 654-655. 2013 “Basler Ausgrabungen in Francavilla Marittima (Kalabrien). Bericht über die Kampagne 2012”, Ciaceri, E. Antike Kunst 56, 62-71. 1924-1932 Storia della Magna Grecia, vol. I-III, Milano. Guggisberg, M. A. et al. Colelli, C. & Jacobsen, J. K. 2014 “Basler Ausgrabungen in Francavilla Marittima 2013 Excavation on Timpone della Motta 1991-2004. II: (Kalabrien). Bericht über die Kampagne 2013”, The Iron Age Impasto Pottery, Bari. Antike Kunst 57, 78-91.
De Juliis, E. M. Guggisberg, M. A. et al. 1977 La ceramica geometrica della Daunia, Firenze. 2015 “Basler Ausgrabungen in Francavilla Marittima (Kalabrien). Bericht über die Kampagne 2014”, Dietler, M. & Herbich, I. Antike Kunst 58, 97-110. 1998 “Habitus, Techniques, Style: An Integrated Ap- proach to the Social Understanding of Material Guggisberg, M. A. et al. Culture and Boundaries”. In: Stark, M. (ed.), 2016 “Basler Ausgrabungen in Francavilla Marittima The Archaeology of Social Boundaries, Washington, (Kalabrien). Bericht über die Kampagne 2015”, 232-263. Antike Kunst 59, 53-65.
D’Ippolito, G. Handberg, S. & Jacobsen, J. K. 1939 “Amendolara. Zona Archeologica”, Notizie degli 2011 “Greek or Indigenous? From Potsherd to Iden- scavi di antichità 1939, 368-369. tity in Early Colonial Encounters”. In: Gleba, M. & Horsnæs, H. W. (eds.), Communicating Identi- Foxhall, L. ty in Italic Iron Age Communities, Oxford, 177-196. 2011 “The loom weights”. In: Carter, C. & Prieto, A. (eds.), The Chora of Metaponto 3: The Archaeological Handberg, S. & Pace, R. Survey Bradano to Basento, vol. 2, Austin, 539-554. 2005 “Le case arcaiche di Francavilla, Amendolara e Sibari: Nuove prospettive di ricerca”, Atti gior- Foxhall, L. nata archeologica francavillese IV, 39-46. 2013 Studying Gender in Classical Antiquity, Cambridge. Herring, E. Garrow, D. 1998 Explaining Change in the Matt-Painted Pottery of 2012 “Odd Deposits and Average Practice: A Critical Southern Italy. Social and Cultural Explanations for History of the Concept of Structured Deposi- Ceramic Development from the 11th to the 4th centuries tion”, Archaeological Dialogues 19/2, 85-115. B.C. (British Archaeological Reports, International Se- ries 722), Oxford. Guggisberg, M. A. 2014 “The Macchiabate Necropolis in Francavilla Herring, E. Marittima (Calabria): Some Preliminary Notes 2009 “Ethnicity and Culture”. In: Erskine, A. (ed.), A on the Recent Excavations by the University of Companion to Ancient History, Chichester, 123-133. Basel”, Caeculus 8, 153-167. Hodder, I. Guggisberg, M. A. et al. 1982 Symbols in Action, Cambridge. 2010 “Basler Ausgrabungen in Francavilla Marittima (Kalabrien). Bericht über die Kampagne 2009”, Horden, P. & Purcell, N. Antike Kunst 53, 101-113. 2000 The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean His- tory, Oxford. Guggisberg, M. A. et al. 2011 “Basler Ausgrabungen in Francavilla Marittima Horsnæs, H. W. (Kalabrien). Bericht über die Kampagne 2010”, 2002 The Cultural Development in North Western Lucania Antike Kunst 54, 62-70. c. 600-273 BC, Roma.
Guggisberg, M. A. et al. Hylland Eriksen, T. 2012a “Basler Ausgrabungen in Francavilla Marittima 2010 Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspec- (Kalabrien). Bericht über die Kampagne 2011, tives, London & New York. Antike Kunst 55, 100-111. Jacobsen, J. K. Guggisberg, M. A. et al. 2007 Greek Pottery on the Timpone della Motta and the 2012b “Gli scavi dell’università di Basilea nella ne- Sibaritide c. 780 to 620 BC. Reception, distribution, cropoli Enotria di Francavilla Marittima”, Bol- and an evaluation of Greek pottery as a source mate- lettino d’arte 15, 1-18. rial for the study of Greek influence before and after 28 Sine Grove Saxkjær
the founding of ancient Sybaris. PhD dissertation, Kleibrink, M. Groningen University. 1976 “Abitato sull’altipiano meridionale della Mot- ta”, Atti e memorie della Società Magna Grecia 15-17 Jacobsen, J. K. (1974-1976), 169-174. 2013 “Consumption and Production of Greek Pot- tery in the Sibaritide during the 8th Century Kleibrink, M. BC.”. In: Rathje, A. et al. (eds.), Vessels and Vari- 2001 “The Search for Sybaris: an Evaluation of His- ety: New Perspectives on Ancient Pottery (Acta Hyper- torical and Archaeological Evidence”, Bulletin borea 13), Copenhagen, 1-24. antieke beschaving 76, 33-70.
Jacobsen, J. K. & Handberg, S. Kleibrink, M. 2010 Excavation on the Timpone della Motta, Francavilla 2004 “Towards an Archaeology of Oinotria, Obser- Marittima (1992-2004). I: The Greek Pottery, Bari. vations on Indigenous Patterns of Religion and Settlement in the Coastal Plain of Sybaris (Cal- Jacobsen, J. K. & Handberg, S. abria)”. In: Attema, P. A. J. (ed.), Centralization, 2012 “A Greek Enclave at the Iron Age Settlement Early Urbanization and Colonization in First Mil- of Timpone della Motta”. In: Alle origini della lennium BC Italy and Greece, Part 1: Italy (Bulletin Magna Grecia: mobilita, migrazioni, fondazioni (Atti antieke beschaving Supplementa 9), Leuven, 29-96. del Convegno di studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto 50), Taranto, 685-718. Kleibrink, M. 2005 “The Early Athenaion at Lagaria (Francavilla Jacobsen, J. K. et al. Marittima) near Sybaris. An Overview of its 2009a “An Early Euboean Pottery Workshop in the Early-Geometric II and its Mid-7th Century Sibaritide”, Annali dell’Istituto universitario orientali B.C. Phases”. In: Attema, P. A. J. et al. (eds.), di Napoli 15-16 (2008-09), 89-96. Papers in Italian Archaeology, 6. Communities and Settlements from the Neolithic to the Early Medieval Jacobsen, J. K. et al. Period (British Archaeological Reports, International 2009b “Oinotrian-Euboean Pottery in the Sibaritide. Series 1452), Oxford, 754-772. A Preliminary Report”. In: Betelli, M. et al. (eds.), Prima delle colonie: organizzazione territoriale e Kleibrink, M. produzioni ceramiche specializzate in Basilicata e Cal- 2006a “Ceramica tardo geometrica dal contesto abria settentrionale ionica nella prima eta del ferro: atti AC22A.11. dell’Athenaion sul Timpone della delle giornate di studio, Matera, 20-21 novembre 2007, Motta (Lagaria)”, Atti giornata archeologica franca- Venosa, 203-222. villese IV, 21-40.
Jones, S. Kleibrink, M. 1997 The Archaeology of Ethnicity, London & New 2006b Oenotrians at Lagaria near Sybaris, a Native Pro- York. to-Urban Centralized Settlement. A Preliminary Re- port on the Excavation of Two Timber Dwellings on Jones, S. the Timpone della Motta near Francavilla Marittima, 1998 “Historical Categories and the Praxis of Identi- Southern Italy (Accordia Specialist Studies on Italy 2), ty: The Interpretation of Ethnicity in Historical London. Archaeology”. In: Funari, P. P. A. et al. (eds.), Historical Archaeology: Back from the Edge, Lon- Kleibrink, M. don, 219-232. 2008a “Indigenous ware: impasto, undecorated, matt-painted”. In: van der Wielen-van Om- Jones, S. meren, F. & de Lachenal, L. (eds.), La dea di 2007 “Discourses of Identity in the Interpretation of Sibari e il santuario ritrovato: studi sui rinvenimenti dal the Past”. In: Insoll, T. (ed.), The Archaeology of Timpone Motta di Francavilla Marittima. I.2: Cera- Identities, New York, 44-58. miche di importazione di produzione cononiale e indige- na (Bollettino d’Arte volume speciale 2008), 171-206. Jones, S. 2008 “Ethnicity: Theoretical Approaches, Method- Kleibrink, M. ological Implications”. In: Bentley, R. A. et al. 2008b “La Dea e L’eroe. Culti sull’Acropoli Del Tim- (eds.), Handbook of Archaeological Theories, Lan- pone della Motta, a Francavilla Marittima”, Atti ham, 321-333. giornata archeologica francavillese VII, 1-22.
Kleibrink, M. Kleibrink, M. 1972 “Abitato sulle pendici della Motta, Anfora attica 2010 Parco Archeologico ‘Lagaria’ a Francavilla Marittima a figure nere e macine per grano in Necropoli di Presso Sibari. Guida, Rossano. Macchiabate”, Atti e memorie della Società Magna Grecia 11-12 (1970-1971), 75-82. The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities 29
Kleibrink, M. La Genière, J. de 2015a Excavations at Francavilla Marittima 1991-2004: 1991a “L’Exemple de Francavilla Marittima : La Matt-Painted Pottery from the Timpone della Motta. Nécropole de Macchiabate, Secteur de la Tem- Vol. 3: The Fringe Style (British Archaeological Re- parella”. In: La Genière, J. de (ed.), Nécropoles ports, International Series 2733), Oxford. e societies antiques (Grèce, Italie, Languedoc). Actes du Colloque International du Centre de Rescheches Kleibrink, M. Archéologiques de l’Universitéde Lille III, 2-3 Dècem- 2015b Excavations at Francavilla Marittima 1991-2004: bre 1991, Napoli, 153-163. Matt-Painted Pottery from the Timpone della Motta. Vol. 4: The Miniature Style (British Archaeological La Genière, J. de Reports, International Series 2734), Oxford. 1991b “L’identification de Lagaria et ses problèmes”. In: La Genière, J. de (ed.), Epéios et Philoctète en Kleibrink, M. et al. Italie. Données archéologiques et traditions légendaires. 2004 “Water for Athena: Votive Gifts at Lagaria Actes du Colloque international, Lille 23-24 novembre (Timpone della Motta, Francavilla Marittima, 1987, Napoli, 55-66. Calabria)”, World Archaeology 36, 43-67. La Genière, J. de Kleibrink, M. et al. 2010 “Avec Strabon et Jean Bérard, entre Siris et 2012 Excavations at Francavilla Marittima 1991-2004: Métaponte”. In: Brun, J. P. & Gras, M. (eds.), Matt-Painted Pottery from the Timpone della Motta. Avec Jean Berard, 1908-1957: la colonisation grecque: Vol. 1: The Undulating Bands Style (British Archaeo- l’Italie sous le fascisme, Roma, 225-232. logical Reports, International Series 2423), Oxford. La Genière, J. de Kleibrink, M. et al. 2012 Amendolara: la necropole de Paladino Ouest, Napoli. 2013 Excavations at Francavilla Marittima 1991 - 2004: Matt-Painted Pottery from the Timpone della Motta. La Genière, J. de. & Nickels, A. Vol. 2: The Cross-Hatched Bands Style (British Ar- 1975 “Scavi 1969-1973 a S. Nicola”, Notizie degli scavi chaeological Reports, International Series 2553), Ox- di antichità 29, 483-498. ford. Levine, M. La Genière, J. de 1999 “Reconstructing Ethnicity”, The Journal of the 1967 “Amendolara une ville antique aux environs de Royal Anthropological Institute 5, 165-180. Sybaris”, Revue archéologique 2, 195-208. Luppino, S. La Genière, J. de 1996 “La ricerca archeologica sul Timpone della 1969 “Scavi di Amendolara”, Klearchos 11, 79-89. Motta”. In: Lattanzi, E. (ed.), Santuari della Mag- na Grecia in Calabria, Napoli, 195-197. La Genière, J. de 1971 “Amendolara (Cosenza). Campagne del 1967 e Malkin, I. 1968 (relazione preliminare)”, Notizie degli scavi 1998 The Returns of Odysseus: Colonization and Ethnicity, di antichità 25, 429-475. Berkeley.
La Genière, J. de Malkin, I. 1973 “À propos de quelques mobiliers funéraires 2002 “A Colonial Middle Ground: Greek, Etruscans d´Amendolara”, Mélanges de l’École française de and Local Elites in the Bay of Naples”. In: Ly- Rome, Antiquité 85/1, 7-53. ons, C. & Papadopoulos, J. (eds.), The Archaeolo- gy of Colonialism, Los Angeles, 151-181. La Genière, J. de 1978 “C’è un modello Amendolara?”, Annali della Malkin, I. Scuola normale superiore di Pisa 8, 335-354. 2011 A Small Greek World: Networks in the Ancient Med- iterranean, New York. La Genière, J. de 1980 “Amendolara (Cosenza). La necropoli di Man- Masci, M. F. gosa”, Notizie degli scavi di antichità 34, 305-393. 2016 La produzione della ceramica geometrica enotria nella Sibaritide durante l’etá del Ferro: Studio comparati- La Genière, J. de vo sulle tecnologie di foggiatura, PhD Dissertation, 1984 “Contributions to a Typology of Ancient Set- Groningen. tlements in Southern Italy (IXth to IVth Century BC)”. In: Hackens, T. et al. (eds.), Crossroads of Mertens, D. & Schläger, H. the Mediterranean (Archaeologia Transatlantica 2), 1980-1982 “Die bauten auf der Motta”, Atti e memorie Providence, 163-189. della Società Magna Grecia 21-23, 143-171. 30 Sine Grove Saxkjær
Meskell, L. Saxkjær, S. G. et al. 2007 “Archaeologies of identity”. In: Insoll, T. (ed.), 2017 “Building V and Ritual Textile Production at The Archaeology of Identities, New York, 23-43. Timpone della Motta”. In: Brøns, C. & Nosch, M.-L. (eds.), Textiles and Cult in the Mediterranean Pais, E. Area in the 1st millennium BC (Ancient Textile Series 1894 Storia della Sicilia e della Magna Grecia, Bologna. 31), Oxford, 91-103.
Paoletti, M. Small, A. 2010 “Sibari sul Traente”, Bibliografia Topografica della 1971 Apulian Wares and Greek Influences, PhD disserta- Colonizzazione greca in Italia e nelle isole tirreniche 18, tion, University of Oxford. 787-799. Stoop, M. W. Peroni, R. 1972 “Acropoli sulla Motta”, Atti e memorie della Società 1994 “Le comunità enotrie della Sibaritide ed i loro Magna Grecia 11-12 (1970-1971), 37-66. rapporti con i navigatori egei”. In: Peroni, R. & Trucco, F. (eds.), Enotri e Micenei nella Sibaritide, Stoop, M. W. (vol. II), Taranto, 831-879. 1977 “Acropoli sulla Motta”, Atti e memorie della Società Magna Grecia 15-17 (1974-1976), 107-167. Purcell, N. 2005 “Colonization and Mediterranean History”. In: Stoop, M. W. Hurst, H. & Owen, S. (eds.), Ancient Colonizations. 1979 “Note sugli scavi nel santuario di Atena sul Tim- Analogy, Similarity & Difference, London, 115-39. pone della Motta (Francavilla Marittima, Cala- bria), 1-2”, Bulletin antieke beschaving 54, 77-90. Quercia, A. & Foxhall, L. 2014 “Temporality, Materiality and Women’s Net- Stoop, M. W. works: The Production and Manufacture of 1980 “Note sugli scavi nel santuario di Atena sul Tim- Loom Weights in the Greek and Indigenous pone della Motta (Francavilla Marittima, Cala- Communities of Southern Italy”. In: Re- bria), 3”, Bulletin antieke beschaving 55, 163-179. bay-Salisbury, K. et al. (eds.), Knowledge Networks and Craft Traditions in the Ancient World: Material Stoop, M. W. Crossovers, Hokoben, 62-81. 1983 “Note sugli scavi nel santuario di Atena sul Timpone della Motta (Francavilla Marittima, Roslund, M. Calabria), 4”, Bulletin antieke beschaving 58, 16-39. 2007 Guests in the House. Cultural Transmission between Slavs and Scandinavians 900 to 1300 A.D, Leiden Stoop, M. W. & Boston. 1985 “Note sugli scavi nel santuario di Atena sul Timpone della Motta (Francavilla Marittima, Saxkjær, S. G. Calabria), 5”, Bulletin antieke beschaving 60, 4-10. 2015 Markers of Ethnicity in the Archaeological Record: The Emergence of Indigenous Ethnic and Cultural Stoop, M. W. Identities in Southern Italy (8th – 6th centuries), PhD 1987 “Note sugli scavi nel santuario di Atena sul dissertation, Aarhus University. Timpone della Motta (Francavilla Marittima, Calabria), 7. Oggetti di bronzo vari”, Bulletin an- Saxkjær, S. G. tieke beschaving 62, 21-31. Forthcoming “Sub-Thapsos Pottery”. In: Mittica, G. P. et al. (eds.), Excavation on the Timpone della Motta, Stoop, M. W. 1992-2004. III: Greek and Greek Style Pottery (Bib- 1988 “Note sugli scavi nel santuario di Atena sul liotheca Archaeologica Edipuglia), Bari. Timpone della Motta (Francavilla Marittima, Calabria), 8”, Bulletin antieke beschaving 63, 77-93. Saxkjær, S. G. & Jacobsen, J. K. 2014 “Observations on Greek and Greek-Inspired Stoop, M. W. Pottery in the Macchiabate Necropolis”. In: 1989 “Note sugli scavi nel santuario di Atena sul Brocato, P. (ed.), Studi sulla necropoli di Macchiaba- Timpone della Motta (Francavilla Marittima, te a Francavilla Marittima (Cs) e sui territori limitrofi, Calabria), 9. La ceramica attica”, Bulletin antieke Cosenza, 259-282. beschaving 64, 50-57.
Saxkjær, S. G. & J. K. Jacobsen. Stoop, M.W. 2015 “The Trozzella IN. 3417 in the Collection of Ny 1990 “Note sugli scavi nel santuario di Atena sul Tim- Carlsberg Glyptotek: An Ethnic Marker or a Sign pone della Motta (Francavilla Marittima, Cala- of Cultural Transmission?”. In: Rathje, A. et al. bria), 10”, Bulletin antieke beschaving 65, 29-37. (eds.), Tradition: Transmission of Culture in the Ancient World (Acta Hyperborea 14), Copenhagen, 363-386. The Emergence and Marking of Ethnic Identities 31
Vanzetti, A. Zancani Montuoro, P. 2009 “Notazioni sulla fine dell’età del ferro precolo- 1970-1971 “Necropoli di Macchiabate, Coppa di niale nella Piana di Sibari”. In Betteli, C. et al. Bronzo Sbalzata”, Atti e memorie della Società Mag- (eds.), Prima delle colonie: organizzazione territoriale e na Grecia 11-12, 9-33. produzioni ceramiche specializzate in Basilicata e Cal- abria settentrionale ionica nella prima eta del ferro: atti Zancani Montuoro, P. delle giornate di studio, Matera, 20-21 novembre 2007, 1974-1976 “Necropoli, Tra Notabili Enotrii dell’VIII Venosa, 179-202. sec. a.C.”, Atti e memorie della Società Magna Grecia 15-17, 9-106. Vanzetti, A. 2012 “Sibari protostorica”. In: Delia, G. & Masneri, Zancani Montuoro, P. T. (eds.), Sibari. Archeologia, storia, metafora, Cas- 1977-1979 “Necropoli di Macchiabate. Saggi e Sco- trovillari, 11-33. perte in Zone varie”, Atti e memorie della Società Magna Grecia 19-20, 7-91. van Leusen, M. & Attema, P. A. J. 2002 “Regional Archaeological Patterns in the Siba- Zancani Montuoro, P. ritide, Preliminary Results of the RPC Field 1980-1982 “Francavilla Marittima. Necropoli e Ce- Survey Campaign 2000”, Palaeohistoria 42/43, ramico a Macchiabate Zona T. (Temparella)”, 397-416. Atti e memorie della Società Magna Grecia 21-23, 7-129. Yntema, D. G. 1990 The Matt-Painted Pottery of Southern Italy: A Gener- Zancani Montuoro, P. al Survey of the Matt-Painted Pottery Styles of South- 1983-1984 “Francavilla Marittima. Necropoli e Ce- ern Italy during the Final Bronze Age and the Iron ramico a Macchiabate Zona T. (Temparella, Age, Galatina. continuazione)”, Atti e memorie della Società Mag- na Grecia 22-25, 7-110.