A Social History of the Divide Between East and West
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1 KING of CHILDREN Betty Jean Liffton (Biography of Janusz Korczak)
KING OF CHILDREN Betty Jean Liffton (Biography of Janusz Korczak) Who was Janusz Korczak? “The lives of great men are like legends-difficult but beautiful.” Janusz Korczak once wrote, and it was true of his. Yet most Americans have never heard of Korczak, Polish-Jewish children’s writer and educator who is as well known in Europe as Anne Frank. Like her, he died in the Holocaust and left behind a diary; unlike her, he had a chance to escape that fate-a chance he chose not to take. His legend began on August 6, 1942; during the early stages of the Nazi liquidation of the Warsaw Ghetto-though his dedication to destitute children was legendary long before the war. When the Germans ordered his famous orphanage evacuated, Korczak was forced to gather together the two hundred children in his care. He led them with quiet dignity on that final march through the ghetto streets to the train that would take them to “resettlement in the East ” -the Nazi euphemism for the death camp Treblinka. He was to die as Henryk Goldszmit, the name he was born with, but it was by his pseudonym that he would be remembered. It was Janusz Korczak who introduced progressive orphanages designed as just communities into Poland, founded the first national children’s newspaper, trained teachers in what we now call moral education, and worked in juvenile courts defending children’s rights. His books How to Love a Child and The Child’s Right to Respect gave parents and teachers new insights into child psychology. -
9781501756030 Revised Cover 3.30.21.Pdf
, , Edited by Christine D. Worobec For a list of books in the series, visit our website at cornellpress.cornell.edu. From Victory to Peace Russian Diplomacy aer Napoleon • Elise Kimerling Wirtschaer Copyright © by Cornell University e text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivatives . International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/./. To use this book, or parts of this book, in any way not covered by the license, please contact Cornell University Press, Sage House, East State Street, Ithaca, New York . Visit our website at cornellpress.cornell.edu. First published by Cornell University Press Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Wirtschaer, Elise Kimerling, author. Title: From victory to peace: Russian diplomacy aer Napoleon / by Elise Kimerling Wirtschaer. Description: Ithaca [New York]: Northern Illinois University Press, an imprint of Cornell University Press, . | Series: NIU series in Slavic, East European, and Eurasian studies | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Identiers: LCCN (print) | LCCN (ebook) | ISBN (paperback) | ISBN (pdf) | ISBN (epub) Subjects: LCSH: Russia—Foreign relations—–. | Russia—History— Alexander I, –. | Europe—Foreign relations—–. | Russia—Foreign relations—Europe. | Europe—Foreign relations—Russia. Classication: LCC DK.W (print) | LCC DK (ebook) | DDC ./—dc LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/ LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/ Cover image adapted by Valerie Wirtschaer. is book is published as part of the Sustainable History Monograph Pilot. With the generous support of the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Pilot uses cutting-edge publishing technology to produce open access digital editions of high-quality, peer-reviewed monographs from leading university presses. -
Lithuania's Constitution of 1992 with Amendments Through 2019
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:37 constituteproject.org Lithuania's Constitution of 1992 with Amendments through 2019 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:37 Table of contents Preamble . 3 CHAPTER I: THE STATE OF LITHUANIA . 3 CHAPTER II: THE HUMAN BEING AND THE STATE . 5 CHAPTER III: SOCIETY AND THE STATE . 9 CHAPTER IV: NATIONAL ECONOMY AND LABOUR . 11 CHAPTER V: THE SEIMAS . 12 CHAPTER VI: THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC . 18 CHAPTER VII: THE GOVERNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA . 23 CHAPTER VIII: THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT . 26 CHAPTER IX: THE COURTS . 28 CHAPTER X: LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT AND GOVERNANCE . 31 CHAPTER XI: FINANCES AND THE STATE BUDGET . 32 CHAPTER XII: STATE CONTROL . 33 CHAPTER XIII: FOREIGN POLICY AND NATIONAL DEFENCE . 34 CHAPTER XIV: ALTERATION OF THE CONSTITUTION . 36 FINAL PROVISIONS . 37 CONSTITUENT PARTS OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA . 38 1. CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA ON THE STATE OF LITHUANIA . 38 2. CONSTITUTIONAL ACT OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA ON THE NONALIGNMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA TO POST-SOVIET EASTERN UNIONS . 38 3. LAW OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA ON THE PROCEDURE FOR ENTRY INTO FORCE OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA . 39 4. CONSTITUTIONAL ACT OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA ON MEMBERSHIP OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA IN THE EUROPEAN UNION . 41 Lithuania -
Lesson: German Unifieation
Garden City High School Mr. M. Stratis, Esq. Global History & Geography III Lesson: German Unifieation Aim: Why was German unification achieved by "blood and iron?" 1. What factors promoted the unification of the German states? A. Common Nationality. In the late 18th century some German people began to think: ofthemselves as a distinct nationality and agitated for a unified fatherland. This nationalist awakening reflected the efforts ofGerman educators, poets, writers, historians, and philosophers. B. Napoleon's Influence. Napoleon aided German unification, although unintentionally. He aroused German nationalism against him, weakened Austrian authority in Germany by abolishing the Holy Roman Empire, and reduced the more than 300 German states to less than 100. C. Congress of Vienna. The peace conference of 1815 helped German unity, although unwittingly. It reduced the number ofGerman states to 38 and organized them into an Austrian-dominated league ofrulers, the German Confederation. The Confederation proved weak and ineffective, incapable of providing Germany with a unified government. Its failure stirred the people to seek unity by other means. D. Zollverein. In 1819 Prussia formed a German customs union, which became known as the Zollverein. By the 1840sit included most German states, but not Austria. The Zollverein maintained free trade between member states, but high tariffs against nonmembers. The removal of internal tariff barriers benefited German merchants and manufacturers, and promoted the country's economic unity. II. What factors hindered German unification? A. Differences Among the German People. In Prussia and other north German states, the people were in the main Protestant, were interested in commerce, and were turning toward manufacturing. -
Romantik 08 2019
Journal for the Study of Romanticisms (2019), Volume 08, DOI 10.14220/jsor.2019.8.issue-1 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 © 2019, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen Journal for the Study of Romanticisms (2019), Volume 08, DOI 10.14220/jsor.2019.8.issue-1 Romantik Journal for the Study of Romanticisms Editors Cian Duffy(Lund University), Karina Lykke Grand (Aarhus University), Thor J. Mednick (University of Toledo), Lis Møller (Aarhus University), ElisabethOx- feldt (UniversityofOslo), Ilona Pikkanen (Tampere University and the Finnish Literature Society), Robert W. Rix (University of Copenhagen), and AnnaLena Sandberg (University of Copenhagen) Advisory Board Charles Armstrong (UniversityofBergen), Jacob Bøggild (University of Southern Denmark, Odense), David Fairer (University of Leeds), Karin Hoff (Georg-August-Universität Göttingen),Stephan Michael Schröder (University of Cologne), David Jackson (University of Leeds),Christoph Bode (LMU München), CarmenCasaliggi (Cardiff Metropolitan University), Gunilla Hermansson (University of Gothernburg), Knut Ljøgodt (Nordic Institute of Art, Oslo), and Paula Henrikson (Uppsala University) Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 © 2019, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen Journal for the Study of Romanticisms (2019), Volume 08, DOI 10.14220/jsor.2019.8.issue-1 Romantik Journal for the Study of Romanticisms Volume 08|2019 V&Runipress Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 © 2019, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen Journal for the Study of Romanticisms (2019), Volume 08, DOI 10.14220/jsor.2019.8.issue-1 Open-Access-Publikation im Sinne der CC-Lizenz BY-NC-ND 4.0 © 2019, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. -
Nineteenth-Century French Challenges to the Liberal Image of Russia
Ezequiel Adamovsky Russia as a Space of Hope: Nineteenth-century French Challenges to the Liberal Image of Russia Introduction Beginning with Montesquieu’s De l’esprit des lois, a particular perception of Russia emerged in France. To the traditional nega- tive image of Russia as a space of brutality and backwardness, Montesquieu now added a new insight into her ‘sociological’ otherness. In De l’esprit des lois Russia was characterized as a space marked by an absence. The missing element in Russian society was the independent intermediate corps that in other parts of Europe were the guardians of freedom. Thus, Russia’s back- wardness was explained by the lack of the very element that made Western Europe’s superiority. A similar conceptual frame was to become predominant in the French liberal tradition’s perception of Russia. After the disillusion in the progressive role of enlight- ened despotism — one must remember here Voltaire and the myth of Peter the Great and Catherine II — the French liberals went back to ‘sociological’ explanations of Russia’s backward- ness. However, for later liberals such as Diderot, Volney, Mably, Levesque or Louis-Philippe de Ségur the missing element was not so much the intermediate corps as the ‘third estate’.1 In the turn of liberalism from noble to bourgeois, the third estate — and later the ‘middle class’ — was thought to be the ‘yeast of freedom’ and the origin of progress and civilization. In the nineteenth century this liberal-bourgeois dichotomy of barbarian Russia (lacking a middle class) vs civilized Western Europe (the home of the middle class) became hegemonic in the mental map of French thought.2 European History Quarterly Copyright © 2003 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
L7: the Vienna Congress, Hist 133A, UCSB, Prof. Marcuse
UCSB Hist 133A, Fall 2015 Prof. Marcuse 19th Century Germany [email protected] Hist 133a Final Examination, Fall 2015 This exam has two parts: a word-limited take-home, due at the beginning of the examination time, 4pm on Tuesday Dec. 8, in Arts 1349, and a 30 min. in-class portion with 2 IDs from the list below. The essay portion is not time-limited, but is designed to be completed in 2 hours. It must be typed. You may use the course readings and your own course notes, and other reference materials you have access to (including Gauchospace and the internet), but not notes taken by others in the class, nor are you allowed to work with anyone else in the class. Again: You are to do this work by yourself, with no help from anyone else. Note that anyone sharing their notes with someone else is as guilty of plagiarism as the person using those notes. At the end of your typed exam you must include the honor pledge (text below), and sign your name below it. (Zero points if you forget.) Your essay is word-limited. It should be 1,000-1,500 words, with the word count inserted at the top with your name, the course information (Hist 133A final exam) and date. Note: in past years I have had A answers that were about 1,000 words, and C answers that were 1500. (To get a word count in Word 2007/2010: when the text is selected, the count appears at lower left in the status bar, e.g. -
Mitteilungen Für Die Presse
Read the speech online: www.bundespraesident.de Page 1 of 6 Federal President Frank-Walter Steinmeier at the inauguration of the Robert-Blum-Saal with artworks depicting Germany’s history of democracy at Schloss Bellevue on 9 November 2020 According to legend, the last words of Robert Blum were “I die for freedom, may my country remember me.” He was executed – shot – by imperial military forces on 9 November 1848, one day before his 41st birthday. The German democrat and champion for freedom, one of the most well-known members of the Frankfurt National Assembly, thus died on a heap of sand in Brigittenau, a Viennese suburb. The bullets ended the life of a man who had fought tirelessly for a Germany unified in justice and in freedom – as a political publicist, publisher and founder of the Schillerverein in Leipzig, as a parliamentarian in the Paulskirche in Frankfurt, and finally with a gun in his hand on the barricades in Vienna. To the very last, Robert Blum fought for a German nation-state in the republican mould, legitimised by parliamentary structures. He campaigned for a brand of democracy in which civil liberties and human rights were accorded to one and all. And he fought for a Europe in which free peoples should live together in peace, from France to Poland and to Hungary. His death on 9 November 1848 marked one of the many turning points in our history. By executing the parliamentarian Robert Blum, the princes and military commanders of the Ancien Régime demonstrated their power and sent an unequivocal message to the Paulskirche National Assembly. -
1Daskalov R Tchavdar M Ed En
Entangled Histories of the Balkans Balkan Studies Library Editor-in-Chief Zoran Milutinović, University College London Editorial Board Gordon N. Bardos, Columbia University Alex Drace-Francis, University of Amsterdam Jasna Dragović-Soso, Goldsmiths, University of London Christian Voss, Humboldt University, Berlin Advisory Board Marie-Janine Calic, University of Munich Lenard J. Cohen, Simon Fraser University Radmila Gorup, Columbia University Robert M. Hayden, University of Pittsburgh Robert Hodel, Hamburg University Anna Krasteva, New Bulgarian University Galin Tihanov, Queen Mary, University of London Maria Todorova, University of Illinois Andrew Wachtel, Northwestern University VOLUME 9 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/bsl Entangled Histories of the Balkans Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies Edited by Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov LEIDEN • BOSTON 2013 Cover Illustration: Top left: Krste Misirkov (1874–1926), philologist and publicist, founder of Macedo- nian national ideology and the Macedonian standard language. Photographer unknown. Top right: Rigas Feraios (1757–1798), Greek political thinker and revolutionary, ideologist of the Greek Enlightenment. Portrait by Andreas Kriezis (1816–1880), Benaki Museum, Athens. Bottom left: Vuk Karadžić (1787–1864), philologist, ethnographer and linguist, reformer of the Serbian language and founder of Serbo-Croatian. 1865, lithography by Josef Kriehuber. Bottom right: Şemseddin Sami Frashëri (1850–1904), Albanian writer and scholar, ideologist of Albanian and of modern Turkish nationalism, with his wife Emine. Photo around 1900, photo- grapher unknown. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Entangled histories of the Balkans / edited by Roumen Daskalov and Tchavdar Marinov. pages cm — (Balkan studies library ; Volume 9) Includes bibliographical references and index. -
Regarding Dethroned Princely Houses and Their Legal Rights
Regarding dethroned princely Houses and their legal rights Reference is made to the decision of the United Court of Bari of the 1st April 1952 in the case of the prosecutor vs. Umberto Zambrini and to the decision of the Tribunal of Pistoia of the 5th June 1964 in the case of the appeal against the penal judgment given against Francesco Mario Paternò Castello having found Prince Francesco Mario Paternò Castello di Carcaci, in his capacity as the last representative of a sovereign dynasty (the Royal House of Aragon), entitled to confer titles of nobility (the Court of Bari), respectively being the heir to the House of Paternò Castello Guttadauro di Emmanuel and legitimate holder of the same family’s rights, including the power of ius honorum which has been preserved by family tradition and which cannot disappear through dethronement (Pistoia). Further reference is made to the decision of the Ordinary Tribunal of Ragusa of the 9th May 2003, in session as an international court of arbitration, in the case between the Higher Institute of Nobiliary Law vs. Francesco Nicola Roberto Paternò Castello di Carcaci. According to the findings of the court of arbitration the following rights belong to Francesco Nicola Roberto Paternò Castello di Carcaci, in his capacity as consanguineous and descendant in a collateral line of the last sovereign of the Royal House of Aragon as his legitimate successor and as pretender to the throne: a) the quality of Royal Highness and Royal Prince of the Royal House of Aragon, Majorca and Sicily; b) the right to designate -
1. the Era of Metternichian Conservatism, 1815-1848
Section XIII: Political Liberalism and Nationalism, Contemporary Civilization (Ideas and Institutions 1815-1871 of Western Man) 1958 1. The rE a of Metternichian Conservatism, 1815-1848 Robert L. Bloom Gettysburg College Basil L. Crapster Gettysburg College Harold A. Dunkelberger Gettysburg College See next page for additional authors Follow this and additional works at: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/contemporary_sec13 Part of the European Languages and Societies Commons, History Commons, Law Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Share feedback about the accessibility of this item. Bloom, Robert L. et al. "1. The rE a of Metternichian Conservatism, 1815-1848. Pt. XIII: Political Liberalism and Nationalism, 1815-1871." Ideas and Institutions of Western Man (Gettysburg College, 1958), 1-15. This is the publisher's version of the work. This publication appears in Gettysburg College's institutional repository by permission of the copyright owner for personal use, not for redistribution. Cupola permanent link: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/ contemporary_sec13/2 This open access book chapter is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1. The rE a of Metternichian Conservatism, 1815-1848 Abstract Before either political liberalism or nationalism could become institutionalized, the Continent passed through a period of conservative reaction. Taking their cue from Edmund Burke, who "as early as 1790 strove to discredit France's great experiment by associating it with the excesses of reason and revolution, many people blamed liberalism for the quarter century of war, and chaos that followed. -
Taming the Evil Passions: Moderation in the International Relations
CHAPTER 5 Taming the Evil Passions: Moderation in the International Relations Beatrice de Graaf The concept of ‘moderation’ as introduced by Craiutu should not only be applied to domestic political history, but could equally be made fruit- ful in the context of international relations.1 In fact, since the onset of the nineteenth century, the term ‘moderation’ was oftentimes used in conjunction with ‘balance’ and ‘balance of power’. ‘Balance of power’ was an old notion, but in 1814–1815 it was a newly invigorated ideo- logical and political principle, a creed even, subscribed to by diplo- mats, monarchs and commanders alike, and projected onto the new post-Napoleonic European order. In this article, we will fesh out how the ideas of moderation and balance of power, as conceptualized in the The author wishes to express thanks to Yannick Balk, Ido de Haan, Annelotte Janse and Matthijs Lok for their critical comments and help. The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP/2007–2013)/ERC Grant Agreement n.615313. B. de Graaf (*) Utrecht University, Utrecht, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2019 89 I. de Haan and M. Lok (eds.), The Politics of Moderation in Modern European History, Palgrave Studies in Political History, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27415-3_5 90 B. DE GRAAF early nineteenth century, became intertwined and together proved to be a viable conceptual underpinning for the colonial and imperialist order of international relations.