The Behavior Analyst 2002, 25, 75-91 No. 1 (Spring) Relational Frame Theory: A New Paradigm for the Analysis of Social Behavior Bryan Roche, Yvonne Barnes-Holmes, Dermot Barnes-Holmes, Ian Stewart, and Denis O'Hora National University of Ireland, Maynooth

Recent developments in the analysis of derived relational responding, under the rubric of relational frame theory, have brought several complex language and cognitive phenomena within the empirical reach of the experimental analysis of behavior. The current paper provides an outline of relational frame theory as a new approach to the analysis of language, cognition, and complex behavior more generally. Relational frame theory, it is argued, also provides a suitable paradigm for the analysis of a wide variety of social behavior that is mediated by language. Recent empirical evidence and theoretical interpretations are provided in support of the relational frame approach to social behavior. Key words: relational frame theory, relational frames, derived stimulus relations, stimulus equiv- alence, social behavior

Relational frame theory (RFT; ing considered RFT as an approach to Hayes, 1991; Hayes, Barnes-Holmes, complex behavior, we will then dem- & Roche, 2001) provides a naturalistic onstrate how RFT can be applied the- and functional-analytic account of lan- oretically and empirically in the anal- guage and cognitive phenomena. This ysis of a variety of social behaviors. theory provides a definition of lan- guage and cognitive events in terms of RELATIONAL FRAME THEORY derived relational responding. More- over, RFT attempts to specify the types Most published research on derived of social interactions that lead to the relational responding has focused on the emergence of language and cognitive familiar stimulus equivalence effect, skills in the first instance (see Barnes, which can be described essentially as 1994; Y. Barnes-Holmes, Barnes- follows. If a verbally able human subject Holmes, Roche, & Smeets, 2001; is trained, in a matching-to-sample con- Hayes, Gifford, & Ruckstuhl, 1996). text, to match A to B and B to C, he or For the reader to appreciate the poten- she will also likely match C to A and A tial of RFT for the analysis of complex to C without reinforcement (see Fields, behavior in general, and social behav- Adams, Verhave, & Newman, 1990; ior in particular, we must first outline Sidman, 1992). Relational frame theory the basic features of this theory. Hav- extends the analysis of this effect by treating stimulus equivalence as just one instance of a variety of derived stimulus An early version of this paper was presented relations (Barnes, 1994; Hayes, 1991, at the Third International Congress on Behav- 1994; Hayes & Hayes, 1989; Steele & iorism and the Behavioral Sciences, Seville, Hayes, 1991). More specifically, several Spain, 1998. A later version was presented at the studies to date have provided empirical Association for Behavior Analysis annual con- vention, New Orleans, May 2001. The first au- evidence that it is possible for human thor thanks Janet Dillon for her help and support subjects to respond in accordance with and an anonymous reviewer for several helpful relations other than equivalence, such as suggestions. difference, opposition, more than, and Requests for reprints may be sent to Bryan less than (Dymond & Barnes, 1995, Roche, Department of Psychology, National University of Ireland, Maynooth, Maynooth, Co. 1996; O'Hora, Roche, Barnes-Holmes, Kildare, Ireland (e-mail: Bryan.TRoche@may. & Smeets, in press; Roche & Barnes, ie). 1996, 1997; Roche, Barnes-Holmes, 75 76 BRYAN ROCHE et al.

Smeets, Barnes-Holmes, & McGeady, trained. However, when a child has 2000; Steele & Hayes, 1991). Several been exposed to enough of this rela- further studies have attempted to identify tional training, generalized relational relational histories necessary to establish responding may emerge. Suppose, for contextual stimulus functions for derived example, that a child with this history relational responding in the first in- of naming is taught "This is your toy." stance (e.g., Y. Barnes-Holmes, Barnes- Contextual cues (such as the word is Holmes, Roche, & Smeets, 2001; Lip- and the context of the social interaction kens, Hayes, & Hayes, 1993; see also more generally) predict that if this ob- Y. Barnes-Holmes, Hayes, Barnes- ject is a "toy" (Object A, Name B), a Holmes, & Roche, 2001). "toy" is this object (Name B, Object Most RFT studies to date have at- A). Consequently, the child may now tempted to demonstrate that derived re- identify the object when asked "Where lations can transform the functions of is your toy?" in the absence of prior events. For instance, if a child learns differential reinforcement for doing so. at school that men and women are of Thus, deriving relations is not genuine- the opposite sex (i.e., a relation of op- ly novel but is a type of generalized position between men and women) and operant behavior (see D. Barnes- further learns that men are strong (i.e., Holmes & Barnes-Holmes, 2000, for a relation of coordination between the an extended discussion). terms men and strong), they may de- Patterns of relational responding are rive that women are weak. If the child brought under the control of contextual then further learns that strength comes cues (e.g., the word is) through a sim- with age, they may derive that younger ple process of differential reinforce- women are weaker than older women, ment. That is, to begin, both directions and that younger women are even of a relation are explicitly trained (e.g., weaker still than older men. In effect, "A is B" and "B is X' are both rein- a relational network of trained and de- forced). It is only when a sufficient rived stimulus relations pertaining to range of such exemplars has been gender has been established (see Roche trained that the relation can generalize & Barnes, 1997, for a relevant study). to a novel set of stimuli. For instance, Relational frame theory is a conser- following exemplar training for bidi- vative account of derived relational ac- rectional relations and training in the tivity. This theory adopts the basic po- relation "X is Y," a child may derive sition that derived relational respond- "Y is X" without reinforcement. Other ing is generalized operant behavior. than the topography of the stimuli in- From this perspective, the act of relat- volved, there is nothing new in this lat- ing is a contextually controlled over- ter derived performance that has not arching response class that can occur been reinforced during training. How- with an infinite variety of stimulus to- ever, the trained response has general- pographies. Relational frame theory ized and is now applicable to any set suggests that contextual control for re- of relata. When this occurs, the pattern lational responding is established for of generalized derived responding is humans during early language interac- referred to as a relational frame. Thus, tions. For example, children are often RFT simply suggests that the well-es- presented with objects and asked to re- tablished concept of the operant can be peat their names. This can be described extended (to relational responding) to as see Object A, hear Name B, and say explain one of the key generative fea- Name B. Children are also taught to tures of human language. identify objects when they hear the ap- Other types of stimulus relations, propriate name. This can be described such as comparison, may also be ex- as hear Name B, then orient towards plained in terms of generalized operant Object A. Initially, each object-word behavior. Consider, for example, a and word-object relation is explicitly young child who is taught to respond RELATIONAL FRAME THEORY 77 to a range of questions such as "Which function effect with operant and re- cup has more milk?" or "Which box spondent functions (see Dymond & has more toys?" Given sufficient ex- Barnes, 1995, 1996; Roche & Barnes, posure to such questions and appropri- 1997; Roche et al., 2000). ate reinforcement for answering them Before presenting our RFT analysis correctly, the appropriate response to of social behavior, we will consider the cups may come under the control one final feature of RFT that is relevant of cues in addition to the actual relative in the current context. Specifically, quantities of milk in the cups (e.g., the RFT places a special emphasis on the word more). For example, a dime is role of verbal consistency in maintain- worth more than a nickel, even though ing verbal behavior in the absence of a dime is actually smaller in size than explicit reinforcement. As we shall see a nickel. As responses are brought un- in later sections, the reinforcing effects der the contextual control of the appro- of verbal consistency play an important priate cues (e.g., the word more), they role in several social psychological become arbitrarily applicable. In other phenomena. Interestingly, it was re- words, the child may eventually an- search on stimulus equivalence that swer questions regarding relative quan- first alerted researchers to the role of tity correctly, even with novel varieties response consistency in maintaining of stimuli and in contexts in which the derived relational responding (e.g., appropriate response cannot be based Bush, Sidman, & de Rose, 1989; on the formal properties of the stimuli Spradlin, Cotter, & Baxley, 1973). Sid- involved (e.g., the relative value of man (1994) noted during this early re- coins). When this occurs, a relational search on stimulus equivalence that frame of comparison has been estab- class-consistent test performances of- lished. ten develop gradually without any ap- Relational frame theory can be used parent change in contingencies. In at- in the analysis of entire networks of re- tempting to explain this effect, Sidman lations. Relational networks help us to pointed to the fact that every stimulus describe the patterns according to is a member of multiple classes, in ad- which functions transform in the pres- dition to those designated by the ex- ence of particular contextual cues. perimenter. For instance, although Imagine, for instance, that we train the Stimulus Al may participate in a class following network of relations: Stimu- with Stimulus B1 based on reinforced lus A bigger than Stimulus B, B bigger conditional discriminations, from the than C, C same as D (i.e., A > B > C subject's perspective B1 may also par- = D). Now suppose that we establish ticipate in a class with A2 based on an aversive stimulus function for D by formal similarities (e.g., both B1 and pairing it with an electric shock. Based A2 may contain four sharp edges). on the established relational network, Thus, given B1 as a sample in a test we should expect the conditioned aver- for symmetry with Al and A2 as com- sive stimulus function to emerge for C parisons, the subject may choose Al (i.e., because it is the same as D), but on the basis of experimental contingen- to be amplified for B (because it is big- cies or A2 on the basis of preexperi- ger than C), and to be amplified further mental contingencies. In effect, re- for A (because it is bigger than B and sponding to A2 is "incorrect" from the bigger than C). Relational frame theory point of view of the experimenter but refers to this effect as a transformation is "correct" from the point of view of offunctions to describe changes in the the subject. Given that equivalence functions of the A and B stimuli in ac- tests are conducted in extinction, there cordance with the relational network in are no differential consequences for which they participate. Indeed, several one response or the other. However, be- studies have demonstrated this type of cause sample and comparison stimuli complex derived transformation of vary across trials, the only response 78 BRYAN ROCHE et al.

pattern consistently available across all be trained in even the simplest of or- trials is that established by the experi- ganisms, a special variety of consisten- mental contingencies (e.g., matching cy is available to the verbal organism. on the basis of four sharp edges is only More specifically, given a history of rarely an option). According to Sid- derived relational responding, a verbal man, it is only when a sufficient num- organism may respond to consistencies ber of trials have been presented that across behavior and verbal episodes the one consistent basis for responding that are topographically dissimilar. For becomes evident and begins to control instance, a speaker may respond to two responses. Across these trials, inconsis- different statements made in different tent response patterns are washed out languages as having the same meaning. and the relation that is possible on ev- Furthermore, they may respond to the ery trial eventually becomes the con- verbal coherence that is obtained sistent basis for choice (see Harrison & across the base and target domains Green, 1990, for empirical evidence of specified in analogies (e.g., "hand is to this effect). glove as foot is to shoe") and meta- Relational frame theory goes one phors (e.g., "cats are dictators") in a step further by suggesting that, given a way that would seem impossible for a protracted history of reinforced lan- nonverbal organism (see Stewart, guage interactions within the social Barnes-Holmes, Roche, & Smeets, community, a multitude of contexts 2001). From the RFT perspective, once should support ongoing derived rela- an extensive network of relational tional responding in the absence of re- frames is established and a history of inforcement. In essence, RFT predicts reinforcement is provided for produc- that correspondences in a relational ing coherent relational networks (i.e., network (i.e., verbal coherence) will not contradicting oneself), coherence function as a relatively powerful rein- will serve as a continuously available forcer for relational activity itself, and reinforcer for derived relational re- that this will be an important feature of sponding. That is, language will be- the verbal behavior of most individu- come a self-sustaining process because als. Indeed, several studies have shown the very product of relational respond- that say-do correspondences can be re- ing (i.e., coherent relational networks) inforced (Baer, Detrich, & Weninger, is itself a conditioned reinforcer for 1988; Catania, Shimoff, & Matthews, further relational activity. As we shall 1987; de Freitas Ribeiro, 1989; Lloyd, see subsequently, verbal coherence 1980; Paniagua, 1985; Riegler & Baer, plays an important role in several as- 1989). Moreover, children are taught to pects of social behavior. be consistent in what they say and do Relational frame theory is relatively from the time they can control their so- new to the field of behavior analysis. cial environments through speaking. In a short period, however, RFT has There are even strong sanctions against contributed to the analysis of language, adults for being inconsistent in their cognition, and complex behavior gen- behavior (see Guerin, 1994, p. 159). erally (see Hayes, Barnes-Holmes, & Other researchers have examined the Roche, 2001). However, many research social processes involved in the main- questions still remain regarding the tenance of verbal consistency across precise nature of the verbal and non- verbal episodes (see Schauss, Chase, & verbal interactions that generate and Hawkins, 1997). It should not be sur- maintain derived relational responding. prising, therefore, if verbal consisten- For instance, researchers have attempt- cy, and behavior-behavior consistency ed to explain why some derived rela- more generally, were to become a con- tions can be altered more readily than ditioned reinforcer for verbal behavior others when baseline conditional dis- itself. criminations are altered during equiv- Although behavioral consistency may alence training (i.e., symmetrical and RELATIONAL FRAME THEORY 79 transitive relations; see Pilgrim & Gal- community can provide the learning izio, 1995). Others have questioned the history necessary to use words appro- high failure rate in arbitrary matching- priately and to produce derived rela- to-sample tasks in verbally able chil- tional responding. Insofar as RFT is an dren (Pilgrim, Jackson, & Galizio, adequate approach to language devel- 2000) and the failure to establish opment and maintenance, then, it must equivalence classes with verbally so- necessarily comment on the relation phisticated adult humans, particularly between language and social behavior. when large numbers of stimuli are in- Of course, other behavioral approaches volved (see Fields et al., 1990). Indeed to social behavior are possible within the very stability of derived equiva- the framework of Skinner's Verbal Be- lence relations has been questioned havior (1957; see Guerin, 1994) or the (Pilgrim et al., 2000; Spradlin, Saun- sizable body of research on rule-gov- ders, & Saunders, 1992). Despite these erned behavior (Kunkel, 1997; see also research questions, RFT has neverthe- Schauss et al., 1997). There are several less brought researchers into empirical technical problems, however, with contact with a host of hitherto unex- Skinner's approach to verbal behavior amined complex behavioral phenome- and rule governance (e.g., O'Hora & na and generated a healthy body of re- Barnes-Holmes, 2001). An adequate search questions. Some studies, for in- consideration of these problems would stance, have used the RFT approach to itself merit extensive discussion; one study syntax and grammar as products has recently been provided within the of highly complex contextual control for relational responding (Cullinan, pages of this journal (see D. Barnes- Barnes, Hampson, & Lyddy, 1994). Holmes, Barnes-Holmes, & Cullinan, Other studies have applied RFT in the 2000, for a full discussion of the rela- experimental analysis of analogy, met- tion between RF' and Skinner's ac- aphor (Stewart, Barnes-Holmes, count of verbal behavior; see also Hayes, & Lipkens, 2001), and rule fol- Hayes, Blackledge, & Barnes-Holmes, lowing (Hayes & Hayes, 1989; O'Hora 2001; Hayes & Hayes, 1989). Suffice & Barnes-Holmes, 2001). Some further to say at this point that RFT does not studies have applied the RFT analysis reject the Skinnerian approach but to behavior that extends beyond the os- rather builds upon it with multiple de- tensibly verbal, such as sexual catego- rived stimulus relations (see Chase & rization (Roche & Barnes, 1996), sex- Danforth, 1991, and Guerin, 1994, for ual arousal (Roche & Barnes, 1997, analyses of language that supplement 1998; Roche et al., 2000), and attitude Skinner's Verbal Behavior with the formation and change (Grey & Barnes, concept of stimulus equivalence). 1996; Roche, Barnes, & Smeets, Thus, although the current RF' ap- 1997). The current paper is primarily proach to social behavior is not explic- concerned with this latter type of re- itly Skinnerian, we remain mindful that search. Skinner's account of verbal behavior In what follows, we will show how has provided the conceptual bedrock the relational frame approach to verbal for RF' itself. events can provide a philosophically Analyses of social behavior have coherent and technologically advanced also been provided from cultural an- approach to discourse, social knowl- thropological (e.g., Harris, 1977) and edge, and behavior that will move us Kantorian perspectives (Kantor, 1982; towards greater prediction and influ- see also Houmanfar, Hayes, & Freder- ence in these domains. icks, 2001). Such analyses, however, are presented in terms of broad social, AN RFT APPROACH moral, and survival contingencies and TO SOCIAL BEHAVIOR are not sufficiently detailed and psy- Language is essentially a social ac- chological to promise the immediate tivity (Skinner, 1957). Only a social prediction and influence of the social 80 BRYAN ROCHE et al.

behavior of individuals in a laboratory grounds. During the study, Northern context or otherwise. Irish and English subjects were trained In what follows we will outline a se- to relate three Catholic names to three ries of social psychological phenomena nonsense syllables, and subsequently that have become amenable to behav- to relate the three nonsense syllables to ioral research in terms of relational three traditionally Protestant symbols frame theory. In several cases, we will (i.e., the words Union Jack, Orange provide empirical data to support the Order, and Lambeg Drum). During the RFI approach to social behavior. Our test for derived relations, subjects were aim here, however, is not to present an presented with Protestant symbols as already completed analysis of social samples; the comparisons were two of psychological phenomena, but to out- the Catholic names used during train- line an ongoing agenda of research and ing and a novel Protestant name. All of to share with the reader our vision of the English subjects chose the Catholic a technologically sophisticated and name (related through equivalence to conceptually coherent approach to so- the Protestant symbols), but 12 of the cial psychology. 19 Northern Irish subjects chose the Protestant name in the presence of the Social Categorization and Group Protestant symbols, thereby failing to Cohesion form laboratory-induced equivalence relations. Social categorization is traditionally It might be suggested that the social thought to underlie social identity (e.g., contingencies of reinforcement that op- Tajfel & Turner, 1979). For instance, erate in the Northern Ireland commu- by categorizing oneself and others as nity were responsible for the nonequiv- in-group or out-group members, indi- alence responding of the 12 Northern viduals create a social identity for Irish subjects. In other words, only the themselves and may benefit from an Northern Irish subjects had been so- enhanced boost in self-esteem (Tajfel, cially trained to respond to Protestant 1982). Group membership is beneficial symbols and Catholic names as be- for the individual because it prescribes longing to socially exclusive catego- modes of action and reduces ambiguity ries. Watt et al. (1991) suggested that in social situations. An important ques- on the basis of prior social training, tion for the behavior analyst, however, Northern Irish subjects who failed the is how precisely does group member- equivalence test may have been re- ship influence the verbal behavior of sponding in accordance with the rela- members in social settings? In answer- tional frame of sameness (i.e., Protes- ing this type of question, social psy- tant symbols with Protestant names), chologists have focused their attention and those Northern Irish subjects who on mediating cognitive processes (e.g., passed may have been responding in Hogg & Turner, 1987). From a behav- accordance with the relational frame of ioral perspective, however, what is re- opposition (i.e., Protestant symbols quired is direct influence over the cat- with Catholic names). egorization process itself. One group of Although RFT provides nomencla- behavioral researchers has attempted to ture for describing the relevant stimu- do just this in the context of political lus relations involved in social cate- struggles in Northern Ireland (Watt, gorization (e.g., same, opposite), it re- Keenan, Barnes, & Cairns, 1991). mains an empirical matter to identify In the Watt et al. (1991) study, a precisely the individual social learning simple stimulus-equivalence-type par- histories required to produce the per- adigm was used to take advantage of formances observed in the Watt et al. the fact that people in Northern Ireland (1991) study. For instance, in a labo- often respond to each others' names as ratory setting RFT can clearly predict discriminative for their religious back- and allow control of the emergence of RELATIONAL FRAME THEORY 81

specific functions for given stimuli in port for the possibility that gender and different contexts with respect to dif- gender relations are socially construct- ferent histories of relational activity ed through language (e.g., Gergen, (see Roche et al., 2000). However, it is 1988). Feminist critics and social con- another matter to speculate on probable structionists alike have argued that the preexperimental histories. The inter- characteristics of masculinity and fem- pretation of the Watt et al. data in terms ininity (e.g., dominance and submis- of relational frames is speculative, but sion) are deeply embedded in social it is nevertheless consistent with recent discourse concerning men and women research that provides strong clues as (e.g., Bem, 1993). Others have argued to the broad types of natural language that these linguistic constructions of histories required for such derived gender both reflect and prescribe relational responding to emerge (e.g., modes of social action (see Gergen, Y. Barnes-Holmes, Barnes-Holmes, 1988). Roche and Barnes (1996) agree Roche, & Smeets, 2001, in press; Lip- with these views and, moreover, devel- kens et al., 1993). The Watt et al. re- oped an experimental methodology search also seems to suggest that we and an empirical analysis of gender in may use this approach in "diagnostic" terms of RFT. In this way, RFT repre- procedures to examine the types of ver- sents the beginnings of a technical be- bal relations that operate in social dis- havioral analysis of the social con- course. Indeed, this was attempted in a struction of gender. further study (Roche & Barnes, 1996) with respect to the categorization of Group Cohesion sexual terms. In the Roche and Barnes (1996) Social psychologists have identified study, male and female undergraduate several factors that appear to determine students were first exposed to a rela- the cohesiveness of social groupings, tional pretraining procedure to estab- such as attraction (see Hogg & Hains, lish directly the contextual control 1996), similarity (Goethals & Darley, functions of same, opposite, and dif- 1977), shared perceived threats (Lan- ferent with three abstract stimuli. A zetta, 1955; Turner, Pratkanis, Probas- sexual categorization test was admin- co, & Leve, 1992), or shared values istered to see if subjects would spon- and norms (Cota, Evans, Dion, Kilik, taneously categorize the words penis & Longman, 1995; Zacarro & McCoy, and vagina with dominate, submit, and 1988). However, the processes that forget according to the relations spec- give rise to enhanced cohesion are not ified by the three contextual cues. Re- clearly identified. One group of behav- sults showed that when the same con- ioral researchers has conceptualized textual cue was present, all subjects re- the cohesiveness of groups in terms of liably matched penis with dominate the reinforcing effects of membership and vagina with submit. However, in and the punishing effects of group de- the presence of the opposite contextual sertion (Cota et al., 1995). Reinforce- cue, subjects consistently matched pe- ment and punishment surely play an nis with submit and vagina with dom- important role in group cohesion, but inate. Finally, when presented with pe- these ideas fall short of accommodat- nis or vagina in the presence of the dif- ing the clearly verbal nature of the re- ferent contextual cue, subjects always inforcing effects of group membership. chose forget. In effect, the relational Specifically, important reinforcing fac- test identified some rather persistent tors such as status, a sense of belong- sexual categories in operation within ing, and self-esteem appear to be in- the verbal community in which the herently verbal. Similarly, the punish- subject socialized. ing effects of abandoning a group are The findings of Roche and Barnes never contacted directly by those who (1996) provide behavior-analytic sup- remain within the group, and as such 82 BRYAN ROCHE et al.

must be responded to as verbally stated members (particularly those character- future consequences in order to func- istics that might conflict with group tion as punishers. Thus, it appears that membership). both positive and negative consequenc- One factor that is widely considered es of group membership may be con- to have a powerful effect on group co- tacted indirectly through verbal pro- hesiveness is the perception of a com- cesses (e.g., "I feel like I belong," "I mon threat to group members (see would be lost without the group"). Turner et al., 1992). Specifically, re- From an RFT perspective, group search has shown that when groups are membership depends upon complex under a perceived threat, members tend patterns of derived relational respond- to become more concerned for the wel- ing with respect to oneself and other fare of the group as a whole. Relational group members. One important idea frame theory uses the concept of the for RFT, therefore, is that individuals conceptualized group to explain this learn to respond verbally to their own effect. Specifically, in a conceptualized behavior with evaluations, interpreta- group an individual shares features tions, and categorizations. As soon as verbally with other members that are we can interact verbally with ourselves important defining features of that (e.g., "I am a Catholic"), we have ver- group, such as religion, ethnicity, and bally constructed a "conceptualized so on. Insofar as group membership is self." Of course, a group can also be a relational matter, a threat to a group conceptualized in this manner. As soon is also a threat to individual members, as we respond verbally to ourselves in and vice versa. In technical terms, a relation to those around us (e.g., "I am threat to the conceptualized group may one of 600 million Catholics on the transfer through hierarchical relations planet"), we have verbally constructed (e.g., from leader to followers) or a "conceptualized group." Further- through relations of coordination (e.g., more, because of the flexibility of de- from one member to another) to each rived relational responding, statements individual in that group. Given this de- may be made about a group that bear rived threat to each individual, it is little relevance to experienced facts hardly surprising that group cohesion about the group. For example, an in- often increases. dividual may speak of his or her home One way in which groups maintain football team as "the greatest in the or enhance cohesion involves the alter- world" despite their appalling track ation of reinforcing functions through record on the field. In this case, the the use of formative and motivative greatness of the group is one of its ver- augmentals. Augmentals are state- bally constructed features. ments that establish or alter reinforcing The discrimination of shared fea- consequences but do not change the tures, such as values and beliefs, across probability of reinforcement contingent group members may lead to a strength- on behavior. As such, they are the ening of the conceptualized group as a terms used in RFT for dealing with es- verbally constructed entity. In technical tablishing stimuli (Michael, 1982) and terms, such abstracted similarities can function-altering stimuli (Schlinger & increase cohesion because they serve Blakely, 1987). The functions of con- as contextual cues for frames of coor- sequences can be changed as soon as dination or hierarchical class member- they participate in derived relations. ship being applied to group members. Consider, for example, the motivative For example, groups may adopt uni- augmental statement "Wouldn't a hot versal dress or conduct codes to in- juicy cheeseburger be delicious right crease the salience of shared character- now?" If this statement leads to burger istics as defining properties of group eating, we cannot call it a discrimina- membership and to decrease the sa- tive stimulus: Eating burgers is as like- lience of the unique characteristics of ly to be reinforced in the absence of RELATIONAL FRAME THEORY 83

the statement as in its presence. Rather, of opposition and difference between the statement operates as a verbal es- group members and their families or tablishing stimulus that alters the re- mainstream society in general (e.g., the inforcing functions of cheeseburgers Moonies, the Branch Davidians). For by bringing the listener into direct con- instance, nonmembers may be verbally tact with the perceptual functions of coordinated with terms such as the eating a cheeseburger (e.g., the listener problem, or placed in frames of oppo- may actually salivate). A formative sition with terms such as the chosen augmental, on the other hand, estab- ones. The establishment of such verbal lishes reinforcing or punishing conse- relations may have the effect of ren- quences for a previously neutral event. dering the functions of contact with An example might be "these slips are family and other nonmembers as less worth chances on money prizes." If reinforcing, and possibly even aver- the slips now function for the first time sive, thereby protecting the group from as a reinforcer, the statement was a for- dissolution. mative augmental. The effect may then Just as cohesive groups must some- be expanded through a relational net- times arrange the transformation of re- work. For example, when money is an inforcing functions, it is sometimes existing reinforcer, the phrase "push necessary to transform the functions of the button to earn slips" may now be- some primary punishers such that they come the functional equivalent of function as reinforcers. Violent gang "push the button to earn money." The initiation rites serve as an example. important point, then, is that formative More specifically, gangs sometimes augmentals can contribute to behavior- make full group membership condi- al regulation even if the "new" con- tional upon the completion of a phys- sequences are never actually contacted ical endurance test, often involving by the listener. physical beatings by other group mem- Augmental control plays an impor- bers. The endurance of such rituals is tant part in the cohesion of religious relationally coordinated with such groups when powerful reinforcers terms as got what it takes and made of available outside the group (e.g., sex) the right stuff. Indeed, even following and powerful punishers delivered in- a traumatic initiation rite, further phys- side the group (e.g., self-flagellation, ical assaults endured by a member on fasting) can weaken the loyalty of the gang's behalf will often secure in- group members. More specifically, re- creased status for that individual. By ligious groups often speak of biologi- confining the source of reinforcement cal reinforcers such as sex, drugs, food, to activity within the group and fram- alcohol, and rest as undesirable. Such ing previous reinforcers as punishers reinforcers can threaten group cohesion and former punishers as reinforcers, a because they often control behavior group can verbally construct a new more effectively than the verbally con- picture of social reality in which good structed distant consequences of reli- becomes bad and bad becomes good gious rule following. To ameliorate the (see Wilder & Shapiro, 1991). In this possibility of membership loss as a re- way, it becomes more difficult for any sult of these, it is often thought nec- member of the group to return to the essary to establish negative functions mainstream culture. for these activities so that they partic- ipate in frames of coordination with Attitudes and Attitude Change terms such as bad, evil, morally weak, dangerous, and the like. When the It is almost a cliche to suggest that threat of desertion is great, group the study of attitudes is a cornerstone members will exert considerable effort of social psychology. Different re- in forbidding contact with outsiders searchers have defined attitudes in dif- and in verbally constructing relations ferent ways, but most widely accepted 84 BRYAN ROCHE et al. definitions make reference to an affec- more complete experimental analogue tive or evaluative component as well as of attitude formation and change. One to cognitive and behavioral compo- further study (Roche et al., 1997) at- nents (see Fiske & Taylor, 1991, p. tempted to do just that. 463). One behavior-analytic study at- In the first of four experiments, tempted to use a stimulus equivalence Roche et al. (1997) established sexual paradigm to analyze the evaluative arousal functions for two nonsense syl- component and the transfer of evalua- lables, which we will refer to here as tive functions in accordance with de- Al and Cl, and nonsexual functions rived relations. These researchers for two further nonsense syllables, (Grey & Barnes, 1996) conceived an which we will call A2 and C2. This attitude as a network of derived and was achieved by pairing presentations explicitly reinforced stimulus relations of Al and Cl with sexual film clips according to which the functions of and A2 and C2 with nonsexual film events are transformed (e.g., a negative clips on a TV monitor. The functions attitude towards condom use could be of the stimuli were then assessed by seen as responding in accordance with the outcome of a conditional discrimi- an equivalence relation between actual nation test presented to subjects on a condoms and descriptive terms such as computer. On this test, all 5 subjects unromantic and disgusting; see also matched stimuli on the basis of simi- Moxon, Keenan, & Hine, 1993; larity in function (i.e., matched Al Schauss et al., 1997; Watt et al., 1991). with Cl and A2 with C2). Grey and Barnes (1996) used a Subjects were then trained on the matching-to-sample procedure to es- following conditional discriminations, tablish three three-member equivalence Al-Bl, A2-B2, Bl-C2, B2-C1, after classes (Al, Bi, Cl; A2, B2, C2; A3, which the conditional discrimination B3, C3) using nonsense syllables as test was again administered. Given this stimuli. One member from two of these training, we would expect subjects to classes (Al and A2) was then used to produce the equivalence relations Al- clearly label one of two videocassettes. B1-C2 and A2-B2-C1. However, these The videos contained film clips of ei- equivalence relations would also con- ther a romantic or a religious nature. tain members with incongruous func- Having viewed the videos, subjects tions (e.g., Al and C2 are sexual and were required to categorize as good or nonsexual, respectively). Results from bad four additional videocassettes la- Experiment 1 showed that all 5 sub- beled with one of each of the remain- jects continued to match Al with Cl ing nonsense syllables from the Al and and A2 with C2 in accordance with the A2 classes (i.e., Bi, Cl, B2, C2). Re- original stimulus-pairing contingen- sults showed that these additional vid- cies. Thus, it appeared that subjects eocassettes were categorized according who first matched stimuli on the basis to the established equivalence classes, of their functions following the pairing despite the fact that subjects had not procedure were unlikely to produce the been exposed to the contents of those equivalence relations containing emo- tapes. In effect, the study demonstrated tionally incongruous members (i.e., the transfer of an evaluative response matching-to-sample training failed to from Al and A2 to further stimuli in override the sexual-nonsexual stimu- accordance with derived relations. lus-pairing history). The Grey and Barnes (1996) study In a further condition, subjects were demonstrated that attitudes may be first exposed to the conditional dis- usefully conceived of in terms of de- crimination training. Having passed the rived stimulus relations and the trans- equivalence tests, subjects were ex- fer of functions. However, that study posed to an incongruous stimulus-pair- did not attempt to alter the relations or ing procedure in which Al and C2 functions involved, thereby providing a were paired with sexual stimuli and A2 RELATIONAL FRAME THEORY 85

and C I were paired with nonsexual were exposed to preliminary condition- stimuli. On a subsequent conditional al discrimination training and testing discrimination test, all subjects contin- with one stimulus set before a second ued to match stimuli based on derived stimulus set was used to conduct stim- equivalence relations (i.e., stimulus ulus pairing and testing followed by in- pairings failed to override the match- congruous conditional discrimination ing-to-sample training). In effect, Ex- training and testing. Results indicated periment 1 showed that once a re- that after a history of stimulus pairing sponse pattern was established using a and testing, equivalence-based test per- stimulus pairing or conditional dis- formances were often altered by the in- crimination training procedure, this congruous stimulus pairing and testing. performance was persistent even after Similarly, after a history of conditional exposure to incongruous training phas- discrimination training, stimulus-pair- es that we might otherwise expect to ing-based test performance was often give rise to alternative performances. altered by incongruous conditional dis- Indeed, in a further experiment (Ex- crimination training and testing. Thus, periment 3), subjects were repeatedly a critical controlling variable for test exposed to these incongruous training performances appeared to have been phases without affecting their original the subjects' previous history of ex- conditional discrimination test perfor- posure to particular forms of stimulus mance. control. Experiment 2 omitted the condition- These analogue studies may repre- al discrimination test following the ini- sent the first steps towards an experi- tial training phase (i.e., conditional dis- mental analysis of attitude formation crimination or stimulus-pairing train- and change. Specifically, the findings ing). Results indicated that when the suggest that once an attitude has been initial training was untested, subse- formed (e.g., an equivalence relation quent conditional discrimination tests between condoms and disgusting), this were controlled by the most recent relation may persist despite personal training rather than by the initial train- experiences that might be expected to ing. In effect, persistent conditional undermine such attitudes (e.g., seeing discrimination test performances were a sexual health advertisement). Al- not controlled by initial training con- though this is an alarming finding, ditions alone. Persistent performances Roche et al. (1997) suggested a means arose only when subjects produced de- by which we might disrupt such per- rived relations based on their initial sistent attitudes. training before being exposed to incon- Consider, once again, Experiment 4 gruous contingencies. in which some subjects were provided Experiment 4 tested the possibility with a history of responding in accor- that the incongruous contingencies dance with conditional discriminations failed to control behavior precisely be- unrelated to those trained and tested cause of their novel trial format (i.e., subsequently. These subjects were then stimulus pairing vs. match to sample). exposed to stimulus pairing and con- In this experiment, subjects were first ditional discrimination testing. All sub- exposed to the types of contingencies jects responded to the test by matching that would later serve as incongruous. samples and comparisons on the basis More specifically, some subjects were of their common sexual and nonsexual exposed to preliminary stimulus pair- functions. Finally, the subjects were ing and conditional discrimination test- exposed to incongruous conditional ing with one set of stimuli before a sec- discrimination training, after which ond stimulus set was used to conduct they shifted their stimulus-pairing- conditional discrimination training and based performance to one based on de- testing followed by incongruous stim- rived equivalence relations. In effect, ulus pairing and testing. Other subjects the pretraining appeared to sensitize 86 BRYAN ROCHE et al. subjects' test performances to new terms, the community worker could learning experiences. Although this first establish him or herself as a reli- finding involved training manipula- able source of information before at- tions made before the persistent test tempting to shift persistent attitudes. performances could emerge, the exper- Second, the community worker iment suggests ways in which we might deliver a message through a per- might control already-established per- son who has already demonstrated an sistent attitudes. influence over the individual's behav- As an example, consider a man who ior. A respected and familiar person has heard and persistently believes that who has already demonstrated behav- "real men don't use condoms." As the ioral control should serve as an effec- Roche et al. (1997) study suggests, the tive agent of attitude change when in- attempts of a community worker to un- congruous and novel verbal relations dermine this attitude by repeatedly are presented. Indeed, this conclusion contradicting him, or by introducing has been supported by intervention him to individuals who have been ex- studies that have found that the safe- posed to the AIDS virus through un- sex practices employed by eminent safe sex, may do little to alter his at- members of social groups were even- titude towards condom use. However, tually emulated by members of those the results of Experiment 4 suggest that groups (Kelly et al., 1991, 1992; Wul- the negative attitude may persist be- fert & Biglan, 1994). cause the individual has no history of Of course, the RFT analysis of atti- reinforcement for responding in the tude formation and change is interpre- context of the community worker. tive. More detailed empirical analyses More specifically, subjects who were may establish that the effectiveness of provided with the opportunity to pro- a familiar individual in delivering a duce or derive relations trained in a novel message depends partly upon as- particular context (i.e., stimulus pairing sociative processes and a history of di- or matching to sample) were more sen- rect reinforcement for rule following. sitive to deriving relations trained in Nevertheless, it is almost inconceiv- that way in the future. This suggests able that attitude formation and change two ways in which we might address a are entirely nonverbal processes that persistent attitude. First, we might ex- involve no derived relational activity. pose this individual to a form of "nov- The analogue studies described here el pretraining," in which we familiar- represent only the first step in the ex- ize him or her with a community work- perimental analysis of those behavioral er as a general source of behavioral processes involved in the formation control. One way to gain behavioral and maintenance of persistent attitudes. control easily would be to establish Moreover, we have only just begun to novel verbal relations that are already analyze methods that might be used for consistent with verbal networks for the altering persistent attitudes when they listener. For instance, if the individual are to the detriment of the individual in question is a sports enthusiast, a or the wider culture. Nevertheless, the community worker might attempt to relatively consistent data reported by establish such relations as "regular ex- Roche et al. (1997) suggest that further ercise and a balanced diet prolong basic research along the foregoing life." In effect, a variety of attitudes lines would be well worthwhile. unrelated to the issue of condom use could be reinforced. Following a his- Persuasion and Rhetoric tory of establishing and reinforcing verbal relations, the community worker The first widely held view of per- might attempt to establish incongruous suasion as a psychological process was verbal relations such as "real men do known as the Yale model (Hovland, wear condoms." In commonsense Lumsdaine, & Sheffield, 1949; Hov- RELATIONAL FRAME THEORY 87

land & Mandell, 1952). According to ample, the salesperson might say, "you this model, beliefs are swayed primar- are under no obligation to buy," or "if ily by coherent arguments. Persuasion you are not completely satisfied you is most effective, therefore, when it ap- can have your money back," or "take peals to logic. Hovland and his col- it now for free and if you like it you leagues proposed that persuasion ef- can send us the money next month." forts must involve getting individuals Thus, the pitch will participate in a re- to notice, understand, and remember an lational network with other terms (e.g., alternative viewpoint. They also ar- trustworthy), stimuli (e.g., items pur- gued that propaganda works by sup- chased in a department store), and con- pressing intellectual reasoning during sequences (pleasure of using recently the delivery of a novel message, for purchased items) that form part of any instance by bombarding an individual normal sales process. In effect, use of with information. these and similar phrases may trans- Recent RFT evidence shows, how- form the functions of the sales pitch so ever, that once derived, verbal relations that it does not evoke functions of dis- may resurge at a later time in an ap- honesty. propriate context without additional As suggested above, RFT maintains training designed to bring about such that a salesperson is unlikely to weaken resurgence (Wilson & Hayes, 1996; problematic "dishonesty functions" by see also Healy, Barnes-Holmes, & contradicting them directly. Specifical- Smeets, 2000). From the RFT perspec- ly, direct reference to dishonesty itself tive, therefore, the propagandist might is bound only to evoke the relevant do well to alter the functions of al- functions, even when the term is ready-established verbal relations placed in a frame of opposition with through rhetoric rather than attempting salespeople. In the same way, it is im- to extinguish them (see also Roche et possible to literally follow the rule "do al., 1997). not think of a pink elephant" because Perhaps the simplest form of persua- in order to do so, one must first re- sion or rhetoric involves the alteration spond covertly to the visual perceptual and weakening of psychological func- features of a pink elephant. Thus, an tions maintained by verbal relations for ineffective way for a salesperson to the listener. Weakening these functions generate trust would be to use the is perhaps the most fundamental aspect phrase "trust me," because the phrase of rhetoric because individuals are may actually serve to strengthen the slow to respond positively to messages problematic functions of dishonesty at- that compete with their beliefs and tached to salespeople. opinions (Hovland et al., 1949). As an Motivative augmentals may also be example, consider a salesperson who used to increase the value of verbally must regularly contend with such prob- stated consequences. Health and life lematic socially established verbal re- insurance companies, for example, rely lations as "all salespeople are liars." heavily on this technique. Advertise- Once a relational frame is established ments for such companies often aim to between such terms as salesperson and bring the listener into direct emotional liar, it is difficult for the salesperson to contact with verbally constructed con- say anything without having the func- sequences of not purchasing insurance. tions of "liar" evoked for the listener. Whereas these companies procure their One rhetorical means by which the profits on the basis that a greater num- functions of the problematic relational ber of people buy insurance than will network can be weakened, however, is need it, they nevertheless speak of to use terms and phrases that coordi- these risks in such a way that they be- nate with trustworthy individuals and come psychologically proximate. This that participate in frames of opposition is achieved by framing aversive events with dishonest salespersons. For ex- in temporal relations. Temporal rela- 88 BRYAN ROCHE et al. tions are based on the nonarbitrary ex- rule that evokes functions of escape perience of change, and like all rela- from these aversive consequences tions can be arbitrarily applied to trans- through appropriate relational frames form the functions of stated events (e.g., "buy our insurance and sleep (e.g., "old age is closer than you easy") may make rule following more think"). For the same purpose, adver- likely. tisers may also employ if-then rela- One further technique commonly tions (e.g., "if you injure your back used by rhetoricians for the transfor- you will not be able to support your mation of verbal functions involves the family") and relations of coordination showcasing of a listener's verbal incon- (e.g., "this could happen to you"). sistency. As outlined earlier, verbal Such relations serve to transform the consistency likely serves as a powerful functions of the stated future conse- reinforcer for verbal behavior itself. quences such that their reinforcing and Moreover, verbal inconsistency is es- punishing functions are enhanced. In tablished as a powerful punisher for each of these cases, of course, deictic most members of the verbal commu- relations are also involved. Deictic re- nity (see Guerin, 1994, p. 159; Schauss lations are those that specify a relation et al., 1997). Convincing speakers are in terms of the perspective of the skilled at using the listener's verbal in- speaker, such as left-right, I-you, here- consistency as a punisher. The effec- there, and now-then (see Barnes & tiveness of the technique is based on Roche, 1997; Hayes, 1984). Thus, the simple fact that nobody likes to feel most cases of rhetoric require the lis- foolish or confused. The rhetorician, tener to respond from a perspective dif- therefore, will find ways to evoke the ferent from that of the speaker. That is, frustrating functions of two a listener may respond to "this could incongru- happen to you" as "that could happen ent verbal relations that are produced to me." (See Barnes & Roche, 1997; by the listener. An insurance advertise- Y. Barnes-Holmes, Hayes, Barnes- ment, for instance, may read, "People Holmes, & Roche, 2001, for further in- who care about their families are in- formation on the development of deic- sured with Acme insurance." Here the tic relations.) listener must respond to a verbal rela- The foregoing RFT analysis is con- tion (i.e., the slogan) that is not con- sistent with the rationale of the theory sistent with other relations in the lis- of reasoned action (Ajzen & Fishbein, tener's verbal repertoire (e.g., "I care 1980), which attempts to make sense about my family and I do not have of attitude and behavior change in Acme insurance"). If verbal consisten- terms of an individual's perception of cy is to be maintained, then one of the susceptibility to aversive consequences two verbal relations must change. In- (e.g., developing lung cancer because terestingly, the problem faced by the of smoking), their perceived compe- listener in this case is similar to that tence in avoiding negative consequenc- presented to subjects in Festinger's es (e.g., quitting smoking), and the val- (1957) cognitive dissonance studies. If ue placed on the consequences of a be- effective, the rhetorical devices used havior change (e.g., avoiding cancer). by advertisers will be powerful enough Thus, persuasive narratives that are that the verbal behavior of some indi- emotionally provocative, informative, viduals will be transformed such that and directive should be effective in consistency is achieved (i.e., the listen- generating a change in attitude and an er purchases Acme insurance). For oth- attendant change in behavior. From the er individuals, however, previously es- RFT perspective, such narratives bring tablished verbal relations such as "ad- aversive verbally constructed conse- vertisers will say anything to get you quences into psychological proximity. to buy their products" will reduce the In addition, the provision of a directive impact of advertising slogans. RELATIONAL FRAME THEORY 89

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