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Celebrities As Political Representatives: Explaining the Exchangeability of Celebrity Capital in the Political Field
Celebrities as Political Representatives: Explaining the Exchangeability of Celebrity Capital in the Political Field Ellen Watts Royal Holloway, University of London Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics 2018 Declaration I, Ellen Watts, hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Ellen Watts September 17, 2018. 2 Abstract The ability of celebrities to become influential political actors is evident (Marsh et al., 2010; Street 2004; 2012, West and Orman, 2003; Wheeler, 2013); the process enabling this is not. While Driessens’ (2013) concept of celebrity capital provides a starting point, it remains unclear how celebrity capital is exchanged for political capital. Returning to Street’s (2004) argument that celebrities claim to speak for others provides an opportunity to address this. In this thesis I argue successful exchange is contingent on acceptance of such claims, and contribute an original model for understanding this process. I explore the implicit interconnections between Saward’s (2010) theory of representative claims, and Bourdieu’s (1991) work on political capital and the political field. On this basis, I argue celebrity capital has greater explanatory power in political contexts when fused with Saward’s theory of representative claims. Three qualitative case studies provide demonstrations of this process at work. Contributing to work on how celebrities are evaluated within political and cultural hierarchies (Inthorn and Street, 2011; Marshall, 2014; Mendick et al., 2018; Ribke, 2015; Skeggs and Wood, 2011), I ask which key factors influence this process. -
CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X. -
Of the Ati-Apartheid Nlwemt 10 Police Shoot Demonstrators Dead As They Say 'Kissi, Go Home' 1I Ote Dm ,Ve Right) Entrelpages
ANTI-APARTHEID NEW ANTI-APARTHEID NEW TI " newuinpa" of the Ati-Apartheid Nlwemt 10 Police shoot demonstrators dead as they say 'Kissi, Go Home' 1i ote dm ,ve right) entrelpages. Kissinger buys time for whites campa ui moveme . La South wl .s i EC wil 'a nion recognise Transkei AT a meeting in September that what the Foreig Ministers of the carrythe nine EEC countries announced hole labo r that they wbuld not extend rebognition to the Transkei ramm Bantustan when Suth Africa rgrants it "independence on iOctober 26. KADER ASMAL, Vice Chairman of ,tment the Irish Anti-Apartheid has adopted Movement, explains the back0s5is for a ground to the decision, page 8 stment in )support SWAPO rejects SA i move on Namibia 11 1r. ai -iusive nerview witn AA NEWS, PETER KATJAVIViSWAPO' s Western European representative, sets out the liberation movement's case, page 9. Smith dismisses death appeals SO far this year, at least 37 Zimbabweans have had their appeals against death senfenee 2 . ACTION-NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL Britain Haringey HARINGEY Anti-Apartheid Group has held two suCjcessful house meetings and discussion groups on the Soweto crisis and after, and is planning for a major public meeting in October. Solly Smith and Ronnie Kasrils addressed groups in Crouch End andMuswell Hill on the implications of the current wave of strikes and protests in South Africa and the role of the African National Congress. On October 21 the Group is arranging a follow up to the Labour Party Conference in the form of a public meeting at which the main speaker will be Hornsey Labour Party's recently adopted Parliamen tary candidate, Ted Knight SACTU THE trade union and labour movewent must give overwhelming support to the Labour Party NEC call for a freeze on investment, mandatory economic sanctions and the halting of sales of any equipmant which enhances South Africa's military capacity. -
Socialist Lawyer 04
Winter 1987/1988 No.4 AIDS: The Legal lssues by Linda Webster and Phillipe Sands A Regressive Act The David Alton Bill- by Pat McGarthy and Tia Cockrell Tony Gifford 0G on Ghile's Gonstitutional Fraud Gay Rights Matter by David Geer A Licence to Hate: lncitement to Racial Hatred by J. Dexter Dias The Poll Tar: No Representation Without Taxation? by Bill Bowring Book Reviews and News Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers -- rì Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers llALDAtllE NEWS PRESIDENT: JohnPlatts-MitlsQ.c Kader Asmal; Fennis Augustine; Jack Gaster; VICE Tony Gifford Q.C.; Tess Gill; Jack Hendy; PRESIDENTS: Helena Kennedy; Dr Paul O'Higgins; Stephen Sedley Q.C.; Michael Seifert; David T\rrner- Samuels Q,C.; Professor Lord Wedderburn A Case to Answer? Q.c. The Society's Report on the policing of the Wapping dispute received publicity on TV, radio, newspapers and magazines. Nearly 2,000 copies have been sold through mail order and CHAIR: Joanna Dodson, News bookshops, Anyone who has still not purchased their copy can Barristers' Chambers, lReports order one from BEN EMMERSON,35, Wellington Street, 35 Wellington Street, London lVC2. Price: f2.50 plus 50p p&p. LondonWC2 Haldane News D.N. Pritt Memorial Lecture .....,........... 2 SECRETARY: Beverley Lang, 1 Dr Johnson's Buildings Day Courses for Trade Unionists Temple Haldane Ballot 0n Rule Changes ..........13 The Employment Committee has launched a highly London EC4. successful series ofday courses for trade unionists. Topics so 01-353 9328 far have been Industrial Tlibunal procedure and Public Order law in industrial disputes, For ãetails of further courses contact FIONA L'ARBALESTIER at 83, Ward Point, 2, TREASURER: PaulineHendy, Hotspur Street, London 5811. -
The Involvement of the Women of the South Wales Coalfield In
“Not Just Supporting But Leading”: The Involvement of the Women of the South Wales Coalfield in the 1984-85 Miners’ Strike By Rebecca Davies Enrolment: 00068411 Thesis submitted for Doctor of Philosophy degree at the University of Glamorgan February 2010. ABSTRACT The 1984-85 miners’ strike dramatically changed the face of the South Wales Valleys. This dissertation will show that the women’s groups that played such a crucial supportive role in it were not the homogenous entity that has often been portrayed. They shared some comparable features with similar groups in English pit villages but there were also qualitative differences between the South Wales groups and their English counterparts and between the different Welsh groups themselves. There is evidence of tensions between the Welsh groups and disputes with the communities they were trying to assist, as well as clashes with local miners’ lodges and the South Wales NUM. At the same time women’s support groups, various in structure and purpose but united in the aim of supporting the miners, challenged and shifted the balance of established gender roles The miners’ strike evokes warm memories of communities bonding together to fight for their survival. This thesis investigates in detail the women involved in support groups to discover what impact their involvement made on their lives afterwards. Their role is contextualised by the long-standing tradition of Welsh women’s involvement in popular politics and industrial disputes; however, not all women discovered a new confidence arising from their involvement. But others did and for them this self-belief survived the strike and, in some cases, permanently altered their own lives. -
“Run with the Fox and Hunt with the Hounds”: Managerial Trade Unionism and the British Association of Colliery Management, 1947-1994
“Run with the fox and hunt with the hounds”: managerial trade unionism and the British Association of Colliery Management, 1947-1994 Abstract This article examines the evolution of managerial trade-unionism in the British coal industry, specifically focusing on the development of the British Association of Colliery Management (BACM) from 1947 until 1994. It explores the organization’s identity from its formation as a conservative staff association to its emergence as a distinct trade union, focusing on key issues: industrial action and strike cover; affiliation to the Trades Union Congress (TUC); colliery closures; and the privatization of the coal industry. It examines BACM’s relationship with the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the National Association of Colliery Overmen, Deputies and Shotfirers (NACODS), the National Coal Board (NCB) and subsequently the British Coal Corporation (BCC). This is explored within the wider context of the growth of managerial trade unions in post-war Britain and managerial identity in nationalized industries. Keywords: Managerial unionism; white-collar trade unions; public ownership; coal industry The British Association of Colliery Management was a very British institution in that it seemed to have the freedom both to run with the fox and hunt with the hounds … Although it never really joined in the dispute [1984-5 miners’ strike] when it came, it took some getting used to a situation in which people who clearly laid full claim to being representatives of “management” could, and did, through their union, criticize that management.1 Former NCB chairman Ian MacGregor’s vituperative attack on BACM reflected the breakdown between the two parties and their distinct 1 outlooks on the future of the industry in the 1980s. -
Chapters the Politics of the Strike
Durham E-Theses The 1984/85 Miners strike in East Durham, A study in contemporary history. Atkin, Michael How to cite: Atkin, Michael (2001) The 1984/85 Miners strike in East Durham, A study in contemporary history., Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2015/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 THE 1984/85 MINERS' STRIKE IN EAST DURHAM, A STUDY IN CONTEMPORARY IDSTORY BY MICHAEL ATKIN The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published in any form, including Electronic and the Internet, without the author's prior written consent. All information derived from this thesis must be acknowledged appropriately. THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY. MAY 2001. 2 2 MAR 2002 CONTENTS Page PREFACE 1 INTRODUCTION -
National Women Against Pit Closures: Gender, Trade Unionism
National Women Against Pit Closures: gender, trade unionism and community activism in the miners’ strike, 1984–5 Florence Sutcliffe-Braithwaite and Natalie Thomlinson Introduction The miners’ strike began on 6 March 1984, provoked by the NCB’s (National Coal Board) announcement of the imminent closure of pits whose coal reserves were not exhausted yet (though before 6 March, many pits were already undertaking unofficial action). Quickly, many pits struck in solidarity with those facing closure; Yorkshire and Scotland area National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) members were soon all out, and on 12 March NUM President Arthur Scargill called for action in all coalfields in solidarity with those areas already on strike.1 From just a few days into the strike, support groups sprang up in coalfield areas. These were generally made up predominantly or only of women.2 Their main activities were the organisation of communal feeding, food parcels, and vouchers and money for food and other essentials. They received very little money from the NUM (some received small start-up donations), and raised their own funds through events, street collections and asking for donations. Some also picketed (though not all: some did not want to, and some men refused to let their wives go on picket lines).3 Women marched to show their support for the strike, and some travelled in Britain and abroad, to give speeches to publicise the struggle and raise money. There was a huge effort to document their activities by those involved, both at the time and shortly after the strike: this was one of the striking things about the movement. -
Amalgamated Union of Foundry Workers
ID Heading Subject Organisation Person Industry Country Date Location 74 JIM GARDNER (null) AMALGAMATED UNION OF FOUNDRY WORKERS JIM GARDNER (null) (null) 1954-1955 1/074 303 TRADE UNIONS TRADE UNIONS TRADES UNION CONGRESS (null) (null) (null) 1958-1959 5/303 360 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS NON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS (null) (null) (null) 1942-1966 7/360 361 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS NOW ASSOCIATIONON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS N(null) (null) (null) 1967 TO 7/361 362 ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS CONFERENCES NONON MANUAL WORKERS ASSOCIATION OF SUPERVISORY STAFFS EXECUTIVES AND TECHNICIANS N(null) (null) (null) 1955-1966 7/362 363 ASSOCIATION OF TEACHERS IN TECHNICAL INSTITUTIONS APPRENTICES ASSOCIATION OF TEACHERS IN TECHNICAL INSTITUTIONS (null) EDUCATION (null) 1964 7/363 364 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1929-1935 7/364 365 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1935-1962 7/365 366 BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH ACTORS EQUITY ASSOCIATION (null) ENTERTAINMENT (null) 1963-1970 7/366 367 BRITISH AIR LINE PILOTS ASSOCIATION (null) BRITISH AIR LINE PILOTS ASSOCIATION (null) TRANSPORT CIVIL AVIATION (null) 1969-1970 7/367 368 CHEMICAL WORKERS UNION CONFERENCES INCOMES POLICY RADIATION HAZARD -
Mick Mcgahey Donald Maclntyre
60 September 1986 Marxism Today CLOSE UP ON Mick McGahey Donald Maclntyre ick McGahey leaves the 1981. And his steadfast refusal to TUC general council this criticise his two colleagues in the month having finally 'Troika' (his word) at the top of the emerged as a focus for NUM must at times have cost him opposition, albeit still muted, to dear. Arthur Scargill within the NUM. For there were signs below the When Peter Heathfield was elected surface during the strike that general secretary in February 1984, it McGahey was less than wholly happy was widely assumed that he would with its conduct. Privately - and still use the constitutional authority without criticising the NUM president invested in the job to assert himself as - McGahey let it be known that he a counterweight to Scargill. would prefer more emphasis on attacked by both Heathfield and energy. In the early stages of the 1984-5 propaganda which stressed coal as a Scargill on the grounds that he had McGahey's Communist party miners' strike it was McGahey who national asset. The lobby of been a willing party to the decision by membership has always been central thundered that the rightwing parliament, proposed as a welcome the Left not to pursue a ballot. That to his union activities, and he has suffered from 'ballotitis' and that the distraction from mass picketing and was true; neither McGahey nor played a significant and sometimes union would not be designed to raise the wider energy Bolton had questioned the strategy at critical role in recent debates about 'constitutionalised' out of taking issues, was McGahey's idea. -
How It All Began: a Footnote to History
HOW IT ALL BEGAN: A FOOTNOTE TO HISTORY Marion Kozak The Socialist Register was conceived on an exceptionally sunlit Sunday, April 7 1963, over lunch. Sitting round the table were John Saville, Lawrence Daly, Edward Thompson, Ralph and I. To an outsider it was evident that Lawrence Daly in some ways dominated the group. Daly, who had once been a working miner in Fife and later became a trade union leader, had been part of John and Edward’s circle in the course of their break with the Communist Party in 1956-57 and after, and they considered him a most remarkable working class intellectual. He had attracted consid erable attention in the 1959 general election campaign when he had beaten the official Communist candidate into third place in Willie Gallagher’s old constituency - a traditional stronghold of Communism. But what sticks out in my memory is not the politics but that Edward wanted to talk to him about poetry and that the afternoon concluded with a discussion about Shakespeare’s sonnets which Lawrence had been reading. In their different ways, all the individuals at our little meeting were among the first wave members of the British New Left, and represented various aspects of a revived Marxist culture whose immediate antecedents were the revelations of the 20th Party Congress. On the one hand, Khrushchev’s speech to the Congress of the CPSU had exposed the crimes of Stalinism as well as the fallibility of the Communist project as exemplified in the Soviet suppression of the Hungarian revolution. On the other hand, the broad Left and even the centre of the political spectrum in Britain had demonstrated widespread disillusion with Cold War politics, in the protest against the colonialism of the Suez invasions and in the growing movement against nuclear weapons. -
Alterfactual History and the 1984-5 Miners' Strike
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Salford Institutional Repository ALTERFACTUAL HISTORY AND THE 1984-5 MINERS’ STRIKE Article for Capital and Class April 2005 Dr. Ralph Darlington, School of Management, University of Salford, Salford M5 4WT [email protected] - - 1 INTRODUCTION In the early 1970s Britain was swept by a wave of militant industrial struggle, the depth and political character of which was unprecedented since the 1920s, both in terms of the sheer scale of strike activity involved and because it witnessed some of the most dramatic confrontations between unions and government in postwar Britain. One of the most notable high points of struggle was the 1972 miners’ strike for higher wages, which delivered the miners their ‘greatest victory’ (Hall, 1981) and inflicted a devastating defeat on the Conservative government headed by Edward Heath. The strike, with its mass pickets, provided a vivid illustration of the power and confidence of shopfloor union organization that had been built up in the post-war period (Darlington and Lyddon, 2001; Lyddon and Darlington, 2003). Although the miners won another victory in 1974, culminating in a general election that brought down the Heath government, this strike was altogether a much more passive dispute compared with 1972, with a tight control on picketing under TUC-supported guidelines of only six pickets imposed by the NUM executive. A much more marked contrast occurred with the 1984-5 miners’ strike, which took place against the backcloth of a deep economic recession, an avalanche of redundancies and closures, and a neo-liberal Conservative government headed by Margaret Thatcher that displayed its resolve to fight with and beat any trade-union (the ‘enemy within’) that sought to challenge its authority.