sign in sign up
<<
Home , Ala (odinani), Alusi, Amadioha, Anyanwu, Chukwu, Ekwensu

A RESEARCH PAPER FROM WIKIPEDIA ON IGBO TRADITION/ LAWS/ MORALITY SimOne Madu Onyekachi([email protected] /+2348094406973)

This article is about the traditional spiritual practices of and . the . For their traditional cultural practices Remnants of Igbo religious rites spread among African in general, see . descendants in the and North America in era of the . Igbo ọ́ bịà̀ was transferred to Odinani (Igbo: ọ̀dịnànị̀ )̀ comprises the traditional reli- the former British Caribbean and as and gious practices and cultural beliefs of the Igbo people.[1] aspects of Igbo masquerading traditions can be found Odinani has monotheistic and panentheistic attributes, among the festivals of the people and jonkonnu having a single as the source of all things. Although a of the British Caribbean and .[3][4][5][6] of spirits exists, these are lesser spirits prevalent in Odinani expressly serving as elements of Chineke (or [2] ), the supreme being or high god. Chineke is a 1 Etymology compound word encompassing the concept of chí the di- vine masculine force and (nà) ékè the creative and divisive Odinani in northern Igbo dialects is the compound of feminine force. The concept of Chúkwú ('supreme chi') the words ọ̀ dị̀ ('located') + n (nà, 'within') + ànị̀ (land was largely propagated by the Aro-Igbo of in or ).[2][7][8] Other dialectal variants in- eastern who wielded much spiritual force over clude odinala, odinana, omenala, omenana, and ome- the eastern in the 18th century due to their nani.[8][9] The word odinani and all its variations is also operating of the . associated with the culture and customary laws of the Lesser spirits known as ágbàrà or álúsí operate below the Igbo people. Many of the laws and culture were coun- high god Chineke and are parts of him divided by gender terparts with such as taboos and laws concerning in his mind. These spirits represent natural forces; agbara sacred spaces like a sacred forest. Since custom- as a divine force manifests as separate in the Igbo ary law is recognised in , many in Igbo society pantheon. A concept of 'the eye of sun or god' (ányá án- find themselves syncretising these beliefs with other be- wụ́ ) exists as a feminine solar which forms a part of liefs and . the solar veneration among the Nri-Igbo in northern Ig- boland. Alusi are mediated by dibia and other priests who do not contact the high god directly. Through áfà, 'div- ination', the laws and demands of the alusi are commu- 2 Beliefs nicated to the living. Alusi are venerated in community around roadsides and forests while smaller shrines Odinani could loosely be described as a monotheistic and are located in the household for ancestral veneration. De- panentheistic with a strong central spiritual force at ceased ancestors live in the spirit world where they can be its head which all things are believed to spring from, how- contacted. Below the alusi are minor and more general ever, the contextual diversity of the system may encom- mmúọ pass theistic perspectives that relies on the different be- spirits known as loosely defined by their perceived [8][10][11][12][13][note 1] malevolent or benign natures. These minor spirits are not liefs of the religion. Chukwu as the ndi mmuo venerated and are sometimes considered the lost of central deity is classed among the , 'invisible be- Ala the dead. ings’, category of ontological beings which includes the divine feminine earth force, chi the 'personal deity', The number of people practicing Igbo religion had de- ndichie the ancestors, and mmuo minor spirits. The other creased drastically in the 20th century with the influx of class of beings are under ndi mmadu, 'visible beings’, Christian under the auspices of the British which are ánụ́ animals, and ósísí vegetation, and the fi- colonial government of Nigeria. In some cases Igbo tradi- nal class ùrò which consists of elements, minerals and tional religion syncretised with , but in many inanimate beings.[14] Chukwu as the creator of everything cases indigenous rites were demonised by Christian mis- visible and invisible and the source of lesser divinities is sionaries who pointed out the practice of human sacrifice also referred to as Chineke. Chukwu is genderless[15] and and some other cultural practices that were illegal under is reached through various spiritual forces mainly under the colonial government. Earlier missionaries referred to the spirit class of Alusi who are incarnations of the high juju many indigenous religious practices as . Igbo religion god; no sacrifices, however, are given to Chukwu and no is most present today in harvest ceremonies such as new shrines and altars are erected for him.[14] If an Arushi is ị́wá jí festival ( ) and masquerading traditions such as assigned to an individual, it becomes a chi, a personal

1

SimOne Madu Onyekachi([email protected] /+2348094406973) 2 2 BELIEFS

Chi is the personal spirit of a person ḿmúọ́ , in Igbo cul- ture it is this spirit which determines destiny. Hence the saying, onye kwe, Chi ya ekwe (meaning “If a per- son agrees to a thing, his spirit agrees also”). Cultur- ally, people are seen as the creators or makers of their own destiny.[16][17][18] The breath of life is in the heart, óbì.[18][19][20][21] Chi refers to the light and the day in con- trast to the dark. The universal chi indirectly in charge of everything is Chukwu who is the supreme being that is beyond the limits of time and space. Chukwu’s name is a compound of the words chí + úkwú ('great in size, supreme').[14] Chi is believed to be a spiritual connection between an individual and the high god and it dictates the trajectory of a persons spiritual journey on earth. Each chi is personal and is in communion with and insepara- ble from the universal chi of all things.[22] The high god, Chukwu, is believed to assign chi before and at the time of an individuals birth. It is a guardian spirit providing care, guardianship, and providence, in this respect, the concept of chi is analogous to the concept of a in Christianity, the daemon in , and the in ancient Roman religion.[14][19][20][23] Unlike Chukwu who is genderless, chi can be masculine. A dibia áfà Entrance to the cave of the Ibini Ukpabi oracle at Arochukwu, can identify a person’s chi through ( ) and 1900s. advices adherents of ways to placate it. Chukwu is also referred to as Chineke which is a compound of the words chí the divine masculine force and ékè the creative and di- guardian god. The chi manifests as mmuo, spirits, and as visive feminine force. Eke came out of the hands of Chi a persons spirit is earth bound it chooses sex, type, and but are considered one; Chi created the world while Eke lifespan before incarnation in the human world.[16] divided it incorporating a divisive energy that introduced death and suffering.[15] Chineke is also inter- preted as chí ne ké, 'chi the creatrix', and chí nne éké, 'chi 2.1 Chi the creative mother'.[22] Eke is ones ancestral guardian spirit. Chineke or Chukwu is high up away at the periph- ery of human life and remains a mystery to the people.[15] Households usually contain a chi which could be focused on a tree. In a woman takes her chi shrine along with all her belongings to her matrimonial home.[14] Around Nkarahia, in southern Igboland, there are the most elaborate chi shrines which are decorated with colourful plates inset into the clay walls of the chi shrine building; the altars hold sacred emblems, while the polished mud benches hold offerings of china, glass, manillas, and food.[22] As a marker of personal fortune or misfortune, good acts or ill, chi can be described as a focal point for 'personal religion'.[14]

2.2 Cosmology

The community of visible interacting beings and the cos- mos is referred to as ụ̀wà, which includes all living things íhẹ́ ndi dị́ ńdụ̀, including animals and vegetation and their mineral elements which possess a vital force and are re- garded as counterparts to invisible forces in the spirit world.[14] These living things and geomorphological fea- tures of the world therefore possess a guardian deity. Igbo Interior of a chi shrine at Nkarahia, southern Igboland, 1900s. cosmology presents a balance between the feminine and 2.4 3 masculine, perhaps, with a preponderance of female rep- Ofo and ogu is a law of retributive justice. It vindicates resentation in Igbo lore.[14] In Igbo cosmology, the world anyone that is wrongly accused of a crime as long as was divided into four corners by the high god correspond- their “hands are clean”. It is only a person who is on ing to èké órìè àfọ̀ ǹkwọ́ which are the days of the week the righteous side of Ogu-na-Ofo that can call its name in the regarded as market days.[24][25] The in , otherwise such a person will face the wrath of universe is regarded as a composite of bounded spaces in (the god of thunder and lightning).[29] Kola an overlapping hemispherical structure, the total spaces nut is used in ceremonies honour Chukwu, chi, Arushi are referred to as élú nà àlà.[14] In one Igbo cosmologi- and ancestors and is used as a method of professing inno- cal theory reported by W.R.G. Morton in the 1950s from cence when coupled with libations. The Igbo often make an elder in Ibagwa Nike in northern Igboland, Chukwu clay altars and shrines of their deities which are some- sees that the sun travels across the world in the day time times anthropomorphic, the most popular example being and then cuts into two in order for the moon to pass on a the wooden statues of . Typically, only men are perpendicular route, and so the world is divided into four allowed to make representational figures of parts and four days.[24] The quarterly division of the earth forces.[30] and the days makes the number four sacred (ńsọ́ ) to the Igbo.[24][26] The élú nà àlà space is defined by two bound- aries: élú ígwé, 'sky’s limit' composed of heavenly bodies 2.4 Reincarnation under the main forces of the 'masculine' sun and 'femi- nine' moon, and élú àlà, 'earth or lands limit' consisting See also: of the four material elements of fire and air (masculine), The Igbo have traditionally believed in reincarnation, ilo- and earth and shallow water (feminine).[14]

An Igbo naming ceremony for a child of Igbuzo heritage in Ogbo figures for the cult of Nkpetime, near Asaba, 1900s. Washington, D.C. Parents of the child confer with the Diokpa (eldest member of the family or 'patron')[31] on the names of the The pattern of two and four reoccur in Chukwu’s child. creations.[26] The days correspond to the four cardinal uwa points and are its names in Igbo, èké east, órìè west, . People are believed to reincarnate into families that [32] àfọ̀ north, ǹkwọ́ south.[27] The Nri-Igbo claim the mar- they were part of while alive. People can usually rein- ket days to have been introduced to the Igbo by their di- carnate seven times, giving seven opportunities to enter vine progenitor and king in the 9th century after en- the spirit world successfully as an ancestor. The per- countering the days as deities.[28] These alusi are vener- sons cycle number on earth is unknown to them. Hu- [32] ated as the primary or as a major deity under Chineke in mans can only reincarnate as humans. Families hire parts of Igboland. In terms of hierarchy, some communi- fortune tellers to reveal the ancestral identity of the child ties recognise èké as the head of these alusi, while others in their former life, the baby is sometimes named af- [32] prioritise órìè and ǹkwọ́ first after the high god.[28] Mar- ter this relative. The personality of the ancestor is not ket days may have local deities representing the spirits in identical to the child’s but rather the concept establishes a some places, in many southern Igbo towns Agwu is the vital relationship with the child and characteristics of the [33] patron of Eke, Ogwugwu the patron of Orie, Amadioha ancestor. Before a relative dies, it is said that the soon the patron of Afo and Ala for Nkwo.[24] to be deceased relative sometimes give clues of who they will reincarnate as in the family. Once a child is born, he or she is believed to give signs of who they have rein- 2.3 Justice carnated from. This can be through behaviour, physical traits and statements by the child. A diviner can help in Main article: Ogu na Ofo detecting who the child has reincarnated from. It is con- sidered an insult if a male is said to have reincarnated as a 4 3 DEITIES

female.[34] An ancestor may reincarnate as multiple peo- anusi, or arusi in differing dialects all spring from Ala ple in which case share a mortal bond; upon the death of the earth spirit who embodies the workings of the world. one person, it is believed that the others may die a sudden There are lesser alusi in Odinani, each of whom are re- death if they see the corpse. sponsible for a specific aspect of nature or abstract con- cept. According to Igbo , these lesser alusi, as el- ements of Chukwu, have their own specific purpose.[35] 2.4.1 Alusi manifest in natural elements and their shrines are usually found in forests in which they are based around Main article: Ogbanje specific trees. At shrines, íhú mmúọ́ , an object such as a hung piece of cloth or a group of statues are placed at An ogbanje is a reincarnating evil spirit that would de- an alusi’s group of trees to focus . Deities are liberately plague a family with misfortune. In folklore, described as 'hot' and often capricious so that much of the ogbanje upon being born by the mother, under a cer- the public approach shrines cautiously and are advised tain amount of time (usually before puberty), would de- to avoid them at most times, priests are entrusted in the liberately die and then come back and repeat the cycle, maintenance of most shrines.[15] Many of these shrines causing the family grief. This time period varies be- are by the roadside in rural areas. Tender palm fronds tween minutes, hours, days and years. Female circum- symbolise spiritual power and are objects of sacralisa- cision was sometimes thought to get rid of the evil spirit, tion, shrines are cordoned off with omu to caution the whereas finding the evil spirits Iyi-uwa, which they have public of the deities presence.[36] Larger clay modelings dug somewhere secret, would ensure the ogbanje would in honour of an alusi also exist around forests and rivers. never plague the family with misfortune again. The Iyi- Other alusi figures may be found in and around peoples uwa is a stone that the ogbanje’s way of coming back to homes and the shrines of dibia, much of these are related the world and also a way of finding its targeted family. to personal chi, cults, and ancestral worship. The stone is deep enough to not have been planted phys- ically by a child. The iyi-uwa is dug out by a priest and destroyed. Furthermore, female ogbanje die during preg- 3.1 Ala nancies along with the baby, male ogbanje die before the birth of a wife’s baby or the baby dies. The child is con- Main article: Ala (Odinani) firmed to no longer be an ogbanje after the destruction of the stone or after they successfully give birth to another Ala (meaning 'earth' and 'land' in Igbo, also Ájá- baby.[32] ànà)[37][38] is the feminine earth spirit who is responsi- ble for morality, fertility and the dead ancestors who are stored in the in her womb. Ala is at the head 3 Deities of the Igbo pantheon, maintaining order and carrying out justice against wrongdoers. Ala is the most prominent Main article: Alusi and worshipped alusi,[33] almost every Igbo village has a Chukwu’s incarnations and ministers in the world (ụ̀wà) shrine dedicated to her called íhú Ala where major deci- sions are taken.[14] Ala is believed to be involved in all aspects of human affairs including festivals and at of- ferings. Ala stands for fertility and things that generate life including water, stone and vegetation, colour (àgwà), beauty (mmá) which is connected to goodness in Igbo so- ciety, and uniqueness (áfà).[14] She’s a symbol of moral- ity who sanctioned omenala Igbo customs from which these moral and ethical behaviours are upheld in Igbo society.[39] Ala is the ground itself, and for this reason taboos and crimes are known as ńsọ́ Ala ('desecration of Ala'), all land is holy as the embodiment of Ala making her the principal legal sanctioning authority.[14][39] Pro- hibitions include murder, suicide, theft, incest, and ab- normalities of birth such as in many places the birth of twins and the killing and eating of pregnant animals, if a Shrine representation of the alusi Ifejioku. slaughtered animal is found to be pregnant sacrifices are made to Ala and the foetus is buried.[14] People who com- are the Alusi, supernatural forces that regulate human mit suicides are not buried in the ground or given burial life. In southern Igbo dialects especially, ágbàrà is the rites but cast away in order not to further offend and pol- term for these forces. The alusi are regarded as channels lute the land, their ability to become ancestors is therefore to Chukwu. The alusi, who are also known as arushi, nullified.[18] When an individual dies a 'bad death' in the 3.3 Ikenga 5 society, such as from the effects of divine retributive jus- tive will of the people and he is often associated with tice or breaking a taboo, they are not buried in the earth, .[49] He is the expression of divine justice and but are discarded in a forest so as not to offend Ala. As in wrath against taboos and crimes; in oaths he is sworn cases of most alusi, Ala has the ability to be malevolent by and strikes down those who swear falsely with thun- if perceived to be offended and can cause harm against der and lightening.[42] Amadioha shrines exist around Ig- those who offend her.[14][39] boland, his main shrine is located at Ozuzu in the riverine Igbo region in northern . While Anyanwu is more prominent in northern Igboland, Amadioha is more prominent in the south. His day is Afo, which is the second market day.[50] In mbari houses Amadioha is de- picted beside Ala as her consort.[51]

3.3 Ikenga

Main article: Ikenga Ikenga (literally 'place of strength') is an alusi and a cult

The royal python is revered as an agent of Ala.

Within the earth’s spherical limit, in a cosmological sense, is a designation of the 'earth’s bosom' within, ímé àlà, a hemispherical base to the earth with an opening or 'mouth' at its highest point, ónụ́ àlà. This is composed of mainly deep dark sea water (ohimiri).[39] Ime ala is considered as the underworld.[14] Ala in addition to em- bodying nature, is the cosmic base on which the vault of , ígwé, rests.[14] As the foundation of all exis- tence, children’s umbilical cords are saved and symboli- cally buried under a tree to mark the child’s first sharing of family owned lands; this tree could either be an oil palm, bread-fruit tree, raffia palm, or plantain tree depending on the cultural region.[14] In some places, such as Nri, the royal python, éké, is considered a sacred and tame agent of Ala and a harbinger of good fortune when found in a home. The python is referred to as nne 'mother' in ar- eas where the python is revered, it is a symbol of female beauty and gentleness. Killing of the python is expressly forbidden in these places and sanctions are taken against the killer including the funding of expensive human sized burials that are given to slain pythons.[14][33][40][41]

3.2 Amadioha A miniature abstract cylindrical Ikenga figure.

Main article: Amadioha figure of the right hand and success found among the northern Igbo people. He is an icon of exclu- Amadioha (from ámádí + ọ̀hà, 'free will of the peo- sive to men and owners of the sculpture dedicate and refer ple' in Igbo) is the Alusi of justice, thunder, lightning to it as their 'right hand' which is considered instrumental and the sky. He is referred to as Amadioha in south- to personal power and success.[52][53] Ikenga is a source ern Igboland, Kamalu, Kamanu, Kalu among the Aro and of encoded knowledge unraveled through psychological other Igbo people, Igwe among the Isuama principles. The image of Ikenga comprises someone’s chi Igbo and in northwestern Igboland, and Ofufe in certain ('personal god'), his ndichie (ancestors), aka Ikenga (right parts of Igboland.[42][43][44][45][46] His governing planet is hand), ike (power) as well as spiritual activation through the Sun.[47] His color is red, and his symbol is a white prayer and sacrifice.[54] Igbo cultures value of resource- ram.[48] Metaphysically, Amadioha represents the collec- fulness and individualism in society utilises the concept 6 4 PRACTICES

of Ikenga to regulate the relationship between individu- 3.5 Mmuo and minor forces ality and family relations and obligations, as well as free will and industriousness balanced with destiny decided Mmuo is a broad class of minor spirits or divinities mani- persons chi. Ikenga acts as a physical medium to the con- festing in natural elements under the class of elder divini- sciousness and emphasises individual initiative through ties with major cults. Feminine mmuo inhabit earth and reflection and meditation.[16] Success validates the Ikenga water and masculine mmuo inhabit fire and air.[14] This and the sculptures act as visual representation of a per- class can be broken down by the alusi, serviceable mmuo, sons inner success, people give offerings in thanks to the agwu are related to unusual and deranged human be- Ikenga after providing energy to overcome any unwanted haviours, these spirits interact with human in a capricious pre-life choices.[16] These choices are at the hands of the nature that often makes them dangerous.[14][57] Other cult persons earth bound spirit, mmuo, who chooses sex, type, deities exist around Igboland such as Njoku Ji, yam and and lifespan before incarnation.[16] The successful Ikenga fire deity overseeing agriculture, Idemili, 'the pillar of wa- influenced the saying of well being 'íkéǹgàm kwụ̀ ọ̀tọ́ ter', the female alusi based in Idemili North and South ta ta' meaning that 'my Ikenga stands upright today'.[52] who holds up the waters, and Mkpataku the 'bringer of During festivals of Ogbalido or olili Ikenga ('feast of wealth' or 'coming in of wealth'.[15][21] In addition to mi- Ikenga') sculptures of him may be paraded around a vil- nor spirits there are evil wondering spirits of wrong doers lage or displayed at the village centre if too monumental called ogbonuke.[28] to transport.[16] When a person does not become success- ful with hard work the Ikenga has 'fallen' and is seen as a sign of danger, if meditation and cajoling the Ikenga fails, 4 Practices the sculpture is 'thrown down' and broken which spiritu- ally kills the Ikenga; a new one is carved to replace it.[16] 4.1 Dibia Ikenga figures are common cultural artefacts rang- ing for six inches to 6 feet high and can be hu- manistic or highly stylised.[16][52] There are anthropo- morphic, architectonic, and abstract cylindrical Ikenga sculptures.[16] Ikenga is a symbol of success and per- sonal achievement.[16] Ikenga is mostly maintained, kept or owned by men and occasionally by women of high rep- utation and integrity in the society. At burials, a mans Ikenga is broken into two with one piece buried with him and the other destroyed.[16][52]

3.4

Main article: Ekwensu

This Alusi was adept at bargains and trade, and praying A dibia from the early 20th century with tools of his practice to Ekwensu was said to guarantee victory in negotiations. including bells and a miniature Ikenga figure. As a force of change and chaos, Ekwensu also represented the spirit of war among the Igbo, invoked during times of Dibia are the mystic mediators between the human world conflict and banished during peacetime to avoid his in- and the spirit world and act as healers, scribes, teachers, fluences inciting bloodshed in the community, warriors diviners and advisors of people in the community. They set up shrines to Ekwensu to help war efforts.[33] This are usually consulted at the shrine of a communities ma- is based upon the finding of old shrines dedicated to the jor deity. Dibia is a compound of the words di ('profes- worship of the spirit[55] as well as the recounting of old sional, master, husband') + ọ́ bịà̀ ('doctoring, sciences’).[6] oral stories which depict the character of Ekwensu. Ek- The dibia are believed to be destined for spiritual work. wensu was a bringer of violence and possessed people The dibia sees the spiritual world at any time and in- with anger.[42] Ekwensu holds the propensity of bring- terprets what messages being sent and sees the spiritual ing misfortune and is regarded as an evil spirit in this problems of living people. They are given the power by sense.[33] Among the Christian Igbo Ekwensu is represen- the spirit world to identify any alusi by name and the tative of and is seen as a force which places itself possible ways of placating and negotiating with the de- opposite to that of Chukwu.[56] Ekwensu festivals are held ity. Dibia are thought to be revealed to possess the power in some Igbo towns where military success is celebrated over one of three elements namely water (and large bod- and wealth is flaunted.[42] ies of water), fire and vegetation. Dibia whose elements 4.3 7 are vegetation can go on to become herbalists by their supposed instinctual knowledge of the health benefits of certain they are instinctually drawn to, fire element dibia can handle fire unscathed during their initiation, and water element dibia do not drown. Dibia can partially enter the spirit world and communicate this by rubbing chalk on one half of their face.[33] Dibia and obia prac- tices were transported to the British Caribbean during the slave trade and became known as obeah.[5][6]

4.1.1 Afa divination

The name of divination in Igbo derives from ígbá áfà or áhà meaning 'to name' coming from the diviners skill in rooting out problems hence naming them.[58] The dibia or ogba afa, 'interpreter of afa', is considered a master of esoteric knowledge and wisdom and igba afa is a way in which people can find out the cause of such things as misfortunes. The diviner interprets codes from àlà mmuọ the unseen by throwing divination seeds, cowries, and beads,[58][59] or observing a divination board sometimes called osho which can be used in pronouncing curses on the evil.[60] In this way the diviner is endowed with spe- cial sight.[61] it is related the sciences of homeopathic medicine known as ọ́gwụ̀, a practitioner consciously picks to either of these abilities.[14] Animals that are special in divination and sacrifice include a white he-goat, a white A male ancestral figure. ram, a tortoise and male wall gecko. These animals are prized for their rarity, price and therefore the journey taken to obtain. Chameleons and rats are used for more community, were able to venerate ancestors.[65][66] Fe- stronger medicines and deadly poisons, and antidotes can [14] male ancestors were called upon by matriarchs. At the fu- include lambs, small chickens, eggs, and oils. Nzu is neral of a mans father there is a hierarchy in Igbo culture used in rites from birth to death and is used to mark sa- [14] of animals that will be killed and eaten in his honor. Usu- cred buildings and spaces. Agwu Nsi is the Igbo pa- ally this depended on the rarity and price of the animal, tron deity of health and divination and is related to in- so a goat or a sheep were common and relatively cheaper, sanity, confusion, and unusual human behaviour which is [57][59][62][63] and therefore carried less prestige, while a cow is con- linked to possession of Agwu by the diviner. sidered a great honor, and a horse the most exceptional. Agwu can be manifested by other alusi so that there could Horses cannot be given for women.[67] Horses were more be images of a divination Ikenga or Ikenga Agwu for [59] common among the northeastern Igbo due to tsetse fly instance. zone that Igboland is situated in and renders it an unsuit- able climate for horses.[68][69] Horse heads are tradition- ally decorated and kept in a reliquary and at shrines. 4.2 Ancestral veneration A number of major masking institutions exist around Ig- Ndebunze, or Ndichie, are the deceased ancestors who boland that honour ancestors and reflect the spirit world in are considered to be in the spirit world, àlà mmúọ́ .[64] In the land of the living. Young women, for example, are in- Odinani, it is believed that the dead ancestors are invisible carnated in the society through the àgbọ́ghọ̀ mmúọ́ - members of the community; their role in the community, ing tradition in which mean represent ideal and benevo- in conjunction with Ala, is to protect the community from lent spirits of maidens of the spirit world in the form of epidemics and strife such as famine and smallpox.[35] An- feminine . These masks are performed at festivals cestors helped chi look after men.[22] Shrines for the an- at agricultural cycles and at funerals of prominent indi- [70] cestors in Igbo society were made in the central house, or viduals in the society. òbí or òbú, of the patriarch of a housing compound. The patriarchal head of the household is in charge of vener- ating the patriarchal ancestors through libations and of- 4.3 Kola nut ferings, through this the living maintain contact with the dead. Only a patriarch whose father is dead, and therefore Kola nut (ọ́ jị,̀ or ọ́ jị̀ Ìgbò) offerings and (ị́gọ́ ọ́jị,̀ in the spirit world where they await reincarnation into the 'kola nut blessing', ị́wá ọ́jị,̀ 'kola nut breaking') can be per- 8 6 NOTES

houses called ḿbàrí primarily dedicated to the ágbàrà Àlà specific to the community and sometimes other com- munity deities. The name joins the word ḿbà ('nation, town, society') + rí ('eat') in reference to the 'festival of life' held after its completion. These votive shrines are typically designed with four columns and a central volt, around the columns are modelled deities, spirits, and de- pictions of human life, the entire building built out of clay from termite mounds symbolically named jí ('yam') by the initiated spirit workers called ńdí m̀gbè. Ndi mgbe are secluded from the community for a couple of months during the rites of building the mbari to a deity. Mbari An ókwá ọ́jị̀ bowl in the Chazen Museum of Art, . are requested by a deity who the diviner tells the com- munity feels neglected and cannot feel pride in the face of other deities in the spirit world. A string of unusual formed personally between one and his spirit or in a group and unfortunate events befalling the community is linked in a form of a prayer or chant. The saluter addresses their to the aggrieved deity. An mbari is commissioned and personal god or chi as well as alusi and their ancestors.[14] artists are chosen. After the completion of the mbari the These kola nuts are held in a special round bowl called spirit workers are reincorporated into the community and ọ́ kwá with a compartment at the centre of the bowl for a feast is held for the opening of the mbari house where condiments for the kola nut such as alligator pepper (or elders and the community come to exhibit the critique the capsicum cayene, ósẹ̀ ọ́jị́ )[14] and ground peanuts. The expensive mbari. The mbari house is not a source of wor- bowl and kola nut rite is used to welcome visitors into a ship and is left to dilapidate, being reabsorbed by nature household.[71][72][73] After the prayer, the ceremony ends in symbolic sense related to Ala.[15][74] with the saluter sharing pieces of the kola with the group, known as ị́ké ọ́jị.̀ The kola is supposed to cut by hand, but more recently knives have become acceptable. When 4.4.2 Uto Pyramids the cola has three cotyledons, or parts, it is considered an Before the 20th century, circular stepped pyramids were ọ́ jị̀ ìkéǹgà in some northern communities (going by other built in reverence of Ala at the town of Nsude in northern names in communities Ikenga doesn't operate) and is con- Igboland. In total ten clay/mud pyramidal structures were sidered a sign of great luck, bravery and . O we- still existing in 1935. The first base section of a pyramid talu oji wetalu ndu — 'one who brings kola brings life' is was 60 ft. in circumference and 3 ft. in height. The next a popular saying that points to the auspiciousness of the [33][73] stack was 45 ft. in circumference. Circular stacks contin- kola rite. ued, till it reached the top. The structures were temples for the god Ala/Uto who was believed to reside at the top. 4.4 Architecture A stick was placed at the top to represent the god’s resi- dence. The structures were laid in groups of five parallel 4.4.1 Mbari to each other. Because it was built of clay/mud like the Deffufa of Nubia, time has taken its toll requiring peri- odic reconstruction.[75]

5 See also • Igbo culture •

6 Notes

[1] Benjamin Ray says of the position of African religions:

But as we have seen, there are other Scene in an mbari house, 1904. elements [besides monotheistic ones] which tend towards or . Among a small area of the Urata-Igbo cultural area, near What, we may ask, accounts for these , there is a tradition of building votive monument different tendencies? As Evans-Pritchard 9

and Peel suggest, they do not derive so much [12] Obiego, Cosmas Okechukwu (1984). African Image of from different observers’ standpoints as the Ultimate Reality: An Analysis of Igbo Ideas of Life and from the different standpoints within the Death in Relation to Chukwu-God. Peter Lang. p. 88. religious systems themselves This, of course, ISBN 3820474609. does not mean that African religions consist of conflicting “systems” (, [13] Ebelebe, Charles A. (2009). and the New Face of polytheism, pantheism, totemism), which Mission: A Critical Assessment of the Legacy of the Irish lack any inherent unity. Rather, the totality Spiritans Among the Igbo of Southeastern Nigeria. Uni- of elements in each religious system can be viversity Press of America. p. 24. ISBN 0761845968. viewed from different internal perspectives Women in Igbo Life according to different contextual alignments. [14] Agbasiere, Joseph Thérèse (2000). and Thought What is misleading is to seize upon one . Psychology Press. pp. 48–64. ISBN perspective or tendency and make it the 0415227038. dominant framework. This may satisfy the [15] Cole, Herbert M. (1982). Mbari: Art and the Life observer’s own theological preferences, e.g., Among the Owerri Igbo. Indiana University Press. ISBN monotheism, but only at the expense of 0253303974. over-systematizing the contextual diversity of African religious thought. [16] Wiredu, Kwesi (2008). A Companion to African Philoso- phy Ray, Benjamin C. (1976). African Religions: Symbol, . John Wiley & Sons. p. 420. ISBN 0470997370. , and Community. Prentice-Hall. p. 53. ISBN [17] Asante, Molefi K.; Nwadiora, Emeka (2007). Spear Mas- 0130186228. ters: An Introduction to African Religion. University Press of America. p. 108. ISBN 0761835741. Retrieved 2015- 04-04. 7 References [18] Okoh, Michael (2012). Fostering Christian Faith in Schools and Christian Communities Through Igbo Tradi- Niger Delta [1] Afulezy, Uju “On Odinani, the Igbo Religion”, tional Values: Towards a Holistic Approach to Christian Congress, Nigeria, April 03, 2010 and Catechesis in Igboland (Nigeria). [2] M. O. Ené “The fundamentals of Odinani”, KWENU: Our LIT Verlag Münster. pp. 37, 58. ISBN 3643901682. Culture, Our Future, April 03, 2010. Retrieved 2015-04-04.

[3] Obeah. Merriam Webster. Retrieved 2010-06-03. [19] Udeani, Chibueze C. (2007). Inculturation as Dialogue: Igbo Culture and the Message of Christ. Rodopi. p. 35. [4] Chambers, Douglas B. (2009). Murder at Montpelier: ISBN 9042022299. Retrieved 2015-04-04. Igbo Africans in . Univ. Press of Mississippi. pp. 14, 36. ISBN 1-60473-246-6. [20] Ndukaihe, Vernantius Emeka (2006). Achievement as Value in the Igbo/African Identity: The Ethics. LIT Verlag The river flows on: Black re- [5] Rucker, Walter C. (2006). Münster. pp. 185–187. ISBN 3825899292. Retrieved sistance, culture, and identity formation in early America . 2015-04-04. LSU Press. p. 40. ISBN 0-8071-3109-1. [21] Uzukwu, Elochukwu Eugene (2012). God, Spirit, and Hu- [6] Eltis, David; Richardson, David (1997). Routes to slavery: man Wholeness: Appropriating Faith and Culture in West direction, ethnicity, and mortality in the transatlantic slave African Style. Wipf and Stock. pp. 63, 123. ISBN trade. Routledge. p. 74. ISBN 0-7146-4820-5. 1610971906. Retrieved 2015-04-04. [7] Ogbuene, Chigekwu G. (1999). The concept of man in [22] Talbot, P. Amaury (July 1916). “Some Beliefs of To- Igbo myths. Peter Lang. p. 207. ISBN 0820447048. day and Yesterday (Niger-Delta Tribes.)". Journal of [8] Echema, Austin (2010). Igbo Funeral Rites Today: An- the Royal African Society (The Royal African Society) 15 thropological and Theological Perspectives. footnotes: (60): 307–308. LIT Verlag Münster. pp. 21, 48. ISBN 3643104197. Essays on Igbo World Retrieved 2015-04-04. [23] Opata, Damian Ugwutikiri (1998). View. AP Express Publishers. p. 62. ISBN 9782001155. [9] Okwunodu Ogbechie, Sylvester (2008). Ben Enwonwu: the making of an African modernist. University Rochester [24] Ụkaegbu, Jọn Ọfọegbu (1991). “Igbo Identity and Person- Press. p. 161. ISBN 1580462359. ality Vis-à-vis Igbo Cultural Symbols”. Pontifical Univer- sity of Salamanca: 60. [10] Ikenga International Journal of African Studies. Institute of African Studies, . 1972. p. 103. [25] Anyahuru, Israel; Ohiaraumunna, Tom (2009). Musical Retrieved 26 July 2013. Sense and Musical Meaning: An Indigenous African Per- ception. Rozenberg Publishers. p. 56. [11] Uzor, Peter Chiehiụra (2004). The traditional African concept of God and the Christian concept of God: Chukwu [26] Morton, W. R. G. (1956). “God, man and the land in a bụ ndụ-- God is life, the Igbo perspective. Peter Lang. p. Northern Ibo village-group”. African Abstracts (Interna- 194. ISBN 3631521456. tional African Institute) 7–9: 15. 10 7 REFERENCES

[27] Isichei, Elizabeth Allo (1997). A History of African Soci- [46] Diala, Isidore. Ritual and Mythological Recuperation in eties to 1870. Cambridge University Press. p. 247. ISBN the Drama of Esiaba Irobi. Page 101 0-521-45599-5. [47] Uchendu, Victor C. The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria. Page [28] Chigere, Nkem Hyginus M. V. (2001). Foreign Mis- 96 sionary Background and Indigenous Evangelization in Ig- boland. LIT Verlag Münster. pp. 20, 56. ISBN [48] Diala, Isidore. Ritual and Mythological Recuperation in 3825849643. the Drama of Esiaba Irobi. Page 104

[29] Ejizu, Christopher I. (1986). Ofo: Igbo Ritual Symbol. [49] Iwu, Maurice. Handbook of African medicinal plants. Fourth Dimension Publishers. ISBN 9781562684. Page 320.

[30] T. Phillips (ed.) “Ceramic altar for the new yam harvest [50] Patrick, Iroegbu. Igbo-Okija and Shrines, Devel- festival”, BritishMuseum.org, , April 03, 2010 opment and Cultural Justice [31] Gugler, Josef; Flanagan, William G. (1978). Urbanization [51] Kleiner, Fred (2009). Gardner’s Art through the Ages: and Social Change in . Cambridge University Non-Western Perspectives. Igbo: Cengage Learning. p. Press. p. 82. ISBN 0521291186. Retrieved 2014-04-04. 219. ISBN 0495573671. [32] Nnam, Nkuzi Michael (2007). Colonial Mentality in Among the Ibos of Nigeria: 1912 Africa. Hamilton Books. pp. 69–70. ISBN 1461626307. [52] Basden, G. T. (2013). . Routledge. p. 45. ISBN 1136248498. [33] Udoye, Edwin Anaegboka (2011). Resolving the Prevail- ing Conflicts Between Christianity and African (Igbo) Tra- [53] Cole, Herbert M. “ in Social Context”. University ditional Religion Through Inculturation. LIT Verlag Mün- of Iowa Museum of Art. p. 6. Retrieved 2015-04-04. ster. pp. 45–53, 104. ISBN 364390116X. [54] Okere first=Rose. “Ikenga In Traditional Igbo Society”. [34] Newell, William Hare (1976). “Ancestoride! Are African Ngrguardiannews.com. Ancestors Dead?". Ancestors. Walter de Gruyter. pp. 293–294. ISBN 90-279-7859-X. [55] Agozino, Emmanuel. ‘Ekwensu:God of victory not devil’, Nigerian Compass, , April 03, 2010 [35] Ilogu, Edmund (1974). Christianity and Ibo culture. Brill. pp. 34–36. ISBN 90-04-04021-8. [56] Bewaji, John A. I. (1998). “Olodumare: God in Yoruba Belief and the Theistic Problem of Evil” (PDF). African [36] Olupona, Jacob K.; Nyang, Sulayman S.; Kalu, Ogbu U. Studies Quarterly (University of Florida) 2 (1). Retrieved Re- (1993). “Religion and social control in Igboland”. 2015-04-04. ligious Plurality in Africa: Essays in Honour of John S. Mbiti. Walter de Gruyter. p. 118. ISBN 3110850079. [57] Nwaorgu, Andrew E. (2001). Cultural symbols: the Chris- tian perspective. T' Afrique International Association. pp. [37] Isichei, Elizabeth Allo (1977). Igbo worlds: an anthology 92–95. ISBN 9780529020. of oral histories and historical descriptions. Macmillan. pp. 27, 334. ISBN 0333198379. [58] Achebe, Nwando (2011). The Female King of : Ahebi Ugbabe [38] Oriji, John (2011). Political Organization in Nigeria Since . Indiana University Press. pp. 54– the Late Stone Age: A History of the Igbo People. Palgrave 55. ISBN 0253222486. Macmillan. pp. 44–48. ISBN 023011668X. [59] Iroegbu, Patrick E. (2010). Healing Insanity: A Study of Igbo Medicine in Contemporary Nigeria [39] Ogbaa, Kalu (1995). Igbo. The Rosen Publishing Group. . Xlibris Corpora- pp. 14–15. ISBN 0823919773. tion. pp. 344–346. ISBN 1450096298.

[40] Hodder, Ian (1987). The Archaeology of Contextual [60] Aguwa, Jude C. U. (1995). The Agwu deity in Igbo reli- Meanings. Cambridge University Press. p. 73. ISBN gion: a study of the patron spirit divination and medicine in 0521329248. an African society. Fourth Dimension Publishing. p. 108. ISBN 9789781563997. [41] Ilogu, Edmund (1974). Christianity and Ibo Culture. Brill Archive. pp. 23–24. ISBN 9004040218. [61] Peek, Philip M. (1991). Systems: Ways of Knowing A Handbook of African Re- . Georgetown University Press. p. 200. ISBN [42] Onunwa, Udobata R. (2010). 0253343097. ligion and Culture. Dorrance Publishing. pp. 18, 40. ISBN 1434953963. [62] Iroegbu, Patrick; Gottschalk-Batschkus, Christine E. (2002). “Igbo Medicine Practitioners and Ways of Heal- [43] Jones, G. I. (2000). The Trading States of the Oil Rivers: A ing Insanity in Southeastern Nigeria”. In Green, Joy C. Study of Political Development in Eastern Nigeria. James Handbook of ethnotherapies. BoD – Books on Demand. Currey Publishers. p. 28. ISBN 0852559186. p. 157. ISBN 3831141843. Retrieved 2015-04-04. [44] McCall, John. Dancing Histories: Heuristic Ethnography Ajija: an Igbo agent with the Ohafia Igbo. Page 123 [63] Opata, Damian Ugwutikiri (2009). of death and destruction. Great AP Express. p. 28. ISBN [45] Oriji, John. Sacred Authority in Igbo Society. Page 115 9788087744.