Finding Frames: New Ways to Engage the UK Public in Global Poverty Andrew Darnton with Martin Kirk January 2011 Background

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Finding Frames: New ways to engage the UK public in global poverty Andrew Darnton with Martin Kirk January 2011 Background

This report is the product of a six-month study initiated by Oxfam, and supported by the Department for International Development (DFID). The aim of the study was to explore the potential for frames theory to be used as a practical tool to re-engage the UK public in global poverty – an objective not pursued in concert by the development sector since Make Poverty History in 2005.

In exploring the uses of frames theory, we have built on work by Tom Crompton at WWF-UK, who began the task of linking values to frames and thereby suggesting new ways forward for engaging the public in environmental issues and actions. An important finding from his Common Cause paper is that there is a common set of values that can motivate people to tackle a range of ‘bigger than self’ problems, including the environment and global poverty. The implication is that large coalitions can – and must – be built across third- sector organisations to bring about a values change in society. This report responds to that call.

Finding Frames Methodology Acknowledgements The report is based on mixed methods: This paper was lead-authored by Andrew mainly secondary research (ie a literature Darnton (AD Research & Analysis), in close review) with some important deliberative collaboration with Martin Kirk (Head of UK elements brought in. Early in the study Campaigns, Oxfam). They were supported we convened a group of senior NGO staff by a ‘core team’ comprising Tom Crompton to talk about the common practices and (Change Strategist, WWF-UK); Jonathan working assumptions in the development Smith (Head of UK Campaigns, Save the sector. This staged conversation became Children); Joe Brewer (Cognitive Policy a key input into our research method. Works); and Paul Chilton (Professor of It was observed by Joe Brewer, a cognitive Cognitive Linguistics, Lancaster University). policy expert, who identified some of the frames present in the conversation. This We relied heavily on high-quality project has provided the kernel of our analysis management from Martin Hall at Oxfam, of current, and possible future, frames and latterly on the production side from for the sector. Tim Gee at Bond; with impeccable editing by Martin Cottingham and design by This study is envisaged as the first stage Justin Folker at Ninepoint. We would in a much longer, and more collaborative, particularly like to thank those from programme of work. We would like to see the sector who took part in the staged further debate and deliberation around conversation for this study, and those who the frames we have begun to identify, have generously made time to comment followed by research to validate and refine on this and earlier drafts of the report (see these frames. There should also be further table on page 3). Above all, we are grateful opportunities for the sector to develop to Mark Poston and Pippa Ranger at DFID frames-based approaches to public (for supporting this bold programme of engagement, in close co-operation work and providing valuable comments with one another. along the way) and to Karen Darnton, without whom this project and its people would never have come together.

Finding Frames Andrew Barton Judith Robertson Head of Relationship Marketing, Oxfam Head, Oxfam Scotland

Bev Jones Kevin McCullough Consultant Head of Campaigns, CAFOD

Doug Bourn Mark Galloway Director, Development Education Research Chief Executive, IBT Centre, Institute of Education Matt Baillie Smith Duncan Green Reader in Sociology, Northumbria University Head of Research, Oxfam Nick Sireau Gareth Cornwall Founder, SolarAid Consultant Paul Brannen Glen Tarman Head of Advocacy and Influence, Advocacy and Representation Christian Aid Manager, Bond Paul Hilder Hetan Shah Campaigns Director, Oxfam Chief Executive, DEA Richard Graham Jake Elster Jones Head of International Grants, Comic Relief AD Research & Analysis Simon Moss Jean Francois Mouhot Co-founder, Global Poverty Project NGOs in Britain Project Officer, University of Birmingham Sue Bishop Communications Director, ActionAid John Blewitt Director of Lifelong Learning, Aston University

Jonathan Charteris-Black Professor of Linguistics, University of the West of England

Finding Frames Contents

Executive Summary 5

Full Commentary

1. The state of public engagement in global poverty 12

2. The role of values in public engagement 36

3. A frames approach to public engagement 65

4. Towards positive frames for development 80

5. Implications for practice 96

6. Next steps 112

Annex A: Surface frames for the UK development sector 116

Annex B: Selected references 118

Finding Frames Executive Summary

The basic argument of this paper is that there is a problem in terms of the UK public’s levels of engagement with global poverty. Simply put, people in the UK understand and relate to global poverty no differently now than they did in the 1980s. This is the case despite massive campaigns such as the Jubilee 2000 debt initiative and Make Poverty History; the widespread adoption and mainstreaming of digital communication techniques and social networks; steady growth in NGO fundraising revenues; the entire Millennium Development Goal story; and the establishment of a Westminster consensus on core elements of development policy. By many measures we have made amazing strides forward in recent years, but the public have largely been left behind. The result is that we operate within social and, by extension, political conditions that are precarious in the immediate term and incommensurate to the challenges of poverty and climate change in the medium and long term. This study looks at what can be learned from values (the guiding principles that individuals use to judge situations and determine their courses of action) and frames (the chunks of factual and procedural knowledge in the mind with which we understand situations, ideas and discourses in everyday life). Values and frames offer ways to look at the problem of public engagement with global poverty and to identify possible solutions. If we apply values and frames theory to the question of how to re-engage the public, we come up with some compelling insights into the impact of our existing practices and some striking solutions to the problems that these reveal. They may not be perfect solutions, and they bring with them significant challenges. But we believe they offer something valuable and timely: a fresh perspective. The persistent problem of public engagement suggests it is time for the development sector to transform its practices radically. Values and frames offer pathways to potential solutions that should be debated across the sector, and now.

The problem Second, individuals make a positive • Public engagement matters because the difference through the actions they take in UK public has a vital role to play in tackling their daily lives (eg giving money, buying global poverty. This role can be described ethical or fairtrade products, volunteering as having three dimensions. First, the and lobbying). Third, public support opens public provides a licence for NGOs and up a space for debate in society, which in government to take immediate action turn gives government the opportunity to on global poverty (in supporting public make the systemic changes required to spending on development aid, for example). tackle the causes of global poverty.

Finding Frames • The UK public is stuck in terms of how • The practices of the development sector it engages with global poverty. Since 1997 are strongly implicated in the state of around 25% of the UK public have reported public engagement. Data on voluntary being ‘very concerned’ about global income suggest that increasing incomes poverty. In 2005, as Make Poverty History have been gained by changing the nature built up, these levels reached 32%. But of engagement: by turning members they have fallen ever since, and are now into supporters, and setting them at back at 24%. Meanwhile the segmentation arm’s length. In the social movement model used by the Department for literature, today’s NGOs are described International Development (DFID) suggests as ‘protest businesses’, and their model that the proportion of the most engaged of public engagement is called ‘cheap segment of the public has shrunk by a participation’ (characterised by low barriers third since April 2008. It now stands at to entry, engagement and exit – all of only 14%. which generate high churn). The sector’s engagement models have achieved big • The quality of public engagement numbers and ever-increasing incomes, is also low: “the public as a whole but with what impact on the quality of remain uninterested and ill-informed”. public engagement? Even engaged people can’t sustain a conversation about debt, trade or aid • Make Poverty History exemplifies for long. these themes. On the one hand, it was a spectacular success: a mass mobilisation • The causes of poverty are seen as with near universal awareness. On the internal to poor countries: famine, war, other hand, it changed nothing for the UK natural disasters, bad governance, over- public. The transformative potential offered population and so on. The dominant by the rallying cry of ‘justice not charity’ paradigm has been labelled the Live Aid went unheard, in part because it was Legacy, characterised by the relationship unfamiliar and hard to comprehend, and of ‘Powerful Giver’ and ‘Grateful Receiver’. also because it was drowned out by the Public perceptions have been stuck in this noise of celebrities, white wristbands and frame for 25 years. As one respondent said pop concerts. in recent research: “What’s happened since Live Aid? I was at school then. Now I’m 36 and nothing has really changed.”

Finding Frames • Our reading of the Make Poverty History • A large body of cross-cultural research campaign suggests that the prevailing indicates that there are relatively few human ‘transaction frame’ (in which support for values, and that these can be clustered tackling poverty is understood simply as into ten types. They are all inter-related, making donations to charities) proved such that changes in one affect others. too strong. Meanwhile all the things that Values types can be plotted in a circle of made the campaign ‘mass’ reinforced compatible and conflicting values known the consumerist values that make the as a circumplex. If you reinforce values transaction frame so dominant. In the end, on one side of this circumplex, you will Live8 reminded everyone of 1985; in the suppress values on the other side. The public mind, Make Poverty History became values the NGO sector is interested in when the slogan for Live8, and the Live Aid it campaigns on ‘bigger than self’ problems Legacy was (inadvertently) reinforced. (such as global poverty and environment issues) are primarily of the type called • The Make Poverty History case study Universalism. This includes the values of demonstrates that frames and values can Equality and Social Justice, as well as be powerful theoretical lenses through Unity with Nature. The antagonistic values which to see problems. The rest of this to these on the circumplex are known paper explores these theories further. It collectively as the Power and Achievement also investigates where some of the values, including Wealth and Status. solutions might lie, if a values and frames approach is adopted. • Frames offer one way of activating positive values. They have a rich academic Towards solutions heritage, having first come to prominence in • Values are powerful guiding principles that the mid-1970s. Put simply, we understand are foundational to humans’ motivational things, mostly subconsciously, using systems. Empirical research shows that frames. In language, for example, our they correlate strongly with patterns of ‘frame’ for a word is not just its dictionary behaviour. People who have stronger meaning but also all the other things we ‘self-transcendent’ values tend to engage know, feel or have experienced in relation in more pro-social behaviours, and sustain to it. When we hear a particular word that engagement over time. This suggests or encounter a specific situation, the that if the development sector wants to dictionary meaning and all those other bits widen or extend public engagement, we of knowledge and experience are activated should appeal primarily or even exclusively in our brains. This is the ‘frame’ for a word to people’s self-transcendent motivations. or scene – and hence it is thought that If we appeal to their self-interest, they will frames can activate values. only become more self-interested, and less likely to support pro-social campaigns in the longer term.

Finding Frames • Since 2000, frames have begun to be frame. These frames are defined in the used as practical tools, particularly by paper below, but it is worth summarising cognitive linguists such as George Lakoff. one of them as an example. The ‘moral Lakoff’s work on ‘cognitive policy’ in the order’ frame holds that nature is moral US has applied frames theory to political and that natural hierarchies of power are, problems. He split out the frames concept by extension, also moral. Power then into ‘deep frames’ and ‘surface frames’, becomes bound up with a very particular the distinction being that deep frames conception of morality: man above nature, essentially represent whole worldviews. Christians above non-Christians, whites Deep frames connect to values systems above non-whites. Such a frame underpins and hence are more foundational and notions of mission, and what it is to be a abstract than surface frames. Surface charity. By making inferences based on frames are closer to the ‘simple’ meanings deep frames like the ‘moral order’ frame, of words – not just the dictionary definition, we can suggest that alternative positive but the whole ‘chunk’ of related knowledge. frames could include the ‘embodied mind’ This theory can teach us much about which frame, the ‘participatory democracy’ frame, frames we should use in our messages, and an emerging frame that relates to ‘non- but it can also help us to identify the deep hierarchical networks’. frames around which we can organise our strategies and practices. • Working from positive deep frames, we inferred some surface frames that could • The literature on cognitive frames does activate those deep frames in the context not directly connect with the concerns of global poverty. Applying frames theory, of campaigners on global poverty. The it is striking that some of the words that evidence base for how frames work is weak should be avoided are right at the heart when compared to the weight of empirical of how the development sector describes data that lies behind values theory. There is itself – words such as ‘development’, ‘aid’ still much to be done to develop the main and ‘charity’. To take just the first of these, measurement methodology (discourse ‘development’ is a problem because it analysis) into a campaign evaluation tool. activates the ‘moral order’ deep frame Because of these limitations we employed in which ‘undeveloped’ nations are like an exploratory methodology in this study. backward children who can only grow up We held a ‘staged conversation’ with (develop) by following the lessons given by senior development NGO campaigns staff, ‘adult’ nations higher up the moral order. A and had it observed by a cognitive frames variety of different frames for development analyst from the US. Working together, we are proposed in academic literature, have identified some positive and negative including most famously ‘development deep frames which seem to be at work as freedom’ (Amartya Sen) and AK Giri’s in the practices and discourses of UK challenging thesis of ‘development as development NGOs. responsibility’. A frames approach has the potential to transform everything about • The negative deep frames we identified an organisation and its practices. Getting include the ‘rational actor’ frame, the ‘elite the surface framing right is part of this governance’ frame and the ‘moral order’ transformational change process.

Finding Frames Implications activation and strengthening undertaken • The implications that we have drawn by other actors, most obviously companies from our work so far will need to be refined and marketers. The evidence strongly and tested through further research. We suggests that if the self-enhancing values should not assume that they will lead of achievement, power and hedonism are us to uncontested solutions; there are activated and strengthened – as they are likely to be both theoretical and practical by consumer marketing – then the positive problems in adhering strictly to the values vales of universalism and benevolence and frames prescriptions identified here. are actively suppressed. In other words, The development sector will need to come the social and political scales are tipped together if we are to find a way to break the significantly against the emergence of the current lock-in of public engagement. systemic changes NGOs are interested in. Meanwhile, the deep frames we discuss • Rebalancing the dominant values in are already out there in society, and at work society is a potentially formidable task. It in how we think. We are not advocating the is likely to require more than the will of a forcible replacement of frames, but instead single NGO or even the entire development drawing attention to the frames which are sector. But it is not an insurmountable dominant in our culture, and showing how challenge. We are not proposing the we, as practitioners, have choices about creation and introduction of an entirely new the frames we activate through our words set of values. Instead frames and values and deeds. theory suggests that transformational change can be achieved simply by • Most importantly, this paper does not reinforcing the positive values which people provide answers. It is in keeping with the already hold: by changing the level of frames we advocate that no organisation importance accorded to particular values or group of organisations should set relative to others. themselves up as the authority on which frames others should use. It is for the • Some of those who are resistant to the sector to find ways to negotiate the proposed programme of change may tensions we identify. Ultimately, we see object to these ideas on the grounds of change as a process of reflective practice, mind manipulation. We should counter pursued through deliberation and debate. any such charges upfront, by stating that The public themselves should also be there is no such thing as values-neutral involved in the collective task of finding new communications, campaigns or policy. frames for development. Every message and activity activates and strengthens values. Those values and frames that are dominant in society are so, in some considerable part, because of the

Finding Frames • The implications outlined in this report There should be serious reflection should serve as a starting point for the about whether, when and how we use debate. They include the following: forms of words that have come to define and sometimes undermine the public We need to shift the balance of perception of NGOs and their work – words NGO public engagement activities such as ‘aid’, ‘charity’ and ‘development’. away from ‘transactions’ and towards ‘transformations’. This means placing less Celebrities should be used with extreme emphasis on ‘£5 buys...’ appeals and care in campaigns, given the strong links simple campaigning actions, and more between celebrity culture, consumer culture emphasis on providing supporters with and the values of self-interest. opportunities to engage increasingly deeply over time through a ‘supporter journey’. Charity shops should also try to distance themselves from consumer culture. They In online campaigns and communications, should return to their roots by presenting similar principles apply. It is important to themselves as places for giving more move to models where clictivism is a small than buying, and emphasising their role in and complementary tactic that supports closing up loops of consumption. in-depth engagement, and not the dominant model it is at the moment. In order to engage people with the complexities of global poverty, developing opportunities for more meaningful action over the longer term should be the focus.

Models of communication should be based on genuine dialogue. There need to be opportunities for supporters and practitioners to deliberate together.

Finding Frames If, for short-term reasons, NGOs This paper is intended to spark and choose to trade on more self-interested invigorate that debate. It provides a motivations, for instance to earn revenue potential focal point around which to or engage new supporters, then they begin building informal networks and ‘safe must do so. But all the time they should spaces for dialogue’. It also highlights the be mindful of the collateral damage these grave consequences if we do not act. tactics will cause to the supporter base Recent qualitative research conducted for in the longer term. Such tactics should the Independent Broadcasting Trust (IBT) only be employed as part of a considered, has found that young people aged 14 to longer-term strategy for building public 20 are “relatively informed but broadly engagement with development – disengaged” on issues of global poverty, a strategy founded on positive values. and have inherited a sense of ‘development fatigue’ from the media and their parents. This agenda should also be pursued with We believe there is an urgent need for others beyond the development sector – action if we are to break the cycle of ideally including the Government, whose disengagement that is already showing practices and policies are instrumental signs of engulfing the next generation. in determining the dominant values and frames in society. There is an opportunity in particular for DFID to play a key convening role that enables otherwise financially competitive NGOs to debate and plan together using values and frames perspectives. Tom Crompton’s Common Cause paper, and working group, has already set in motion a process for wider debate across the third sector that DFID could respond to.

Finding Frames Full Commentary 1.The state of public engagement in global poverty

Finding Frames This section... Public engagement matters for international development. Several arguments can be • Presents an overview of the evidence made to support the case that the UK on public perceptions of global poverty. public can make an instrumental difference Levels of public engagement are static in how and when people in poor countries or falling, and the public remains stuck move out of poverty. in a negative frame for poverty that dates back 25 years to Live Aid. The first and most longstanding argument is that the public provides the • Contrasts the data on public UK government with a mandate for public engagement with those on public spending on overseas development aid donations to development NGOs, which (see eg McDonnell 2006). This argument have been steadily increasing across the has particular resonance during the current same period. The disjuncture between debate about whether the government the two sets of data sparks some can afford to ringfence the 0.7% of serious questions about how long the Gross National Income (GNI) committed prevailing business model to development aid spending, against a for development NGOs can continue, background of deep public sector cuts. and what the implications are for the At time of writing this debate seems quality of public engagement. critical, and finely balanced. According to the Institute of Development Studies’ • Illustrates these tensions in a short new public opinion tracker only 33% of account of Make Poverty History, the public supported the ringfencing of which sets the findings from the Public development aid spending in August Perceptions of Poverty research 2010, while 57% opposed it (Henson & alongside other existing analyses of Lindstrom 2010). Make Poverty History. Second, the UK public can have an • Finds that values and frames provide impact on international development useful lenses through which to view directly through their actions. Donating to the successes, shortcomings and long- development NGOs is the most obvious term impact of the Make Poverty means of intervening, but other forms of History campaign. giving are also significant. Oxfam talks about public giving in terms of money, but also in terms of time, voice and product (Oxfam 2008). In the last category are included not only gifts of ‘product’ – ie giving unwanted items to charity shops – but also the purchase of ethical products, most notably fairtrade.

Finding Frames Third, there is an impact associated Public Perceptions of Poverty research with the public’s actions and conversations DFID’s data is supplemented by ad in the public sphere (including those in hoc surveys and qualitative studies the media, responding to public concerns). commissioned both by government and the These interventions open up space for third sector. One of these supplementary the kind of political, socio-economic sources is the Public Perceptions of and pro-environmental change that is Poverty (PPP) research programme, necessary to tackle global poverty. The which tracked public attitudes to global public’s role here is more than pressuring poverty between 2004 and 2007. The the government to accede to campaigning PPP programme involved six waves of demands; it is about opening up the quantitative research and four waves of political and wider societal space to the qualitative interviews. It was funded by possibility of deeper change. It is only with DFID, and managed by Andrew Darnton deeper change that we can build new for Comic Relief. institutions and societal norms, which in turn will enable different models of The research evidence on public development, and more effective results. engagement with global poverty has been reviewed by Andrew Darnton for The whole spectrum of public engagement DFID on three occasions since 2004. in global poverty matters. Aid alone cannot The most recent review was at the end bring global poverty to an end. Securing of 2009, soon after the publication of 0.7% of GNI for aid spending is one two significant documents from objective, but we would contend that the Parliament and Government respectively. other ends to which public engagement One of these was Aid Under Pressure, is the means are at least as important. the product of an enquiry by the House of Commons International Development 1.1 The evidence on public perceptions Committee (IDC). Some of its Even a quick look at the data on public recommendations concerned how perceptions of global poverty tells us there to re-engage the public, and how is a problem. This is evident from the to measure their support. The other most reliable single source of such data, publication was an external review of the Public Attitudes Towards Development the first ten years of DFID’s ‘Building surveys conducted by the Department Support for Development’ strategy. for International Development (DFID). This series of annual studies has asked a more or less consistent set of questions that goes back to 1999, providing the only longitudinal set of data on UK public attitudes to global poverty that is publicly available.

Finding Frames Time for a step change Over the past ten years, levels of the Andrew Darnton’s Rapid Review of late ‘very concerned’ among the public have 2009 argued that it was time for DFID to fluctuated, but the long-term average is make a step change in its approach, to around 25% (see eg Darnton 2007). prioritise public engagement over public There have been higher peaks, however, support for development aid, and to in response to communications activity aim for no less than a “deep-cut values and anti-poverty campaigns shift in society” (Darnton 2009:32). The (see Figure 1 on p15). current study on finding new frames for development picks up where the Rapid The Make Poverty History effect Review left off. Looking at the data going back to the first DFID Public Attitudes survey in 1999, for We should start by recapping the current example, a ‘Make Poverty History effect’ state of public engagement with global is apparent. Levels of those ‘very poverty. The Rapid Review’s headline concerned’ peaked at 32% in the run-up assessment was that: “In terms of to the G8 meeting at Gleneagles, in April engagement with global poverty, the public 2005. After that point Make Poverty History is on a downward trajectory” (ibid:3). No activity slowed, and levels of engagement new evidence to contradict this finding has dropped off. since come to light, and the latest wave of DFID’s Public Attitudes Survey (February Writing about the six waves of PPP data 2010) confirms a picture of steadily ebbing from December 2004 to April 2007, public support (TNS 2010). The trend of Darnton concluded that “levels of public stagnation or gradual decline in levels of concern about global poverty appear to be public engagement can be observed in a static or actually falling” (ibid). With three number of dimensions, as outlined below. years more having elapsed, this trend has only become clearer. The September Low levels of concern 2009 figure of 21% ‘very concerned’ The ‘concern’ question has been asked respondents was the lowest level using exactly the same wording since the recorded since 2003. start of the PPP project in 2004, and is taken as the headline measure of public The latest DFID data, from February 2010 engagement. Specifically, that headline (TNS 2010), show a slight improvement measure has been set in relation to the at 24%. But the trend since 2005 is still proportion of the public who answer that downward. This is what might be expected, they are ‘very concerned’ in response to with little new effort or strategy towards the question ‘how concerned would you re-engaging the public having been say you are about levels of poverty in adopted since Make Poverty History. poor countries?’.

Finding Frames Figure 1: Levels of ‘very concerned’ reported by the UK public (%), 1999-2010

35 32 30 30 29 28 26 26 26 26 25 25 25 24 22 22 22 21 21 20 17 15

0 -00 -02 -03 -04 -05 -06 -07 -08 -09 -10 Jul-99 Jul-00 Jul-01 Jul-02 Jul-03 Jul-04 Jul-05 Jul-06 Jul-07 Jul-08 Jul-09 Mar Mar Mar Mar Mar Mar Mar Mar Mar Mar Nov-99 Nov-00 Nov-01 Nov-01 Nov-02 Nov-03 Nov-04 Nov-05 Nov-06 Nov-07 Nov-08 Nov-09

Figure 1 above shows all the available As Dr David Hudson suggested when data on levels of those who are ‘very giving evidence to the IDC, different concerned’. The data are divided into two questions are needed to measure support series, partly to show the point at which the for aid spending, and ideally questions question wording was changed from asking that compare relative spending priorities. about ‘poverty in developing countries’ to DFID has responded to that observation asking about ‘poor countries’, and partly by including new questions of this kind to show the Make Poverty History effect in its annual tracker. Again the findings most clearly. are not good, from the perspective of public support. Asked to rank six areas of Q: ‘How concerned would you say you are government spending in terms of priority about levels of poverty in poor countries?’ in 2010, respondents put ‘support to poor Sources: ONS 1999-2004; PPP 2007a; countries’ at the bottom of the list. It was MORI 2008; COI 2009; TNS 2009a; TNS ranked in first, second or third position by 2009b; TNS 2010 only 22% of respondents, compared to 31% in September 2009 (TNS 2010). The ‘concern’ question has been criticised by observers such as the House of Given that the concern question is read Commons International Development as a measure of all-round engagement, Committee (HoC IDC 2009), on the it can also be argued to be the best grounds that it offers a poor measure quantitative measure of the level of salience of support for development aid. This is of global poverty. Qualitative evidence is certainly a fair criticism, as the question unambiguous here, showing global poverty is a better measure of engagement with to be a low-salience issue for the UK poverty in the round than of support for public. As the final wave of PPP qualitative development aid. research concluded: “poverty is not an issue for most people” (PPP 2007b).

Finding Frames Figure 2: Profile of the segments in the DFID Citizen Segmentation model, 2008-10 (TNS 2010)

The engaged core A newer, and more three-dimensional, However, ‘most people’ is not all people. indicator of all-round engagement is It has been held as a truth by some of provided by DFID’s Citizen Segmentation DFID’s longest-serving staff (and ex-staff) model, launched in 2008. This divides that there is a core of around a quarter of the public into six segments based on the public who are committed to the anti- 29 survey items, which tap attitudes poverty agenda (Frances Burns, personal and beliefs relating to global poverty communication, c. 2002). As mentioned (MORI 2008). above, this pattern is borne out across the ten-year data series on levels of the ‘very concerned’.

When Make Poverty History and the events of 2005 raised levels of the ‘very concerned’ to 32% this was regarded by the researchers as a breakthrough. However, as discussed, levels of ‘very concerned’ have slipped since then, and there is a sense that they are currently slipping further.

Finding Frames “the public as a whole remains uninterested in and ill-informed about global poverty”

Active Enthusiasts fall, Across the PPP surveys, levels of Disapproving Rejectors rise disagreement with this (negative) statement When the model was generated in 2008, fell. While 40% of respondents agreed the most engaged segment – Active but 44% disagreed in Wave 1, by Wave Enthusiasts – made up 21% of the UK 6 45% agreed and only 40% disagreed public. This group roughly corresponds (PPP 2007a). Since the end of PPP, the to the ‘very concerned’, although other DFID trackers showed that levels at first segments also report above-average levels swung back, such that slightly more people of ‘very concerned’ people. As with levels disagreed than agreed with the statement. of the ‘very concerned’, it is notable that Since then they have remained static. the proportion of Active Enthusiasts is not static; the distribution between segments In the February 2010 wave, 36% agreed in the model constantly shifts. but 44% disagreed (TNS 2010). Across the period from 2004, agency has fluctuated For the purposes of this quick summary somewhat but remains relatively static. of public perceptions, it is sufficient to note The public are roughly evenly split between that since April 2008 the trend has been those who say they can and can’t take for a decline in the proportion of Active action to tackle poverty. Enthusiasts. Their numbers have fallen by a third, from 21% to 14% of the public. A lack of understanding Across the same period the bottom two The Rapid Review concluded that, looking segments, the aptly named Insular Sceptics across the available evidence, “the public and the vocal-minority Disapproving as a whole remains uninterested in and Rejectors, have grown from roughly a ill-informed about global poverty” (Darnton quarter (27%) to a third (33%) of the public. 2009:10). Knowledge of global poverty can be assessed across a number of A sense of powerlessness dimensions, and some of the more ‘Agency’ is also regarded as a key common of these are highlighted below. dimension of public engagement. In this context we can define it as a person’s belief We have not included awareness of key that they are able to undertake an action organisations and initiatives, partly because to tackle poverty, and that that action will it could be deemed unreasonable to expect have the desired effect. The PPP research the public to know about (for example) tracked levels of agency across the Make the Millennium Development Goals Poverty History campaign, using the (MDGs) when no information or education statement ‘There is nothing I can personally campaigns have been undertaken in the do to tackle poverty in poor countries’. UK on this subject. For the record, in the Eurobarometer 2007 survey 14% of the UK public said they were aware of the MDGs, including 4% who said they knew something about them (see Darnton 2007).

Finding Frames Low levels of public understanding are The missing facts were carried forward apparent in relation to debt, trade, and aid into the PPP research. In the final qualitative — the three pillars of international action to wave in 2007 it was found that, for the tackle global poverty that underpinned the majority of more engaged respondents, Make Poverty History campaign. the four missing facts were “still missing” (PPP 2007b). The report concluded In the dark over debt that among the general public “There is The PPP qualitative research found no greater understanding of trade than only a minority of more engaged people before”. The same pattern of ignorance is spontaneously thinking of debt as a cause apparent in more recent qualitative research of global poverty (PPP 2007b). These more (eg Creative 2008). engaged respondents found debt easy to discuss at the top level, but difficult to Fairtrade: well known but explain in terms of how it actually worked. poorly understood On the surface the concept of fairtrade has There was widespread uncertainty been a huge success with the public. In the among respondents about whether the last wave of PPP research awareness of UK government had written off the debts fairtrade was described as “near universal”, of developing countries or not. This 93% of respondents having heard of it uncertainty has also been reported in more (PPP 2007a). In the most recent wave of recent research (eg Creative 2008). tracking data for the Fairtrade Foundation, 74% of respondents recognised the Four missing facts on trade Fairtrade Mark: an all-time high level of In 2004 Christian Aid undertook a research awareness (TNS/Kantar 2010). study in preparation for a campaign on trade justice (TRBI 2004, in Darnton 2007). But qualitative evidence suggests that the This study found that the public knew public’s understanding of the mechanics almost nothing about systems of global and issues behind fairtrade is scarcely trade. One typical respondent is quoted better than their understanding of trade saying: “I didn’t know international trade justice. Asked to explain her motives rules were a factor in poverty in the for buying fairtrade, one woman in a Third World.” research study for the Fairtrade Foundation (Research Works 2005 in Darnton 2007) The researchers concluded that there were memorably commented: “You’re doing four missing facts that the majority of the something for somebody somewhere public would need to understand if they aren’t you?” were to be able to sustain a discussion around trade justice. These four missing facts included simple but substantive points such as ‘there are trade rules and regulations put in place by rich countries’.

Finding Frames It is appropriate at this point to raise a In research for DFID on aid effectiveness, caveat. How reasonable is it for the general Creative Research found that the public’s public to know about complex issues default definition of aid was “donations relating to international development? Such to charities in response to disasters” a question has a bearing on whether 25% (Creative 2006, in Darnton 2007). This is a reasonable aspiration for the proportion echoes work by Ida McDonnell at the of engaged members of the public. OECD Development Awareness Centre. McDonell found that, across donor nations, In the context of fairtrade the fact that the prevailing understanding of aid was nearly all the UK public are aware of the as “short term charity for humanitarian concept, and that they should thus be relief” (McDonnell et al 2003, in ibid). So able to infer that there is such a thing as wedded are people to the idea that all aid is unfair trade, may be deemed sufficient. In provided by charities, that the only role they other contexts, however, low knowledge can imagine for the government in relation is more likely to be a barrier to change. to aid is to encourage the public to give Not knowing there is a G8 closes off that more money to those charities (Creative focus for political action, and not knowing 2006, in ibid). there are Millennium Development Goals prevents the public from holding politicians Given this lack of understanding of to account on their commitments (see eg development aid, it is small wonder that Darnton 2009). few of the public know about DFID and what it does. In the February 2009 Public A mile wide and an inch deep Attitudes survey 40% of the public reported Public support for development aid has having heard of DFID, including 22% who been famously described by Ian Smillie claimed to know something about it (TNS as “a mile wide and an inch deep” (Smillie 2010). These levels have been static since 1996). Across different donor countries 2007. In the 2010 Survey the question (and by a variety of different measures) was rephrased to ask about knowledge of support for aid is traditionally thought to ‘UKAid from DFID’, and a similar result of be strong and stable, running at around 41% awareness was achieved (ibid). 70% (see eg Hudson and van Heerde 2010). But the ‘inch deep’ dimension of An alternative measure was provided in a public awareness is captured in qualitative 2007 evidence review for DFID (Darnton research; it transpires that the only form 2007), based on data from a 2007 mini- of aid that most of the public are aware of wave of tracking by TNS. This review is humanitarian aid provided in response showed that only 20% of the 21% of to disasters. respondents who reported awareness of DFID also knew that DFID supported development projects overseas. From this it could be said that only approximately 4% of the public understood what DFID does.

Finding Frames Corrosive views on corruption It was wisely observed in the PPP research There is a fourth concept alongside debt, that people often feel uncomfortable trade and aid that should be accounted talking about global poverty and their role for when assessing public perceptions in it. It may be that some anticipate being of measures to tackle global poverty: asked a question at any moment about corruption. While the PPP qualitative whether they would be prepared to make research consistently found that even the a donation, or take action in some other more engaged respondents were unable way. The researchers commented that “the to sustain a conversation about trade (and public is looking for an excuse to disengage somewhat less so debt and aid), corruption from stories about poverty” (PPP 2007), was found to be “the only issue which and added that corruption often provides people will happily talk about in relation that excuse. to global poverty” (PPP 2005, in Darnton 2007). This trait persists in subsequent Corruption and charitable giving studies. Work carried out by Creative Among more engaged segments of the for DFID in 2008 found that “Everyone public, people are more likely to go on perceives that money is siphoned off by giving despite the widespread perception corrupt leaderships / further down the line of corruption. Only 12% of those in the or diverted to buying arms” (Creative 2008). top segment of DFID’s segmentation model – the Active Enthusiasts – agree with In a recent study for Save the Children on the statement about corruption making its child survival initiative, the first ‘barrier’ donating pointless (TNS 2010). Yet it is reported by respondents to donating to remarkable in the survey data that those the campaign was “money not getting in the most engaged subgroups report through to the end cause” (Mango 2009). a stronger-than-average belief that aid is Quantitative data back this finding up, and being wasted due to corruption (see eg even suggest that corruption is becoming Darnton 2007). more salient among the UK public. For instance, 57% of respondents to the most recent wave of DFID surveying (February 2010) agreed with the statement ‘the corruption in poor country governments makes it pointless donating’. This figure rose by 13 percentage points in less than 57% of respondents 18 months – from 44% in September 2008 to the most recent (TNS 2010). wave of DFID surveying (February 2010) agreed with the statement ‘the corruption in poor country governments makes it pointless donating’.

Finding Frames A similar pattern is apparent in the Considering the causes of poverty most recent wave of DFID surveying. Exploring public perceptions of the causes When people were asked to identify of poverty is another area that is central spontaneously the causes of poverty in to gauging levels of public understanding. poor countries, the most popular answer Findings also provide insights into the by far was ‘corrupt leaders/governments’. underlying motivations of different groups, This was mentioned by 56% of and possible strategies to re-engage respondents, compared to only 23% citing them. It has been mentioned above that lack of education (TNS 2010). As with the corruption is now the most spontaneously question on corruption and donating, the reported cause of poverty. This is in levels of agreement are notably up in the keeping with the longer-term data, which recent wave – up four points on September indicate that most people think the causes 2009. Above all, the traditional variation of poverty are internal to poor countries. by segments is still apparent: 64% of Active Enthusiasts cite corruption as the These findings can be traced back to top cause of poverty, a proportion that the Viewing the World study for DFID in is eight percentage points above the 1999. This found that the general public population average. understood the developing world to mean Africa (DFID 2000, in Darnton 2007). The Given the high salience of corruption, respondents then associated Africa with and the tendency of the public to seize poverty, famine and drought. Only ‘activist’ on it as an excuse to disengage from respondents who were supporters of NGOs poverty, PPP researchers warned that put forward a different view (incorporating tackling the issue of corruption directly debt or trade). through public communications could be counterproductive (PPP 2007). It should In work around the same time, Greg Philo be mentioned that a number of other of the Glasgow Media Group reported commentators, including the House of that the public saw African countries’ Commons IDC, have taken the opposite problems as “self-generated”, including view: “DFID needs to address this issue war and poor governance (Philo 2002, in head on if it is to succeed in allaying ibid). These findings were echoed in the taxpayers’ concerns” (HoC IDC 2009). qualitative research on PPP, which found that the causes of poverty were seen This is clearly an area where more either as “natural” or “man-made”, but that discussion is needed – and one that we either way, they were deemed “internal” return to in the context of frames in Section to poor countries (PPP 2005, in ibid). 4 below. It is sufficient to note here that One respondent in that wave of the PPP how we handle sensitive issues is key to research was typical in calling Africa how the public thinks about them. a “bottomless pit”.

Finding Frames Live Aid’s long shadow “this Africa thing seems to be exactly These kinds of views are exemplified in the the same now as it was when I was ten influential study The Live Aid Legacy (VSO years old”. 2002). When respondents were asked to make spontaneous associations with the In 2008 the same researchers undertook ‘developing world’ or ‘third world’, 80% further qualitative work, supporting the of their answers related to war, famine, development of DFID’s segmentation debt, starving people, natural disasters, model. Their research revealed feelings poverty and corruption. Through holding of hopelessness among respondents when these views that attribute poverty to internal discussing global poverty. They reported causes, the majority of people are excluded “a universal feeling that efforts have long from active engagement with global been made to combat poverty in places poverty. We could say that they effectively like Africa and yet little has changed” exclude themselves. (Creative 2008).

The resulting paradigm for relations Finally, campaign development research between the UK public and those in the for Save the Children in September 2009 developing world is encapsulated in the found the same public reactions (Mango concept of the ‘Live Aid legacy’, which 2009). Indeed it could almost be the same casts the UK public in the role of “powerful respondent as in the 2006 study: giver”, and the African public as “grateful receiver”. This dynamic still prevails. The “What’s happened since Live Aid? I was at latest research study in the Reflecting the school then. Now I’m 36 and nothing has Real World series co-ordinated by IBT really changed.” explicitly states that the Live Aid Legacy is still in effect. One respondent in that At face value we could say that the UK study described the developing world as public is stuck in its perceptions of Africa. “malnutrition and pot-bellied young children But we could also argue that people are desperate for help with flies on their faces” stuck in the frame they have been given (TW Research 2009). for tackling poverty by Live Aid, creating a one-dimensional picture of Africa that has In reading this body of research, one gets endured for 25 years. the overwhelming sense that nothing has changed in ten years. Three recent studies show that Live Aid continues to cast a long shadow. The PPP research found that Live8 in 2005 served only to reinforce the dominant paradigm set up in 1985. Thus in qualitative research undertaken for DFID in 2006 (Creative 2006, in Darnton 2007) one respondent commented:

Finding Frames A future of development fatigue? Dynamic income growth To end this section looking forward instead Turning to the data on public donations of looking back, it is worth noting that to international development NGOs in the the sense of being stuck is not just UK, we could not find a starker contrast apparent among those who lived through to the survey data on levels of the ‘very Live Aid. It is also there among the younger concerned’ public [see Figure 3]. Donations generation, brought up on Live8. Recent have shot up since 1995, and particularly qualitative research conducted for IBT markedly since 2003. There has been a with young people aged 14 to 20 has steady upward trend since 1979. The data found that this new cohort are “relatively here are based on the voluntary income of informed but broadly disengaged” on international aid and development NGOs issues of global poverty (TW Research featuring in the Charities Aid Foundation’s 2010:10). We read that “Young audiences top 200 (and latterly top 500) annual have inherited a sense of fatigue about NGO listings, from 1979 to 2006. The the developing world... Perceptions of the data record all voluntary income. While static nature of development don’t help.” comprising more sources of revenue than This latest research suggests that public just public donations, this can be taken as disengagement from global poverty is a close proxy for public donations. not just a historic trend but one that will stretch out into the future, unless the dominant ‘static’ model of development can be overturned.

1.2 The evidence on public donations The section above has reviewed the evidence on public engagement in terms of attitudes to global poverty, and we now move on to consider some of the actions Public disengagement that relate to those perceptions. from global poverty is not just a historic trend but one that will stretch out into the future, unless the dominant ‘static’ model of development can be overturned.

Finding Frames Figure 3: Voluntary income of IAD charities, (£millions, adjusted for inflation) 1979-2006 (CAF data, analysis by Jeff Mouhot at the University of Birmingham for the ‘NGOs in Britain’ project - www.ngo.bham.ac.uk )

Looking at these data on voluntary income From boom to bust? might lead us to ask: where has the There are more recent data to draw upon problem gone? For many practitioners than those from the CAF series. They in the development sector, especially include findings that pick up the impact of those starting from a fundraising the global economic downturn in late 2008. perspective, the idea that there is an These suggest that the long-term rise in immediate cause for concern may only revenue may be going into reverse. surface after a little reflection. The Charity Commission has been If we set these data against those in the undertaking surveys since September 2008 previous section, however, we are likely to monitor the impact of the downturn to be prompted to ask some serious on registered charities. Its most recent questions about such a stark contrast. Why findings, reported under the title Decision is concern static or falling, when voluntary Making in Hard Times (February 2010), income is rising sharply? Is this growth were that 29% of 1,008 charities had in donations sustainable? If the pool of experienced a drop in fundraising revenue engaged supporters is getting no larger, over the previous six months (Charity where will future growth come from? How Commission 2010). stable is the support of those people who are only weakly engaged? And what will happen if economic conditions remain unfavourable? There is a possibility that these two charts paint a picture of a very mature market, one in which many of the ‘customers’ have little idea of the product they are ‘purchasing’.

Finding Frames A similar snapshot emerges from DFID’s has increasingly been displaced by Public Attitudes survey, which in February a more distant, 'cheque-book' 2010 asked respondents whether they relationship between NGOs and their had made a donation to charity in the supporters” (ibid:4). previous six months (TNS 2010). 64% of respondents said they had – 8% fewer than In this model a social movement gains in September 2009. Only 15% said they big numbers of supporters by changing had given to ‘a charity that provides aid the relationship with them to one that is for people in poor countries’, compared more at arm’s length. This change in the to the previous figure of 20%. nature of voluntary sector organisations has been written about since the mid-1980s, The changing face of participation when the phrase ‘cheque-book member’ How did the NGO sector achieve the was coined by Hayes (1986 – in Jordan soaring revenues mapped out in the CAF and Maloney 1997). It is a phrase that data? These sharp quantitative increases sums up the transformation from group may be concealing a qualitative problem: member to supporter – someone whose there is more engagement going on, but it main relationship with the social movement is of a qualitatively different kind. This is the group is a transactional one. This is the thesis set out by Matthew Hilton and his principal means by which Matthew Hilton colleagues in the history department explains the inexorable increases in revenue at Birmingham University, who assembled on the CAF chart. the CAF data (as part of a project in the history of NGOs in Britain, 1945-1997 What the chart does not reveal, however, - see Hilton et al 2010). Writing about is the degree of churn among the the changing nature of civic participation supporters who provide the revenue. in Britain, the authors are keen to point Recruitment and retention costs have out that the idea of a collapse in public become key issues for modern NGOs voluntarism is a misreading. because the cheque-book member as consumer can shop around, and frequently Although it is true that far fewer people does. Data from the Public Fundraising go to church or attend weekly meetings Regulatory Association (PRFA) the of local groups than was the case in the organisation that oversees all face-to-face 1950s and 60s, that does not mean they fundraising activity show that attrition rates are not participating in civil society (as the for doorstep-recruited donors are as high CAF data above dramatically demonstrate). as 31% only five months after recruitment. Speaking of the research evidence on The attrition rate for on-street recruitment the continually changing nature of public is 53% in the first year (PFRA 2010). engagement, Hilton writes: “Attention has been drawn to how face-to-face member participation in voluntary associations

Finding Frames Figure 4: The characteristics of protest businesses (Jordan and Maloney 1997)

(i) Supporters, rather than members, (iv) Supporters are unknown to each are important as a source of income. other and do not interact.

(ii) Policy is made centrally, and (v) Groups actively shape perceptions of supporters can influence policy problems by providing supporters with primarily by their potential for exit. partial information.

(iii) Political action is normally by the (vi) Supporters are interested in narrow professional staff rather than the issue areas. Particularity rather than individual supporter or member. ideological breadth is the agency of recruitment.

It is a minor cause for celebration for The high cost of churn the regulator in a recession that these Churn is a classic attribute of what attrition rates are not higher. Seen from Jordan and Maloney labelled as a ‘protest the recruited individuals’ perspective, business’, a term coined to capture however, the rates raise doubts about the new relationship between social levels of engagement with the charities movements and their cheque-book in question. Fundraisers know that high members (Jordan and Maloney 1997). levels of churn are an inherent danger in the They also used the term ‘revolving door current business model, hence their efforts model’ (borrowed from Cohen 1995) to to minimise attrition through Customer describe the intensive recruitment practices Relationship Management. The PFRA says of NGO groups-turned-businesses. that the organisations that are surviving the This is because the fundraisers of these recession are those making improvements organisations have to work hard constantly in “donor care and stewardship”. to attract new recruits in order to replace Developing effective customer-journey those who drop out. models is essential to deepening public engagement and building retention. Jordan and Maloney based their analysis on close study of a number of environmental NGOs that took off in the UK in the 1970s, including Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace. But their definition of a ‘protest business’ could easily be applied to NGOs in other sectors, and up to the present day [see Figure 4].

Finding Frames Cheap participation The rise of direct mail As summed up in the six-part definition Direct debit is one contributory factor above, the relationship between interest mentioned by Jordan and Maloney as group and supporter (notably no longer they describe the adoption of commercial called a ‘member’) is one characterised by marketing practices by interest groups. the authors as ‘cheap participation’. This Another is direct mail methods, credited kind of participation is ‘cheap’ because with facilitating a shift in focus that the barriers to entry (ie initial joining costs) transforms organisations first into ‘mail are kept low, yet supporters can make a order groups’ and then into ‘protest political statement about their personal businesses’. While the authors were writing preferences by being a supporter – without 13 years ago, the use of mail order to having to commit significant money or time recruit and relate to supporters has clearly resources to the ongoing relationship. From been pivotal in putting the supporter at an economist’s point of view, this is cheap arm’s length, enabling NGOs to change participation in that the transaction costs their business model to one focused on of the relationship are low; unfortunately so recruitment and retention. are the barriers to leaving the relationship (hence the churn), and in the meantime the Coming up to the present day, the use of engagement with the group and its issues digital marketing methods arouses similarly is shallow. strong views. Jordan and Maloney’s book is blissfully unaware of the coming Making the relationship with the supporter internet; Pippa Norris, writing five years as easy as possible is key to keeping later, celebrates the internet as heralding the transaction costs low, and hence “the reinvention of political activism” (Norris to the overall success of the business 2002:222). Norris identifies “multiple model. Jordan and Maloney highlight the alternative avenues for political expression”, mechanism of the direct debit as a key including information, communication and element of making participation cheap: it mobilisation activities. She is alert to the removes the need for an annual decision transformative potential of the internet for to continue membership and renders the civil society groups and their supporters, membership less visible to the supporter. partly because it is a non-hierarchical ‘network of networks’. Thinking back to the CAF revenue chart, it would be interesting to plot the relationship between the take-off in development NGO revenue and the take-up in direct debit giving. Anecdotally, Oxfam fundraisers have commented that the introduction of a ‘£2 a month’ giving plan in the mid-1990s played a significant role in driving the revenue increases experienced at that time.

Finding Frames What is key to the success of online approaches is their capacity to convert online users into offline activists.

Activism or clicktivism? Practitioners of online campaigning know Ultimately, however, the magnificence of this (although the ‘online evangelists’ this technology comes down to how it is Gladwell rebuts don’t always say it). employed. Some observers would suggest In a blog responding to Micah White’s that it is currently being used to extend ‘clicktivist’ critique, a US online organiser and speed up the protest business model makes a distinction between good and bad rather than overturn it. The use of email online activism: “Good online organising as a tool for recruitment, fundraising and offers a powerful and fundamentally campaigning has been criticised in many democratic tool for achieving that vision quarters. A recent blog on the Guardian [of a more humane, sustainable and website described online campaigning peaceful world]” (Brandzel 2010). Brandzel as ‘clicktivism’ and suggested that gives many examples of effective online “…clicktivism is to activism as McDonalds organising, but it is notable that they all is to a slow-cooked meal. It may look like have in common a move from initial online food, but the life-giving nutrients are long engagement to subsequent offline actions. gone.” (White 2010). The consumerist metaphor is well chosen for today’s protest The most compelling example that businesses, with their cheap (and un- Brandzel cites involves the celebrated nourishing) model of participation. US online organiser, MoveOn.org, which has set up hundreds of local leadership Most recently Malcolm Gladwell (of councils in communities across the Tipping Point fame) has entered this United States. These leadership councils debate with a piece in the New Yorker recruit volunteers, draft community plans entitled ‘Small change: why the revolution and organise neighbourhood events. As will not be tweeted’ (Gladwell 2010). His Brandzel observes: “Most would never main point is about the appropriate use have gotten involved if the first step had of digital technology in campaigning, been more intimidating than an online based on the kinds of social networks signature” (ibid). the technology best supports. Online networks are characterised by weak The potential for the internet to capture the ties (remote relationships, but lots of previously unengaged is clear, but what is them). ‘High-risk activism’, on the other key to the success of online approaches is hand – the kind of activism that drove their capacity to convert online users into the civil rights movement in the US – offline activists. The very name MoveOn requires relationships based on strong ties implies a supporter journey, and it can be (involving close friends, such as the people inferred that bad online organising is that you grew up or went to school with). which fails to take the public anywhere. Gladwell’s inference is that online activism will only enable incremental change: transformational change involves high-risk activism that challenges prevailing power structures in the real world.

Finding Frames Tugging at the heartstrings As well as the content of appeal films The current reality of NGOs as big having become more direct, it is said that businesses, with business models built the films have got shorter in proportion around aggressive revenue targets, to the rest of the broadcast. This has left is reflected both in the content of more time for comics, celebrities and the communications and in the techniques celebrating of public participation and funds used. Research conducted by the raised. But having intensified its emotional sector has shown that the most effective appeal so much over the years, where messages for securing donations are can the Red Nose Day TV appeal format those that pluck at the public’s heartstrings go next in pursuit of revenue growth year (see eg Mango 2008). More precisely, on year? work commissioned by Comic Relief on The Psychology of Giving found that Consortia versus competition giving money involves both the heart and Similar questions are being asked in the the head, with the initial trigger usually development sector as a whole. As part an emotional appeal (Leapfrog 2004). of its work on the impact of the downturn, Communications that reveal the shocking the Charity Commission has been holding truth of suffering among poor people, and regional focus groups with NGOs from a then cause us to consider the good fortune mixture of sectors in order to understand of our own position, are seen as the most what charities can do to survive the effective in triggering giving. recession (Charity Commission 2009). The Commission has aired a number of Meanwhile, the short films broadcast suggestions designed to help charities on Red Nose Day have become more work smarter, including forming consortia emotionally hard-hitting over the years. to bid for public sector funding and working The relationship between the content of jointly with other organisations pursuing the BBC telethon and public donations is similar agendas. closely monitored, and it is reported that the biggest ‘spikes’ in donations are in Unfortunately the response from charities response to the short films that trigger the on the latter point was not in the direction strongest emotional responses. the Commission wanted. Instead of increased collaboration, the charities felt A Comic Relief press release reports that they had “no choice but to compete with on the night of Sport Relief 2010, the one another” (ibid:4). For many charities the biggest number of calls to give money instinctive response to the downturn seems occurred at 9.26pm. This was just after to have been to develop sharper business an appeal film that featured Chris Moyles practices, taking them away from their watching a child die of malaria in a hospital founding mission as interest groups. in Uganda (Sport Relief 2010). The film supplied little context because its primary focus was on the child dying, and then on the stricken Moyles giving the freephone number [the clip is currently available to view on YouTube].

Finding Frames It could be argued that NGOs have just 1.3 The case of Make Poverty History been responding to wider market trends in The case of Make Poverty History (MPH) recent years, characterised by deregulation offers us the chance to see the themes and privatisation. The sociologist Zygmunt introduced in the sections above in action. Bauman has described these trends as the We have already seen how in early 2005 an rise of ‘liquid modernity’ (in e.g. Baillie Smith ‘MPH effect’ was apparent, with levels of 2008), meaning that institutional purposes the ‘very concerned’ reaching a long-term become fluid and distinctly blurred. This high. In terms of active engagement, MPH process can be seen in development NGOs offered a new portfolio of ways in which as they build stronger partnerships with people could get involved in tackling global governments and corporations, in order to poverty. From a strategic perspective, it tackle poverty in the global South. can also be seen as a concerted attempt to break the Live Aid Legacy and the Blurring the boundaries transactional model of campaigning. The kind of liquidity highlighted by Bauman can also be seen in the rise of consultants Organisationally MPH was a very different working in the development sector and entity from the NGOs that became its the way they operate. Consultants often members – whether or not those NGOs work both for NGOs and for their corporate could fairly be described as ‘protest and government partners, blurring the fine businesses’. The campaign was serious lines between organisations and further about its coalition structure – there was embedding the sector in consumer-based not even a core directorate or single models. Given far-reaching changes such spokesperson. This structure immediately as this in development practices, one can made MPH non-competitive, and the argue that it is time for NGOs to refresh the shift away from the transactional model of frame of themselves as charities that still campaigning was made even clearer in the dominates how the public sees them. uniting of the coalition behind the rallying cry of ‘justice not charity’. The issue of how development practices in the South have evolved is raised later In putting its call for political and economic in this report (see Section 2.4 on values). action at the centre of the campaign, and But here it is sufficient to underline that in pursuing mass mobilisation through a the trend towards protest businesses coalition structure, MPH can be seen as identified by Jordan and Maloney seems “the direct successor” to the Jubilee 2000 to be continuing unabated. NGOs are debt campaign (Sireau 2009). It also built fervently “chasing the same chequebooks” on the platform provided by the Trade (1997:152) to feed revenue growth, often Justice Movement. at the expense of deeper engagement with the public.

Finding Frames ‘Justice not charity’ Mobilising the masses MPH can be read as a deliberate attempt As well as trying to engage a mass public at reframing the problem of global poverty, in new ways, thereby reframing global the potential solutions, and the public’s poverty and the possible solutions, MPH’s role. Its emphasis on ‘justice not charity’ is strategy aimed to mobilise people as never consistent with some of the positive frames before. The idea was to show a mobilised for development that we go on to identify mass public to the UK government as a below. Frames analysis is particularly useful means to galvanise political change at for understanding the MPH movement, the G8 Summit. Thus large numbers of with its combination of actions and supporters needed to engage in visible communications, its open structure and actions: marching in the Edinburgh rally yet its need for a single centre. at the start of the summit; handing in their white bands to fill large perspex letters that It is notable that the most complete analysis could be marshalled on the hillside opposite of MPH completed to date – a book by Gleneagles (and later transported to Nick Sireau that came out of the year he Parliament Square); bombarding politicians spent shadowing the MPH Co-ordination with text messages, emails and postcards Team during his PhD – undertakes a calling for particular policies to be delivered. frames analysis of the campaign (Sireau 2009). As it happens, Sireau’s is a slightly The political impact of these actions has different branch of theory from the cognitive been fiercely debated. The value of the frames that we adopt in this report. He final G8 communiqué divided NGOs in looked at ‘collective action frames’ as the coalition and is still contested – see defined by academics working on social eg Sireau 2009. As a mass mobilisation, movements and public participation. He however, MPH was a phenomenal success. identified the overarching structure of MPH Just in terms of its structure MPH was the as ‘the economic injustice master frame’ biggest coalition in campaigning history: – consistent with the explicit ‘justice not 540 member organisations were involved at charity’ call to action. its peak. It could also be judged the biggest mass mobilisation: 225,000 people took part in the Edinburgh rally (ibid) and in July 2005 87% of the UK public had heard of MPH (see eg Darnton 2007). 15% of the UK public reported having undertaken at least one action for MPH (ibid).

Finding Frames Despite the success of MPH in engaging 2005, in Darnton 2007). In Wave 3 in the mass public, that public barely heard 2006, respondents who had been involved the ‘justice not charity’ message. This in MPH were mystified as to why the could simply be put down to the MPH campaign had not sought to raise money. communications not being loud enough One reason given by a respondent to to reach the whole country. But this is an explain the general sense of ineffectiveness unlikely explanation, as whatever MPH of the campaign was “...because Live 8 could be said to have lacked, it was not didn’t raise as much money as Live Aid...” communications air time or PR support. (PPP 2006:17). Indeed, Nick Sireau argues that MPH was “mainly a communications exercise” (ibid:5). In reflecting on these findings from a Somewhere along the way, ‘justice not frames perspective, we could say that charity’ got lost or drowned out, and MPH the transaction frame for tackling poverty never achieved the transformational change (in which giving money to charities is it promised. The research evidence points understood to be the only way to engage to a number of possible explanations: with global poverty) proved too strong for the ‘justice not charity’ frame to depose • Dominant frames overwhelmed it. It can be suggested that more effort ‘justice not charity’ could have been focused on exposing The campaign was constructed around the prevailing (transaction) frame, in order complex themes: debt, trade, and aid. to break it and allow the public to The research evidence outlined above engage differently. (in 1.1) has shown how difficult it is for even engaged members of the public to Interestingly, Graham Harrison identifies sustain a discussion on these topics. Yet a different framing problem. His analysis the PPP research shows that this material suggests that as Africa came to dominate complexity was only the tip of the problem. the imagery around MPH, it became More fundamentally, the public couldn’t more difficult to activate the ‘justice not accept the ‘justice not charity’ frame. charity’ message (Harrison 2010). Harrison suggests that Africa is so bound up with In Wave 2 of the qualitative research charity in the public’s mind that African in 2005, the MPH-involved and ‘very imagery was antagonistic to MPH’s concerned’ respondents who were economic justice frame. This resonates interviewed commented that they were with research on the Live Aid Legacy, sure MPH must have been raising money and suggests that more effort could have somehow, through selling white bands been expended on the exposing and or by taking some revenue from the text breaking of the existing ‘aid frame’ within messages people were sending (PPP the campaign.

Finding Frames • The ‘justice not charity’ message Another constraint was the limited time was delivered by... charities available for MPH to make its mark. It It is a central premise of frames theory can take considerable time to reframe a that frames are embedded in everyday whole area of public activity and achieve institutions and practices, as well as in values change. With a complex coalition communications. The apparent disjuncture of organisations involved and a limited between the medium and the message window of mass public engagement, may well have left those in the coalition MPH was unable to maintain the level of confused. If this occurred, then there is cohesion and control needed to sustain little surprise that the message was not its initial impact over the longer term. The understood by the public. independent evaluation of MPH by Firetail describes “the absence of a strong centre” For the ‘justice not charity’ frame to be (Martin et al 2006:70), and explains the lack successfully propounded it was essential of continued activity in 2005 after the G8 that it came from a unified coalition that Summit by saying that MPH “simply…did was seen as something different from the not have adequate plans in place” (ibid:69). usual development charities. When some coalition members started to use their • Tension between achieving big brands within the campaign (eg putting numbers and moving the public on their logos on the MPH white bands), this MPH was designed to engage the mass lessened the chance of the mass public public. Mass support was sought both seeing beyond ‘charity’. to achieve a political impact and to try to transform how the public engaged • Lack of control and cohesion in with poverty. This made for a challenging a complex coalition campaign: there is some doubt as to Societal values and meanings are whether any campaign can secure political collectively constructed. This means that change and transformational change at the the collective effort of a lot of partners same time. In the case of MPH, it was the and voices is needed to connect with or former that became the dominant theme. reinforce those values and meanings. As with the example of branding above, a good deal of strong leadership and co- ordination is required for the frame to hold firm. This is especially true when it comes to messaging, but messaging was one of the areas of MPH activity that coalition MPH was unable members were least able to agree upon (for to maintain the revealing details, see Sireau 2009). level of cohesion and control needed to sustain its initial impact over the longer term.

Finding Frames All the stops were pulled out to ensure a Conclusions really big political campaign, with blanket In summary, this analysis of the evidence coverage in the media. White bands were around MPH concludes that the used to make public support visible. campaign nearly managed to reframe Celebrities featured heavily in public global poverty, but not quite. In not quite communications to make it clear that achieving this objective, the events of poverty and MPH were big news, although 2005 inadvertently reinforced the Live Aid most did little or nothing to get the intended Legacy. In his analysis Graham Harrison ‘justice not charity’ message across. cites one NGO campaigns director who commented in the wake of MPH that The ultimate device to ensure the campaign the campaign proposition had become was both newsworthy and popular was “Buy Charity, Get Justice Free” (Harrison the series of Live8 events. These concerts 2010:405). This view was echoed in had a highly contested genesis, with research with the general public. In May Bob Geldof (their figurehead) ending up 2007 one respondent involved in the PPP nearly splitting the coalition (see Sireau research showed how MPH had become 2009). Whatever its original purpose, Live8 synonymous with Live8, by recalling the became the focal point of 2005 activity campaign as follows (PPP 2007:26): for the mass public. ‘Justice not charity’ was squeezed out. By February 2006 PPP “It was a big concert in a few places around researchers were finding that Make Poverty the world with all the big names in music. History was itself history, subordinated to Bob Geldof. They did one 20 or 25 years Live8 in the public’s mind. As one MPH- ago. They tried to make a load of money to involved respondent commented (PPP cancel world debt.” 2006:12): After all the hope of transforming public “Live8 was the event, and Make Poverty engagement, MPH appears simply to History was its slogan.” have returned the public to the place they were in when they were children. To make matters worse, the experience of some of the public who took part in MPH in some way was that a sense of false promise turned into disillusionment. In the 2007 wave of PPP research the researchers reported that “A general sense of disempowerment feels more pervasive than ever” (ibid:23). Underlying all the confusion around what MPH was – or might have been – was the inescapable realisation that “Poverty isn’t history” (ibid:23).

Finding Frames 2.The role of values in public engagement

Finding Frames This section... 2.1 The values of MPH lite The section above has described MPH • Briefly continues the Make Poverty as representing a shift in approach for History case study, arguing that the public engagement, with the ‘justice not consumerist values inherent in the charity’ proposition at its centre. This core campaign strategy worked against the ethos, as well as the coalition structure, ‘justice not charity’ frame. demanded a radical departure from established fundraising-driven approaches • Introduces the psychological basis and ‘transactional’ engagement activity. As of values theory, following the work has been explained above, however, the of Shalom Schwartz and his values MPH campaign struggled to get out of the circumplex. Schwartz’s thesis that charity frame. values are inter-related is described, demonstrating how one value can Part of the problem was the deliberate diminish the power of its antagonistic mass mobilisation approach. Strong voices partner. Tim Kasser and colleagues’ at the time, both within and outside the subsequent work on motivational goals coalition, criticised MPH for being too is also presented. populist. Anecdotally, their complaints were also expressed as calls for the ‘justice’ • Seeks to identify which values and message not to get lost in the campaign. goals are most active in driving public Meanwhile other voices, also strong in the engagement with global development. coalition, were clear that the campaign There is little directly relevant research would need to be ‘mass’ to succeed. The on this question. There are enough primary goal was to build a campaign clues, however, to isolate a cluster of that would go from zero to total public values around Universalism – and goals awareness in seven months. This was relating to Community Feeling – as key at the heart of the brief given to MPH’s to driving engagement with ‘bigger than advertising agency Abbot Mead Vickers self’ problems, including development (see Sireau 2009:16). issues. Although these contrasting views caused • Introduces a few refinements to tensions at the time, it is clear with the the proposed positive values for benefit of hindsight that MPH contributed development. These are based on to giving issues of global poverty a much possible objections stemming from higher public profile, and opened up a both the practice of development as new space for debate (a space into which it is undertaken in the global South papers like this one can be launched). (grounded in self-interest), and the practical task of engaging publics in the North (where values of Benevolence are often invoked as part of a strategy based on ‘starting where people are at’).

Finding Frames ‘MPH lite’ seems a fair description of much of the public engagement activity.

‘MPH Lite’ and other actions ‘MPH lite’ seems a fair description of The communications campaign was built much of the public engagement activity. around various calls to action, pointing There were actions that offered little or no supporters to a wide range of things message or other content related to debt, they could do to achieve the political and trade and aid. And the actions themselves economic objectives of the campaign. could be deemed ‘superficial’, in terms of Not all of these actions would rightly be the level at which people had to engage to described as ‘mass mobilisations’ however undertake them. – certainly not in the sense of direct action. The PPP research asked about ten different The low costs of participation recall the actions that people involved in MPH could critique of ‘cheap participation’ levelled by have taken. These included ‘registering on Jordan and Maloney (see 1.2 above). For the MPH website’, ‘sending an email to instance, the emphasis on online activism, a politician’, ‘sending a text message to while innovative to the extent that it allowed Make Poverty History’, ‘attending a Live8 the campaign to communicate with a vast concert’ and ‘joining the Make Poverty supporter base, could easily fall prey to History rally in Edinburgh’ (reported in eg criticisms of ‘clicktivism’ (a phenomenon Darnton 2007). described in 1.2).

While some of these actions suggest Database deletion significant commitment on the part of In one case study of Make Poverty History, supporters, others are purposefully easy written as part of an analysis of the history to undertake. The epitome of the easy and current practice of campaigning actions was ‘wearing a white band’ for social change, Paul Hilder describes (undertaken by 61% of the MPH involved, MPH as an example of “an effective according to the PPP research – see ibid). media campaign, coupled with celebrity The white bands became so popular endorsement” (Hilder et al 2007:50). This that they were described by some praise is tempered with criticism, however, commentators as meaningless fashion of the deliberate deletion by the coalition of items – which they apparently were for its supporter mailing list (containing roughly large numbers of young people who wore 450,000 email addresses). them as one of many wristbands up their forearms in the summer of 2005.

Writing about what the public had (or hadn’t) learned from MPH, the PPP researchers described a whole raft of the MPH actions as ‘MPH lite’ (Darnton 2006). Notably these were the actions undertaken in the biggest numbers (see eg Darnton 2007).

Finding Frames The decision to delete supporter data Quantity versus quality: the tensions exemplifies the lack of legacy planning in mass engagement by the member NGOs, whose explicit There is a tension apparent in MPH precondition on entering the coalition was between delivering mass engagement to disband after the year was out. Paul and delivering depth of engagement – Hilder sees the destroying of the mailing essentially quantity versus quantity. It is list as a serious error in the campaign illuminating to set this tension alongside strategy. Overall, however, he concludes other elements of the problem of public that: “The campaign achieved spectacular engagement we have identified in this reach with its one-to-many media strategy paper. Part of the answer to breaking the and consumerism, reinforced by the use lock-in of public engagement must surely lie of viral symbols of solidarity like the white in endeavouring to develop new models for bands” (ibid:47). mass campaigning – models that over time can deliver both breadth and depth. It is hard to argue with this conclusion but it is striking that consumerism was such These models will need to be built for the a key ingredient of the recipe for success. longer term, on positive values. They will Recalling Nick Sireau’s description of the also need to express positive values in campaign not as a mass movement but everything they do that involves the public. as “a communications exercise” (Sireau It may well be necessary to engage the 2009:5), we might note that in place public on their own values, starting from of the values of economic injustice on where they are at, but a strategy must then which the campaign strategy was plotted, be rolled out to take them to a place in the consumerist values embodied in which positive values for development are advertising, celebrities and fashion took activated and strengthened. centre stage. These elements not only obscured the ‘justice not charity’ frame In seeking to re-engage the public in global but brought along their own values, to poverty once again, we should now ask the point where a critical friend might what those positive values might be. reasonably ask ‘where did the justice go?’

Summing up our analysis, we could say that MPH was built around a positive, and potentially transformative, master frame. But the campaign’s surface framing reinforced among the public those negative values that the deeper strategy was trying to move away from.

Finding Frames 2.2 Activating positive values Values and human motivations “Every time a non-governmental Values are of primary importance in organisation attempts to motivate change psychology, which as a discipline is by appealing to individuals’ self-interested concerned with understanding the origins concerns for money and status, to of human behaviour. Values are seen to be businesses’ desire to maximise profit, or at the root of our motivational system: they to governments’ felt mandate to increase are the guiding principles by which we act, economic growth, it has subtly privileged and by which we evaluate both our own and encouraged the portion of people’s actions and those of others. value systems that stands in opposition to positive social (and ecological) attitudes A useful definition is offered by Norman and behaviours” (Kasser 2009:8) Feather, who fuses his own descriptions of values with those of Shalom Schwartz and Tim Kasser, a US psychologist, wrote Milton Rokeach – probably the two most this warning as part of his recent work influential psychologists working on values. advising Oxfam on how to construct Feather describes values as (among other its campaigns around positive values. things) “general beliefs about desirable Kasser’s statement neatly sums up the ways of behaving, or desirable goals” point that values operate not in isolation (Feather and McKee 2008:81). but relative to one another. In some cases the balance operates like a see-saw: if we To the extent that this describes human activate one set of values, we diminish the motivations it is a workable definition, opposing set. In as much as consumerist although it is also helpful to make a values are opposed to what we might call distinction between values and attitudes. humanitarian values, strengthening the Schwartz writes that values “transcend former weakens the latter. specific situations” and “...differ from attitudes primarily in their generality Kasser warns that practitioners cannot or abstractness” (Schwartz 1992:3). have it both ways. They must decide In psychological theory, attitudes are which it is to be: which set of values they understood as beliefs and orientations will focus upon. In so doing they will end relevant to a specific object or behaviour, up deciding whether certain short-term whereas values are more foundational. gains are worth the risk of longer-term Thus a specific attitude is a stronger losses. Understanding the psychological predictor of its related behaviour than theory around values can help make sense a value would be, but values are more of our MPH narrative above, deconstructing broad-spectrum, having a general influence why the campaign did not lead to a across a wide range of attitudes lasting shift in the breadth and depth of and behaviours. public engagement.

Finding Frames Values in dynamic systems The degree of ease or difficulty with which A substantial body of literature has grown people hold two particular values, or follow up around values. This includes robust particular courses of action consistent methods of measuring values that have with those values, reflects the level of been applied in studies with large samples, compatibility or conflict between those undertaken in many countries. Notably values. For example, people who rate psychologists have found – perhaps wealth and status as important tend not to surprisingly – that there are relatively few rate social justice and living in a world at values in human motivational systems, and peace as equally important. that these are found consistently across different cultures worldwide. It has been pointed out that all people hold all the values on Schwartz’s continuum Schwartz’s values system, perhaps all the time to some extent, but the balance the best known and certainly the most between these values varies from individual widely applied and validated of the values to individual (see eg Kasser 2009). It frameworks, comprises 56 principal value follows from this that when we talk about ‘labels’ that can be boiled down into just ‘changing values’ we do not mean creating ten value types (Schwartz and Boehnke new values and introducing them into the 2004). Schwartz’s main contribution is system in place of old values. What we not so much in defining the contents of do mean is changing the level of the values, but in identifying the dynamic importance accorded to a particular structure in which they are positioned and value relative to others. interrelate. First he maintains that individual values are not distinct from one another Schwartz’s values circumplex but represent identifiable points positioned Our values are often regarded as being on “a continuum of related motivations” innate. The relative priorities between them (Schwartz 1992:45). Next he observes that (our default settings, so to speak) appear to the relationships between individual values be strongly determined by what happens can best be understood in terms of the in our early life, by our families and by our degree to which they are compatible or in education. But this prioritisation can also conflict with one another. be changed through later influences in response to our lived experience. How our Survey tools such as Schwartz’s Values interactions in social life are framed thus Survey reveal that people find it difficult to has particular influence on the balance of hold certain combinations of values at the values that we hold – hence the potential same time, whereas other combinations for frames to contribute to changing values are relatively easy to hold simultaneously. (as discussed in Section 3 below).

Finding Frames Figure 5: Theoretical model of relations among 10 motivational types of values (after Schwartz & Boehnke 2004)

Due to the dynamic interrelations between Once this values structure is set out, it values, what results when the scores from becomes easier to see the ‘problem’ with values surveys are plotted diagrammatically consumerist values, from the perspective is not a linear version of a continuum, of increasing public engagement with but a circular model or circumplex. In this development issues. The positive values model compatible values appear adjacent that will deepen and sustain support for to one another, and conflicting values development are found in the north-east appear as opposites. Where values do segments, described under the ‘higher not correlate with one another, they order’ type of Self-Transcendence values. appear ‘orthogonally’ to one another – These are the value types Universalism at right angles. and Benevolence.

Schwartz’s values circumplex is reproduced above (Figure 5). It is not a conceptual model but an empirical one: the result of what happens when the survey data are plotted out (using ‘circular stochastic modelling’). Furthermore, the model has been validated through use of the Schwartz Values Survey with 200 samples in over 70 countries worldwide (see Maio et al 2009).

Finding Frames These positive values are in conflict with This example of how different elements the Self-Enhancement value types - of the values structure can be emphasised Power, Achievement and Hedonism – in underlines the foundational nature of values the south-west segments. Given the in determining worldviews. There is also antagonistic relationship between opposing resonance between the political analysis values on the circumplex, the positive here and the thinking on cognitive frames prosocial values can be described as non- that we will go on to explore in Section individualistic and anti-consumerist (see eg 3 below. Grouzet et al 2005). These Universalism and Benevolence values can in turn be Goals and psychological needs seen to motivate action to tackle a wide Similar evidence on the structure of human range of ‘bigger than self’ problems, within motivations has recently been developed which we can include global poverty (see in relation to goals, instead of values; Tim Crompton 2010). Kasser is at the forefront of this work (see eg Grouzet et al 2005). For Kasser and Blurred boundaries between values colleagues, goals are subsidiary to values in Schwartz says that because the circumplex the motivational system, values being “the expresses a continuum of motivations, higher order conceptions of the ideal that the boundary markers on the model typically organise people’s goals” (ibid:801). are somewhat arbitrary (“conceptually Goals reflect humans’ inherent need states: convenient” – Schwartz 1992:45). It follows a combination of their psychological needs that the values items and types can be (for affiliation and self-acceptance on the clustered in different ways, and relations one hand, and status and pleasure on the between the values plotted in different other); their physical needs (eg for food and combinations. This technique is often shelter); and their spiritual needs. used when designing research hypotheses and survey tools. Kasser’s approach is derived from 11 goal types that can be plotted against The primary examples of oppositional two bipolar scales, with one axis showing pairings are Self-Enhancement versus physical versus spiritual goals, the other Self Transcendence, and Conservation (ie extrinsic versus intrinsic. Kasser has conservatism) versus Openness to Change. also developed a survey tool called the A further pairing suggested by Schwartz is Aspiration Index (Kasser and Ryan 1996). Uncertainty Control (based on the ‘power’ When plotted, the results from large and ‘security’ types) versus Intellectual sample surveys conducted internationally Openness (based on the universalism and produce a circumplex model that is similar self-direction types). Schwartz argues to Schwartz’s. that this pairing is likely to predict political affiliation: those with dominant Uncertainty Control values tend to be conservative, while those with stronger Intellectual Openness values tend to be liberal (Schwartz and Boehnke 2004:252).

Finding Frames Figure 6: Circular representation of the goals, based on a study of 1,800 students from 15 nations (Grouzet et al 2005)

Self-transcendence Spirituality

Community Conformity

Extrinsic Intrinsic

Popularity

Image Affiliation

Self-acceptance

Financial success Physical health Safety Hedonism Physical self

Kasser’s goal structure is interesting to us The pairing of Community Feeling and particularly for its minor differences in terms Financial Success is taken to be the of the contents of the motivational items quintessential example of conflicting – the goals. Some of these fill gaps in the motivations. These goals appear exactly coverage of Schwartz’s values. Another 192 degrees apart from each other, almost interesting element is the differences in diametrically in opposition. The Grouzet, structure behind the Schwartz and Kasser Kasser and colleagues’ goal circumplex values systems (see Figure 6). thus provides us with an even more clear- cut case that prosocial and consumerist In terms of identifying positive goals behaviours spring from conflicting for increasing public engagement with motivations, and that pursuing the two development issues, our attention sets of goals at once is likely to prove very is focused on the Intrinsic goals of difficult for a given individual. Community Feeling and Affiliation, which appear on the right hand side of the model. These are shown to be in conflict with the opposing Extrinsic goals: Conformity, Popularity, Image and Financial Success.

Finding Frames The primacy of intrinsic needs Grouzet and colleagues note that people At the same time, the ‘higher order’ with strong extrinsic goals have more dimensions of the goal circumplex identify difficulty fulfilling their intrinsic needs – for the opposition of intrinsic and extrinsic acceptance, affiliation and so forth. In turn needs, which is perhaps more applicable these findings tie into Kasser’s earlier work than the self-enhancement versus self- on well-being (see eg ibid), which notes transcendent dimensions of the Schwartz that achieving consumerist goals doesn’t values circumplex. Rather than seeing even make people happy. prosocial behaviour as in part driven by spiritual dimensions, the Grouzet model The same conflicts between self-serving puts the emphasis on self-determination: and ‘bigger than self’ motivations are thus the individual’s sense of agency to apparent in both sets of empirical work on make change for the better in society values and goals. If anything, the sense (spirituality is unpacked into the other of irreconcilable conflict between the two spiritual/physical dimension). agendas is sharper in the work on goals, given that they relate to the purposes of The highlighting of the intrinsic/extrinsic human strivings. axis in the Grouzet model allows us to focus more on the oppositional nature It is worth recalling at this point Tim of the two sets of goals. Intrinsic goals Kasser’s warning to NGOs quoted at the are defined as those that are “inherently start of this section: that any form of public satisfying to pursue in and of themselves”. engagement that appeals to people’s They arise from the psychological needs for sense of self-interest will diminish their relatedness, autonomy and competence sense of common good. A number of (ibid:801). Extrinsic goals are seen as examples of such tactics, and the collateral “primarily concerned with gaining some damage they are likely to inflict, appear external reward or praise” (eg status or in the literature. Most are taken from the financial success) and are “less likely to be environmental sphere. inherently satisfying”. In presenting a set of experiments based In this way extrinsic needs are understood on Schwartz’s values circumplex, Greg as a sort of compensation for a deficiency Maio warns about the negative impacts in a person’s capacity to achieve intrinsic of promoting energy efficiency measures goals. It is argued that extrinsic needs as money-saving steps, even though the arise from insecurity that has its roots in pro-environmental and financial benefits an inability to satisfy innate psychological could make those measures appear a needs (Kasser 2004). This element of win-win for the householder (Maio et al displacement shines further light on the 2009). Likewise, in his work on values and motivations for consumerist and socially frames, Tom Crompton cautions against dominant behaviour, and suggests that selling photo-voltaic cells or hybrid cars on self-direction in the pursuit of common the basis that they will enhance the buyer’s goals (ie pro-social behaviour) is the more social status (Crompton 2010). natural state of things (see also work cited in Section 3 below on mirror neurons).

Finding Frames Values, causes and correlations psychology (see eg Roccas 2002). Values matter not only in themselves – Correlations are also widely observed because they reflect sharp and sometimes between motivations and behaviours. conflicting differences in motivations – but Kasser reports, for example, that people also because the motivations they embody with strong Materialistic Values Orientations in turn influence other attitudes and (MVOs) are less likely to report undertaking behaviours. Again the literature on values pro-social behaviour, and more likely to and goals is well evolved, and empirical commit antisocial acts such as stealing work has shown both correlations and and cheating (Kasser 2004). causal associations with other perceptions and actions. Acting on values Experiments have also been undertaken Thus Kasser reports findings that show that to demonstrate the causal influence of a strong orientation towards money and values on behaviour. These experiments possessions (hence placing importance tend to involve ‘priming’, in which certain on financial success and image goals) values are activated within the participant in correlates with attitudinal orientations that order to test how they influence behaviour. include lower empathy, more manipulative One widely reported class of experiments tendencies, higher Social Dominance involved priming people with the term Orientiation (ie a preference for hierarchy ‘money’, and then finding that they were and social inequality) and greater prejudice less willing either to help the researcher towards out-groups (Kasser 2009). with some subsequent task or to donate part of their research fee to charity (eg Vohs The last of these attributes, the tendency et al 2006). In this way what Maio calls the towards discrimination, is also found “systemic implications of values change” in many studies using Schwartz’s are demonstrated, whereby activating values system, which tend to correlate one value diminishes its antagonistic universalism values with positive attitudes counterpart (Maio et al 2009:701). to racial difference (see eg Feather 1970, and Rokeach 1973 in eg Sawyerr et Maio’s own experiments go further, in al 2005) and with readiness to contact showing that activating one value can members of an out-group (eg Sagiv and also activate an adjacent value, as well as Schwartz’s 1995 study of Israeli Jewish diminishing an antagonistic partner. Maio’s teachers, in eg Feather and McKee 2008). results echo earlier data showing that just priming people with ‘achievement’ values Some other values types have been found can lead them to regard a task in a different to correlate with the ‘Big Five’ personality light – the research task itself (eg a word traits that are often used to mark out puzzle) becomes an opportunity for different types of people in contemporary proving self-worth.

Finding Frames These results impinge on work on (Doran 2009). All the respondents filled framing, which is discussed in the section out the Schwartz Values Survey, and it below. But Maio also proves through his was found that the most loyal fairtrade experiments that “priming a set of values purchasers ranked the Universalism increases behaviour that affirms those values as the most important. The loyal values and decreases behaviour affirming purchasers also scored highly on Self- opposing values” (ibid:712). He concludes direction values, indicating that they were that “changes in either set of values have willing to make minority choices and hunt reciprocal effects on the opposing values” out fairtrade products in specialist shops. (ibid:713). It is important to note that these loyal It is notable that none of this evidence purchasers ranked the Benevolence items on the association between values and in the survey as less important than did behaviours relates to behaviours concerned ‘intermittent’ fairtrade shoppers, for whom with tackling poverty. Indeed the laboratory these values were the most important. experiments tend to relate to trivial ‘helping’ As well as underlining the general behaviours such as picking up dropped correlation between self-transcendence pencils. Despite this, the bigger correlations values and action to tackle poverty (here, in this kind of research can demonstrate buying fairtrade) the findings underline the associations with more meaningful pro- need to distinguish between Universalism and anti-social behaviours in the real world. and Benevolence value types. The former relate to showing care for all people, Universalist values, fairtrade and and the latter to showing care for those human rights like oneself (in one’s in-group). These From this point of view there are a couple differences will be teased out below, as we of highly relevant pieces of evidence for consider precisely which values should be practitioners in development NGOs. The activated in order to engage the public in first is that those who express stronger development issues. universalism values also express more supportive attitudes about human rights (Cohrs et al 2007). In turn, those expressing stronger attitudes about human rights are more likely to undertake supportive actions, including donating to human rights NGOs. The second piece of evidence comes from a study of US buyers of fairtrade products “priming a set of values increases behaviour that affirms those values and decreases behaviour affirming opposing values”

Finding Frames 2.3 Identifying positive values Back to basics: self-interest for development and morality We have noted that the values literature Synthesising these findings with the rest of includes only limited references to the the literature, Van Heerde and Hudson boil influence of values and goals on support the causes of concern for poverty down for tackling global poverty. Reciprocally, to self-interest and morality. Interestingly, looking at the development literature, there they then move on to an analysis of media is little work on the values that underlie coverage of the developing world in 2005. support for concern about global poverty. This indicates that these two prevailing In this section, however, we explore these models – or ‘frames’ as the authors call value links for ourselves. We explore what them – dictated the narrative in all the happens if we take the values theory development stories in the newspapers approach, as laid out above, and apply that year. it to driving public engagement with development. What are the positive Van Heerde and Hudson apply the values that result? dichotomy between self-interested and moral motivations to recent data from the Despite the lack of literature about the DFID Survey of Public Attitudes (as best values that drive public engagement, they can, given the problems with the development academics David Hudson available measures). They find that morality and Jennifer van Heerde have undertaken (as measured by the statement ‘poverty some exploratory work. They did this by in developing countries is a moral issue’) using DFID data to explore the motivations is positively correlated with concern about of concern and support for tackling global levels of poverty in poor countries. But, poverty (Van Heerde and Hudson 2010). self-interest (measured with an index based on a basket of questions about economic, Hudson and van Heerde began their security, political and personal impacts) is analysis with a literature review that shown to have a negative correlation with identified two root causes of political action. concern for poverty. May and Olson provide a two-part typology for activism, one type based on ‘the logic of expected consequences’ and the other on ‘the logic of appropriateness’ (May and Olson 1996 in ibid). Essentially, those influenced by ‘expected consequences’ are motivated by rational self-interest, while the ‘appropriateness’ type is based on moral beliefs.

Finding Frames This finding is consistent with the values Preference accommodation and evidence laid out above. It is at odds, preference shaping however, with hypotheses derived from the In trying to make sense of this, van development literature, which suggest that Heerde and Hudson highlight the work both morality and self-interest could drive of Hay (2007), who saw a clear choice concern for development. Van Heerde and that needed to be made between two Hudson unpick this apparent contradiction alternative strategies for engaging the by disaggregating the self-interest index public (Hay 2007). Hay’s two routes to into its constituent measures, finding that public engagement are summarised as while attitudes relating to the national ‘preference accommodation’ or ‘preference interest correlate negatively with concern, shaping’ – put simply, meeting the public items focusing on self-interest (eg poverty where it is at, or aiming for values change. having consequences that ‘affect me Hay argues strongly for the latter. personally’) correlate positively. Preference accommodation, Hay says, In a parallel paper van Heerde and Hudson appeals to self-interest and is ultimately conclude that “It is entirely plausible a self-fulfilling prophecy: if you argue that and logical that people are able to hold, support is rational, people will calculate simultaneously, both an instrumental the costs and benefits and conclude that and normative view for supporting engagement isn’t worth it. Engagement in development assistance” (Hudson & van elections offers an obvious example, where Heerde 2010:15). While this conclusion the concept of ‘pivotality’ suggests that the might seem logical, and is in line with chances of your vote being the one that thinking in development studies, it goes makes the difference to the overall outcome against the well evidenced work on values are so slim that it would be illogical to and goals in the psychological literature. vote at all. Hay argues that if you play to Indeed it is reminiscent of the cases that people’s self-interest, they will become environmentally minded psychologists more self-interested and disengage from write about, such as the energy efficiency political activism. schemes that look like a win-win but are more likely to involve trade-offs between Ultimately van Heerde and Hudson’s shorter- and longer-term forms of analysis reaches a conclusion that is engagement (see eg Maio et al 2009). in line with the values literature. There are apparent tensions here between development studies and values theory, and these will be teased out in the following section of this paper. For the moment, however, the task of mapping drivers of engagement with global poverty points back to the intrinsic values and goals identified through the work in psychology.

Finding Frames Self-interest and the aid budget While this development sector research An interesting study from the development provides indicative findings about sector, concerning the work of AusAid, motivations, it doesn’t go so far as to throws up parallel findings (Instinct and analyse support for tackling global poverty Reason 2009 – discussed in detail in in terms of existing values and goals scales. Darnton 2009). Seeking to increase On the basis of this review, there is certainly support for spending on development a need to pursue such an opportunity. aid among the Australian public, AusAid As will be discussed below, some work commissioned a choice modelling has been done in the development sector exercise that involved testing a range of around values. This includes Oxfam’s scenarios with the public. The optimal examination of core motivations for solution identified – the one that produced campaigning and the Mindsets research the largest public endorsement for an in 2008 that informed the development increase in aid spending to 0.5% of GNI of Oxfam’s new customer segmentation – emphasised self-interest motivations (Oxfam 2008). (spending 75% of aid on neighbours in the region, for example, and prioritising Schwartz’s values types education of the kind that reduces However, such work does not explicitly women’s propensity to breed). tie into the psychological work on values. Because of this it misses out on drawing Meanwhile, in AusAid’s segmentation upon a substantial body of potentially model, the two segments that reported illuminating empirical evidence. To identify the highest support for development aid the specific motivations that are supportive did not show strong concern for global of public engagement with development poverty. Instead they supported foreign issues, we believe it is worthwhile to aid on the premise that it would bring examine the values and goals literature domestic benefits. While these findings closely, and make some inferences. In show that self-interest can drive support order to perform this task, it is necessary to for development spending in the short look at Schwartz’s full table of the ten value term, the evidence from the psychological types and their associated items. literature and from development academics suggests that such strategies are likely to decrease public engagement in the longer term. This study provides a classic example of the choices and trade-offs that confront us if a values lens is applied to the evidence on building public support for development.

Finding Frames Figure 7: Schwartz’s ten value types and their principal value labels (Schwartz 1992)

Value Type Definition Value Labels

Power Social Status and prestige, control or - Social power dominance over people and resources - Authority - Wealth - Preserving my public image - Social recognition

Achievement Personal success through - Successful demonstrating competence according - Capable to social standards - Ambitious - Influential - Intelligent

Hedonism Pleasure and sensuous gratification - Pleasure for oneself - Enjoying life - Self-indulgent

Stimulation Excitement, novelty and challenge in life - Daring - A varied life - An exciting life

Self-direction Independent thought and - Curious action – choosing, creating, exploring - Creativity - Freedom - Choosing own goals - Independent - Self-respect

Universalism Understanding, appreciation, tolerance - Protecting the environment and protection for the welfare of all - Unity with nature people and for nature - A world of beauty - Broadminded - Social justice - Wisdom - Equality - A world at peace - Inner harmony

Finding Frames Figure 7: Continued...

Value Type Definition Value Labels

Benevolence Preservation and enhancement of the - Helpful welfare of people with whom one is in - Honest frequent personal contact - Forgiving - Loyal - Responsible - A spiritual life - True friendship - Mature love - Meaning in life

Tradition Respect, commitment and acceptance - Accepting my portion in life of the customs and ideas that traditional - Devout culture or religion provide the self - Humble - Respect for tradition - Moderate - Detachment

Conformity Restraint of actions, inclinations and - Obedient impulses likely to upset or harm others - Honouring of parents and elders and violate social expectations or norms - Politeness - Self-discipline

Security Safety, harmony, and stability of - Clean society, of relationships, and of self - National security - Reciprocation of favours - Social order - Family security - Sense of belonging - Healthy

Finding Frames Psychological experiments and survey Defining positive values for development data have shown that universalism If we pursue this psychological way of values are linked to pro-social attitudes thinking about values, with its circumplex and behaviours, and also to specific structures and its evidence that certain development-related attitudes and pairs of values work antagonistically behaviours. These are accepting different against one another, then we can identify others and rejecting discrimination; a set of positive values for driving public supporting human rights and donating to engagement with development as follows: human rights organisations; and buying fairtrade products (see Section 2.2 • ‘Universalism’ values should be activated, above). In presenting his values system, including Equality; A World at Peace; Schwartz himself is clear that support for Social Justice. development issues is a core component of Universalism values, rooted both in human • In addition, given what Greg Maio responses to resource disputes and in the calls the “systematic effects of values realisation of living within finite limits: change”, and Tim Kasser’s warning that endorsing negative values is reinforcing “The motivational goal of universalism is them, activating positive values should also understanding, appreciation, tolerance, involve avoiding ‘Power’ values. These and protection for the welfare of all people include Social Power; Wealth; Authority; and for nature …The motivational goal and Preserving My Public Image. of universalism values can be derived from those survival needs of groups and • Given that supportive values for individuals that become apparent when development and the environment are people come into contact with those strongly compatible within the Universalism outside the extended primary group and type (as articulated by Schwartz above), become aware of the scarcity of natural there may also be benefits in activating resources. People may then realise that the neighbouring ‘Universalism’ values, failure to accept others who are different including A World of Beauty; Unity with and treat them justly will lead to life- Nature; and Protecting the Environment. threatening strife, and failure to protect the natural environment will lead to the • The final three Universalism values destruction of the resources on which life (Broadmindedness; Wisdom; Inner depends” (Schwartz 1992:12). Harmony) may similarly have a positive effect on public engagement with global poverty, even if only because they activate their neighbouring Universalism values. Greg Maio’s experiments have shown that ‘target values’ activate ‘unmentioned values’ (Maio et al 2009:701).

Finding Frames • It can also be argued that Benevolence To take an example from the environmental values (such as Helpful, Responsible, sphere, it is possible that Benevolence True Friendship and Meaning in Life) should values could drive NIMBY (‘Not in My be included in a set of positive values Back Yard’) responses to renewable (although they fall outside the Universalism energy developments, or the stockpiling type). This is because they are part of of fuel and other finite resources. In a the Self-Transcendence higher-order development context it could be argued values type, and as such can be seen as that Benevolence values are likely to supportive or reinforcing of the adjacent have at best a neutral effect on support Universalism values. But the psychological for tackling global poverty. However, this evidence shows that the Benevolence theoretical assertion can be challenged values appear to correlate with engagement from a practical viewpoint (see the section with development issues more weakly than on ‘Refining positive values’ immediately do Universalism values. We can recall the below). These ambiguities are explored survey data discussed above, which found in Section 2.4, but they would clearly that intermittent fairtrade purchasers were benefit from more primary research on the the most strongly Benevolence-orientated relationship between specific values and (Doran 2009). behaviours supportive of tackling poverty.

According to Schwartz’s definition, Key goals for public engagement Benevolence values motivate support Returning to the goal system developed for in-groups: “close others” not “all by Grouzet, Kasser and colleagues, we people” (Schwartz 1992:11-12). On the can recall that the Intrinsic motivations are one hand these values are adjacent to Community Feeling, Affiliation and Self- the Universalism values on Schwartz’s Acceptance (Grouzet et al 2005). These circumplex, which means that through are in conflict with the Extrinsic goals of association they may activate self- Conformity, Image, Popularity and Financial transcendent motivations such as Success. To identify which items we should Universalism. Benevolence values are be promoting in order to increase public defined, however, as driving support for engagement with development, we need the in-group, which means that the kind of to look more closely at the dimensions of pro-social actions they motivate might be each of these goals. We can do this by to the benefit of the individual’s in-group examining the survey statements used to over and above the benefit of others. measure the importance of each of the goals in Kasser and Ryan’s Aspiration Index (Kasser & Ryan 2006). In the interests of brevity, the following table shows only the statements for each of the Intrinsic and Extrinsic goals we are focusing on [Figure 8].

Finding Frames Figure 8: Intrinsic and Extrinsic Goals in Grouzet et al’s goal circumplex, with corresponding items from Kasser & Ryan’s Aspiration Index (reproduced from Crompton 2010)

Life-goal of Corresponding Opposing Corresponding particular indicator goals life-goal(s) indicator goals importance for presented to presented to motivation to subjects in subjects in engage in surveys surveys ‘bigger-than-self’ problems

Affiliation. To People will show Conformity. I will be polite have satisfying affection to me, To fit in with and obedient. relationships with and I will to them. other people. family and friends I will live up to the I will feel that there Image. To look expectations of my society. are people who attractive in really love me. terms of body My desires and tastes and clothing. will be similar to Someone in my life those of other people. will accept me as Popularity. To I am, no matter what. be famous, I will "fit in" with others. well-known I will express my love and admired. My image will be one for special people. others find appealing.

I will have a I will achieve the committed, intimate "look" I've been after. relationship. People will often comment about how attractive I look.

I will successfully hide the signs of aging.

I will keep up with fashions in clothing and hair.

I will be admired by many people.

My name will be known by many different people.

Most everyone who knows me will like me

Finding Frames Figure 8: Continued...

Self-acceptance. I will be efficient. As above As above To feel competent and autonomous. I will choose what I do, instead of being pushed along by life.

I will feel free.

I will deal effectively with problems in my life.

I will feel good about my abilities.

I will overcome the challenges that life presents me.

I will have insight into why I do the things I do. Life-goal of Corresponding Opposing Corresponding Community I will assist people Financial I will have many feeling. who need it, asking success. expensive To improve the nothing in return. To be wealthy possessions. world through and materially activism or The things I do will successful. I will be financially generativity make other people's successful. lives better. Related to this I will have enough intrinsic goal is I will help the world money to buy the importance become a better everything I want. of a sense of place. agency in working I will have a job to create change. that pays well.

Finding Frames Of the three Intrinsic goals, Community Addressing antagonistic goals Feeling appears to offer the most obvious In terms of diminishing antagonistic goals, fit with support for tackling global poverty. it can be concluded that Financial Success It is explicitly about taking action in the should certainly be avoided; this goal world, and building a sense of agency in is diametrically opposed to Community the individual, such that he or she can take Feeling. Similarly Popularity, Image and action and have that action achieve the Conformity (in so far as it is central to desired effect. As discussed in the section consumer culture) should also be avoided. above, these self-determination dimensions of the goal system are missing (or are less Having made these inferences, based on explicit) in Schwartz’s values circumplex. what we know about the well evidenced relationships between Intrinsic goals and In support of Community Feeling, propensity to engage in ‘bigger than Self-Acceptance goals seem important self’ problems, it is again important to because they can activate adjacent goals. stress that the relationships between the But they are also important in themselves specific values and goals advocated here because they can help to increase feelings and measures of public engagement in of agency. development issues should be established through primary research at the first We might reasonably assume that Affiliation opportunity. Indeed we are already planning is less important in driving support for to pursue such a programme of research development, as on the strength of the by means of a quantitative panel survey survey items it appears to relate to support (see Section 6 below). for in-groups and to strengthening self- identity. We could make a comparison here with Benevolence in the values circumplex.

Community Feeling appears to offer the most obvious fit with support for tackling global poverty.

Finding Frames Figure 9: ‘The Attitudes we want to activate and strengthen…’ (Adrian Lovett for Oxfam, 2006)

The Oxfam blob diagram We can quickly see that the values and However, there is further evidence that goals advocated in this paper fit well the values and goals picked out here are with the Oxfam prescription in the blob consistent with those that development diagram, even though it is written around NGOs have already identified as attitudes. For instance, the Universalism representing the ideal foundation on which values of Equality and Justice are explicitly to campaign with the public. In 2006 Adrian mentioned on the Oxfam model. A World Lovett led a research study that resulted in at Peace value item directly relates to the recommendation of a set of motivations Oxfam’s Freedom from Fear and Want. around which Oxfam should build its Meanwhile the goal of Community Feeling campaigns. This outcome was represented can be seen to cohere with Belief in Human in what has become known internally as the Agency (supported by the goal of Self- ‘blob diagram’ [Figure 9]. Acceptance), Solidarity for the Human Family, and Care for Others. The close mapping between Oxfam’s attitudinal blobs and intrinsic goals and values is also apparent to Tim Kasser, who has remarked on how well embedded the positive goals and values are in Oxfam’s ‘Be humankind’ brand campaign (Kasser 2009).

Finding Frames Having said this, there are two of the from an Oxfam shop, or purchases a ‘blobs’ in the Oxfam motivations set that fairtrade product, they are likely to be do not appear to map neatly onto values exercising dual motivations with no sense and goals in the psychological literature. of dissonance whatever. ‘Happiness not driven by material wealth/ consumption’ and ‘Development as Similarly there could be an objection care (for distant others)’ cannot be from development practitioners that a considered values or goals in themselves, psychological approach based purely but rather seem to require the reframing on values theory does not recognise the of familiar concepts around particular practicalities of development work on the (Universalism) values. ground. It could be argued that the ends of development are more important than the This reading of the Oxfam motivations means: if self-interest drives public or state- set suggests that the missing strand in level support, then surely that is preferable their campaign strategy may be the use to no support at all. However there are of a frames approach. Such an approach, clearly myriad ways to achieve those ends, which can activate particular values and and values theory can help us to see the worldviews through the use of particular trade-offs inherent in different approaches. words and concepts, expressed in every aspect of how practitioners engage the A conflicted space for NGOs public, is introduced in Section 4 below. There is evidence that NGOs increasingly find themselves in this conflicted space 2.4 Refining positive values when undertaking development work. for development Development academic Matt Smith writes The section above began by laying out a of the “blurred boundaries” between NGOs, perceived opposition in the literature on the states and markets (Baillie Smith 2008:11). drivers of public engagement with global Such blurring does not easily fit with a poverty: morality on the one hand versus dichotomous view of development work, self-interest on the other. But we have also such as one based purely on values theory. encountered David Hudson’s argument that These slippery exchanges between practice there is no logical reason why support for and principle are one reason why Matt development should not be motivated by Smith advocates an approach to public both sets of values at once (Hudson and engagement grounded in development Van Heerde 2010). education, based on enabling the public to participate in discussion and deliberation Values theorists would argue that it is about the purposes and practices of difficult to span both sides of the values development work. Such an approach circumplex simultaneously, and yet for has the added value of building up the Hudson it seems “entirely plausible” that legitimacy of NGOs to do that work, in people manage it (ibid). For instance, when the eyes of the public. a member of the public buys something

Finding Frames Moreover, it appears that the way and development practice in the South – development is actually being delivered do overlap. For example, it is notable that in the global South at present is more a number of NGOs (including Oxfam and driven by self-interest on the part of WWF) are working with the governments of developing nations than by altruism on developing countries (including China) to try the part of Northern donors. The South is to manage the potential negative impacts advancing its own development agenda, of partnership arrangements, grounded in and South-South partnerships are the self-interest, on the world’s poorest people. dominant model. One of the implications drawn out at the Development academic Emma Mawdsley end of this paper is that NGOs will need to is exploring models of South-South find a new way to present themselves and development, and in a recent paper their work to the UK public. If and when she cites Brazil and India talking about they do so, we would suggest that the global development as ‘horizontal co- model they should present is one that takes operation’ and ‘development co-operation’ account both of how development is being respectively (Mawdsley 2010:11). China is practised in the South, and how their own the biggest force in this emerging model role in that development is shaping up. of development, pursuing its agenda not through donations but through Mauss’s gift theory partnerships. Mawdsley tellingly quotes Beyond these real-world tensions based the Chinese ambassador announcing on development in action, there are also his government’s intention to build a theoretical concerns about a development $1bn hydro-electric dam in Guinea with model based solely on self-transcendence. the words: “The dam is not a gift; it is an These concerns arise not from psychology investment... That is what win-win but from development studies grounded means” (ibid: 18). in other disciplines such as geography, anthropology and sociology. The overlap between North and South Whether or not the contractual Marcel Mauss’s gift theory has become arrangement proposed by the ambassador a staple of sociological thought, and an really constituted a ‘win-win’ is an open influential text in development studies question. Many development practitioners (Emma Mawdsley uses gift theory to (and other commentators) express structure her recent paper). Mauss focuses reservations about China’s way of working, his attention not on the gift itself but on in Africa in particular. To an extent, such the act of giving, which is a social act development realities are a distraction that creates a bond of solidarity between from the main thrust of this paper, which the giver and the receiver (Mauss 1954). focuses on engaging the UK public in For the bond to be fully established, the development. Yet the two arenas of activity recipient is expected to reciprocate with a – public engagement in the global North gift of their own at some point in the future.

Finding Frames When a gift is given without the expectation pragmatically. First, there is the danger of reciprocation, the result is what Marshall that Universalism can appear high- Sahlins calls ‘negative giving’ (1972 – in minded. Rather than building empathy, Mawdsley 2010). As Mauss explains: “The an insistence on support grounded in, unreciprocated gift makes the person who say, the value of equality could be read as has accepted it inferior, particularly when having the reverse effect. If the subjects it has been accepted with no thought of the support – states in the developing of returning it” (Mauss 1954:65). The South – are motivated by self-interest, then implications of this kind of negative giving an insistence on intrinsic motivations in in an international development context are the supporting North could enhance the stark. A charity-based development model ‘othering’ effect apparent in the current entrenches uneven power structures and model of development as charity. results in aid dependency – a phenomenon observed by a number of recent authors on Negotiating disciplinary divides development aid, including Sachs, Easterly We are grappling here with something and Moyo (Mawdsley 2010). of a clash of disciplines and a collision of different specialised vocabularies. Two-way exchange and reciprocation Universalism describes a specific set of This reading of charity as gift is not values items as defined in a particular necessarily entirely incompatible with school of social psychology. ‘Universal an approach to development grounded values’, on the other hand, have wider in intrinsic values, but values theory resonance in a number of disciplines suggests that gifts freely given through that inform development studies. In each Universalism must also allow for an element of these disciplines, universal values (or of reciprocation, or exchange. Rather principles) tend to be problematised. as instant online activism with no further engagement can be regarded as mere For instance, the philosopher Nigel Dower clicktivism, so mechanisms for gathering writes critically about the universal ethics donations that involve no subsequent informing global citizenship, as embodied interaction or other meaningful two-way in international agreements such as the exchange can be seen as simply reinforcing Universal Declaration of Human Rights the prevailing, unequal, status quo. (1948) and the Earth Charter (2000): “No ethic is universally accepted, or is Away from this fundamental critique ever likely to be...” (Dower 2005). Similarly, of development as charity, there are Matt Smith has remarked “universal potential problems with the specific values values are clearly not from nowhere, that are identified as driving support for and definitely from somewhere” development, when we look at them (personal communication).

Finding Frames ‘Universal values’ as they appear in The most successful current exponent of the development literature are clearly community organising in this country is distinct from the Universalism values of Citizens UK. Its success can be measured social psychology. Because of this, it is not least by its influence on contemporary important when advocating the adoption of politics. It hosted the unofficial fourth Universalism in the context of development leaders’ debate before the 2010 General that we are aware both of the problematic Election, and has since been adopted by resonances of the term ‘universal’ and of the government as an exemplar for the Big the potential for mistakenly defining a rigid Society concept. set of values and assuming them to be universally good. Practical examples from Citizens UK’s method is to work with development as it is happening on the existing groups, such as community groups ground (as discussed above) suggest that and faith groups, giving everyone a chance other ways of doing development exist, and to speak and then reflecting people’s some of these may be delivering at least as concerns back to them. This is followed much ‘good’. by a process of bringing groups together around a common agenda, built up from Benevolence in action: Citizens UK the initial concerns that people voiced. The If universal values (and also Universalism) local groups become members of Citizens could be seen to be high-minded, then UK, then the executive takes their common Benevolence can appear to have greater agenda forward and lobbies for political instinctive appeal when seeking to engage change at a high level ( in Westminster, for the UK public in global poverty. There is a example, or by targeting London’s Mayor risk, as discussed in the previous section as in a recent campaign on the living wage). of this paper, that too much Benevolence could lead people to entrench themselves This method of organising has apparently further in their in-groups. This could mean been very effective both in engaging and that they do not reach out to others who empowering local groups, and in making are distant from them. Yet Benevolence the space for political change. From a is widely recognised by development values perspective, it is Benevolence in practitioners as an effective way in to action. The danger, however, is that it working with the public. Being all about activates and reinforces Benevolence care for one’s in-group, Benevolence values values, to the point where participants are seen to be more in line with people’s never get beyond caring for their in-group. daily concerns than are Universalism For some campaigning agendas (such values. It is for this reason that values as the living wage, or rights issues) that campaigning and community organising may be sufficient. But for ‘bigger than self’ principles traditionally ‘start from where problems such as climate change – or people are at’. global poverty – such an approach may be insufficient.

Finding Frames Instead of taking action on the global Ways forward for Benevolence environment, for example, local groups While observing the potential limitations engaged through a Citizens UK-style of the Citizens UK approach, as NGOs approach may just work on local we must acknowledge the apparent environmental issues such as dog fouling advantages of engaging the public through and litter. This potential shortcoming the Benevolence values which they more was confirmed by Neil Jamieson, chief strongly hold, rather than the Universalism executive of Citizens UK, when he spoke values which will be needed in order to recently to a meeting of senior leaders deepen their engagement with global of UK NGOs: “The agenda comes from poverty. In any case, Benevolence is next our members. It usually starts with my to Universalism on the values circumplex, children, my home, my street. But never and we know from experimental work international development” (personal that activating Benevolence values will communication). Underlining the differences strengthen the adjacent Universalism values between community organising (grounded (see eg Maio et al 2009). in Benevolence) and development (understood as grounded in Universalism), Yet values theory also highlights tensions Jamieson continued: “Our people don’t in campaigning approaches, and reveals go to those meetings [ie those convened the potential effects of applying different by development NGOs] – they’re too engagement techniques. We cannot afford self-serving, too sacrificial. Our people are to rule out the chance of people becoming convened around family.” empowered campaigners if that means engaging them first on the things they care about the most (or most often). But if their immediate concerns do not coincide with those of development NGOs, then practitioners will need to have strategies in place to strengthen positive values, and within this to bring Universalism values to the fore. Clearly there is a debate to be had over what constitutes positive values for development, and this paper is designed to “The agenda comes from inform that debate (and others besides). our members. It usually starts with my children, my home, my street. But never international development”

Finding Frames Ways forward for Universalism Other ways through the evident tensions As with Benevolence, this section has between the practices and principles of discussed challenges to an approach to development NGOs, and the core business public engagement grounded wholly in of engaging the UK public, will be apparent Universalism. Many of these challenges to other readers of this paper. Many of the come from observing how development tensions and contradictions in development work is done on the ground, driven forward work are likely to remain insoluble – hence by mutual self-interest. Notwithstanding the need for debate and deliberation to these observations, the real-world evidence work through these tensions as far as from psychology is clear that the use of possible, as development educators negative, extrinsic values reinforces those have advocated. values and diminishes people’s intrinsic motivations and their pro-social actions. There are likely to be no easy answers to many of the ethical and values-based If, for short-term reasons, NGOs choose questions we are posing. Working with to trade on extrinsic motivations, to earn values can seem formidably abstract – revenue or engage new supporters, values are abstract by their very definition then they must do so, but all the time (Schwartz 1992). In using frames, however, being mindful of the collateral damage we can find a way to activate values and these tactics will cause to the supporter make them usable in public engagement base in the longer term. Such tactics activities by development NGOs, as we should only be employed as part of will endeavour to demonstrate in the a considered, longer-term strategy next section. for building public engagement with development – a strategy founded on the positive values outlined above. As with the example of online organising cited in Section 1, the key to achieving deeper public engagement is getting supporters onto a journey of engagement: from local to If, for short-term reasons, global, from online to offline. Not for nothing is the pre-eminent US online organiser NGOs choose to trade called MoveOn.org. on extrinsic motivations, to earn revenue or engage new supporters, then they must do so, but all the time being mindful of the collateral damage these tactics will cause to the supporter

Finding Frames 3.A frames approach to public engagement

Finding Frames This section... 3.1 An introduction to frames We have argued above that it is time • Introduces frames, and seeks to to reframe international development explain the concept via a brief overview and how the task of tackling poverty is of its rich heritage across a number of constructed and approached. In particular, academic disciplines. The relevance our analysis of the current state of public of frames to development NGO engagement suggests that the public practitioners is established, based is stuck in a transaction frame, with the primarily on frames’ ability to tap into, Live Aid Legacy as the dominant model and activate, particular associated of how tackling poverty is understood. values. Breaking out of this transaction frame, and the associated aid frame, involves every • Focuses in on the idea of cognitive facet of our public engagement work and frames, as they appear in cognitive how we communicate it. This includes the linguistics. In particular we look fundamentals of how we campaign and at frames as practical tools for how we fundraise. campaigning, in the ‘cognitive policy’ work of George Lakoff. In the development sector we are happy enough to talk about reframing in this way; • Sets out Lakoff’s practical distinction we all know essentially what it means. But between ‘deep frames’ (a specific sort of what exactly are ‘frames’ and how do they conceptual frame that presents a moral work? How might frames lead us to the worldview) and ‘surface frames’ (which values that we have identified as driving identify the context of a discourse and public engagement with global poverty over provide an angle of viewing). the long term?

• Explores the practical applications of Frames can be defined as cognitive these two interrelated concepts. devices that we use to understand words and things, and by which we structure our thoughts. When we hear a word, it automatically evokes in us a set of ideas, values and feelings. This set of evocations can be described as the ‘conceptual frame’ for that word. When we encounter new words, we understand them by reference to existing frames, and as we acquire new frames so our understanding moves along. What occurs with words also occurs with sensations and experiences: we understand the world by reference to our existing frames.

Finding Frames Frames in the mind, in language We keep frames in our long-term memory. and the world In this way it can be literally said that George Lakoff, a US academic working in frames structure how we think. They cognitive linguistics, defines frames in this essentially become the defaults with which way (2006:25): we understand the world. This means that they are deeply ingrained, but they “Frames are the mental structures that can also be revised over time. Through allow human beings to understand reality – repeated exposure to what we hear, read and sometimes to create what we take to and experience, new frames can become be reality …They structure our ideas and dominant in our minds. concepts, they shape how we reason, and they even impact how we perceive and 3.2 Different concepts of frames how we act. For the most part, our use of Lakoff offers a view of frames that we frames is unconscious and automatic – we wish particularly to highlight in this paper use them without realising it.” because of its potential value to public engagement strategies. In recent years Most obviously, frames are found in Lakoff has focused considerable attention language. Linguistic ‘discourse analysis’ on how to operationalise frames analysis as can examine large bodies of text to pick a practical, campaigning tool. out commonly used words and the other words they are used in connection with Before examining the detail of Lakoff’s (their ‘colocations’). In this way, frames work, however, we should go back to can be identified. As we have mentioned, the roots of frames analysis. The frames frames can also be discerned in the concept has an impressive and diverse everyday world, particularly in spaces heritage in academic thought in the late that have been deliberately constructed 20th century, and it is worth setting out a (including buildings, settlements, institutions few other readings of ‘frames’ in order to and policies). gain a fuller understanding of the concept. This will enable us to understand Lakoff’s As well as existing out there in the world, approach to framing in its wider context. and in language, frames inhabit each one of us. They are, after all, mental structures. Cognitive linguists such as Lakoff argue that conceptual frames open up their own neural pathways; as the frames are repeated (or we encounter them repeatedly), so the pathways are reinforced. Frames are the mental structures that allow human beings to understand reality – and sometimes to create what we take to be reality

Finding Frames The origins of the frames concept: “Here is the essence of the theory: When Minsky, Goffman and Fillmore one encounters a new situation (or makes The concept of frames seems to have a substantial change in one's view of burst into a number of different academic the present problem) one selects from literatures around 1974. It all began with a memory a structure called a frame. This is a number of US authors writing from different remembered framework to be adapted to fit disciplines, some of them connected to reality by changing details as necessary. A the Massachusetts Institute of Technology frame is a data-structure for representing a (MIT), exploring frames in relation to their stereotyped situation, like being in a certain different fields. They included Marvin kind of living room, or going to a child's Minsky, a pioneer of Artificial Intelligence birthday party. Attached to each frame are and computer programming; Erving several kinds of information...” Goffman, a sociologist; and Charles Fillmore, a linguistics and semantics expert. The information that is contained within the frame structure is both factual and Minsky is generally credited with being the procedural in that it encapsulates both first to use the term. He seized upon the what to do and how to do it. The fact idea of ‘frames’ as a theoretical means that these different kinds of knowledge of explaining the apparent power and are stored together in a chunk is key to speed of human thought processes – providing our thoughts with speed and which Artificial Intelligence (AI) systems ease. The frame structure is described would need to emulate. Minsky referred to by Minsky as “a network of nodes and ‘chunks’ of knowledge – human or artificial relations” – a structure that can apply to – as frames. But he did not claim any great brains just as well as to computers. originality in developing the concept. He acknowledged his debt to the psychologist The top level of each frame is fixed, as Frederic Bartlett, who wrote about similarly there are certain elements of a frame that chunked ‘schema’ in his seminal book must always be in place for that frame Remembering (1932). to apply. A living room, for example. must have walls and a door and some In Minsky’s 1974 paper, the frames concept comfortable furniture. The lower levels of is introduced as follows (1974:1): the frame consist of ‘slots’ or ‘terminals’ in which specific pieces of information can be held. These effectively fill in the detail of a specific occurrence of a frame – eg particular furnishings and decor.

Finding Frames Using frames to understand the world Writing around the same time as Minsky In Minsky’s explanation, we understand but from a sociological perspective, a scene or discourse by picking a pre- Erving Goffman uses ‘frames’ primarily to existing ‘stereotype’ frame. As we fill in explain everyday practices and institutions. the detail, in the lower ‘slots’, we continue Goffman talks about frames as “frames to adapt the pre-existing frame. In some of reference” and “basic frameworks of cases there may come a point where the understanding available in our society for specific data no longer fit the top-level making sense out of events” (1974:10). conditions for a particular frame, at which Explicitly drawing on Gregory Bateson’s point a new frame is substituted in (and the use of the term some 20 years previously, observed facts effectively break out of the Goffman defines frames as “Definitions of first frame). a situation, built up in accordance with the principles of organisation which govern Minsky’s idea of frames made up of events – at least social ones - and our terminals, some of which are pre-set subjective involvement in them” (ibid:11). and some of which are empty, is central The definition nicely shows the circular to Artificial Intelligence. It was further quality of frames: we perceive them in developed by other early thinkers in AI, daily life, or discourse, and we use them to including Roger Schank and Robert structure our process of perceiving. Abelson, a pair of cognitive psychologists at MIT who wrote about the closely related Charles Fillmore, the semantic linguist, puts concept of ‘scripts’ (1977). Schank and forward a definition of frames that is similar Abelson’s thesis follows Minsky’s, except to Goffman’s but applies to the context of that the slots in the frame are patterned into language. “The frame idea is this. There a narrative or scenario which is also a part are certain schemata or frameworks of of the stereotypical situation, or ‘script’ as concepts or terms which link together they call the frame structure. as a system, which impose structure or coherence on some element of human In the ‘restaurant script’, for example, experience...” (Fillmore 1975:123). the slots include ‘chef’, ‘waiter’, ‘diner’, ‘menu’, ‘main course’ and ‘bill’, and these Fillmore describes how he first hit upon are formed into scenarios that arrange the idea of a frame in thinking about them into a narrative (eg we expect the bill sentences. The sentence, which he calls to arrive towards the end of the script). All the ‘syntagmatic structure’, is the frame these elements and arrangements are co- within which sit ‘paradigmatic items’ – or located in the unconscious brain. They are words. These words can be substituted for activated when we encounter a restaurant, one another within the frame. or a discourse about restaurants. The script or frame brings with it not just the dictionary definition, but all we know factually and procedurally about the word or situation. This may include how we feel about it, and in this way frames can activate values.

Finding Frames When worked up, this linguistic approach particular language community. Other results in Fillmore’s definition of a semantic mechanisms, such as metaphor and frame as “any system of linguistic choices – prototyping, can also be involved. the easiest case being collections of words – that can get associated with prototypical Cognitive frames, words and the instances of scenes” (ibid:124). At the association between them are stored in end of his first paper on frames, Fillmore our long-term memories – “instantiated in contrasts his definition of frames with those the synapses of our brains”, as Lakoff puts used by Goffman and Minsky. Despite it (2004:17) – then activated by the use differences of detail and application, of particular words. That activation does Fillmore concludes that “the sense of not just involve some abstract meaning of organisational coherence is present in all the word. It also involves the experiential its uses” (ibid:130). context (the ‘scene’ as Fillmore or Goffman might put it), together with its physical and In summary it is possible to think about emotional components and any positive or frames as ‘structuring structures’ (to negative valuations. borrow a phrase from the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, writing about ‘habitus’ - 1977). So meanings of words are not just abstract definitions in dictionaries. Access to the 3.3 Lakoff’s cognitive frames meaning of a word is gained through George Lakoff was an undergraduate activating the whole frame, and the at MIT under Noam Chomsky, and was association between a word and its frame already well established as a linguist by the is built into the brain through a process of mid-1970s. His work is cited in Fillmore’s neural binding. paper. Lakoff summarises Fillmore’s main thesis thus: “The meanings of all words “Neurons that fire together wire together”, are characterised in terms of frames: a it has been observed (see eg Lakoff hypothesis that has held up for over 30 2008:83). And the more they fire, the years” (Lakoff 2008:251). stronger the connection – and the more a particular frame is potentially referenced In 1975 Lakoff was one of a handful of when activated by a particular word or pioneering academics establishing the experience. We have to note that different foundations of cognitive linguistics, a individuals and different social groups may discipline that brought an understanding of have different dominant frames – including the brain to bear on theories of language different experiences, values and emotions and meaning. In cognitive linguistics, the – linked to the same word. meaning of a word is not just a simple dictionary definition but a cognitive frame associated with a particular word in a

Finding Frames The unconscious function of frames Revealing mirror neurons All the diverse authors writing about frames One of the more recent discoveries in are keen to stress that the ‘actor’ tends not neuroscience is that of ‘mirror neurons’. to be aware of the frames he is activating Lakoff was involved in this discovery, and as he does so. In Fillmore, for instance, built it into his thesis on cognitive frames. frames give the reader access to “aspects Mirror neurons, situated in the premotor of the scene never made explicit in the text” cortex of the brain, have been found to (1975:125). In cognitive linguistics, shaped fire both when we act and when we see by recent discoveries in the brain sciences, someone else acting (2004:54). They also frames become a key part of the structure form pathways to other neuron circuits, of the automatic brain. They are lodged in which are associated with emotions. the ‘cognitive unconscious’, which Lakoff says is responsible for 98% of the thinking It is concluded from this that when we see the brain does (Lakoff 2008:3). This is someone else acting, we can physically consistent with Marvin Minsky’s original feel how they are feeling. This is relatively purpose in evolving the frame concept, in new science: the discovery of mirror order to explain “the power and speed of neurons did not come until the late 1990s, mental activities” (Minsky 1974:1). led by neuroscientist Marco Iacoboni and colleagues at the University of Parma (see Lakoff describes his approach to frames Iacoboni 2008). There is still much detail to as taking advantage of the “massive be sketched out (for instance, the related new knowledge” about how we think, structures of ‘super mirror neurons’ are made available through developments “just beginning to be studied” – Lakoff in neuroscience (ibid:4). Lakoff’s work in 2008:118). Already, however, the scientists’ cognitive frames can be compared to that findings confirm Lakoff’s contention (and in behavioural economics, which also builds Fillmore’s hypothesis) that words activate on recent progress in brain science. It is whole chunks of knowledge as frames. fitting that Lakoff’s most recent book, The Political Mind, was published in the same Taking up the concept of mirror neurons, year as Thaler and Sunstein’s influential Lakoff and his colleague Vittorio Gallese Nudge (2008); both texts build on the neurologically explored the activity of foundational work in cognition and decision ‘grasping’. They found that the information making undertaken by Danny Kahneman for understanding the activity was co- (a psychologist who won the Nobel Prize located in the brain with the neurons that for Economics). Lakoff devotes a whole control the act of grasping, as well as those chapter to discussing the behavioural that recognise grasping when they see it economic principles arising from performed (2008:252). Kahneman’s work, and their echoes in his own version of frames theory.

Finding Frames As well as strengthening the cognitive A complementary approach is taken by the frame hypothesis, the discovery of mirror primatologist Frans de Waal in his book neurons allows Lakoff to claim that The Age of Empathy. He argues that apes humans are cognitively wired for empathy. do have empathy and a helping instinct, The worldview that he promotes in his and that his must be continuous with the recent writing (that of the ‘morality is care’ human make-up (de Waal 2009). Whether model) is the one that is truest to our we agree with Tomasello that humans are brain anatomy: we are not naturally utility special in this respect or with de Waal’s maximising machines in the traditional assertion that we are like our chimpanzee economic mould. Thinking back to Section cousins, these biological and psychological 2 on Values above, we can see that a good data support the idea that humans have fit is suggested between a frames approach natural empathetic and co-operative to campaigning, and the values that we dispositions. The nature and culture of have picked out as supportive of strong humans are far more complex than those engagement with global poverty. of chimps, and this is why we need to pay close attention to the cognitive frames that Our cooperative instincts humans depend on and deploy. Further overlaps can be found between cognitive science and linguistics in Such analysis is supportive of the case the work of Michael Tomasello, of the put forward by psychologists such as Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Tim Kasser. Kasser describes extrinsic Anthropology in Leipzig. Tomasello is a goals as an expression of deficiency in cognitive and developmental psychologist the ability to find intrinsic fulfilment. who also works with cognitive linguists. Evidence that shows that humans are In many detailed experimental studies, he predisposed to be empathetic and to has shown that children have a natural act co-operatively is therefore highly tendency towards helping their peers and relevant for how we manage cognitive their elders. On the basis of empirical frames. Some cognitive frames (the investigation he argues that this is a ‘deep frames’ we discuss below) will play specifically human behaviour, not found in in favour of these predispositions. Others our primate cousins. will work against them.

Moreover, it appears that helping and cooperative behaviours are not, as some may suspect, a product of cultural conditioning and parental training (2009:3-5). Tomasello suggests the reverse: that young human children are instinctively Biological and helpful and cooperative, and only later do psychological data they learn to limit this tendency through support the idea socialisation into their group norms. that humans have natural empathetic and co-operative dispositions.

Finding Frames 3.4 Lakoff’s cognitive policy ‘tax relief’ as an example. The word ‘relief’ Lakoff’s recent work makes extensive use evokes a conceptual frame of some of developments in the brain sciences, affliction, and a reliever who performs the and thus develops the principles of action of relieving. So taxes are an affliction, cognitive linguistics. In his more recent a reliever is a hero, and anyone who wants work we see a shift in focus: from an to stop him from the relief is a villain. You analytical interest in cognitive linguistics have just two words, yet all of that is as the study of language and thought, embedded. If you oppose reducing taxes to a practical pursuit of ‘cognitive policy’ and you use the phrase ‘tax relief’, you’ve (the setting of that theory in the context of already lost.” (Lakoff 2010a:12) running political campaigns). Lakoff defines cognitive policy as “the Lakoff’s work since 2000 has been credited practice of getting an idea into normal with helping the Democratic party win back public discourse”, an aim that can be public support in the United States (see, achieved by the sustained use of particular for instance, Don’t Think of An Elephant!, frames (2008:169). As well as being an 2004). He has used frames analysis to explanatory device, frames become a reveal the process by which ‘conservatives’ political tool in the work of Lakoff. This in the US have taken control of the turns Lakoff from a cognitive linguist into discourse around key areas of public policy. a self-avowed ‘cognitive activist’ (“I think They have done this by using frames to the label fits me well” – 2004:74). Lakoff embed “their deepest values into the has thus put distance between himself and brains of tens of millions of Americans” other academics, and lays himself open to (Lakoff 2008:3). charges from linguists that his approach is “an extension of what is supported by Framing political discourse cognitive science” (in Brulle 2010:87). One of Lakoff’s favourite examples is the tax relief frame – the consistent use of the Frames analysis is always a subjective phrase ‘tax relief’ by those on the American endeavour. Goffman frets throughout his right. Lakoff uses ‘tax relief’ both to explain book over how he should write about the concept of a frame, and to show its the structuring frameworks he observes political application: in social life, as he can only write about frames using the frames he has to discern “We think, mostly unconsciously, in terms them. However, in the writing of Lakoff the of systems of structures called ‘frames’. cognitive activist, frames analysis becomes We use our systems of frame-circuitry to an explicitly political endeavour. Lakoff understand everything, and we reason admits: “As a professor I do analyses of using frame-internal logics. Words activate linguistic and conceptual issues in politics, that circuitry, and the more we hear the and I do them as accurately as I can. But words, the stronger their frame circuits that analytic act is a political act” (2004:74). get. Take the frame evoked by the phrase

Finding Frames In the process of operationalising cognitive It is important to note that, being cognitive frames for policy purposes, Lakoff and his structures composed of and carrying colleagues are drawing on a body of widely meanings, frames tend to be culturally accepted scientific theory and evidence. specific. Terms such as ‘house’ or ‘land’ In developing the application of this activate different frames in different scientific base, they have provided useful cultures. In a development context the term clarifications and definitions for the practical ‘charity’ does this too. analysis of political discourse. As we have seen with values, different While most cognitive linguists, cognitive individuals and subgroups use different scientists and cognitive psychologists frames as their defaults. This means that remain in the study or the laboratory, there are question marks over whether Lakoff and his associates have developed some of the most widely applied of an approach that has practical value for Lakoff’s frames carry across to the UK campaigners and other change agents. context. Despite this there are frames Lakoff is not alone in applying cognitive from Lakoff’s work that resonate with science and linguistics to the analysis of the public engagement questions we are practical and political discourse (see Chilton examining. Moreover, Lakoff has provided 1996, for example). What is distinctive and some terminology to differentiate between important about his approach, however, is different kinds of frames. His work in this that he has identified some highly resonant area helps to make the concept of frames frames that have proved to be powerful into practical tools. tools for changing how people campaign, act and think. It is for this reason that we Distinguishing between deep frames have used Lakoff’s classification of frames and surface frames in our approach. Lakoff and Brewer make the distinction between ‘deep frames’ and ‘surface 3.5 Deep frames, surface frames and frames’, which Lakoff describes as follows: conceptual models For the purposes of this emerging “Surface frames are associated with programme of work, we have chosen to phrases like ‘war on terror’ that both base our approach to frames on the work activate and depend critically on deep of George Lakoff and his colleague Joe frames. These are the most basic frames Brewer. Brewer is a frames analyst who that constitute a moral worldview or a has applied Lakoff’s thinking to change political philosophy. Deep frames define issues. The scientific basis for using the one's overall ‘common sense’. Without idea of cognitive frames is well founded. deep frames there is nothing for surface The existence of frames in human cognition frames to hang onto. Slogans do not make and communication is widely accepted by sense without the appropriate deep frames cognitive scientists, cognitive psychologists in place” (Lakoff, 2006:29). and cognitive linguists. Frames are an integral part of the way our brains work, even though they cannot be seen by looking at neurons themselves.

Finding Frames As Joe Brewer would explain it, a surface Some cognitive linguists might prefer to frame sets the context for what a situation write simply about ‘conceptual frames’ or discourse is about – effectively it names (as indeed Lakoff did in 2004). Conceptual the subject matter, and at the same time frames are explanatory knowledge provides an angle for viewing it. ‘Tax relief’ structures stored in the long-term memory. and ‘war on terror’ are examples of surface They are activated by specific words or frames, already mentioned, as are ‘house’, scenes, and they incorporate particular ‘land’ and ‘charity’. These surface frames roles and scenarios (much as in the can activate deep frames that are the definition of a script, provided above). evaluative context for the discourse. Elements of this conceptual frame are likely to overlap with other related frames The link between deep frames to form ‘frame systems’. A single word and values may activate several frames at once in a Deep frames set the subject in a moral single system. context, or ground it within a worldview. Surface frames can be neutral (they are To provide a development-relevant not necessarily charged with positive or example, the ‘charity’ frame may evoke negative associations) but deep frames are the semantic meaning of a particular always loaded. Deep frames are seldom kind of social institution, as well as made explicit, but are usually taken for our understandings about it and how granted within the discourse or experience; to engage with it. It may also activate it requires analysis to identify them. related conceptual frames, such as those concerned with moral judgements about Deep frames are important as they can aspects of what charities are and what activate, and reinforce, particular values. they do – a ‘rational self-interest’ frame, They function at the level of values; for example. It is values-linked conceptual for Lakoff, they are neural circuits frames such as these that Lakoff seems to in themselves. be referencing with the term ‘deep frames’.

It has to be emphasised that the concept of From changing frames to changing deep frames has only appeared in Lakoff’s practices and institutions work very recently. It seems to have been One of the benefits of isolating ‘deep coined as part of the political task of frames’ from other conceptual frames is operationalising frames theory. The term that it enables Lakoff to provide guidance ‘deep frames’ is only used once in Lakoff’s to practitioners on how they should most recent book, The Political Mind, and be used. According to the methods of is introduced not as a concept in itself cognitive policy, activating and changing but to explain cognitive policy: “Cognitive deep frames should be pursued as the first policy is a framing campaign that precedes priority. The aim should be to popularise specific material policies. It introduces the new deep frames that can support new deep frames, the moral frames that come surface frames in the form of new practices first” (2008:170). and institutions, and new communications messages (eg Lakoff 2010b).

Finding Frames “Surface frames relate to our everyday language, practices and the wider world….Deep frames work at a more foundational level, and are in dialogue with our values.”

Without having the supporting deep frames Frames as propaganda: in place, communications messages ‘the war on terror’ that aim to draw on deep frames will be Another way in which surface framing effectively unintelligible. This is because works can be seen in a more dramatic they will have no framework of meaning to example: the phrase ‘war on terror’, which support them. Switching his dimensions is a surface framing in the form of a slogan. from depth to length, Lakoff states: “The What it does is select one frame that effectiveness of short-term frames depends encourages us to think in terms of war and on the prior effectiveness of long-term military means as opposed to, for example, frames” (ibid:79). international law and policing. The example of ‘tax relief’ comes in the form of an The distinction between ‘surface’ and everyday term but also selectively activates ‘deep’ frames is not generally made in the a relief-and-rescue scenario, as Lakoff has cognitive linguistics literature. The term amply shown. ‘surface frame’ is only used infrequently by Lakoff, although rather more often by The practical problem with surface Joe Brewer and his consultancy Cognitive framing is that it can often be exploited Policy Works. It is useful, however, in for propaganda purposes, or ‘spinning’. analysing actual discourse, to talk about Lakoff goes to some lengths to explain why ‘surface framing’. This can be described framing is not just spinning, however (see as the practice of selecting words to evoke 2004:100). When used honestly, he argues, particular conceptual frames or frame surface framing is not trying to disguise systems – what Lakoff has described in what is happening, as spinning does. cognitive policy as “a way of framing reality to reveal a deep truth” (2008:171). This is another reason why Lakoff suggests that surface frames will be meaningless One way surface framing works can slogans if deep frames are not put in place be seen in an everyday example we first. From the practitioner perspective, don’t usually notice: in the ‘Commercial the distinction between deep and surface Transaction’ frame (a widely-described frames is a useful one, helping to identify conceptual frame) we have roles including the level on which strategists are working, ‘buyer’, ‘seller’, ‘goods’ and money’. and to ensure that the elements of a Framing a sentence around someone strategy, a campaign, and a communication buying goods is different from framing it are all consistent. around someone selling those goods. The sentence ‘’Fred bought the beans from Bill” evokes the same scenario as “Bill sold the beans to Fred” but the focus is different: in one case our interest is directed to the buyer as the actor, in the other it is directed to the seller.

Finding Frames Charting the relationship between We have set our reading of Lakoff’s deep and surface frames and Brewer’s surface and deep frames It is clear from the above that, despite alongside the psychological schema. We differences in terminology, certain deep did this to show how surface frames relate conceptual frames, or conceptual frames to our everyday language, practices and working together, link into values systems. the wider world, and how they can reflect We have developed a chart [Figure 10 our attitudes towards certain subjects and below] to clarify the relationships between situations (eg ‘land’ or ‘charity’). Deep deep and surface frames, values, attitudes frames work at a more foundational level, and other psychological constructs. and are in dialogue with our values. The lefthand side of the chart arranges psychological constructs into a hierarchy The multiple peaks from each deep frame familiar to psychologists (based on Stern up to the surface frames show how a given et al 2005). There are no lines or arrows deep frame can be activated by a wide linking the constructs, as influence can variety of surface frames. Reciprocally, the flow both ways. use of one or two surface frames does not guarantee that a particular deep frame will be activated. Different people are inclined to respond using different deep frames that they depend upon, and it can take several surface frames woven together to ensure that a particular deep frame is activated as the speaker (or ‘actor’) intends.

Finding Frames Figure 10: Vertical slices of frames mapped to psychological factors

After ‘A Schematic Casual Model of Environmental Concern’ (Stern et al 1995) Plus ‘Vertical slices of deep frames, surface frames, and everyday life’ (Darnton, Crompton, Kirk 2010)

There is one further element of Lakoff and This approach is consistent with cognitive Brewer’s classification of frames that may linguistics, and goes back to Lakoff’s earlier be helpful in indicating how frames can be work. It antedates the introduction of the operationalised as tools for change. Our terminology of deep and surface frames. diagram above shows deep and surface For instance, Lakoff’s Women, Fire and frames grouped together as ‘Conceptual Dangerous Things (1987) outlines a more Models’, which are defined by Joe Brewer restricted notion of ‘idealised cognitive as mental models that enable people to model’ – one that is similar in many interpret “how something works”. Various respects to Fillmore’s frames and bundled surface and deep frames cluster together together with like concepts of “frames, in conceptual models, to provide a person’s scripts and schema” (ibid:116). The notion understanding of how a certain situation of an explanatory conceptual model, unfolds or sustains itself. Clusters of whose function is to provide a ready-made deep and surface frames of this type understanding of how some part of the might usefully be labelled ‘explanatory world (eg the economy) works, is a useful conceptual models’. analytical tool for our present purposes.

Finding Frames Explanatory conceptual models are of Within these conceptual models, deep interest to us as practitioners (or ‘actors’) frames are also activated, imbuing the story because they are a way to bring together of how things work with a sense of how surface and deep frames, and also a things should work, or what makes them way to make sure that the stories we tell work. Through these models, narratives (verbally, or through our actions) activate that superficially relate to different areas the values in our audiences that we would of policy and everyday life are brought like to encourage. For instance, when the together through their basis in common subject of global poverty is introduced, it worldviews and values. In this way, frames evokes sets of feelings, values and ideas, can provide an overarching structure to which include mental models of how bring together apparently diverse agendas, poverty works. Often these can involve such as development, climate change and causal chains of thoughts (eg global rights issues (see also Crompton 2010). poverty means poor people, who lack money, because they live in third-world places, which are undeveloped, and need to follow first-world principles to develop).

frames can provide an overarching structure to bring together apparently diverse agendas, such as development, climate change and rights issues

Finding Frames 4.Towards positive frames for development

Finding Frames This section... We have already used a frames perspective to explain some of the problems that • Explains the exploratory methodology current practices in development we used to identify the frames employed engagement may be exacerbating for in development NGOs’ current sector NGOs, and DFID. Now we would discourses and practices. like to explore the potential for using frames as a practical tool to reframe those • Goes on to identify some hypothetical practices, and to re-engage the public in deep frames that we see shaping NGOs’ global development. discourses and practices. From these we infer some alternative (positive) Section 2 above has set out the ‘positive deep frames that are consistent with values’ suggested in the literature, which the positive values for development could reshape our communications and identified earlier in this report. other engagement practices. At their broadest level these are intrinsic values, • Extends the process of identification which can enhance engagement in from deep frames to surface frames, all ‘bigger than self’ problems (see eg setting out some current surface frames Crompton 2010). In the language of the for development that are problematic values circumplex, these are Universal in terms of the deep frames and values values, common to tackling global they activate (and these identifications resource problems in both the are corroborated by the wider environmental and development development and research literature). spheres (see eg Schwartz 1992).

• Tentatively sets out some alternative Define, then design ‘positive’ frames for development, Specifically these ‘development values’ but on the proviso that these are include those that Schwartz identifies intended as inputs into a wider process as ‘equality’, ‘social justice’ and of deliberation among sector NGOs ‘broadmindedness’. We know what these and wider stakeholders (including the values are; by identifying them in specific public). This deliberation is needed to frames, we should be able to develop tools amend and refine these frames, ideally to activate and strengthen them in our before taking them out into research. audiences. This strategy is consistent with that advocated by Lakoff for advancing Progressive values in Don’t Think of An Elephant!: first define the values to campaign on, then use frames to activate and reinforce those values.

Finding Frames Ultimately the ‘cognitive policy’ task for analysis exercise. We hope to go on to Lakoff is about “bringing our country undertake such a task in due course. together around its finest traditional values” Nor is it likely that our conversation (2004:95). By analogy, it follows that we captured all the possible surface frames should be bringing interested parties that relate to the development sector, or together around positive development that we necessarily reflected them in the values, through the activation and most rounded fashion. In short, there is strengthening of positive deep frames. more work to do here, but these frames constitute a starting point. They provide 4.1 Towards positive deep frames the sense that there is great potential in for development developing frame-based tools for the It has been mentioned above that Lakoff sector more rigorously. and Brewer have identified a series of deep frames that occur in a wide range Deep frames for development: of discourses and situations, particularly Brewer’s list relating to public policy and campaigning. The deep frames that Joe Brewer identified In order to identify which of these relate are briefly outlined below, presented as to the development sector, we staged a antagonistic pairs. As with the values conversation about common practices that they draw on, people only tend to be and working assumptions in the UK able to work within one half of the pair at development sector. We invited senior a time – the mind struggles to take two NGO staff to take part, and arranged for contradictory positions simultaneously. Joe Brewer to observe this brainstorm from his office in the United States. Brewer’s In terms of values and attitudes, role was to perform and write up an psychologists call this ‘cognitive ‘extempore’ discourse analysis. dissonance’. In frames theory Lakoff shows how conflicting deep frames In developing his analysis Brewer identified are “mutually inhibitory”, stating that it a few deep frames that resonated with would be physically impossible for the our conversation, plus a larger number of brain’s circuits to map the two conflicting surface frames that marked out different worldviews together (eg 2008:88). Thus, themes in the conversation. He brought if you are activating one deep frame, you these frames together in a number of are effectively suppressing its partner. conceptual models. Each deep frame works as a cognitive structure as much by the absence of its It should be emphasised that this was inverse frame as by the presence of the an exploratory exercise. The frames lead frame. In some cases there is no clear that Brewer identified are effectively inverse possible, but ideas of the opposite hypothetical, in that they have not been worldview are inherent in the description validated through a formal discourse of the frame.

Finding Frames A number of the deep frames that in the Embodied Mind frame, which George Lakoff has identified in his work represents the human mind as an emergent on frames analysis were apparent in our phenomenon comprised of vital inputs conversation about UK development from the brain, body, and physical/social NGOs’ practices. These principal deep environments. This frame asserts a world frames are set out below, based on that is filled with complex social organisms descriptions by Joe Brewer. whose reasoning is profoundly influenced by neurological and cultural processes. 1. Rational Actor v Embodied Mind At the heart of every major social issue will In this worldview reasoning is not purely be a theory of human nature that asserts a mechanical process like mathematical what is natural and good for human logic, but comes from human interaction communities. Currently, there are two major with the physical and social environment. competing theories of human nature that It is equally important that rationality is not are structured by specific deep frames. separated from other elements of humanity, in particular emotions and moral values. The Rational Actor frame is a representation More specifically it is important that it is of the human mind that presumes a not separated from two key aspects of the specific rational analysis (eg cost-benefit mind, namely empathy (Lakoff, cf de Wall) calculations to maximise ‘utility’) as the and the instinct to cooperate (Tomasello, principal model for decision-making. This and also de Waal). frame asserts a world filled with individuals who make self-directed choices. Reasoning 2. Free Market v Shared Prosperity is treated as an abstract, formal process Two contrasting explanatory conceptual independent from the bodily experience models predominate when considering and represented by mathematical how markets work, where wealth comes formulations, a decision-making ‘calculus’. from, and what the root causes are for the economic conditions of people. This is by far the most prevalent explanatory conceptual model of humanity The Free Market frame presumes that the in the world today. Its core tenets have world is filled with individuals seeking to been built into the foundations of many maximise their self-interest (see also the major institutions including the World Bank, Rational Actor frame). Wealth is created the IMF, the marketing industry, public through the industrious efforts of these education and publicly traded corporations. individuals, whose personal freedoms combine with self-discipline to make A new model of human nature is taking them more competitive. This presumed shape in a variety of research areas through industriousness makes them deserving the cognitive sciences. The emerging of the wealth they acquire. coherence of this model is captured

Finding Frames Free markets are moral: If everyone 3. Elite Governance v pursues his own profit, the profit of all Participatory Democracy will be maximised. Markets are endowed Two contrasting explanatory conceptual with a natural capacity to produce optimal models arise for explaining how democracy outcomes, so the best path to poverty works and what the proper role is for alleviation is to open trade routes for citizens in the decision-making process. corporations (treated as rational actors) to generate wealth and increase The Elite Governance frame asserts that general prosperity. governance is too complicated for the everyday citizen. Experts are needed to The Shared Prosperity frame presumes that take care of important decisions on behalf the world is filled with support systems, of the people. These elites are seen as often referred to generically as ‘the the vanguard for democracy because commons’. These serve as mechanisms they bring their technical expertise to bear for generating wealth. The commons are on challenging problems and protect the owned by everyone, and are available for governing body from irrational whims of everyone’s use. They may be natural (as ‘the mob’. In some instances, this means with aspects of ecosystems) or manmade. replacing direct representation with ‘rational’ management procedures such Wealth is created through shared as cost-benefit analysis (thus making the infrastructure that empowers people governing body into a rational actor, as to cooperate on a societal scale. This described above). infrastructure may be schools for educating the populace, courts that issue trustworthy The Participatory Democracy frame is contracts for business transactions, or grounded in a basic belief that people transportation systems for moving people, are capable of governing themselves. goods, and services. Markets comprise While experts are needed to provide one piece of this shared infrastructure and essential counsel, it is the people are only as effective at creating widespread themselves who should be empowered prosperity as their design features allow. to set their own trajectory.

Elected officials are accountable to the democratic process through direct engagement with key publics. The crowd is seen as a source of valuable knowledge and insight, sometimes referred to as ‘wisdom of the crowd’. It is the empowering potential of this frame in particular that provides its resonance with development issues: it calls for recognition of the self- determination of both Southern peoples and Northern consumer-supporters.

Finding Frames 4. The Moral Order frame There is no clear antagonistic partner for The Moral Order frame can be described the Moral Order frame, so dominant is it as an ‘ancient frame’ or explanatory in our culture. But, like the Rational Actor conceptual model that taps into folk theory frame, there are alternative models of order about how the world works (it clearly that have recently emerged. These include antedates the ‘rational actor’ frame). The those developed through cybernetics and logic is this: since we owe everything we computer sciences, which arrange items are – our very existence – to the workings into networks non-hierarchically. of nature, nature is seen as moral. Over history, natural hierarchies of power Non–hierarchical structures emerge. But because they are natural, and Network theory of this kind is generating nature cannot be immoral, these traditional new models of relationships, models which hierarchies of power are moral. may in time crystallise into an alternative, non-hierarchical, ordering frame. At present The history of who has been most powerful these non-hierarchical ‘open’ structures then comes to define a natural moral order: capture the redistributive thrust flowing God above man, man above nature, adults from positive values. However, it may be above children, Western culture above that these open networks prove too values- non-Western culture. The moral order is all neutral, or do not automatically activate too often extended to men above women, the values we would wish to advance. whites above non-whites, Christians above Ultimately the openness of these networked non-Christians, straight people above gay relations should be allied to strong moral people. As such it underpins many of our purpose and an explicit drive for equality if narratives around charity and mission, this frame is not to slip into moral relativism. indeed this frame informs the foundations of the big development NGOs that operate What is needed is a model of ‘good’ around the world today. and ‘bad’ that is not premised on ‘up’ and ‘down’ or ‘higher’ and ‘lower’. The moral order depends on our Drawing on existing structures in political understanding that relationships are philosophy, cultural anthropology or expressed vertically, and that being placed religious worldviews may help to refine this higher in the hierarchy makes one item or frame into something both charged and person morally superior to those in inferior salient. Importantly we can see these ideas positions. This frame is consistent with an resonating with contemporary development authoritarian worldview, and inconsistent practice, notably South-South partnerships with more egalitarian principles. of the kind described in Brazil as ‘horizontal development’ (discussed in 2.4 above).

Finding Frames These may not be all the deep frames that Even when a substantial body of evidence most resonate with UK development sector has been gathered, debate should practices, but this suite provides a solid continue. The antagonistic structure foundation for initial debate. It also offers a of Lakoff’s deep frames is one of the good basis for further research. It can be areas that needs to be considered at observed that these deep frames overlap length. Lakoff’s polarities fit well with the and reinforce one another; more than one primary use for which cognitive policy will often appear together in a particular was developed: helping ‘progressive’ discourse or situation. Some other deep Democrats in the US to reclaim the political frames identified by Lakoff and Brewer agenda from the prevailing Republicans. have been deliberately omitted. This is Because of this it seems right for Lakoff because although they might have a similar to be partisan about the use of deep core (and activate similar values), they frames: in the electoral context (after also support a range of less development- re-counts and legal challenges if necessary) specific surface frames. there are clear winners and losers. It could well be observed that this kind of dynamic The Self Interest versus Common Wealth is not applicable to the pursuit of global deep frames are a good example of such development, in which development an omission, overlapping with the Free for all (or a good quality of life) is the Market versus Shared Prosperity frames ultimate objective. that we have included. Lakoff’s Strict Father versus Nurturant Parent deep frames have Refining deep frames also not been included in this analysis. They In the context of development we are are ubiquitous in Lakoff’s cognitive policy right to be particularly cautious about work (eg 2004; 2008) but we felt they were advocating one route and judging it correct too US-specific to apply readily to UK in opposition to another that is posited situations and discourses. We also felt that as wrong. As was observed earlier in they might clash as much as overlap with the section on refining positive values for the Moral Order versus Non-hierarchical development (2.4 above), development Networks pairing, especially in the context work on the ground is looking for ‘win-wins’ of global development. and cannot afford to eschew any route in practice, even if that route is apparently at These are clearly questions for debate, and odds with ‘positive’ principles. that debate should be informed by further empirical work. Most obviously, research should be undertaken to link values to frames – to establish precisely which values are activated by which frames. Formal discourse analysis will also be required to verify the salience – and the precise definitions – of each of the identified frames for particular subgroups of people, and in particular contexts.

Finding Frames In the context of campaigning for Development blurring boundaries (again) transformational change, Malcolm Gladwell This example underlines how frames highlights the importance of networks theory could be subject to much the with strong ties and a strong hierarchical same criticism as values theory in structure at their core. He gives the the development context: advancing example of the US civil rights movement, development is simply not a zero-sum largely co-ordinated through the game. Yet frames seem better suited to hierarchical structure of black churches: “If resisting such criticism because they are you’re taking on a powerful and organised more complex structures than are single establishment, you have to be a hierarchy” values. Frames are in conversation with the (Gladwell 2010:7). world, being both the pre-existing structure we use to see the world and the structures Gladwell’s argument runs that one we develop in the act of seeing the reason why online activism can’t deliver world. This is why they can be defined as transformational solutions is that social ‘structuring structures’ as described above. media are good at building networks, which are the opposite of hierarchies. For instance, the moral order frame is This view echoes the diagnosis of Lakoff’s likely not merely to tap into the negative deep frames, which shows hierarchies values of Power and Achievement, but and networks in opposition to each also to have elements of ‘charity’ in it that other. The key difference is that Gladwell tap into Universalist values (recalling the reminds us that different organisational ‘othering’ effect of development based structures are good for different purposes. on supposedly universal values – again at Sometimes when we are campaigning, 2.4 above). Frames’ very complexity, and we will need to make use of hierarchies as their construction and evolution through well as networks. It could be argued that engagement with the world at large, should the Make Poverty History coalition might make them resilient to such criticisms in a have benefited from some hierarchy at the way that values might not be. centre, giving it more control over strategy and messaging. Deep frames are particularly resilient in this respect because of their power to activate values that might otherwise remain abstract and hard to mobilise. This makes it harder to measure frames than to measure values, but it also makes it easier to work with them.

Finding Frames If a coordinated approach can be taken across the sector, then there is the potential to make inroads into how the public engage with global poverty.

Deep frames for debate It will be up to each practitioner to establish Looking back across the deep frames how to apply these frames in their practice, that Joe Brewer has identified, we would and to decide how that practice should like to suggest that practitioners in the change as a consequence. If a coordinated development sector engage with and approach can be taken across the sector, deliberate over the following deep then there is the potential to make inroads frames, with a view to adopting them into how the public engage with global in their communications and public poverty. While this journey of change engagement practices: cannot be entirely mapped out from this point, the deep frames we have identified The Embodied Mind frame, should provide a sound footing on which not the Rational Actor frame to begin the process of debate and collaboration that will be required. The Shared Prosperity frame, not the Free Market frame 4.2 Towards positive surface frames for development The Participatory Democracy frame, It is relatively straightforward to prescribe a not the Elite Governance frame set of positive frames at the level of deep frames, given that these are so closely Non-hierarchical Networks, linked to values and so morally charged. not the Moral Order frame Deciding which surface frames should be used to foster positive values is more The implications of a frames approach difficult. This is because surface frames are opened up in Section 5 below, which operate much more as situational markers, reflects on how NGOs’ practices might locating the discourse in a particular change if these suggestions are carried situation or flagging up the subject to the forward. As deep frames are usually implicit audience. As has been discussed in the in discourses or practices, operationalising context of conceptual frames in general, these frames will involve some some frames are not values-linked at interpretation on the part of practitioners. all, and using them on their own will not This is also where surface frames and activate values-related (‘deep’) frames. conceptual models come in. Further contextual clues, and additional surface frames, are often needed to ensure that a particular deep frame is activated, as part of a system of frames.

Finding Frames Because of this, we cannot recommend Some of the surface frames that that a particular surface frame be used in we consider to have more negative place of another, as a means of reinforcing associations are outlined here; many particular positive values. But we can say more will be apparent to practitioners as that certain surface frames are likely to they proceed with the task of applying trigger particular deep frames (alone or in the recommended deep frames to combination). We can also say, on the basis their communications and engagement of the ‘do no harm’ principle, that those strategies. We have provided a summary surface frames that link to negative deep table that suggests some alternative ways frames should be used only where they of framing particular topics. cannot be avoided. Work in progress Avoiding, not denying, negative frames We are hesitant about specifying positive Lakoff’s work makes clear that challenging frames, for two reasons. First, we are harmful frames, by tackling them head on not best placed to do so: practitioners and attempting to refute them, only serves must work out solutions that suit the to activate and reinforce the frame. This is audiences and contexts they are working the point made in the title of Don’t Think of with and align with the positive values and An Elephant! – when exhorted not to, the deep frames we have identified. Second, images and associations of an elephant the development sector must evolve come straight to mind (Lakoff 2004:3). On a its own new frames in partnership, and more serious level, Lakoff frequently quotes then apply them through collaborative the example of then President Nixon saying working. Changing values and frames is ‘I am not a crook!’; the US public heard, an ambitious endeavour and can only be not for the first time, the frame ‘crook’ and achieved collectively. Nixon was stuck in it (eg ibid). At no point should this programme of work Accordingly frames theory suggests that be top-down. Instead the audiences we practitioners should avoid using negative are trying to reach should be engaged frames, rather than challenging or repeating in a bottom-up process of strategy them. Again, we see that practitioners need development using deliberative methods, to be wise to the impacts of the frames wherever possible. It is important to stress they are reproducing. There will also be that different surface frames will work better times, however, when it is possible (and for different audiences, who will be starting indeed desirable) to open these contested with different perceptions and frames of concepts up to structured debate. We their own. will argue for such an approach at several points below.

Finding Frames Despite these caveats, however, we “Charity is still wounding for him who has offer some alternative frames as a starting to accept it...” (Mauss 1954:65) point for the sector’s work on positive frames. Our suggestions are supported The public’s limited understanding of by arguments based in frames theory, but what ‘charities’ do should be taken as also draw on other disciplines. It is hoped an opportunity to reframe the work of that readers may use these arguments these organisations. Note that other words in debates about adopting a frames-based that link together in the frames system approach to public engagement that around ‘charity’ – such as ‘donate’ and they will pursue beyond the bounds of ‘donation’ – are also likely to activate the this paper. moral order frame.

• ‘Charity’ • ‘Aid’ The surface frame that the word ‘charity’ As the object at the centre of the charitable presents is problematic if seen from a transaction, ‘aid’ is perhaps the most frames perspective. It may evoke the moral problematic surface frame in our analysis. order deep frame, with its connotations of As the research data show, the public only unequal power relations (powerful giver, tend to understand it as ‘emergency aid in grateful receiver) – hence MPH’s core call to response to disasters’ (eg Creative 2006; action of ‘justice not charity’. McDonnell et al 2003). Because of this, to use ‘aid’ more widely threatens to reduce ‘Charity’ is also problematic as a way to the work of the sector simply to providing describe organisations whose goal is social a conduit for aid, with the assumption that or global justice. It taps into the moral providing aid is the best (or only) way to context of the moral order frame, and the tackle poverty. transactional context of the free market frame, both of which reinforce The aid frame is also likely to activate the extrinsic goals related to Social the moral order deep frame, as well as Dominance Orientation. presenting a transactional or monetised model of engagement, grounded in the free As we have seen above, this reading is market frame. The word ‘aid’ is best used consistent with thinking from development solely for describing emergency supplies in studies, most notably that of Marcel Mauss response to disasters – broadly the work of (see section 2.4). Mauss argues that the the Disasters Emergency Committee (DEC) unreciprocated or ‘negative’ gift sustains and UKAid – leaving NGOs and other civil unequal power balances and renders society stakeholders (potentially including the recipient inferior. This plays out in the DFID) to pursue broader objectives. development economics literature about aid dependency. Mauss sums up the impact thus:

Finding Frames • ‘Development’ “The real problem was that the dominant The concept of development is problematic discourse of development was framed because it could potentially activate the not in the language of emancipation moral order frame – especially among those or justice, but with the vocabulary of audiences who are not development sector charity, technical expertise, neutrality and professionals. Lakoff cites ‘development’ as a deep paternalism…. The discourse one of the prominent frames that link into of development...reproduced the social the moral order deep frame. hierarchies that had prevailed between both groups under colonialism. On this The way this frame works in people’s basis, the so-called ‘developing world’ consciousness can be explained via a and its inhabitants were (and still are) only metaphor in which each country is a person described in terms of what they are not.” and industrialisation is understood as adulthood. ‘Developing’ or ‘undeveloped’ As well as picking out the ‘othering’ effect nations are represented as children, and of the development frame, Manji suggests are therefore backward. The only way they some alternative frames, including justice will be able to progress to maturity is by and emancipation. ‘Development as learning lessons from those higher up the freedom’ is the conclusion of Amartya moral order (2004:11). Sen’s celebrated analysis of development issues from an economics perspective (Sen As suggested earlier, some academics 1999). ‘Freedom’ as an organising structure working in development studies are for development work is consistent with the troubled by the term. We have already wider literature on development studies; it discussed the ‘othering’ effect of also echoes our thinking on deep frames, ‘development as charity’ (based in universal where ideas of non-hierarchical networks values – see Baillie Smith 2008). In a offer an alternative to the moral order. paper on the history of UK development NGOs in Africa, Firoze Manji describes Recent work in development studies how ‘development’ was introduced has gone beyond Sen’s model. AK Giri, as a corrective to discourses around a professor of development studies in ‘civilisation’. This was at a time when UK India, has written that ‘development NGOs were trying to adapt in order to as responsibility’ should replace move with the spirit of independence in ‘development as freedom’ – “because African states. freedom discourse...is still incapable of undertaking the suffering that the self The problems with the term are explained needs to undertake in order to fulfil its in the language of frames as follows responsibility to others” (Giri 2005:342). We (Manji and O’Coill 2002:574): are reminded of the debate (at 2.4 above) on the status of universal values in the context of development, where the purity of Universalism might only represent a weak call to action (or worse, an othering device for sustaining inequalities).

Finding Frames It is worth recalling here that the specific We contend that ‘aid effectiveness’ isn’t ‘Responsible’ value item is allocated to much better than ‘corruption’ because it the Benevolence value type, adjacent to sits within the aid frame, and links to the Universalism. This could strengthen the negative deep frames already identified argument for including Benevolence values with ‘corruption’. With its talk of in engagement strategies – see 2.3 above. effectiveness, it also reinforces ‘rational actor’ models of policymaking. In fact, It should be emphasised that Giri (unlike ‘aid effectiveness’ could be deemed a Sen) still teaches in India. His framing can good example of the kind of superficial be understood in the context of ‘horizontal ‘spinning’ that George Lakoff is keen to development’ models based on South- expose: simply turning a phrase around to South partnerships. Accordingly, Giri make it sound positive, without tackling makes space for values of self-interest, the underlying frames it activates. on the grounds that care for the self is a prerequisite for care for others (Giri and van There is no doubt that attitudes to Ufford 2003:254, in Baillie Smith 2008:15): corruption need to be tackled: it has become a universally acknowledged “There is a need to rethink development impediment to addressing poverty and to as an initiative in self-development on the engaging the public. We would suggest, part of both the subjects and objects of however, that taking practical steps to development, and ethics not only as an tackle corruption (and financial iniquities of engagement in care of the other but also all kinds such as profiteering by banks in as an engagement in care of the self. developing countries) is a better course of Such a redefinition and reconstruction of action than just talking to the public about both ethics and development is a crucial tackling corruption. Out of such practical starting point for a new understanding and activity, and deliberative work with the reconstitution of development as a shared public to develop and communicate it, new human responsibility, and as a shared frames should emerge. human possibility.” • ‘Communications’ • ‘Corruption’ and ‘aid effectiveness’ ‘Communications’ may not be a phrase This review has cited recent research much used when talking to the public, that shows that corruption is the only but it could be deemed to be an aspect of global poverty that all segments unhelpful frame for internal audiences of the public are keen to talk about. This and sector partners. In the right context means that the resulting conversations ‘communications’ could be positive, if the need to be handled carefully. Work on terms were understood to mean ‘dialogue’ frames strongly suggests that ‘corruption’ or ‘two-way communication’. As it is, should not be tackled head on, on the ‘communications’ can often be associated ‘don’t think of an elephant’ principle. It is a with a range of tools, most probably used word that readily activates both the moral for marketing purposes, through which an order and free market frames, reinforcing organisation ‘gets its message across’. the insoluble nature of the problem of poverty thus defined.

Finding Frames The inadequate ‘conduit model’ of communication is that it is one-sided and hierarchical: the sender does the work and the recipient is disempowered.

Phrases such as this are revealing of the (based on the power of information). If we conceptual model of communication that are to talk about ‘communications’ then is dominant in our culture and so many of we must be sure that the context needs to our organisations. This model has been be carefully managed in order to generate described in terms of a ‘conduit metaphor’ genuine dialogue. (Reddy 1979); it is an encoding-decoding model in which a message is sent from a • ‘Campaigns’ sender to a receiver. The message contains In the development NGO context, a meaning, which the receiver unwraps ‘campaigns’ (like ‘communications’) or decodes. is a frame that we should have certain reservations about. The main risk is that Part of the conceptual problem here is that a ‘campaign’ frame activates a certain the folk model of communication assumes understanding of NGOs as ‘charities’, that words are like vessels that contain which brings with it assumptions about the meaning - they have a fixed 'content'. role of superior Northern supporters and Thanks not least to work in cognitive inferior Southern recipients. If campaigns linguistics, we can now see this model have short timescales, and prescribed roles as inadequate. Communication is a co- for ‘activists’ (also potentially problematic), operative process, one that involves not then they are in danger of reinforcing explicit coding but a good deal of taken-for- negative deep frames. Once again, careful granted background and active inferencing management of the term is required. (which may be more or less unconscious). Having identified some surface frames that Instead of having fixed content, are potentially problematic, we tentatively the meaning of communications is suggest some alternatives in the summary emergent. It takes shape in the course table below. These alternative frames of communicating, rather than having should be regarded as range finders, been pro-formulated. The reason why suggested to help others find positive ways NGO practitioners should worry about of framing their messages. the inadequate ‘conduit model’ of communication is that it is one-sided and hierarchical: the sender does the work and the recipient is disempowered. This kind of one-way model of communication can activate the negative deep frames of moral order, the free market and the rational actor

Finding Frames Current (negative) frame Alternative (Positive) Frames?

Charity Justice; Fairness

Charities Movements; NGOs

Aid Mutual support; Partnership

Development Well-being; freedom; Responsibility

Corruption; Aid effectiveness Good/bad governance; Fraud

Communications Conversations

Campaigns Engagements; Dialogues

The exercise of finding positive frames is As well as research with the public, far from simple: each alternative comes discussion and debate will be required. with its own frame system, and activates If consensus can be reached on some other frames that may not be as positive. of the alternative frames, the process of Additional research is required to explore values change will be a smoother one. questions such as ‘Can these new frames Rather than being viewed as an expert ‘stretch’ across different subgroups?’, task, the process of finding frames should ‘Can they ‘travel’ from their current be understood as a journey of debate contexts to development applications?’ and deliberation, involving a range of and ‘What associated frames do they bring stakeholders and audience groups. with them?’. New frames should emerge from these stakeholders talking and thinking together. Once new frames are arrived at, they will need careful testing with different audience groups. Such testing is needed to establish which deep frames and which values are being activated. Terms such as ‘governance’ and ‘NGO’ are already linked to other frame systems and may well bring problems of their own.

Finding Frames Formal discourse analysis should now be undertaken using source material both from the development sector and about development issues.

A participative approach In effect, the frames we have developed Our proposed methodology for frame so far are hypothetical. Formal discourse development is more participative than analysis should now be undertaken using empirical; it bears a closer resemblance source material both from the development to development education work than sector and about development issues. This to market research. The capacity of is needed to validate and refine our frames, development education to evolve new and also to identify any additional surface frames has already been spotted by frames not included in our conversation. Matt Smith, who recommends that “a more reflexive approach is suggested which The work on frames that we have goes beyond the instrumentality of ‘frame undertaken is only in its preliminary stages, changing’ and brings constituencies so it will be evident that the methodologies into the development process” (Baillie used for operationalising frames analysis Smith 2008:15). as a tool for change are in the early stages of development. The next section of this In addition to the negative and alternative report sketches out how sector practices surface frames suggested above, a full might look if redesigned around positive list of the 21 surface frames identified in values and frames. our stakeholder conversation is given in Annex A, described in Joe Brewer’s words. Beyond this paper, we propose taking It will be noted that these surface frames our draft frames out to practitioners in the are not divided into positive and negative; sector, to engage and dispute with them. in some instances they appear to be We want to encourage reflection about how bivalent, or neutral. This is in keeping with sector practices might look if reconfigured the theoretical point that some conceptual around these frames. That is one element frames are not values-linked. In practical of a programme of work that we envisage terms it underlines that there is further carrying forward in collaboration. Our analytical and deliberative work to be goal is to embed new frames not only in undertaken by those in the sector before development NGOs but also within DFID, a working list of new frames for different among stakeholders across the wider NGO contexts can be drawn up. community, and in society as a whole (see Section 6 below for next steps).

Finding Frames 5.Implications for practice

Finding Frames This section... So far, this report has identified that the UK public’s engagement with global poverty is • Applies the thinking in the paper to shallow and limited. It has also proposed date on positive values and frames, some potential routes to addressing this setting out some implications for what problem, based in values theory and frames development NGOs’ practices might theory. Now, in this penultimate section, look like if values and frames theory we explore the transformative effects such were applied across their work. These theories could have on the practices of implications are intended as inputs into development sector bodies. the urgent debate required within and beyond the sector; they are intended The implications set out in this section also to demonstrate the transformative represent challenging ideas that could be potential of adopting a values and taken up across the sector. In the context frames approach. of this report, they also represent concrete illustrations of how frames thinking can • Sets out implications as they relate result in practical changes with the potential both to development NGOs internally both to cut across everything NGOs do and and to their work in collaboration to ripple outwards to re-engage the public. with one another and with the wider third sector. Specific implications are Models for behaviour change described for development NGOs’ Engaging the public in global poverty campaigns, fundraising and charity shop can be seen as a behaviour change task, teams. in which the purpose is to encourage supportive actions for tackling global • Identifies implications for the UK poverty. Those actions can be developed government, including the possibility of through direct approaches to the public a wider convening role across the loose (such as communications or fundraising), collaborative and deliberative networks or by providing people with a supporting that will be required. ‘infrastructure’ (such as shops, campaigns, and opening up fairtrade markets).

Behaviour change as a practical approach starts with an understanding of behaviour – or ideally multiple ways of understanding behaviour (just as in this paper we have used both values and frames theories). In recent guidance on behaviour change produced for the UK government (drafted by one of the co-authors of this paper) it is stressed that there is no one winning model for delivering behaviour change (Darnton 2008).

Finding Frames This approach is not about experts in one discipline (even a loosely bounded one like behavioural economics) having all the answers, and everyone else following.

Instead we need to look at myriad models • Sociological approaches and theories that have something to say In presenting the new concept of frames in about human behaviour. In so doing, the the context of Artificial Intelligence, Marvin practitioner will ask different questions, Minsky explains how the slots in a frame identify different problems, and suggest effectively determine what questions we different interventions. In this kind of should be asking in a given situation. In approach, doing behaviour change is the children’s birthday party frame, for about opening up safe spaces for thinking example, the questions might include ‘what about behaviour, deliberating together should I wear?’ and ‘what should I give with other stakeholders in the problem, as a present?’ (Minsky 1974). This idea of and trialling multi-stranded interventions – frames as frameworks for understanding which can then be monitored and refined, situations is developed in sociology by or abandoned. This approach is not about Erving Goffman (1974). experts in one discipline (even a loosely bounded one like behavioural economics) • Development studies approaches having all the answers, and everyone In calling for more deliberative and else following. participative activities to generate new notions of development and build the Models from psychology, sociology legitimacy of NGOs, Matt Smith quotes and development studies Michael Edwards advocating the setting Such an approach to behaviour change up of “safe spaces for dialogue” as central resonates with the themes of this paper, to the strengthening of global civil society and specifically ties in to the multiple (Edwards 2000 in Baillie Smith 2008). disciplinary approaches which we have adopted here. These include: Each of these approaches resonates with the themes of this paper and provides clues • Social psychological approaches about how to get to grips with the different In presenting his Theory of Interpersonal theories available and how to navigate Behaviour in 1977, US social psychologist the tensions between them. If there is no Harry Triandis wrote about models as one winning model, then as practitioners “concepts that will help people use their we do not need to choose one theoretical heads” (Triandis 1977:283). approach and rigidly adhere to it. In this context, values and frames become lenses through which to read problems and think through possible solutions. At the same time, the act of thinking through problems becomes an important act of doing; deliberation itself will produce transformational change in sector and public practices.

Finding Frames Shifting between different theoretical This section opens up the debate by approaches can be difficult. For those drawing out some clear implications for accustomed to finding the right answers, the sector about how our practices could it is likely to be a frustrating process. For change if we applied the values and frames complex ‘bigger than self’ problems, prescriptions in their purest form. If we however – including those characterised begin by reiterating the recommendation by blurred boundaries, as is the case that positive values and frames should drive with international development – multiple public engagement with global poverty, perspectives are likely to yield the most then we can identify a series of practical fruitful approaches. The capacity to implications. Some cut across the entire shift between perspectives is key to third sector, while others apply only to developing solutions. development NGOs and their structures, or to specific public engagement activities. Marvin Minsky writes about this as one Finally, implications for the role of of the inherent strengths of frames as government are also spelled out. organising concepts. He argues that ‘view changing’ (ie shifting perspectives, or the 5.1 Positive values frames through which a situation is viewed) This paper has reviewed strong empirical “is a problem-solving technique important evidence on the role of certain values and in representing, explaining and predicting” goals in motivating pro-social attitudes (Minsky 1974:26). and behaviours, including actions to tackle global poverty. Activating these No silver bullet intrinsic goals and universalism values In short, as so many policy papers on should secure public engagement with behaviour change conclude (eg Defra development for the long term. It should 2008), there is no ‘silver bullet’ that we also help to bring about a shift in societal can turn to here. Yet the two theoretical values that should ultimately increase perspectives that we chiefly adopt in this the pool of engaged public supporters. paper – values and frames – come up Importantly, the evidence shows that with a clear prescription of the objectives activating conflicting motivations – such we should set ourselves in order to extend as values of power and goals of financial and deepen public engagement in global success and image – will diminish the poverty. More research needs to be done potential for sustained public engagement. to refine and validate these assertions. But for the moment they provide sufficient foundations to enable the primary task of deliberating as a sector, and with wider audiences and stakeholders, on how to reframe development, and re-engage the public.

Finding Frames The empirical evidence for the causal Positive values to debate relationship between values and It is vital that debate occurs around these behaviours is more developed in relation issues. Given the problem of static or falling to pro-environmental and other pro-social levels of public engagement in the UK, this behaviours than to behaviours linked report’s recommendations for a move to with global poverty. But global poverty positive values seem timely and necessary. can be seen as one of the ‘bigger than But they must work within the practical self’ problems for which positive values limits and tolerances of the sector. can work. Based on such broader evidence, as well as evidence relating Our proposed approach is to follow the to specific development behaviours recommendations inherent in values (eg buying fairtrade), we have identified theory, encouraging practitioners in the the following values and goals as either sector to engage with those values and positively contributing to, or negatively enter into a collaborative debate. At the detracting from, public engagement with same time, we will seek to validate the global poverty. relationships between these positive values and supportive actions for tackling poverty, The values and goals we are through further research. recommending are not uncontested. For instance, universalist values are ‘Positive’ values for development, seen as problematic by some working in to be activated and reinforced: development studies (because of their the ‘Universalism’ values of Equality; ‘othering’ effect). Benevolence values are World at Peace; Social Justice. held by many practitioners to be important ways of engaging the public, although Of secondary importance, they do not naturally appear to motivate also to be activated and reinforced: concern for others from whom that the ‘Universalism’ values of A World of public is distant. Self-interest, meanwhile, Beauty; Unity with Nature; Protecting the which is associated with ‘negative’ self- Environment; Broadmindedness; Wisdom. enhancement values, is seen to be a key driver of development practice on the Of potential importance, and only to be ground in the global South. activated for specific purposes as part of a longer-term strategy (especially in order to engage the previously unengaged and the outright sceptical): the ‘Benevolence’ values of Helpful; Responsible; True Friendship; and Meaning in Life.

‘Negative’ values for development, to be avoided and diminished: the ‘Power’ values of Social Power; Wealth; Authority; Preserving my Public Image.

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Finding Frames ‘Positive’ goals for development, Following the process of debate that we are to be activated and reinforced: advocating, we intend to validate the deep the ‘Intrinsic’ goals of Community Feeling; frames through formal discourse analysis, Self Acceptance; and, as part of a longer and also to explore their relationship to strategy, Affiliation. specific positive values, through primary research. For the moment the status ‘Negative’ goals for development, of these deep frames must be deemed to be avoided and diminished: hypothetical, and their primary purpose is the ‘Extrinsic’ goals of Financial Success; to serve as starting points for debate. The Popularity; Image; Conformity. deep frames we have suggested can be summed up as follows: 5.2 Positive deep frames This paper has described how particular The ‘Embodied Mind’ frame deep frames were identified as part of (not the ‘Rational Actor’ frame) the staged conversation we held with key NGO staff, which was analysed by Joe The ‘Shared Prosperity’ frame Brewer. From that set of deep frames, (not the ‘Free Market’ frame) we have identified those that we feel will most strongly tap into positive values for The ‘Participatory Democracy’ frame development (see Section 4 above). (not the ‘Elite Governance’ frame)

Again, these deep frames are not ‘Non-hierarchical Networks’ uncontested, and should be opened up (not the ‘Moral Order’ frame) to debate across the sector. They should then be refined in response to that debate. It will be interesting, for example, to test how well our frames can respond to the ‘blurred boundaries’ of some development activity, and whether their simple polarities are sufficient to cope with the complexities of development NGO practices.

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Finding Frames 5.3 Positive surface frames Most importantly, these surface frames As with the deep frames listed above, should be viewed as the logical outcomes so this paper has identified some surface of adopting particular positive deep frames that we feel can be supportive, or frames. As Lakoff argues, surface frames detrimental, to advancing positive values have nothing to hang from if there are no for development. These surface frames deep frames in place; they become mere are set out in Section 4 in full. They are slogans. We recommend that practitioners necessarily hedged about with considerable engage with our deep frames, and explore caveats about the exercise of identifying how to embed them in their organisations them. These reservations are principally and activities. When they have done this, methodological: the frames were derived it will then be the right time to consider from our subjective reading of Joe Brewer’s how they ‘surface frame’ their messages. analysis of our staged conversation, As they reach this point, our suggestions and will need to be validated and refined for positive surface frames may represent both through formal discourse analysis useful range finders for the task. and through deliberative research with the public. Our summary table is provided below, with current negative frames set against It is worth recalling, however, that the suggestions for alternative positive frames. identification of negative frames is We are more confident about the negative also supported by points from other frames we have identified than the positive disciplinary approaches and by primary ones we have put forward: our positive research with the public. Because of frames are necessarily more speculative this we feel confident about identifying until practitioners have subjected them certain problematic terms with negative to a process of vigorous deliberation associations, and we believe it is and debate. We also need to subject appropriate to regard the deep frames our surface frames to further research, we have identified as significant in a particularly observing differences in development context. context and across different subgroups of the public. Our reservations about specifying the positive surface frames are also procedural: practitioners themselves will be best placed to find the surface framing that works for them, and this exercise should be undertaken in collaboration between Practitioners themselves diverse practitioners. The sector will need will be best placed to work in concert if a values shift is to be brought about. to find the surface framing that works for them, and this exercise should be undertaken in collaboration between diverse practitioners.

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Finding Frames Current (negative) frame Alternative (positive) frames?

Charity Justice; Fairness

Charities Movements; NGOs

Aid Mutual support; Partnership

Development Well-being; freedom; Responsibility

Corruption; Aid effectiveness Good/bad governance; Fraud

Communications Conversations

Campaigns Engagements; Dialogues

5.4 Implications for development NGOs This implication may prove challenging to If we follow this report’s recommendation to acknowledge, let alone adhere to. A shift use positive values and frames to engage away from ‘emergency aid’ fundraising may the UK public in global poverty, we arrive diminish public donations in the short term: at a set of implications for UK development fundraisers know that showing graphic NGOs, and other stakeholders – including images of suffering works. Moreover, we the UK government. do not know what the impact will be on revenue raising if we hold conversations Rebalance campaigns and with the public grounded in positive values. fundraising approaches The first, overarching implication is that Given the success of the transactional development NGOs should rebalance model, and the fact that the most effective their current focus on campaigns and fundraising approaches are known to be fundraising with a sector-wide set of the most transactional (Sport Relief’s Chris objectives geared to build deep public Moyles film of a child dying in hospital, for engagement with global poverty over example), it is likely that a complete shift time. All the other implications described away from such approaches would result below can be inferred from this one in a noticeable drop in income. This means overarching goal. that it is unrealistic to suggest such a total change of tack by development NGOs.

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Finding Frames We need to get beyond notions of ‘charity’, as these are bound up in connotations of mission and aid

A number of commentators who work subgroups. But ways to move away from in and around the sector have argued such transactional activities may also be that it is unrealistic to expect NGOs to developed over time, if new supporter- step away from the marketplace and journey models can be found. overturn their business models (see eg Baillie Smith 2008). But at the very least, The empirical evidence for the potential adopting positive values as a critical lens of positive values to drive donations is very or thinking device could enable NGOs to scarce, but there are clues based on the judge both the likely collateral damage data showing that universalism values are of their strategies and their impact on good predictors of charitable giving (Cohrs public engagement in the longer term. et al 2007). If the frames approach does Our analysis of the problem of public prove less effective for fundraising in the engagement suggests that without a short term, it should provide deeper and fundamental change of tack, the gradual wider engagement in the medium term ebbing away of public support for tackling and ultimately broaden the potential poverty will continue. supporter base for all development-sector NGOs. The challenge is to work out ways One way of beginning to move away to move to a future model of engagement from transactional approaches is to use – as yet undefined – that activates positive them more sparingly, as part of longer- values and secures public donations now term engagement strategies based on and for the future. It is vital that fundraisers positive values. Appeals based on financial contribute to the debate about how to transactions or disempowering images of operationalise frames theory in human suffering (both of which tap into their organisations. extrinsic motivations and negative frames) may prove impossible to give up in the Go beyond the charity approach short term. But their negative impacts could A positive frames approach ultimately be somewhat limited if they were used only amounts to a different ‘face’ for UK to pull in new supporters – supporters who development NGOs. We need to get could then be offered only engagement beyond notions of ‘charity’, as these are activities based on more positive values bound up in connotations of mission and and frames. aid – both of which reinforce negative frames of the free market and the moral This strategy builds on current good order. What we should be moving towards practice in Customer Relationship is a ‘third sector’ status: independent Management (CRM), but constructs the organisations working in partnership with ‘supporter journey’ model around a shift governments North and South (particularly in values and frames. The risk here is civil society in the South), aligned primarily obvious: that the mass-market ‘front–end’ by their core values. The goals at stake are of public engagement will remain essentially global development (enhanced well-being) unchanged, with values- and frames- and good governance, not disaster relief. based activities reserved for more engaged

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Finding Frames Members of the public who support such It follows that NGOs should collaborate new-style NGOs are more like change around their shared values base. This agents than activists; their contacts with an represents a real challenge to the current NGO are transformational experiences, not business model, based on good donor transactions. This implication is in keeping stewardship and inter-agency competition with thinking in development education, and differentiation. As MPH showed, concluding that NGOs should regard their collaboration is hard to achieve. It may be range of public engagement activities sensible to build a series of open-ended as “an opportunity for dialogue and and non-binding engagements, following deliberation rather than a one-off purchase” the format of thinking spaces. Importantly (Baillie Smith 2008:14). such a collaboration, based on positive values and deep frames, would logically Incorporate all public-facing activities extend beyond the development sector – It follows from this reading of frames responding to the calls made for a shared theory that NGOs should implement this values platform across the third sector in approach across all their public-facing Common Cause (Crompton 2010). activities. Frames theory is clear that attempting to embed positive frames solely Stick resolutely to a positive through campaigns messaging or brand values agenda communications is extremely unlikely to Despite the open-ended approach have an impact on the frames of core necessary for creating thinking spaces, supporters, let alone the wider public. a thoroughly joined-up strategy and programme of work will be needed if we Collaborate across the development are to bring about a frames shift in society. sector and beyond Collaborating NGOs will need to hold firm NGOs simply do not have the firepower to an agreed agenda around positive values within the public sphere to shift frames and frames, and not revert to habitual ways by themselves. Their voices and activities of campaigning and fundraising during the are too small amid the din of comment, period of reframing. opinion, advertising, and day- to-day business raging in national life. In themselves, sector practices based on collaboration rather than competition would Even the biggest – like Oxfam, with its transform the sector. They would activate 99% brand recognition and a near more positive values, associated with the ubiquitous high street presence – cannot ‘shared prosperity’ frame. However, this hope to affect dominant social frames on kind of collaboration will require a new level their own. That said, NGOs are critical of focus. It may become desirable to set up contributors in frames that dominate issues a steering group to develop a medium- to of social justice. Unless they lead the way long-term strategy for partner NGOs that in applying frames theory, it is difficult to are looking to ensure a common approach imagine who might. in designing public engagement activities.

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Finding Frames Campaigns should be designed to provide opportunities for active participation by supporters

Identify new indicators to Volunteering is an obvious vehicle for measure success such involvement, but many other forms With new goals of driving public of participation that build agency in engagement through the instilling and the supporter are available. Some of reinforcing of positive values, new success these could arise from the dialogue and measures will be required. It is suggested deliberations that are called for in the multi- that one implication for evaluation methods disciplinary approach to change advocated should be the adoption of formal discourse in this paper. Such activities give people analysis, to see the extent to which positive agency, and they also reinforce the qualities frames developed in collaboration by the of self-determination that are part of sector have been enacted in different intrinsic motivations. communications contexts: in NGO materials, in media features and in the Facilitate deeper engagement public’s everyday conversation. Campaigns should place a premium on depth rather than breadth of engagement. 5.5 Implications for development Instead of attempting to lower barriers to NGOs’ campaigns entry and make taking part more quick and simple – thereby amassing large numbers Enable active participation of shallow actions based on appeals to If we take the prescription of positive values ease and urgency – campaigns should and frames into the arena of campaigns be designed to encourage deeper, more by development NGOs, there is a clear active participation. implication that such campaigns should be designed to provide opportunities Frames theory suggests that what we for active participation by supporters – should aim for is a networked model of including transformational experiences engagement. Supporters should be drawn wherever possible. This approach activates together to form empowered networks the embodied mind frame, and seeks to in which they debate and formulate move the balance away from transactional plans of action themselves, in contrast models of engagement. to current models. The current approach is dominated by campaign actions being Universalism values correlate strongly with worked up between individual campaigners civic participation. To tap into this people and the NGO, or dictated by the NGO to should be able to do a variety of things in campaigners. There is a need for active relation to a campaign, including playing networks not only across countries in the an active part in developing the campaign global North but also – critically – between itself. In this way our model of campaigning North and South. can be transformed.

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Finding Frames By moving to a longer view of engagement based on supporter journeys, tactics that are used to achieve short-term goals may be outweighed by those designed to deepen engagement over the longer term.

Avoid short-term, simplistic messages The association between the dominant Campaigns should move away from celebrity culture and consumerist values short-termism in messaging, notably (especially social power and financial anything that suggests complete solutions success) has been demonstrated above, in short or imminent timescales (eg Stop in the context of Make Poverty History. Climate Chaos, Make Poverty History, End The involvement of some celebrities is World Hunger) or claims of opportunity likely to forge unwanted connections to the (“last chance to…”; “it’s now or never”). negative frame of the free market. Using Such claims too often inject short-term celebrities to generate headlines for a urgency at the expense of longer-term campaign can serve to draw its discourse engagement. They also invoke a rational up to the surface, making it broad, shallow actor frame through the assumption of a and short, instead of deep, long and linear progression of problem–solution that rewarding. There may be moments when is rarely accurate, and which suppresses brevity and a simple and immediate impact acceptance of the messy nature of change are desirable, but again only as part of a that is inherent within network frames. longer- term strategy based on positive values and frames. There will, of course, be moments when tight timescales must be made explicit There may be exceptional cases to this – sometimes there is real urgency or a principle. Not all celebrities are the same, make-or-break moment – but frames and some are regarded less as ‘consumer theory implies that these should be the icons’ than others. Lenny Henry and David exceptions, not the rule. As with fundraising Attenborough, for example, can be seen strategies, it is suggested that by moving as people in the public eye who hold some to a longer view of engagement based moral authority but are not obviously on the on supporter journeys, tactics that are ‘celebrity circuit’. In his analysis of Make used to achieve short-term goals may be Poverty History, Graham Harrison singles outweighed by those designed to deepen out Bono and Bob Geldof as two particular engagement over the longer term. (and different) cases. They brought their own frames to the campaign, with different Use celebrities sparingly and judiciously effects (Harrison 2010). Following on from the above, the evidence from values theory suggests that celebrities should be used extremely judiciously. This is not just the same old point about matching the celebrity to the cause, and not overusing well known figures. From a values and frames perspective there is a fundamental problem in using highly individualistic consumer icons as focal points for a campaign.

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Finding Frames As well as differentiating carefully between 5.6 Implications for development NGOs’ celebrities, we have to recognise that fundraising appeals the impact of deploying a celebrity varies according to the context in which he or Move away from she is used. Campaigns can be highly transactional approaches effective when they successfully position As discussed above, modern NGOs are the celebrity as the public’s ‘friend on the businesses and must operate as much ground’, acting as a proxy to the full-body in the marketplace and along financial lines experience of witnessing everyday lives in as any other corporation. But if the lessons poor countries. Examples of such effective from values and frames theories are to celebrity-based campaigns were found be followed, new models of fundraising during PPP research into Sport Relief will need to be evolved to shift the films (Darnton 2007). balance of engagement away from transactional models. Interestingly the successful stories all leveraged a sense of ‘common humanity’. Using direct appeals as just the opening This encompassed both the Southern push in a longer-term and more positive people featured and the Northern strategy has already been identified as one celebrities reporting to the television way to minimise the collateral damage to audience back home. These celebrities public engagement. Other ways to redraw were able to take up the role of ‘someone fundraising activities so they do not rely like me’ for viewers if the layers of their so heavily on self-interest/national interest celebrity status were peeled back (for arguments should also be explored. We instance through a genuine emotional need to find ways to avoid the free market bond to the place and people, or a visceral and moral order frames (eg by avoiding response to the suffering). In such cases, the use of disempowering imagery) and the potential negative values activated minimising the use of transactional frames through the use of celebrities may be such as ‘£5 buys…’ appeals, and child offset by the activation of more intrinsic sponsorship drives. motivations, such as affiliation and community feeling – although this is a tricky balancing act to perform (as values theory, and PPP research findings, attest).

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Finding Frames Donations could be presented as 5.7 Implications for development supportive of an NGO’s long-term work, NGOs’ charity shops based on partnership working to help recipient countries to develop. This Return to your roots kind of approach could incorporate If charity shops’ purpose is simply to positive frames such as education and increase revenues for their organisations, infrastructure projects, and the building of they will present a problem to NGOs trying better governance and new institutions. to break out of the transaction frame. In this Conventional ‘emergency’ aid should particular frame supporters are consumers, always be positioned as a part of this while NGOs are seeking to build demand bigger picture. Ultimately the aim is for the products they sell. But supporters enabling development, ideally reframed are also donors: they give both unwanted as advancing well-being, pursuing items and their own time as volunteers. freedoms, or building a sense of personal and shared responsibility. This case should From a values and frames perspective, be argued on the grounds of common it follows that charity shops should go humanity, and with reference to positive back to their roots, doing all they can values wherever possible. to promote the ‘giving’ aspects of the shop above the ‘buying’ ones. Closing Expand community fundraising up the loop between the two will also Further fundraising methodologies that provide a strong circular model, one that activate the embodied mind and shared is consistent with Universalism values and prosperity frames should be explored and principles of shared prosperity. Reducing enhanced, as we currently cannot readily the emphasis on the ‘selling’ side is also identify fundraising approaches that evoke important. Not selling new product (as these deep frames. While it is challenging, opposed to donated items) is one clear we do not think that the quest for new way to differentiate charity shops from other approaches is unachievable. models. In this way, it is hoped that charity shops could become more expressive of New strategies could include more the positive values of their NGO owners. community fundraising, where individuals take an active part in activities instead of Move away from high-street retail norms relying heavily – as many NGOs do – on As well as exemplifying the values of individual ‘chequebook’ or direct-debit their parent organisations, charity shops giving. These more prevalent forms of represent a rich resource for embedding giving reinforce transactional frames and positive frames in everyday life. They are other problematic frames around ‘charity’ the frontline of public engagement, right in and ‘aid’. the middle of the high street. Our reading of a frames approach suggests that charity shops should explore new ways of being as unlike the rest of the shops on the high street as possible.

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Finding Frames The notion of a ‘community shop’ is in keeping with positive goals around community feeling and self-acceptance.

Different economic models of transaction 5.8 Implications for DFID could be trialled, such as not pricing items (buyers pay what they think is a fair price in Play an active role in the debate the context) and holding items such as toys DFID potentially has a key role to play in or DVDs in a lending library arrangement enabling otherwise financially competitive for a short period, before selling them on. NGOs to debate and plan together using Shops could also be used much more values and frames perspectives. This effectively as windows onto the developing convenor role would fit well with DFID’s world. New ideas such as video links position as the body most obviously could be used to develop transformative driven by the need to foster public experiences for the supporter-shopper. support for development.

A new wave of community shops? As a government department, DFID does Recent work with Oxfam on values and not have to compete for public donations frames has uncovered evidence to suggest as NGOs do. Because of this it can almost that not all shops are as potentially be seen to be non-partisan. It is notable harmful to positive values as others. that some development academics identify Across the Oxfam shops network, it is DFID as having a central role to play in reported that there are certain shops that promoting development education (eg are highly profitable. But this profitability Baillie Smith 2008). is not linked to their having the sharpest business practices. It is all about having the There is some idealism in these strongest links into their communities. suggestions, of course; DFID is a highly political entity, and an expression of both Such shops can be characterised as domestic and international political intent serving a ‘community hub’ function, on behalf of the government. If in the enabling other local networks to flourish. current climate of budgetary restraint DFID They also benefit from the self-direction cannot actively enable a process of cross- and sense of agency of the volunteers sector collaboration, it may be that other who staff and manage them. The notion neutral cross-sector organisations – most of a ‘community shop’ is in keeping obviously BOND, but also the DEA or IBT – with positive goals around community could facilitate the necessary debate across feeling and self-acceptance. It may in the sector. time come to represent a new frame for the charity shop.

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Finding Frames If DFID is not to lead, however, it should still From ‘development’ to ‘well-being’? play a central part in the process of society- The coalition government has recently wide deliberation that we are advocating. moved away from announcements By doing so it would recognise the pivotal based on financial inputs, placing greater role of government policy in determining emphasis on measurements based on how the public engage with global poverty. impact. This move has some immediately Excluding itself from this programme of positive implications from a frames dialogue and collaboration is not an option, perspective, as it holds the potential to if there is to be a step change in levels of remove a negative transaction frame from public engagement with global poverty. the discussion. However, care must still be taken around any remaining language that Build on the citizen segmentation model reinforces charity, aid or the moral order. A values-based engagement strategy that involves overlapping networks of NGOs Ultimately the very name of the department, and stakeholders from wider society will activating the ‘development’ frame, may represent a challenge to current ways be problematic (in so far as the public is of measuring success. As DFID moves aware of what DFID stands for). We would towards a convenor role, so success could tentatively suggest that a Department for be measured in terms of how successful International Well-being would pursue a DFID has been in bringing in a wide range rather different policy agenda from the of partners. one that DFID pursues today, while a Department for International Freedom The ultimate success of public engagement would probably be unrecognisable. Such should be measured across the sector a suggestion indicates the capacity of as a whole, as well as among the public. a values and frames approach to bring We need to be asking what, if anything, about transformational change – a scale of is changing in people’s attitudes to global change that we would argue is needed to poverty and what they are doing about meet the scale of the global challenges we it. DFID’s citizen segmentation model, are facing. based on a basket of measures, should offer an excellent tool for advancing measurement among different groups of the public. In addition, as suggested above, methodologies should be agreed for tracking the uptake of positive frames in the media and other areas of public discourse – including people’s everyday talk.

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Finding Frames 6.Next steps

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Finding Frames The endpoint of this review represents It also echoes well-evolved practices in a jumping-off point for the next stage in development education that are based what we hope will become a long-running on setting up ‘safe spaces’ in which to programme of work. This report could deliberate and shape possible solutions. usefully inform and support a process of dialogue and deliberation designed to There is inevitably some uncertainty over change NGO practices, in order ultimately which specific positive values and frames to move the UK public on in relation to to promote in the context of development, global poverty. and we are planning research to refine and validate our recommendations. Rather We have used values and frames as than specifying positive values and frames thinking devices to help examine the ourselves at this stage, we believe that the problems associated with low public values and frames required should emerge engagement with global poverty (as from a sector-wide debate. We all need exemplified in current NGO practices, and to work through the challenges of public in the particular case of Make Poverty engagement together, using theoretical History). We have also seen that values lenses to view them and suggest solutions. and frames hold the potential to serve as useful creative tools for developing However, this does not amount to a vague solutions to these problems. They are not set of recommendations, or the need for a perfect tools; there are weaknesses within talking shop. Rather, we would underline them, and inconsistencies between them. that the need for transformative change Neither appears to hold all the answers. is urgent, and that doing nothing will only Yet together they open up possibilities for exacerbate the current static or downward identifying deep changes in NGO practices trend in terms of public engagement. that could help catalyse transformational change in public perceptions. If we do not act, then the public will remain stuck in the negative mindset bequeathed Importantly, the solutions we are seeking by Live Aid. NGOs will compete for are not to be found in their natural state supporters ever more aggressively, and in the theories themselves. Instead campaigns and other public engagement solutions are likely to emerge by drawing activities will end up at the bottom of the on values and frames as critical tools in barrel. In this scenario public support and an informed debate. donations will also ultimately decline and the public mandate for ringfenced aid What we believe is needed is a deliberative spending could evaporate. If this happens, process involving multiple ‘partners’ in there will be little chance of the public and beyond the development sector. moving beyond the aid frame to become Such a process should be instrumental in aware of any other meaningful way of itself in bringing about a positive shift in engaging in positive change. sector practices. This way of working is in keeping with the interdisciplinary approach of policy making for behaviour change.

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Finding Frames There is already evidence that the next i) First, we should set up overlapping generation of potential supporters (aged working groups to debate values and 14 to 20) have inherited a sense of fatalism frames approaches, define the problems and ‘development fatigue’ from the media of public engagement using those tools, and from the Live Aid generation (TW and refine a set of positive values and Research 2010). This shows that the deep and surface frames for driving public negative cycle we are locked into is set to engagement. We suggest an open-ended continue unless we do something to take network of overlapping groups, stretching urgent action. What is needed is systemic out to cover different facets of society: change – across the sector and up from NGOs, funding bodies, government, the the roots of the sector – to break that cycle. media, academia and so on. Together Values and frames represent tools with these groups could develop a joint which we can work together to deliver agenda for driving public engagement with that change. global poverty, using values and frames approaches to define the problem and In order to move towards change, we can identify possible solutions. Within NGOs, identify further substantive steps from here, we particularly look to campaigners, as follows: fundraisers and CRM managers, and communications staff to embrace this debate. Fundraisers in particular should share their data on recent fundraising performance and the costs of recruitment and retention; in this way, challenges to the current fundraising model can be better understood. The relationship between fundraising methods and levels of public engagement could then be explored more deeply. This is just one example of how we would like to embed a values and frames approach in sector-wide practices. We invite any interested readers to contact If we do not act, then the us and enrol their organisations in such a public will remain stuck programme of work. in the negative mindset bequeathed by Live Aid.

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Finding Frames ii) We urge interested organisations to iv) Finally, we propose undertaking further look at their own practices through the research, in parallel with a process of lenses of values and frames. New ways of dialogue and deliberation. There is a working need to be evolved and tested, need for primary research to explore the and specific organisations may be able to relationships between positive values do this innovation work alone. For instance, and supportive development actions. Oxfam has begun the task of embedding We also intend to engage the public in values and frames into its long-term deliberative research to refine positive strategies, and different teams within the surface frames, and to differentiate these organisation are working out what a values across particular subgroups. In addition we and frames approach means for them. So wish to undertake formal discourse analysis far the senior management team, the UK of development-related communications campaigns team and the Oxfam shops materials and media stories, in order to team have all applied this thinking to their track the extent to which positive frames strategy development. are becoming embedded in daily life. iii) For our part, we plan to engage in a All these proposed actions involve programme of dissemination and debate collaboration. We will need involvement around this paper. We will pursue a from across the whole sector to carry programme of public events, respond to this area of work forward, and engagement invitations to speak wherever possible, with the whole of society to embed the and find opportunities to open up debate positive values and frames we wish to to a wider audience. As we do so, we foster in the next generation. Only through shall refine our thinking, and extend collaboration will we finally break out of the our networks. We would welcome the Live Aid Legacy, and deepen and widen opportunity to come into individual the UK public’s engagement with tackling organisations and open up the themes of global poverty. this paper to internal audiences.

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Finding Frames Annex A: Surface Frames for the UK Development sector

1. Activist frame – A person engaged by 8. Giving Aid frame – The primary the NGO is seen as one to be ‘activated’ activity for reducing poverty is a direct around a particular issue or campaign. monetary transfer from wealthy nations to poor nations. 2. Campaign frame – Actions are constrained to the roles and relationships 9. Help the Poor frame – A description of of a traditional campaign (contrast with what NGOs do that emphasises a ‘hand Social Movement frame below). outstretched’ to help those in need.

3. Change the System frame – Effort is 10. Human Kindness frame – A belief directed toward shifting power structures in the basic goodness of people and and reforming institutions in order to a strategy for evoking compassionate alleviate poverty. response to drive action.

4. Charity frame – The NGO is seen as the 11. Ignorant Public frame – A belief that mechanism for privileged people to share the reason people don’t do more to help their wealth with the poor. is that they are uninformed, which leads to a ‘public education’ strategy for 5. Common Good frame – The underlying increasing engagement. value that motivates people to action is a sense of caring for others, with the goal of 12. Individual Concern frame – Emphasis increasing collective well-being. on altering individual decisions through appeals to core concerns of individuals. 6. Corrupt Government (Africa) frame – Aid sent to Africa is like sending buckets of cash to corrupt officials, a pointless and wasteful action.

7. Empathy frame – Underlying value that motivates people to care for the poor, based on feelings of commonality and compassion.

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Finding Frames Annex A: Surface Frames for the UK Development sector

13. International Solidarity frame – 18. Social Movement frame – Telling story Sentiment that rich and poor are all part of of NGO efforts in context of a movement to the same community; what affects some remove a moral failing or achieve a freedom of us impacts us all. or right for a disenfranchised community (contrast with Campaign frame above). 14. Invest in Entrepreneurs frame – Notion that the way to alleviate poverty is to 19. Social Responsibility frame – treat the world’s poor as entrepreneurs who Underlying value that calls upon people to only need to be given loans (eg microcredit) recognise their role in making society better. so they can start their own businesses. 20. Transaction frame – Emphasis placed 15. Market-Driven Fundraising frame – on an exchange of goods or services Treatment of NGO list members as between individuals, commonly in the potential customers to engage with context of an economic exchange. marketing strategies. 21. Transformational Experience 16. Poverty frame – Defining the issue of frame – Exposure to an emotionally concern as poverty, often to the exclusion powerful experience that results in deep of interrelated issues like trade, corruption, introspection and a persistent change environment, governing philosophies, etc. of character.

17. Social Justice frame – Drawing attention to race and economic class differences, with emphasis on justice and human dignity.

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Finding Frames Annex B: Selected References

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Finding Frames “The most significant research in the last 20 years – we ignore the long-term impact at our peril.” Kevin McCullough, Head of Campaigns, CAFOD

“Understanding why people think what they think and how attitudes might be changed is vital for any organisation with a mission to make the world a better place. This is an important piece of work which will, I suspect, provoke a lively and timely debate.” Matthew Taylor, Chief Executive, RSA

“Finding Frames is a superb report. Darnton and Kirk don’t flinch in asking difficult questions, or in drawing what are at times uncomfortable conclusions. This is tenacious thinking at a time when the third sector has never needed it more urgently.” Tom Crompton, Change Strategist, WWF-UK

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