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Musical Imaginary, Identity and Representation: the Case of Gentleman the German Reggae Luminary
Ali 1 Musical Imaginary, Identity and Representation: The Case of Gentleman the German Reggae Luminary A Senior Honors Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with distinction in Comparative Studies in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University By Raghe Ali April 2013 The Ohio State University Project Advisors Professor Barry Shank, Department of Comparative Studies Professor Theresa Delgadillo, Department of Comparative Studies Ali 2 In 2003 a German reggae artist named Gentleman was scheduled to perform at the Jamworld Entertainment Center in the south eastern parish of St Catherine, Jamaica. The performance was held at the Sting Festival an annual reggae event that dates back some twenty years. Considered the world’s largest one day reggae festival, the event annually boasts an electric atmosphere full of star studded lineups and throngs of hardcore fans. The concert is also notorious for the aggressive DJ clashes1 and violent incidents that occur. The event was Gentleman’s debut performance before a Jamaican audience. Considered a relatively new artist, Gentleman was not the headlining act and was slotted to perform after a number of familiar artists who had already “hyped” the audience with popular dancehall2 reggae hits. When his turn came he performed a classical roots 3reggae song “Dem Gone” from his 2002 Journey to Jah album. Unhappy with his performance the crowd booed and jeered at him. He did not respond to the heckling and continued performing despite the audience vocal objections. Empty beer bottles and trash were thrown onstage. Finally, unable to withstand the wrath and hostility of the audience he left the stage. -
Proquest Dissertations
NOTE TO USERS This reproduction is the best copy available. UMI mn u Ottawa L'Universite canadienne Canada's university FACULTE DES ETUDES SUPERIEURES FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND ET POSTDOCTORALES u Ottawa POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES I.'Univeisilo c;iruulienne Canada's university Hughes Theroret AUTEUR DE LA THESE / AUTHOR OF THESIS M.A. (histoire) GRADE/DEGREE Department d'histoire FACULTE, ECOLE, DEPARTEMENT / FACULTY, SCHOOL, DEPARTMENT La campagne antisemite d'Adrien Arcand d'apres-guerre : 1945 a 1967 TITRE DE LA THESE / TITLE OF THESIS P. Anctil DIRECTEUR (DIRECTRICE) DE LA THESE / THESIS SUPERVISOR CO-DIRECTEUR (CO-DIRECTRICE) DE LA THESE / THESIS CO-SUPERVISOR EXAMINATEURS (EXAMINATRICES) DE LA THESE/THESIS EXAMINERS P. Bischoff M. Bock Gary W. Slater Le Doyen de la Faculte des etudes superieures et postdoctorales / Dean of the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies La campagne antisemite d'Adrien Arcand d'apres-guerre : 1945 a 1967 par Hugues Theoret These presentee a la Faculte des etudes superieures et postdoctorales a titre d'exigence partielle en vue de l'obtention de la maitrise en histoire Universite d'Ottawa © Hugues Theoret, Ottawa, Canada, 2009 Library and Archives Bibliotheque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada Your Tile Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-58223-7 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-58223-7 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une -
Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics &A
Online Appendix for Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue (2014) Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics & Change Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue The following document lists the languages of the world and their as- signment to the macro-areas described in the main body of the paper as well as the WALS macro-area for languages featured in the WALS 2005 edi- tion. 7160 languages are included, which represent all languages for which we had coordinates available1. Every language is given with its ISO-639-3 code (if it has one) for proper identification. The mapping between WALS languages and ISO-codes was done by using the mapping downloadable from the 2011 online WALS edition2 (because a number of errors in the mapping were corrected for the 2011 edition). 38 WALS languages are not given an ISO-code in the 2011 mapping, 36 of these have been assigned their appropri- ate iso-code based on the sources the WALS lists for the respective language. This was not possible for Tasmanian (WALS-code: tsm) because the WALS mixes data from very different Tasmanian languages and for Kualan (WALS- code: kua) because no source is given. 17 WALS-languages were assigned ISO-codes which have subsequently been retired { these have been assigned their appropriate updated ISO-code. In many cases, a WALS-language is mapped to several ISO-codes. As this has no bearing for the assignment to macro-areas, multiple mappings have been retained. 1There are another couple of hundred languages which are attested but for which our database currently lacks coordinates. -
Options for a National Culture Symbol of Cameroon: Can the Bamenda Grassfields Traditional Dress Fit?
EAS Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies Abbreviated Key Title: EAS J Humanit Cult Stud ISSN: 2663-0958 (Print) & ISSN: 2663-6743 (Online) Published By East African Scholars Publisher, Kenya Volume-2 | Issue-1| Jan-Feb-2020 | DOI: 10.36349/easjhcs.2020.v02i01.003 Research Article Options for a National Culture Symbol of Cameroon: Can the Bamenda Grassfields Traditional Dress Fit? Venantius Kum NGWOH Ph.D* Department of History Faculty of Arts University of Buea, Cameroon Abstract: The national symbols of Cameroon like flag, anthem, coat of arms and seal do not Article History in any way reveal her cultural background because of the political inclination of these signs. Received: 14.01.2020 In global sporting events and gatherings like World Cup and international conferences Accepted: 28.12.2020 respectively, participants who appear in traditional costume usually easily reveal their Published: 17.02.2020 nationalities. The Ghanaian Kente, Kenyan Kitenge, Nigerian Yoruba outfit, Moroccan Journal homepage: Djellaba or Indian Dhoti serve as national cultural insignia of their respective countries. The https://www.easpublisher.com/easjhcs reason why Cameroon is referred in tourist circles as a cultural mosaic is that she harbours numerous strands of culture including indigenous, Gaullist or Francophone and Anglo- Quick Response Code Saxon or Anglophone. Although aspects of indigenous culture, which have been grouped into four spheres, namely Fang-Beti, Grassfields, Sawa and Sudano-Sahelian, are dotted all over the country in multiple ways, Cameroon cannot still boast of a national culture emblem. The purpose of this article is to define the major components of a Cameroonian national culture and further identify which of them can be used as an acceptable domestic cultural device. -
Chant Down Babylon: the Rastafarian Movement and Its Theodicy for the Suffering
Verge 5 Blatter 1 Chant Down Babylon: the Rastafarian Movement and Its Theodicy for the Suffering Emily Blatter The Rastafarian movement was born out of the Jamaican ghettos, where the descendents of slaves have continued to suffer from concentrated poverty, high unemployment, violent crime, and scarce opportunities for upward mobility. From its conception, the Rastafarian faith has provided hope to the disenfranchised, strengthening displaced Africans with the promise that Jah Rastafari is watching over them and that they will someday find relief in the promised land of Africa. In The Sacred Canopy , Peter Berger offers a sociological perspective on religion. Berger defines theodicy as an explanation for evil through religious legitimations and a way to maintain society by providing explanations for prevailing social inequalities. Berger explains that there exist both theodicies of happiness and theodicies of suffering. Certainly, the Rastafarian faith has provided a theodicy of suffering, providing followers with religious meaning in social inequality. Yet the Rastafarian faith challenges Berger’s notion of theodicy. Berger argues that theodicy is a form of society maintenance because it allows people to justify the existence of social evils rather than working to end them. The Rastafarian theodicy of suffering is unique in that it defies mainstream society; indeed, sociologist Charles Reavis Price labels the movement antisystemic, meaning that it confronts certain aspects of mainstream society and that it poses an alternative vision for society (9). The Rastas believe that the white man has constructed and legitimated a society that is oppressive to the black man. They call this society Babylon, and Rastas make every attempt to defy Babylon by refusing to live by the oppressors’ rules; hence, they wear their hair in dreads, smoke marijuana, and adhere to Marcus Garvey’s Ethiopianism. -
ETYMOLOGY. the Coptic Language Comprises an Autochthonous
(CE:A118a-A124b) ETYMOLOGY. The Coptic language comprises an autochthonous vocabulary (see VOCABULARY OF EGYPTIAN ORIGIN and VOCABULARY OF SEMITIC ORIGIN) with an overlay of several heterogeneous strata (see VOCABULARY, COPTO-GREEK and VOCABULARY, COPTO-ARABIC). As a rule, etymologic research in Coptology is limited to the autochthonous vocabulary. Etymology (from Greek etymos, true, and logos, word) is the account of the origin, the meaning, and the phonetics of a word over the course of time and the comparison of it with cognate or similar terms. In Coptic the basic vocabulary, as well as the morphology of the language, is of Egyptian origin. Egyptian shares many words and all its morphology (grammatical forms) with the Semitic languages. Egyptian is transcribed with an alphabet of twenty-four letters in the following order: 3, „ , ‘, w, b, p, f, m, n, r, h, , , h, z, s, , (sometimes transcribed q), k, g, t, t, d, d. All these letters represent consonants. The sign 3 is the glottal stop heard at the commencement of German words beginning with a vowel (die Oper) or Hebrew aleph; „ is y in “yes,” but sometimes pronounced like aleph; ‘ is called ‘ayin, as in Hebrew, the emphatic correspondent to aleph (cf. Arabic ‘Abdallah); h is the English h; is an emphatic h, as in Arabic Mu ammad; is the Scotch ch in loch; h is like German ch in ich (between and ), and nearly like English h in human; is English sh in “ship”; t is ch in English “child”; and d is English j in ‘joke.” The group „„ is pronounced y. -
Nonconcatenative Morphology in Coptic
UC Santa Cruz Phonology at Santa Cruz, Volume 7 Title Nonconcatenative Morphology in Coptic Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0765s94q Author Kramer, Ruth Publication Date 2018-04-10 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Nonconcatenative Morphology in Coptic ∗∗∗ Ruth Kramer 1. Introduction One of the most distinctive features of many Afroasiatic languages is nonconcatenative morphology. Instead of attaching an affix directly before or after a root, languages like Modern Hebrew interleave an affix within the segments of a root. An example is in (1). (1) Modern Hebrew gadal ‘he grew’ gidel ‘he raised’ gudal ‘he was raised’ In the mini-paradigm in (1), the discontinuous affixes /a a/, /i e/, and /u a/ are systematically interleaved between the root consonants /g d l/ to indicate perfective aspect, causation and voice, respectively. The consonantal root /g d l/ ‘big’ never surfaces on its own in the language: it must be inflected with some vocalic affix. Additional Afroasiatic languages with nonconcatenative morphology include other Semitic languages like Arabic (McCarthy 1979, 1981; McCarthy and Prince 1990), many Ethiopian Semitic languages (Rose 1997, 2003), and Modern Aramaic (Hoberman 1989), as well as non-Semitic languages like Berber (Dell and Elmedlaoui 1992, Idrissi 2000) and Egyptian (also known as Ancient Egyptian, the autochthonous language of Egypt; Gardiner 1957, Reintges 1994). The nonconcatenative morphology of Afroasiatic languages has come to be known as root and pattern -
A Counterintelligence Reader, Volume 2 Chapter 1, CI in World
CI in World War II 113 CHAPTER 1 Counterintelligence In World War II Introduction President Franklin Roosevelts confidential directive, issued on 26 June 1939, established lines of responsibility for domestic counterintelligence, but failed to clearly define areas of accountability for overseas counterintelligence operations" The pressing need for a decision in this field grew more evident in the early months of 1940" This resulted in consultations between the President, FBI Director J" Edgar Hoover, Director of Army Intelligence Sherman Miles, Director of Naval Intelligence Rear Admiral W"S" Anderson, and Assistant Secretary of State Adolf A" Berle" Following these discussions, Berle issued a report, which expressed the Presidents wish that the FBI assume the responsibility for foreign intelligence matters in the Western Hemisphere, with the existing military and naval intelligence branches covering the rest of the world as the necessity arose" With this decision of authority, the three agencies worked out the details of an agreement, which, roughly, charged the Navy with the responsibility for intelligence coverage in the Pacific" The Army was entrusted with the coverage in Europe, Africa, and the Canal Zone" The FBI was given the responsibility for the Western Hemisphere, including Canada and Central and South America, except Panama" The meetings in this formative period led to a proposal for the organization within the FBI of a Special Intelligence Service (SIS) for overseas operations" Agreement was reached that the SIS would act -
Reformed Egyptian
Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 1989–2011 Volume 19 Number 1 Article 7 2007 Reformed Egyptian William J. Hamblin Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/msr BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Hamblin, William J. (2007) "Reformed Egyptian," Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 1989–2011: Vol. 19 : No. 1 , Article 7. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/msr/vol19/iss1/7 This Book of Mormon is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 1989–2011 by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Title Reformed Egyptian Author(s) William J. Hamblin Reference FARMS Review 19/1 (2007): 31–35. ISSN 1550-3194 (print), 2156-8049 (online) Abstract This article discusses the term reformed Egyptian as used in the Book of Mormon. Many critics claim that reformed Egyptian does not exist; however, languages and writing systems inevitably change over time, making the Nephites’ language a reformed version of Egyptian. Reformed Egyptian William J. Hamblin What Is “Reformed Egyptian”? ritics of the Book of Mormon maintain that there is no language Cknown as “reformed Egyptian.” Those who raise this objec- tion seem to be operating under the false impression that reformed Egyptian is used in the Book of Mormon as a proper name. In fact, the word reformed is used in the Book of Mormon in this context as an adjective, meaning “altered, modified, or changed.” This is made clear by Mormon, who tells us that “the characters which are called among us the reformed Egyptian, [were] handed down and altered by us” and that “none other people knoweth our language” (Mormon 9:32, 34). -
UC Santa Cruz UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Santa Cruz UC Santa Cruz Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Performing Citizens and Subjects: Dance and Resistance in Twenty-First Century Mozambique Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1w33f4s5 Author Montoya, Aaron Tracy Publication Date 2016 License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 4.0 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ PERFORMING CITIZENS AND SUBJECTS: DANCE AND RESISTANCE IN TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY MOZAMBIQUE A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in ANTHROPOLOGY with an emphasis in Visual Studies by Aaron Montoya June 2016 The Dissertation of Aaron Montoya is approved: ____________________________________ Professor Shelly Errington, Chair ____________________________________ Professor Carolyn Martin-Shaw ____________________________________ Professor Olga Nájera-Ramírez ____________________________________ Professor Lisa Rofel ____________________________________ Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Aaron T. Montoya 2016 Table of Contents Abstract iv Agradecimientos vi Introduction 1 1. Citizens and Subjects in Portuguese Mozambique 20 2. N’Tsay 42 3. Nyau 84 4. Um Solo para Cinco 145 5. Feeling Plucked: Labor in the Cultural Economy 178 6. Conclusion 221 Bibliography 234 iii Abstract Performing Citizens and Subjects: Dance and Resistance in Twenty-First Century Mozambique Aaron Montoya This dissertation examines the politics and economics of the cultural performance of dance, placing this expressive form of communication within the context of historic changes in Mozambique, from the colonial encounter, to the liberation movement and the post-colonial socialist nation, to the neoliberalism of the present. The three dances examined here represent different regimes, contrasting forms of subjectivity, and very different relations of the individual to society. -
The Construction and Negotiation of Identity in Ajegunle Raga
“In the Ghetto, Life No Easy For We”: The Construction and Negotiation of Identity in Ajegunle Raga by Ogunbowale Mopelolade Oreoluwa A Thesis presented to The University of Guelph In partial fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History and International Development Guelph, Ontario, Canada © Ogunbowale Mopelolade Oreoluwa, June, 2012 ABSTRACT “In the Ghetto, “Life No Easy For We”: The Construction and Negotiation of Identity in Ajegunle Raga Ogunbowale Mopelolade Advisor: University of Guelph, 2012 Professor F.J Kolapo This thesis is an investigation into the historical evolution of Ajegunle Raga, a reggae form developed within an urban ghetto in Lagos called Ajegunle and the construction and negotiation of identities therein. The research further argues that Ajegunle Raga is a home- grown oppositional music subculture that draws inspiration from diasporic musical subcultures like Reggae and Hip Hop but retains a genuine representation of Ajegunle in its tales of survival, poverty, marginalization and expressions of creativity within the ambience of the music. Figure 1: Map of Lagos showing Ajegunle and its environs. Used with permission from Odunuga Shakirudeen of Department of Regional and Urban Planning, University of Lagos, Nigeria. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to appreciate all those that have contributed immensely to making this project a success. First of all, I thank God for the inspiration, strength and determination to complete this project. I sincerely want to appreciate my dad, Lanre Ogunbowale, my mum, Theresa Tokubo Koya and my sisters, Tobi and Busola Ogunbowale for always motivating and encouraging me. I cherish your love, support and friendship and whatever I do is to make you all happy. -
Pdf 1-8., Accessed March 2014
THE BIOCULTURAL IMPACT OF ETHNIC HEALTH AND BEAUTY PRODUCT CONSUMPTION AMONG SOUTH FLORIDA JAMAICAN WOMEN By BRITTANY MONIQUE OSBOURNE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2015 © 2015 Brittany Monique Osbourne To my ancestors and parents ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The following dissertation evolved over the course of five years with the help of many people. I would first like to pay honor and respect to my spiritual compass, my creator, whose love and wisdom guided me along this doctoral path. To my ancestors, both ancient and recently transitioned, I pay homage. No amount of verbal libations can ever truly honor the sacrifices they endured, so the living would not have to know their struggles. In particular, I would like to honor those ancestors who survived the Maafa. Without them, I would not be. I would also like to honor my Jamaican ancestors, particularly my Windward Maroon ancestors of Portland Parish. The legacy of their warrior spirits kept me strong throughout this process, and motivated me to continue the good fight of completing this work. I thank my intellectual ancestress Zora Neale Hurston, who I am very proud to have been directly trained by those who were trained by those who trained her. Her ethnographic and literary works spoke to me, and were always a constant reminder that those of us who are a blend of the fine arts and the social sciences are uniquely positioned to be a transformative voice for the voiceless.