PREFACE 1. Sally Mitchell, the New Girl: Girl's Culture in England, 1880

Notes

PREFACE 1. Sally Mitchell, The New Girl: Girl’s Culture in England, 1880–1915 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995): 29. Mitchell’s source is Florence B. Low,“The Reading of the Modern Girl,” Nineteenth Century 59 (1906): 278–87. 2. The Musical Times, December 1, 1881, contrasted the sophisticated music coverage in the Girl’s Own Paper with the situation of the “old days” when the “Musical Corner” featured in Eliza Cook’s Journal included “tea table talk” about songs of scant value; in contrast, the Times observed, articles in the Girl’s Own Paper are written by some of today’s best musicians (p. 264). The strikingly different presence of music in female and male education, both formal and informal, is illustrated by the infrequent coverage given music in the counterpart publication, The Boy’s Own Paper. In a review of thirty-eight issues (1884–1900) of the Boy’s Own Paper published between 1884 and 1900, I was able to find only a few articles on music: one each on how to play the guitar and xylophone, and one on the Westminster Choir School. The issue of June, 1893 featured a short story,“A Musical Degree,”in which a joke played on a musically inclined student shows him to be “the greenest fresher of the year.” 3. Christopher St. John was the name that the playwright and novelist Christabel Marshal chose for herself. In 1899, she worked as Secretary to Lady Randolph Churchill and her son Winston Churchill (Jessica Douglas- Home, Violet:The Life and Loves of Violet Gordon Woodhouse; London:The Harvill Press, 1996: 76). By 1905, Chris (as she liked to be called) St. John was writing music criticism for the Lady and continued to do so at least into the First World War years; her 1915 review of a concert that featured the harpsichordist Violet Gordon Woodhouse is cited by Douglas-Home (Ibid., 135). Notes 229

4. “It is as undesirable for him [the popular novelist] to be in the vanguard of informed opinion as it is for him to be in the rearguard of public opinion.” P. J. Keating, “Fact and Fiction in the East End,” in The Victorian City, edited by H. J. Dyos and Michael Wolff (London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973): II, 585–586.

CHAPTER ONE 1. On women and the piano, see Arthur Loesser, Men,Women and Pianos:A Social History (New York:Dover Publications, 1990; first published 1954); Mary Burgan,“Heroines at the Piano:Women and Music in Nineteenth- Century Fiction,” in Nicholas Temperley, ed., The Lost Chord: Essays on Victorian Music (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); and Richard Leppert, “Sexual Identity, Death, and the Family Piano,” 19th- Century Music, XVI/2 (Fall 1992): 105–128. On professional pianists and composers of piano music, see Nancy B. Reich, “European Composers and Musicians, ca. 1800–1890,” in Karen Pendle, ed., Women and Music: A History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991): 109–12, 116–17. 2. Burne-Jones’s comments on the piano were quoted in exhibition materials accompanying a display of his drawings and watercolors held at the Tate Gallery: summer, 1993. On his work on piano design for Broadwood, see Michael I. Wilson, “The Case of the Victorian Piano,” Victoria and Albert Museum Yearbook no. 3, 1972: 140–141. Roslyn Rensch, The Harp: Its His- tory,Technique and Repertoire (New York:Praeger, 1969). 3. Cyril Ehrlich, The Music Profession in Britain Since the Eighteenth Century:A Social History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 102. 4. “A good harp costs as much as a grand piano, and a low-priced harp is always dears in the end.” Flora Klickman, “Musical Notes,” Sylvia’s Journal (October 1893): 564. 5. H. R. Haweis, Music and Morals (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1877), 103–04. 6. Jim Samson, “Chopin Reception: Theory, History, Analysis,” in Jim Samson and John Rink, eds., Chopin Studies, 2nd ed. (New York: Cam- bridge University Press: 1994), 10. Chopin’s preludes were typically described in such collections as “pearls” and the etudes as “tuneful gems.” Ibid. 7. Charles Hallé, The Autobiography of Charles Hallé with Correspondence and Di- aries, ed. Michael Kennedy (London: Elek, 1972), 54. Selections of Chopin’s shorter works, especially the nocturnes and preludes, were available in an- thologies for fairly advanced pianists, such as the three-booklet series described by Derek Carew, Well-Known Piano Solos, How to Play Them With Understanding, Expression And Effect. Carew writes that the “educational”text that introduced the music in this collection appeared to have as its purpose the imparting of a “veneer of ‘expression’ and technical proficiency but 230 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

without soul-searching. Blandness rules.” See Carew’s “Victorian Attitudes to Chopin” in Jim Samson, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Chopin (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 230. The Musical Gazette of De- cember 4, 1900, commented that the granddaughters of women who, in girlhood, played the “accomplishment” piece,“The Battle of Prague,” now “trundle through Chopin.” 8. Louise Mack [Mrs. Creed], The Music Makers: the Love Story of a Woman Composer. (London: Mills and Boon, 1914). An Australian author, Mack lived for much of her life in England and Europe. 9. Ibid., 115.The G minor Ballade, opus 23, was one of the technically de- manding works available in simplified and abridged editions. Samson, “Chopin Reception,” 10. 10. Jeffrey Kallberg,“The Harmony of the Tea Table: Gender and Ideology in the Piano Nocturne,” Representations 39 (Summer 1992): 102–133. See pp. 111–113 on efforts to place Chopin’s music in the tradition of great works by emphasizing the “masculine”and minimizing the “feminine”character- istics of his music. The Polish-born, American pianist Arthur Rubinstein (1887–1982) is regarded as one of the greatest interpreters of Chopin. See Nicholas Slonimsky, Baker’s Biographical Dictionary of Musicians, 8th ed. (New York:Schirmer, 1992). 11. Huneker’s 1900 work, Chopin the Man and His Music, is quoted in Kall- berg,“The Harmony of the Tea Table,”111–112. On Richardson’s Leipzig experience, see “Some Notes on My Books,” Virginia Quarterly Review (Summer, 1940), reprinted in Southerly (Vol.23, Number 1, 1963, ed. G.A. Wilkes (8–19). Henry Handel Richardson, Maurice Guest, 2 vols. (1908; London:William Heinemann Ltd., 1929), 1:157. 12. George Grossmith, A Society Clown: Reminiscences of George Grossmith (Bris- tol: J.W.Arrowsmith, 1888), 36. 13. See Stephen Banfield,“The Artist and Society,”in Nicholas Temperley,ed., The Romantic Age 1800–1914, The Athlone History of Music in Britain (London:Athlone Press, 1981), 12.Anton Rubinstein (1829–1894) was an eminent Russian pianist, conductor, composer, and teacher (Slonimsky, Baker’s Biographical Dictionary). 14. M. Pullan, Maternal Counsels to a Daughter (1855), 81. Quoted in Jehanne Wake, Princess Louise: Queen Victoria’s Unconventional Daughter (London: Collins, 1988), 90. 15. Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, ed. Edwin Cannan, 6th ed., 2 vols. (London: Metheun and Co., 1950), 1:119–20. 16. Bettina Walker, My Musical Experiences, a new ed. (London: Richard Bent- ley and Son; New York:Novello, Ewer and Co., 1892), 33. 17. A highly respected pianist and composer, Henselt (1814–1889) taught in Russia for 40 years, where he held important Court positions, trained “a generation of Russian pianists,”and developed a technique for piano study that Walker found pedagogically valuable and inspiring. (Slonimsky, Baker’s Notes 231

Biographical Dictionary). In the preface to the “new edition” of her autobiography,Walker mentions the interest that the first edition of her book evoked in Henselt’s method (viii). 18. See chapter 6 for a detailed discussion of the career of the woman singer. 19. Edna Lyall [Ada Bayly], Doreen: The Story of a Singer (London and New York:Longmans, Green and Co., 1894), 127. 20. Ibid., 287. 21. Arthur Jacobs, Henry J.Wood: Maker of the Proms (London: Methuen, 1994), 142. 22. See chapter Seven for exceptions to this generalization: the small number of female wind instrument players were well compensated and Rosabel Watson took pride in the competitive salaries she was able to pay the members of her all-women’s orchestra. 23. Christopher Wood, Victorian Panorama (London: Faber and Faber, 1976), l32. 24. Spectator, 22 May 1875, 660. I am grateful to Pamela Gerrish Nunn for sending me a copy of this picture and of the critical commentary on it. 25. London Times, 24 May 1875. 26. Illustrated London News, July 1875. 27. Ehrlich, The Musical Profession in Britain Since the Eighteenth Century, l08-l5. 28. Sally Mitchell, Daily Life in Victorian England (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1996), 269. 29. Martha Vicinus, Independent Women:Work and Community for Single Women, 1850–1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), 27. 30. Ibid., 26. 31. “Women Who Work: no. xvi.—Their Numbers and Employments,” Pall Mall Gazette, 3 October 1884. 32. Jane Crisp, Jessie Fothergill, 1851–1891: A Bibliography, Victorian Fiction Research Guides II (St. Lucia,Australia: Department of English, University of Queensland, 1980), 5. 33. See Virginia Blain, Patricia Clements, and Isobel Grundy,eds., The Feminist Companion to Literature in English:Women Writers from the Middle Ages to the Present (New Haven:Yale University Press, 1990), and the biography by Beatrice Marshall, Emma Marshall, A Biographical Sketch (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1901). 34. “In alt” signified notes printed above the treble staff lines. 35. Jessie Fothergill, The First Violin:A Novel (New York:R. F.Fenno and Co., 1904), 20. 36. Crisp, Jessie Fothergill, 20. 37. Fothergill, The First Violin, 311. 38. Emma Marshall, Alma, Or The Story of a Little Music Mistress (New York: White and Allen, 1889). 39. Ibid., 183. 40. Ibid., 186. 41. Ibid., 261. 232 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

42. Ibid., 311. 43. The Marshalls lived in Gloucester between 1874 and 1880. 44. According to the novelist Robert Hichens who was acquainted with the bishop’s family,Mrs. Ellicott was “a born Bohemian” who preferred the society of musicians, opera singers, and even of actors and dancers, to that of the clergy: “The clergy in general, I think, were rather amazed at her.” Robert Hichens, Yesterday: The Autobiography of Robert Hichens (London: Cassell, 1947), 25–26. 45. Ibid., 26. 46. Sophie Fuller, The Pandora Guide to Women Composers:Britain and the United States, 1629-Present (London and San Francisco: Pandora, 1994), 112–15. I am grateful to Sophie Fuller, who has generously shared her knowledge of the work of Ellicott and other composers with me. 47. See the section on composers in chapter 7. 48. Fuller, Pandora Guide, 114. 49. Magazine of Music (May 1892). 50. Fuller, Pandora Guide, 115. 51. Englishwoman’s Review, 14 September 1889, 414. Founded in 1866 as the successor to the English Woman’s Journal, the country’s first periodical dedicated to women’s advancement, the Englishwoman’s Review of Social and In- dustrial Questions was the “journal of record for the women’s movement” until the closing years of the century. Sheila R. Herstein,“English Woman’s Journal, Englishwoman’s Review,” in Sally Mitchell, ed., Victorian Britain: An Encyclopedia (New York and London:Garland Publishing, 1988). 52. Men and Women of the Day (1890). 53. Fuller, Pandora Guide, 114. Ellicott was one of several women composers to enjoy the encouragement of August Manns, conductor of the Crystal Palace concerts. Michael Musgrave, The Musical Life of the Crystal Palace (New York:Cambridge University Press, 1995), 112. 54. Young Woman (1900–01). Other composers discussed in the article are Maude Valerie White,Alicia Needham, Frances Allitsen, and Cécile Cham- inade. 55. According to Sophie Fuller, after the mid-1890s, Ellicott composed mostly chamber music. In the early years of the new century, she co-sponsored a series of chamber music concerts in Gloucester. Pandora Guide, 115. 56. George John Romanes,“Mental Differences Between Men and Women,” Nineteenth Century 21 (1887): 654–72. Romanes’s article was widely reprinted. Cynthia Eagle Russett, Sexual Science: the Victorian Construction of Womanhood (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 36. 57. Russett, Sexual Science, 35–38.The correlation of lower brain weight with the presumption of female intellectual inferiority enjoyed remarkable longevity, as attested by Ashley Montagu’s 1952 comment, “I have never met anyone outside, and few in, scientific circles who did not believe that women had smaller brains and therefore less intelligence than men.” (The Natural Superiority of Women, rev. ed, New York:Macmillan, 1968), 61. Notes 233

From the standpoint of today’s more complex neurological understand- ings, the ready acceptance by earlier scientists of a direct correlation between brain weight and intellectual capacity was clearly simplistic and typically tendentious. Recent research on male and female brains has found differences in size, structure, and in the effects of sex-linked hor- mones, but findings are often ambiguous and implications hotly contested. The average male brain weighs three pounds, its female counterpart 2.78 (Carol Turkington, The Brain Encyclopedia: New York:Facts on File, 1996); a recent popular synthesis of research by Daniel Drubach, Department of Neurology, University of Maryland School of Medicine, finds the brain/body ratio to be greater in females (The Brain Explained; Upper Sad- dle River, NJ: : Prentice Hall Health: 2000). Brain weight is subject to change due to aging and environmental influences (see the discussion of research on these factors in Dianne Hales, Just Like a Woman: How Gender Science Is Redefining What Makes Us Female; New York: Bantam Books, 1999: 245–46). Hales calls attention to the difficulties of distinguishing in- nate from environmental causes:“Because the brain is a work in progress, no one knows—nor may ever know—whether any sex differences are hard-wired at birth or a consequence of experience and education” (Ibid., 246). Similarly, biologist Anne Fausto-Sterling, in Myths of Gender: Biologi- cal Theories about Women and Men, warns against the tendency to oversim- plification: “Bodies, minds, and cultures interact in such complex and profound ways that we cannot strip them down and compare them separately.”Mindful of the tenacious tradition of interpreting female difference as female insufficiency, she believes that “only as the separate cultures of men and women become more alike...will we be able to assess the pos- sibility of unalterable sex differences.” (rev. ed; New York: BasicBooks, 1992, 270). 58. The Mirror of Music, 1844–1944 (2 vols; London: Novello & Co. and Ox- ford University Press, 1947): I, 325. 59. “Franz Schubert:A Study,” Monthly Musical Record, 1 February 1877. 60. Ibid. 61. Immanuel Kant, Observations on the Feeling of the Beautiful and Sublime, trans. John T. Goldthwait (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960), Sect. 3. Quoted in Rosemary Agonito, History of Ideas on Woman:A Source Book (New York:Perigee Books, 1977), 131. 62. Artiste,“Women as Composers,” Monthly Musical Record, 1 July 1877. 63. “The Feminine in Music,” Musical Times, 1 October 1882. 64. See the entry on Scudo by M. Gustave Choquet in J. A. Fuller Maitland, ed. A Dictionary of Music and Musicians, (London: 1904–10). 65. Later, the Royal Musical Association. 66. Published in London in 1877 by William Reeves. 67. NY: 1891 rev. ed: l2, 21. 68. Ibid., 22. 69. Ibid., 22. 234 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

70. Ibid., 26–31. 71. Stratton, Musical Association Proceedings; May 7, 1883: 116–17. 72. Ibid., 131. 73. Local exams for Cambridge and Oxford universities had been open to girls since 1870, and, in 1878, the University of London opened both examinations and degrees to women. Joyce Pedersen, The Reform of Girls’ Sec- ondary and Higher Education in Victorian England (New York and London: Garland, 1987), 48–50. 74. Stephen S. Stratton,“Women in Relation to Musical Art,” Musical Associa- tion Proceedings (1883): 131. 75. Ibid., 135. 76. Ibid., 133–36. In his essay,“Of Women,” Schopenhauer declared women’s reasoning power to be weak and held that “the most distinguished intel- lects among the whole sex have never...given to the world any work of permanent value in any sphere.”“Woman is not meant to undergo great labor, whether of the mind or of the body....Women exist in the main solely for the propagation of the species....”Arthur Schopenhauer, The Works of Schopenhauer, ed.Will Durant (abridged ed., New York:Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1928): 446, 450, 452. 77. Stratton,“Woman in Relation to Musical Art,” Musical Association Proceed- ings., 1883: 138. 78. Ibid., 138. 79. “Women as Composers,” Musical Times, 1 February 1887. 80. Romanes,“Mental Differences Between Men and Women,” 657. 81. “The ‘Eternal Feminine’ Question,” Magazine of Music (June 1894). 82. Ibid. 83. Anton Rubinstein, A Conversation on Music, trans. Mrs. John P. Morgan (New York:Chas. F.Tretbar, 1892), l18–19. 84. “In the ancient history of textual and visual representation in the West, music is commonly personified as a beautiful young woman....”Richard Leppert,“Sexual Identity, Death, and the Family Piano,” 124. 85. Langley,“Victorian Periodicals and the Arts,” 1240. 86. Stratton,“Women in Relation to Musical Art,” 131. 87. “Women as Composers,” Musical Times, 1 February 1887. 88. Magazine of Music; December, 1895. 89. The Magazine of Music strongly disapproved of the latter development, although it disagreed with a correspondent who urged legislation to termi- nate the practice of female flute- and clarinet-playing.The Magazine believed that public pressure would prevent the practice from becoming a fashion because of the “sacrifice of personal attractiveness.” (September 1892): 180. 90. Olga Samaroff-Stokowski, “Women in Music,” Music Clubs Magazine 19 (1937): 8. 91. Fuller, Pandora Guide, 72–74. Bright lived from 1863 to 1951. 92. Ethel Barns (1874–1948); see Fuller, Pandora Guide, 44–46.The house of Schott published many of Barns’s works for violin and piano. “From the Notes 235

1860s onwards increasing amounts of music written by women were published. But women were only expected to write easy songs and piano pieces that mirrored the prevalent view of woman as gentle, passive and pretty....It was almost impossible for women composers to publish any- thing other than songs or piano works. Much chamber and orchestral music that was painstakingly copied out by hand for performance has simply not survived.” Sophie Fuller, “Unearthing a World of Music:Vic- torian and Edwardian Women Composers,” Women: A Cultural Review 3 (1992): 21. 93. “Women as Composers of Chamber Music,” Music Student Supplement (May 1914). 94. The Mass in D was performed in January 1893, with Joseph Barnby conducting.The Empress Eugénie had arranged for a visit by Smyth to Bal- moral, during which she presented portions of the Mass to the Queen. This set into motion a chain of influence led by the Duke of Edinburgh, a strong advocate for music and an avid amateur musician. Smyth’s good friend Eugénie underwrote Novello’s publication of the work. For background on the performance, see Ethel Smyth, Streaks of Life (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1921), 98–111; and Ethel Smyth, As Time Went On (Longmans, Green, and Co., 1936), 166–69.The reviewer in the Mag- azine of Music (March 1893) pointed out as a near-certainty that Smyth’s Mass would not have been produced under the Royal Choral Society’s auspices except for the patronage of the Queen and Empress.The critic, almost certainly the acerbic John F. Runciman (1866–1916; the article is signed J. F. R.), praises the work as a notable achievement flawed by ex- cessive ambition: “The qualities most to be looked for in a sacred work from a female pen—grace, sentiment, melodic charm, and deep religious feeling—are scarcely to be found in her score.” 95. Marcia J. Citron, “European Composers and Musicians, 1880–1918,” in Karen Pendle, ed., Women and Music: A History (Bloomington and Indi- anapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991), 138. Tovey compared Smyth’s Mass to Beethoven’s Missa Solemnis, “noting that both are spiritual, not liturgical, works. He admired the vocal writing and declared the ‘the score should become a locus classicus for the whole duty and privileges and choral orchestration.’” Jane A. Bernstein, “Ethel Smyth,” in Julie Anne Sadie and Rhian Samuel, eds., Norton/Grove Dictionary of Women Com- posers (New York and London:W.W. Norton, 1995), 138. According to Smyth, the eminent German conductor Hermann Levi was deeply im- pressed by the dramatic power of her Mass and encouraged her to write opera. See Jane A. Bernstein,“‘Shout, Shout, Up with Your Song!’:Dame Ethel Smyth and the Changing Role of the British Woman Composer,” in Jane Bowers and Judith Tick,eds., Women Making Music:The Western Art Tradition, 1150–1950, (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1986), 309–10. See also Elizabeth Wood,“Lesbian Fugue: Ethel Smyth’s Contrapuntal Arts,”in Ruth A. Solie, ed., Musicology and Difference: Gender 236 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

and Sexuality in Music Scholarship (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 182. 96. Fuller, Pandora Guide, 295. 97. Thomas Beecham, “The Position of Women in Music,” in Vogue’s First Reader, introduction by Frank Crowninshield (Melbourne: Georgian House, 1944), 416–20.The book was copyrighted in 1942 by Condé Nast Publications, Inc., New York. 98. Ibid., 416. 99. Beecham was aware that his opposition to mixed-sex orchestras would have been considered as “heretical or blasphemous.” He objected to his feeling of constraint in having to “behave like a little gentleman” while wanting to express himself freely during rehearsals. He also objected to the distracting presence of attractive women and quoted a member of his orchestra as saying,“‘If she is attractive I can’t play with her, and if she is not then I won’t.’” (420). 100. The tie was broken in Bloch’s favor by music philanthropist and festival founder Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge, who became a close friend of Clarke and later told her of the shock the jury received when they learned that her anonymously submitted work had been written by a woman. On Clarke, see Nancy B. Reich, “Rebecca Clarke: An Uncommon Woman,” Sounds Australian (1993–94): 14–16, and two articles by Liane Curtis:“Re- becca Clarke and Sonata Form: Questions of Gender and Genre,” Musical Quarterly 81 (1997): 393–429; and “A Case of Identity: Rebecca Clarke,” Musical Times 137 (May 1996): 15–21. Poldowski (1879–1932) was the pseudonym of Irene Regine Wieni- awska later Lady Dean Paul. Her mother was English and her father, Hen- ryk Wieniewski,was an eminent Polish violinist and composer. Poldowski was best known for her art songs, many of them to texts by French poets. Amy Beach (1879–1961) composed orchestral and chamber music as well as works for piano; a number of her important works were written during the interwar period. See Adrienne Fried Block: Amy Beach: Passionate Vic- torian:The Life and Works of the American Composer, 1867–1944 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998). Gena Branscombe (1881–1977), a choral conductor, wrote songs, choral and chamber music, and an orchestral suite. Ruth Crawford (Seeger) wrote songs and chamber music early in her career, then turned to folk song arrangements. She is best known for a much- admired string quartet, written in 1931, which Virgil Thomson characterized as a distinguished and noble work. See Judith Tick,“Ruth Crawford,” in Sadie and Samuel, eds., Norton/Grove Dictionary of Women Composers, and Tick’s recent biography, Ruth Crawford Seeger: A Composer’s Search for American Music (New York:Oxford University Press, 1997). Elis- abeth Lutyens (1906–83) was a composer of opera, orchestral and chamber works, and songs. See her autobiography, A Goldfish Bowl (London: Cassell, 1972), and Meirion Harries and Susan Harries, A Pilgrim Soul: the Life and Work of Elisabeth Lutyens (London: Joseph, 1989). Elizabeth Ma- Notes 237

conchy (b. 1907) has written many works for orchestra, as well as chamber music, songs, choral music, and operas. All these composers are profiled in the Norton/ Grove Dictionary, in Fuller’s Pandora Guide, and in Baker’s Bio- graphical Dictionary (8th ed.).

CHAPTER TWO 1. For an analysis of Spencer’s writings on women and the work of later social theorists, see Lorna Duffin,“Prisoners of Progress:Women and Evolu- tion,” in Sara Delamont and Lorna Duffin, eds., The Nineteenth-Century Woman: Her Cultural and Physical World (London: Croom Helm; New York: Barnes and Noble Books, 1978), 59–62. 2. F. K. Prochaska, Women and Philanthropy in Nineteenth-Century England (New York:Oxford University Press, 1980). 3. Joyce Pedersen, The Reform of Girls’ Secondary and Higher Education in Victo- rian England (New York and London:Garland, 1987). 4. June Purvis, A History of Women’s Education in England (Milton Keynes/Philadelphia: Open University Press,1991): 90. 5. The phrase is taken from a review of Maria L. Grimaldi,“The Art of Piano Playing and Teaching”published in The Lady, 6 August 1885. 6. J.A. Banks and Olive Banks, Feminism and Family Planning in Victorian Eng- land (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1964), l22. 7. Angela Burdett-Coutts, ed., Women’s Mission;A Series of Congress Papers on the Philanthropic Work of Women (London: S. Low, Marston, and Co., Ltd, 1893), xix. 8. Martha Vicinus, Independent Women:Work and Community for Single Women, 1850–1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), 212. 9. H. R. Haweis, Music and Morals (New York:Harper and Brothers, 1877). 10. See, for example, J. A. Fuller Maitland, English Music in the XIXth Century (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., 1902); see also William Gatens “Music and Morals,” in Sally Mitchell, ed., Victorian Britain:An Encyclopedia (New York and London:Garland Publishing, 1988). 11. Charles Segal,“The Female Voice and Its Contradictions: From Homer to Tragedy,” Grazer Beitrage, Supplementband 5 (Festschrift W Potscher) (1993): 61–62. 12. The term “songbird” often appears in interviews with concert singers that appeared in girls’ and women’s magazines. See chapter 6 for a more detailed discussion of the woman singer. 13. Quoted in Elizabeth Langland, Nobody’s Angels: Middle-Class Women and Domestic Ideology in Victorian Culture (Ithaca and London: Cornell Univer- sity Press, 1995), 57. 14. Octavia Hill,“ A Few Words to Volunteer Visitors Among the Poor,” in Our Common Land (London: Macmillan, 1877), 59- 60. Quoted in Anne Sum- mers,“A Home from Home:Women’s Philanthropic Work in the Nineteenth 238 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

Century,” in Sandra Burman, ed., Fit Work for Women (New York:St. Martin’s Press, 1979), 55. 15. Vicinus, Independent Women, 219. 16. See Dave Russell, Popular Music in England, 1840-1914: A Social History (Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1987): 26-31 and Percy Scholes, The Mirror of Music:1844–1944, 2 vols. (London: Nov- ello, 1947). 17. Lillian Lewis Shiman,“The Band of Hope Movement: Respectable Recre- ation for Working-Class Children,” Victorian Studies 17 (1973): 49–74. By 1886, there were 15,000 members in three separate choirs. 18. Reprinted in W. Stanley Jevons, Methods of Social Reform and Other Papers (London: Macmillan, 1883), 3. Recent scholarship has challenged the older view, represented by Jevons, on the disappearance of fairs. 19. Ibid., 9–10. 20. Ibid., 14. 21. Gareth Stedman Jones, “Working-Class Culture and Working-Class Poli- tics in London 1870–1900: Notes on the Remaking of a Working Class,” Journal of Social History 7 (1974): 477, 490–9l. 22. E. F. Almaz, “The Music-Hall Singer,” The Lady, 24 December 1908, 1188–89. On the greater favor shown halls by the middle classes, see Dagmar Höher, “The Composition of Music Hall Audiences,” in Peter Bailey, ed., Music Hall: The Business of Pleasure (Philadelphia: Open University Press, 1986),85–86.Also see Peter Bailey,“Conspiracies of Meaning:Music Hall and the Knowingness of Popular Culture,” Past and Present 144 (1994): 138–70. 23. On the sisters’ relationship, see Gillian Darley, Octavia Hill (London: Con- stable, 1990), 33–34. 24. Janice Robins Nadelhaft, Punch among the Aesthetes: a chapter in Victorian Criticism (Ph.D.Thesis, UCLA/English, 1970): 198. 25. Florence Marshall, “Music and the People,” The Nineteenth Century 14 (1880): 923. 26. The Diaries of Mary Countess of Meath, Edited by her Husband (London: Hutchinson & Co., n.d.) l3-l4; diary entry dated 1880. 27. The Musical Times, 1 December 1880. 28. Octavia Hill, “Colour, Space, and Music for the People,” The Nineteenth Century 18 (1884): 745–46. 29. See the entry on Hill by Susanne Graver in Sally Mitchell, ed., Victorian Britain:An Encyclopedia (New York and London:Garland Publishing, 1988). 30. Hill, “Colour, Space, and Music for the People,” 745–46. For further information on the Kyrle Society see Ian Fletcher, W.B.Yeats and His Con- temporaries (New York:St. Martin’s Press, 1987). 31. Michael Howell and Peter Ford, The True History of the Elephant Man (Lon- don:Allison and Bushby, 1980). 32. Lady’s Pictorial, 16 January 1886. 33. The Musical Herald, 1 May 1908. 34. On the prominent participation of musicians, including Wilma Neruda, Charles Hallé, and Christine Nilsson in the Grosvenor’s inner circles, see Notes 239

Paula Gillett, “Art Audiences at the Grosvenor Gallery,” in Susan P. Cast- eras and Colleen Denney, eds., The Grosvenor Gallery:A Palace of Art in Vic- torian England (New Haven:Yale University Press, 1996), 39–58. 35. Lady Radnor’s orchestra and chorus first performed in 1881. Their last concert was given in 1896. Helen Radnor, From A Great-Grandmother’s Armchair (London: Marshall Press, 1928). 36. Marshall,“Music and the People,” 923. 37. Queen, 1 April 1881. 38. Musical Opinion; April 1, 1881. 39. Radnor, From A Great-Grandmother’s Armchair, 103. 40. Ibid. 41. The Court Circle, May 1882, 2. 42. Radnor, From A Great-Grandmother’s Armchair, 103. 43. The Musical Times, 1 April 1881. 44. The historian Arnold Joseph Toynbee was Arnold Toynbee’s nephew. 45. Henrietta Barnett, Canon Barnett, 2 vols. (London: J. Murray, 1918), 1: 142–43. On the finances of the Church, see Sally Mitchell, Daily Life in Vic- torian England (Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1996). 46. Elizabeth Langland cites examples of resistance to philanthropists’ conde- scension: Nobody’s Angels, 58–59. 47. Mrs. Russell Barrington,“The Kyrle Society,” Good Words, 22 (188l). 48. Anne Summers, “A Home from Home,” in Burman, Fit Work for Women, 44. 49. Lady Violet Greville, Vignettes of Memory (London: Hutchinson, 1927), 153–54. 50. Ibid., 158. 51. Shaw grew up in a musical family, his mother a singer and music teacher; he began his career as music critic. Dan Laurence, ed. Shaw’s Music:The Complete Musical Criticism in Three Volumes, 3 vols., 2nd rev. ed. (London: Max Reinhardt,The Bodley Head), 1: 13. 52. The concertina, an accordion-like, hexagon-shaped instrument invented early in the nineteenth century, was a popular salon instrument. 53. “Me and the Missis on Entertainments for the People,” Punch, 28 May 1881, 252. The mock-monologue deals with a visit to a Whitechapel art exhibition. 54. Punch, Christmas Number, 1893. 55. People’s Concert Society, 27th Report (1904–05). 56. Marshall,“Music and the People,” 928. 57. Florence Marshall, “Music and the People,” The Nineteenth Century (De- cember 1880), 924. 58. Marshall,“Music and the People,” 925. 59. Music Review, 10 March 1883; reprinted in Laurence. 60. Laurence, ed., Shaw’s Music, 1: 204. 61. Marshall,“Music and the People,” 921. 62. The Musical World, 27 February 1886. 63. The Musical World, 4 December 1886. 240 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

64. “Music for the People,” The Musical Times, 1 September 1881. 65. The Strad 1907, p. 224. 66. Marshall,“Music and the People,” 924. 67. Obituary, London Times, 7 March 1922. 68. See the entry,“People’s Concert Society,” in J. A. Fuller Maitland, ed., A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London, 1878–90) See also Gillian Dar- ley, Octavia Hill (London: Constable, 1990); and E. Moberly Bell, Octavia Hill:A Biography (London: Constable and Co., Ltd., 1943). 69. Music Review, 17 March 1883; Laurence, ed., Shaw’s Music, vol. 1, p. 200. 70. Radnor, From a Great-Grandmother’s Armchair, l05. 71. Parry (1848–1918) became Director of the Royal College of Music in 1895. He described Lady Radnor as a fine vocalist:“[She] sings better than any amateur I ever heard—French, Italian, English and Schubert all equally well.” Charles L. Graves, Hubert Parry: His Life and Works, 2 vols. (London: Macmillan and Co., 1926): I: 138. 72. Gareth Stedman Jones, Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971): 222, 284–5, 290–2. 73. From The Musical Herald’s report on Ethel Robinson’s address to the In- ternational Congress of Women:“Music for the People,”August 1, 1899. 74. People’s Concert Society, 27th Report, 4. 75. I am grateful to Cyril Ehrlich for calling my attention to the work of Cons and Baylis, and for directing me to several sources drawn on in this chapter. 76. See Patricia Hollis, Ladies Elect: Women in English Local Government, 1865–1914 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1987); and Cicely Hamilton and Lilian Baylis, The Old Vic (New York:George H. Doran and Co., 1926). 77. Hollis, Ladies Elect, 310. 78. Beatrice Potter Webb, My Apprenticeship (New York and London: Long- mans, Green, and Co., 1926), 258. 79. Morley died in 1886; Cons served as honorary secretary and trustee of the college. It was formally organized in 1889, having begun as a program of evening classes in the theater dressing rooms four years earlier. See entry on Morley College in Ben Weinreb and Christopher Hibbert, The London Encyclopaedia (New York:St. Martin’s Press, 1983). 80. These were arranged by Alice Hart, sister of Cons’s friend, Henrietta Bar- nett, and wife of the physician and social reformer Ernest Hart. 81. Edward J. Dent, A Theatre for Everybody:The Story of the Old Vic and Sadler’s Wells (London:T.V.Boardman and Co., Ltd., 1945), 29. 82. Ibid., 29. 83. The Musical World, 1 April 1882. 84. The Music Review, 10 March 1883. 85. The Illustrated London News, 22 June 1884. 86. This account draws on Lillian Baylis, “Emma Cons: The Founder of the Vic,” in Hamilton and Baylis, The Old Vic. Notes 241

87. Dent, A Theatre for Everybody, 36. 88. Ibid., 32. 89. From a speech by Baylis quoted in Hamilton, The Old Vic, 189. 90. Dent, A Theatre for Everybody, 40. 91. See Nicholas Comyn Gatty,“The Old Vic,” in H. C. Colles, ed., A Dictio- nary of Music and Musicians, (London, 1927–28). 92. Dent, A Theatre for Everybody, 36. 93. Ibid., 68–69. 94. Ethel Smyth, Female Pipings in Eden (London: P.Davies, Ltd., 1934), 176. 95. See article on Besant by Clinton Machann in Walter B.Thesing, ed., Dic- tionary of Literary Biography, Vol. 135: British Short Fiction Writers, 1880–1914:The Realist Tradition (Detroit: Gale Research, 1993). 96. Walter Besant, The Autobiography of Sir Walter Besant (New York: Dodd, Mead, and Co., 1902), 243. 97. Ibid., 348. 98. Deborah E.Weiner, “The People’s Palace: An Image for East London,” in David Feldman and Gareth Stedman Jones, eds., Metropolis London: Histo- ries and Representations Since 1800 (London: Routledge, 1989), 42. 99. Gareth Stedman Jones, Outcast London, 290–291. 100. Handbook, p. 5; a copy is in the British Library. 101. Palace Journal, 16 November 1887. I am most grateful to the library staff of Queen Mary and Westfield College for providing me with access to the Palace Journal. Queen Mary College absorbed the People’s Palace Techni- cal Schools and the East London Technical College. See “Queen Mary College” in Weinreb and Hibbert, London Encyclopaedia. 102. The People’s Palace for East London, British Library. 103. Palace Journal, 12 December 1888.The note was signed “MUSICUS.” 104. Walter Besant,“The Amusements of the People,” The Contemporary Review, March 1884, 344. 105. Ibid., 353. 106. “The Late Sir Walter Besant,” Times, June 16, 1901. 107. Palace Journal, 16 November 1887. 108. Palace Journal, 15 May 1889. 109. Simon Joyce notes that the choral society was the only People’s Palace club to outlast the Palace’s metamorphosis from a place of “delight” or recreation to one of education, especially, technical education. Joyce attributes the sharp falling off in philanthropic support that led to the Draper’s Com- pany takeover of the People’s Palace (and the shift to technical education) to fears of working class radicalism stimulated by the West End riots of 1886–87. Simon Joyce, “Castles in the Air: The People’s Palace, Cultural Reformism, and the East End Working Class,” Victorian Studies 39 (1996): 513–38. 110. See the article on Black in Virginia Blain, Isobel Grundy, and Patricia Clements, eds., The Feminist Companion to Literature in English: Women Writers from the Middle Ages to the Present (New Haven and London:Yale 242 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

University Press, 1990). Black’s sister, Constance (Black) Garnett, later famous as a translator of Russian novels, worked at the People’s Palace in the late 1880s. (See article on Garnett, Ibid.) 111. Palace Journal, 14 November 1888.The Ranee Margaret of Sarawak, wife of Charles Brooke, the second Rajah, became a friend of the Elgars. In her 1934 memoir, she enjoyed recounting the experience of playing duets with W. H. Reed, leader of the London Symphony orchestra, whom she met through Edward Elgar’s introduction. Lady Margaret Brooke [The Ranee Margaret of Sarawak], Good Morning and Good Night (1934; reprint London: Century Publishers; New York: Hippocrene Books, 1984). 112. Palace Journal, 12 December 1888. 113. Palace Journal, various issues; Gertrude Gow, “On Chorus Singing for Girls,” Girl’s Realm (1900–01): 1038. 114. I wish to thank archivists at the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, where I spent one month in 1996 as Mellon Fellow, for providing me with access to letters written by Watson and to the typescript memoir (with handwritten addenda) that she wrote when in her nineties: “Some Memories of My Life in Music and the Theatre.”The date on the cover page appears to be August 1957, but the final two digits are unclear.Wat- son died on October 6, 1959.The account of her life given in this chapter draws on the memoir, unless otherwise noted. 115. In her memoir,Watson’s chronology is often vague. 116. Weinreb and Hibbert, The London Encyclopaedia, 61. 117. A brief description of the school was given in Strad 22 (1911): 190.

CHAPTER THREE 1. Maude Stanley, Clubs for Working Girls (London: Macmillan, 1890), 14–15. 2. The tonic sol-fa is a method of teaching singing in which the notes of the major scale are sung to syllables (doh, ray, mee, etc.) in which doh always represents the keynote. 3. The Musical Herald, 1 October 1912, 303. 4. The Graphic, 25 June 1870. 5. Guy De Charnacé, A Star of Song! The Life of Christina Nilsson, trans. J. C. M. and E. C. (New York:Press of Wynkoop and Hallenbeck, 1870), 8. 6. Ibid., 38. 7. The Athenaeum, 22 June 1867. 8. On the use of the word “girl” during this period, see Sally Mitchell, The New Girl: Girls’ Culture in England, 1880–1915 (New York:Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1995), 6–9. 9. Who Was Who (London: A. and C. Black, 1916); Stanley died on July 14, 1915. 10. In an 1895 Strand Musical Magazine article on the Royal Academy of Music, Alexander Mackenzie, R. A. M. Principle, gives the fee as 11 Notes 243

guineas per term; in 1884, an article on the Academy listed tuition as 10 guineas per term plus entrance fee. 11. I wish to express thanks to Bridget Palmer of the Royal Academy of Music library for checking Hotten’s records for me. 12. Unless otherwise noted, the source for biographical information on de Lara is her autobiography, Finale, in collaboration with Clare H-Abrahall (London: Burke, 1955). 13. George de Lara became a comedian and later, a composer of “light songs” and a theatrical producer. De Lara, Finale, 21. 14. Aunt Russell was the wife of the popular composer Henry Russell and the mother of the musician Landon Ronald. 15. De Lara, Finale, 30. 16. Jerrod Northrup Moore, Edward Elgar: A Creative Life (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 295–96. Johnstone became an important patron of Elgar. 17. De Lara, Finale, 65. 18. Lewis Foreman, Music in England, 1885–1920 (London:Thames Publish- ing, 1994), 69; held at St. James’s Hall,the concert was conducted by Henry Wood. 19. New York Public Library,Lincoln Center Performing Arts Branch clipping file; no date on this clipping; a similar article in Musical America was dated December 9, 1905. 20. The Strad (1910): 20–22.The interviewer was B. Henderson, the same man who interviewed Hall a month after her London debut. 21. On the philanthropy of the poor, see F. K. Prochaska, Women and Philan- thropy in Nineteenth-Century England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980). 22. Baker’s Biographical Dictionary describes him as an amateur and A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (1904–10) as a member of the Carl Rosa Orchestra. 23. Ainslee (May 1907), 149. 24. In the account he gives of Hall’s early years, E. H. Fellowes denies that she ever played in the streets for handouts. I have chosen to follow the story as given in her own articles and interviews, recognizing that elaboration on the facts, by herself or by an interviewer or editor, are entirely possible, Edmund Fellowes. Memoirs of an Amateur Musician (London: Methuen, 1946): 80–81. 25. Wilhelmj was appointed Professor of violin at the Guildhall School in 1894. His second wife was Mariella Mausch, a pianist. 26. Ainslee (May 1907): 149. 27. Ibid. 28. Broadway (1906). 29. Obituary, The Musical Herald, 1 October 1907. 30. See the article on Miles by Colles in A Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 3rd ed. (London: 1927–28) 31. Broadway (1906): 52. 32. As described in the preface to the first (January) issue. 244 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

CHAPTER FOUR 1. The Fiddler (1886). 2. Freia Hoffmann, Instrument und Körper: die musizierende Frau in der bürger- lichen Kultur (Frankfurt am Main: Insel Verlag, 1991), 190. Hoffman has found the same arguments used in German sources. 3. F. G. Edwards, in his article, “Lady Violinists.” The Musical Times, Nov. 1, 1906, p. 739, attributes this comment to Henry Chorley (1808–72), a member of The Athenaeum staff from 1833–1871; F.G. Edwards, in his article,“Lady Violinists,” The Musical Times, attributes the comment to Chor- ley.The full quotation is of interest for the extramusical perception that the woman violinist was, by the fact of her performance on this instrument, calling attention to herself: “It is a strange coincidence that a lady violinist playing music of the highest class should be just now drawing attention to herself in Paris and in Boston. In the former capital Madame Norman- Neruda performed Mendelssohn’s concerto at the last of M. Pasdeloup’s concerts, while Madame Camilla Urso has several times of late played Beethoven’s concerto in the American city.The fair sex are gradually en- croaching on all man’s privileges.” The Athenaeum; Feb.20, 1869. 4. Bertha Thomas, The Violin-Player:A Novel, 3 vols. (London: Richard Bent- ley and Son, 1880). Other fictional works about female violinists will be discussed in this and the following chapter. 5. Mrs. Humphry [Mary Augusta] Ward, Robert Elsmere (1888; reprint Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press, 1987), 175.Ward characterizes the works of Wagner, Brahms, and Rubinstein as “those passionate voices of the subtlest moderns.” 6. See article on the violin in Stanley Sadie, ed., New Grove Dictionary of Mu- sical Instruments, 3 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1984). 7. Percy A. Scholes, The Mirror of Music, 1844–1944;A Century of Musical Life in Britain, 2 vols. (London: Novello, 1947), 1:343. 8. The words are those of Charles Burney, The Present State of Music in Ger- many,the Netherlands and United Provinces, 2d ed., 2 vols. (London, 1775), II: 111, quoted in Howard Irving, “‘Music as a Pursuit for Men’: Accompa- nied Keyboard Music as Domestic Recreation in England.” College Music Symposium, vol. 30, no. 2 (Fall, 1990) 129. 9. From entry on Mara by Jeffery [sic] Mark; Grove, 3d. ed. 10. Henry Saxe Wyndham, The Annals of Covent Garden Theatre from 1732 to 1897, 2 vols. (London: Chatto and Windus, 1906), 1:249. 11. “Lady Violinists,” The Musical Times, 1 October 1906. 12. The Musical Times, 1 November 1906, 738–39. 13. H. Heathcote Statham, What is Music? A Brief Analysis for the General Reader (London: Chatto and Windus, 1912), 106. Statham was the editor of the Builder, a Fellow of the Royal Philharmonic Society, and author of several books on music. 14. “How to Play the Violin,” The Girl’s Own Paper (1880). Notes 245

15. Ibid. 16. Sylvia’s Journal (December 1892): 14. 17. “How to Play the Violin,” The Young Woman (1893). 18. In medieval Europe, musical instruments were often classified by gender associations: “For example, in the folk theater of Luzern and in bridal pro- cessions in Frankfurt, the male partner was associated with drums, trumpets, and pipes, and the female with harps, viols, and lutes....Class and sex dis- tinctions...are also found in other cultures, such as India and Java.” Mar- garet J. Kartomi, On Concepts and Classifications of Musical Instruments (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 143. In his comprehensive work, The History of Musical Instruments (New York:W.W. Norton, 1940), Curt Sachs discussed the gender associations of a number of instruments, among them, the flute, whose shape gave it a phallic identity (“Even in modern occidental slang the penis is designated by flute names”) and the trumpet, an instrument he described as played exclusively by men and one whose military character was enhanced by the use of the color red in woolen wrappings and military bands, “an astonishing example of the tenacity of early traditions” (44, 48). Reflecting on recent cross-cultural musical studies, Ellen Koskoff writes that “like many aspects of social, political and ritual life, musical roles in most societies still tend to be divided along gender lines. Certain activities, instruments, performing contexts, rituals, ceremonies, and so on, are seen as the primary responsibility of either men or women, rarely both. It seems clear that the division of musical roles based on gender arises from the intersection of culturally held notions of sexuality and power.”“Gender, Power, and Music,” in The Musical Woman:An In- ternational Perspective, ed. Judith Lang Zaimont (vol. III, 1986–90): 769–70. 19. George Grossmith, A Society Clown: Reminiscences of George Grossmith (Bris- tol: J.W.Arrowsmith, 1888), 36. 20. Hoffmann, Instrument und Körper: 190. 21. Frederick Dolman,“Lady Hallé at Home,” The Woman’s World (1890).The prejudice against women violinists appears to have been similarly long- lasting in the United States. An 1893 article in the Sewanee Review commented that two decades earlier, it was “an odd sight, and one that rarely failed to elicit visible and audible comment, not always charitable, when a girl or young woman carried a violin case through the streets of a city.” T.L. Krebs,“Women as Musicians,” Sewanee Review 2 (1893): 81, quoted in Julianna Moore, “A Comprehensive Performance Project in Flute Litera- ture with an Essay,A Study of Female Flutists Before 1900” (D. M.A. thesis, University of Iowa, 1990), 48–49. 22. “Woman in Relation to Musical Art.”The talk was delivered at the meeting of May 7, 1883, and was published, with an account of the discussion that followed, in the Association’s Proceedings (1883): l23–46. 23. See Lucy Green,“Gender, Musical Meaning, and Education,” Philosophy of Music Education Review 2 (Fall 1994): 99–102; and the same author’s Music, Gender, Education (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 5–11. 246 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

Peter Ostwald’s perception that psychological differences in the relation of performers to instruments depend, in part, on their mode of engagement with the player’s body,is similar to Green’s interpretive scheme, except that the latter is applied to the audience rather than the musicians. “The Psy- chodynamics of Musicians:The Relationship of Performers to Their Mu- sical Instruments,” Medical Problems of Performing Artists 7 (1992): 110–113. 24. R. J. Hawkins, “Pythagoreanism,” in The Oxford Companion to Philosophy, ed.Ted Honderich (New York:Oxford University Press, 1995). 25. Admitting his error, Socrates’s young friend Simmias adds defensively that he was misled by a “plausible analogy” that most people find persuasive. “Phaedo,” in Classics of Western Philosophy, 4th ed., ed. Steven Cahn (Indi- anapolis: Hackett Publishing Co., Inc., 1995), 89–96. 26. The Oxford English Dictionary cites a reference from 1483. 27. G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth- Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 26–27.“The view that women’s nerves were normatively distinct from men’s, normatively making them creatures of greater sensibility, became a central convention of eighteenth-century literature” (27). 28. Ibid., 27–28. 29. “The emotional force in women is usually stronger, and almost always more delicate than in men.Their constitutions are like those of fine violins which vibrate to the lightest touch....”Quoted by Clara A.Macirone, “A Plea for Music,” second letter; The Girl’s Own Paper, 1884 (269) from an article Haweis published in the Contemporary Review. 30. Ethel Smyth, As Time Went On (New York and London:Longmans, Green, and Co., 1936), 139. See Elizabeth Wood’s discussion of this passage in “Lesbian Fugue: Ethel Smyth’s Contrapuntal Arts,” in Musicology and Dif- ference: Gender and Sexuality in Music Scholarship, ed. Ruth A. Solie (Berke- ley: University of California Press, 1993), 173. 31. Ward, Robert Elsmere, 175–76. 32. Thomas Hardy, Life’s Little Ironies, ed. Alan Manford (Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press, 1996). 33. Ibid., 137. 34. Mary Remnant, Musical Instruments: An Illustrated History from Antiquity to the Present (London: B.T. Batsford Ltd., 1989), 68. 35. S. Sadie, ed., The New Grove Dictionary of Instruments, 3:263. 36. “During the 18th century performances were directed from the keyboard and early in the 19th century by the first violinist waving his bow at his colleagues when he was not playing.” From the entry,“baton,” in Michael Kennedy, The Oxford Dictionary of Music (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1985). 37. S. Sadie, ed., The New Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments, 3:256–58; Remnant, Musical Instruments. 38. Evoking this analogy,Yehudi Menuhin has suggested that the attachment the violinist feels to his bow is like the knight’s to his sword. Menuhin, The Vio- Notes 247

lin, trans. Ed Emery (Paris and New York: Flammarion, 1996), 39. Perhaps this analogy was familiar to some Victorians; the violinist Gabrielle Vaillant used it in response to the music educator John Hullah’s expression of “as- tonishment at the bow having been placed in the right hand of the performer, while the violin itself was reserved for the left hand. I suggested that thus of old were held the sword in the right hand and the shield in the left.” “How to Improve on the Violin,” The Girl’s Own Paper (1893): 637. Despite this military association,Vaillant considered the violin “eminently the ladies’ instrument, for if it require some strength in the performer, it assuredly needs at least as much delicacy of touch and of feeling, although we do not wish to drive men from the field; yet we rejoice to find that we are now a recog- nised, indispensable element in the musical performances at home and in public” (636).According to Baroque violinist Andrew Manze, Giuseppe Tar- tini was one of many violin virtuosos known for their fine swordsmanship: see Manze’s notes included with his CD of music by Tartini: “The Devil’s Sonata and Other Works,” Harmonia Mundi CD HMU 907213 (1997) 39. Menuhin, The Violin, 16. 40. Remnant, Musical Instruments, 47; note her quote of Bachmann and Curt Sachs’s skepticism; Sachs regarded the supposed development of the musical from the hunting bow as “plausible but wrong.” Sachs, History of Musi- cal Instruments, 56. 41. So fine was the sisters’ playing that the audience was said to have quickly overcome the initial sense of grotesqueness at seeing two girls performing on the instrument. The Athenaeum, 24 May 1845, 524. 42. “The Violin Bow,” The Musical World, 12 August 1865. 43. “Joachim & Sarasate,” The Theatre, 1 May 1883, 285. 44. Joseph Wechsberg, The Glory of the Violin (New York: Viking, 1973), 256–57. 45. Menuhin,“Part One:The Violin,” in Menuhin and William Primrose, Vio- lin and Viola (New York:Schirmer Books, 1976), 7–9; I wish to thank Diana Cavalieri and Ralph Cavalieri for calling my attention to this passage. Highly respected as a dedicated teacher of female, as of male students, Menuhin, in his 1997 book The Violin, was far more appreciative of women players. Nevertheless, he placed only one, the French violinist Ginette Neveu, among musicians of the very highest rank, those who fuse deep passion with the utmost in musicality: “Ginette Neveu was the first among the great women violinists....There were many other women violinists, including the graceful Cecilia Hansen, but their playing was trans- parent and delicate, whereas Ginette Neveu belonged to the race of passionate performers, burning with a volcanic fire” (142). 46. Rita Steblin,“Death as a Fiddler:The Study of a Convention in European Art, Literature and Music,” Basler Jahrbuch fur Historische Musikpraxis 14 (1990): 276–77. 47. Mary Anne Alburger, Scottish Fiddlers and Their Music (London:Victor Gol- lancz Ltd., 1983), 19. 248 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

48. “The Fiddler and the Maids,” reprinted from Ruth L. Tongue, Somerset Folklore, in Katharine M. Briggs, A Dictionary of British Folk-Tales in the English Language Incorporating the F.J. Norton Collection, Part B, Folk Legends, vol. 2 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1971). 49. Henry IV, Part I (2.4).According to the Shakespeare scholar Hardin Craig, this expression was proverbial in 1597–98 when the play was written. Hardin Craig, ed., The Complete Works of Shakespeare (Chicago: Scott, Foresman and Co., 1951): 690, n534. 50. Marcia Herndon and Susanne Ziegler, eds., Music, Gender, and Culture (Wilhelmshaven: Florian Noetzel Verlag; New York: C. F. Peters Corp., 1990). 51. The year of this performance was 1658. In 1661, after the restoration of the monarchy, Baltzar was appointed leader of the king’s band of 24 violins. Mrs.Walter Carr, author of the article on Baltzar in J.A. Fuller Mait- land, ed. A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: 1904–10), credits him with advancing the position of the violin in England to “the head of all stringed instruments.” 52. Herbert Halpert, “The Devil, the Fiddle, and Dancing,” in Fields of Folk- lore: Essays in Honor of Kenneth S. Goldstein, ed. Roger Abrahams (Bloom- ington: Trickster Press, 1995), 44. For a modern adaptation of the devil/fiddle connection, see the short story by country and western musician Charlie Daniels, “The Devil Went Down to Georgia,” in The Devil Went Down to Georgia: Stories by Charlie Daniels (Atlanta: Peachtree Press, Ltd., 1985), and his recording of the song with the same title. 53. Plato, Timaeus and Critias, trans. Desmond Lee (London: Penguin Books, 1977): 65: 47b. For an overview of the music/evil theme in literature, see Suzanne June Leppe, “The Devil’s Music: A Literary Study of Evil and Music” (Ph.D. Diss., University of California, Riverside, 1978). In the Timaeus, Plato distinguishes between the immortal part of the soul, which includes the powers of reason and decision and is situated in the head, and the mortal parts that are located in the heart and belly and “comprise very roughly” the emotions and the physical appetites (16–17). See the introduction by Desmond Lee to this edition of Timaeus and Critias. 54. The Republic of Plato, trans. with notes and an interpretive essay by Allan Bloom (New York and London: Basic Books, 1968): 77–82: 398c - 403a. “Socrates ruthlessly subjects harmony and rhythm to the tales he wants told. Only those rhythms and harmonies which evoke the feelings appro- priate to the new heroes are acceptable.” Quoted from Bloom’s interpretive essay in this volume, 360. 55. Leppe,“The Devil’s Music,”24.According to Kathi Meyer-Baer, Orpheus- like images of Christ playing a lyre were present in early Christian art but disappeared after the third century when music took on an evil connota- tion.The image of Orpheus taming the animals was adapted in depictions of Christ as the good shepherd.“Thus, whereas Orpheus had liberated the soul from Hades through music, Satan came to lead the soul through music Notes 249

to hell.” Music of the Spheres and the Dance of Death: Studies in Musical Iconol- ogy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), 270–73. On the belief that the devil invented music, see Maximilan Rudwin, The Devil in Legend and Literature (1931; reprint New York:AMS Press, 1970), especially chapter XX,“The Devil, the World and the Flesh (II):Music, Dance and Drama of Infernal Origin.” 56. Percy A. Scholes, The Puritans and Music in England and New England: A Contribution to the Cultural History of Two Nations (London: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 1934), 91–92, 102–03, 331. 57. Ibid., 183; 342; 352–53. Disapproval of fiddlers was especially intense in Norway during the second half of the nineteenth century, a period of se- vere social dislocation whose effects were especially strong in rural areas. Pietists, the “puritans” of Norway, castigated fiddlers for the sinful behav- ior encouraged by their music-making, and brought strong public pressure on them to destroy their instruments:“There are even a few documented instances of fiddlers who maimed their fingers or hands, lest they be tempted to play this ‘sinful’instrument again.”It was the Hardanger or folk fiddle used to accompany dance that was the object of pietistic anger. Mary Elizabeth Neal, Devil’s Instrument, National Instrument: the Hardanger Fiddle as Metaphor of Experience in the Creation and Negotiation of Cultural Identity in Norway; Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Indiana Uni- versity; 1991: 132, 134. 58. Richard Leppert, The Sight of Sound: Music, Representation, and the History of the Body (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 34.According to Curt Sachs, England and France lagged behind Italy in the craft of violin- making because those countries “did not consider the violin the queen of instruments” and continued to regard it as a dance instrument, resisting its acceptance into chamber music. History of Musical Instruments, 359. 59. “Music in Society,”in Ian Spink, ed., Music in Britain:The Seventeenth Cen- tury (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1992), 39. 60. Even the rare professional performances of accompanied sonatas, by Giar- dini in 1760 and Boccherini in 1779 and 1783, featured women at the keyboard. Simon McVeigh, The Violinist in London’s Concert Life, 1750–1784: Felice Giardini and His Contemporaries (New York and London: Garland Publishing, 1989), l34. 61. Richard Leppert, Music and Image: Domesticity,Ideology and Socio-cultural For- mation in Eighteenth-Century England (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), l20. 62. This section draws on Leppert’s discussion of English ambivalence towards dance in the eighteenth century: Music and Image, 73–86. Several of the drawings (by Rowlandson and other artists) reproduced in this book show skeletal dancing master-fiddlers leading their pupils in an ambience strongly evocative of early depictions of the dance of death. Thomas Hardy, who, having learned the violin at the age of four or five, accompanied his father and uncle at country weddings and dances, emphasizes the psychological 250 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

and social differences between the seated and standing fiddler in his novel, Under the Greenwood Tree (first published in 1872).As the country party en- tertained by the fiddlers who make up the Mellstock Quire enters “a further phase of revelry,” the fiddlers “no longer sit down but kick back their chairs and saw madly at the strings with legs firmly spread and eyes closed— regardless of the visible world.”Hardy names the chapter that describes this scene of music and dance, “They Dance More Wildly.” Thomas Hardy, Under the Greenwood Tree, ed. Simon Gatrell (London: Oxford University Press, 1985), 54–55.This passage is discussed in W.Eugene Davis,“Phantas- mal Orchestras: Incidental Music in Under the Greenwood Tree and Far from the Madding Crowd,” Ars Lyrica 8 (1994): l28–29. My thanks to the author for sending me a copy of this article as well as his unpublished essay, “‘Strange and Godlike...Power’: Music in Tess of the d’Urbervilles,” where Hardy’s early mastery of the violin and country performances are discussed. 63. Jan Susina,“Fairy Tales,”in Sally Mitchell, ed., Victorian Britain:An Encyclo- pedia (New York and London:Garland Publishing, 1988). 64. Jan Susina,“Folklore,” in Mitchell, ed., Victorian Britain. 65. Carole Silver,“Fairy Lore,” in Mitchell, ed., Victorian Britain. 66. Lowry Charles Wimberly, Folklore in the English and Scottish Ballads (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1928), 332–35. 67. On the various European versions of the ballad, see Francis James Child, ed., The English and Scottish Popular Ballads, 5 vols. (New York:Dover Pub- lications, 1965): 1:493–95, 4:447–49; a version of “Binnorie” is included in Arthur Quiller-Couch, ed., The Oxford Book of Ballads (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910), l04–106. See also the discussion in Wimberly, Folklore in the English and Scottish Ballads, 68–71. 68. Lowry Charles Wimberly points out that hair plays an important part in many ballads and in the magical practices of many cultures. Folklore in the English and Scottish Ballads, 70–71. 69. London Musical Courier, 6 July 1907. 70. For Rosin le Beau; see issue of September 1902. 71. Heron-Allen’s first wife, Marianne, was the daughter of the artist Rudolph Lehmann and sister of the composer Liza Lehmann.A solicitor, Heron-Allen published books and articles on mineralogy, marine biology, meteorology, and Persian literature. Who Was Who, vol. 4, 1941–1950 (London: Black, 1952). Liza Lehmann believed that he spent two to three years studying Per- sian so as to read the Rubaiyat in the original language. Liza Lehmann, Life of Liza Lehmann (1919; reprint New York:Da Capo Press, 1980), 72. 72. See the article on Gaspar da Salo in S. Sadie, ed. The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, (London: 1980). 73. See entry on Tartini, J.A. Fuller Maitland, ed. A Dictionary of Music and Mu- sicians (London: 1904–10). 74. Musical quotations appear occasionally in nineteenth-century novels. Sarah Grand’s Heavenly Twins includes repeated quotations from one section of Mendelssohn’s Elijah. I am grateful to Dell Hollingsworth, Music Notes 251

Curator at the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas,Austin, for making available to me her list of novels in this collection that include quotations of printed music. 75. Rita [Eliza Humphreys], Countess Daphne: A Musical Romance (London: John and Robert Maxwell, 1884), 192–98. Rita (1850?–1938) was briefly married, in 1872, to a professor of music, Karl Otto Edmund Booth, and socialized in musical milieux. See the entry,“Rita,” in The Feminist Com- panion to Literature in English:Women Writers from the Middle Ages to the Pre- sent, ed. Virginia Blain, Isobel Grundy, and Patricia Clements (New Haven:Yale University Press, 1990); and Rita [Eliza Humphreys], Personal Opinions Publicly Expressed (London: E.Wash, 1907). 76. John Meade Falkner, The Nebuly Coat and the Lost Stradivarius (1895; reprint New York and London:Oxford University Press, 1954), 544. 77. The German violinist and composer Louis Spohr discussed these and other rumors about Paganini in his autobiography; Spohr is quoted in John Sugden, Paganini (London: Omnibus Press, 1986), 59; See also the account by Fräulein Bauer who attended Paganini’s first Berlin performance; an ex- cerpt from her posthumously published memoirs was reprinted in The Lute, January 1, 1885 (17). 78. Leppe,“The Devil’s Music,” l22. 79. The Musical World, 3 July 1886. 80. The Violin Times (October 1896).Although the author’s name is not given, the translator’s is: Harold Fordyce Birch. 81. “New Story of Paginini,” The Violin Times (January 1898). 82. Reprinted in The Violin Times (October 1898). 83. The Cinderella story had recently been brought to the public’s attention;ten years before Hall’s London debut, a collection of 345 variants of the folktale had been published, the first such comparative study. Susina,“Folklore.” 84. Brooke Alder, “Miss Marie Hall, the Girl Violinist,” The Girl’s Realm (1902–03). 85. “Episodes in the Career of a Violinist,” Ainslee (May 1907). 86. Lancastrian,“Music in Blackpool,” The Strad (1907). 87. “The Story of a Lost Strad,” The Violin Times (September 1894). Author- ship of the story was ascribed to “The McAmati.” 88. Cyril Erlich, The Music Profession in Britain since the Eighteenth Century (Ox- ford: Clarendon Press, 1985), l02. 89. Cyril Ehrlich, The Piano: A History, rev. ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 100. 90. Punch, 12 June 1875. 91. The Gentlewoman, 19 July 1890. Italics in the original. 92. “Lady Violinists,” Strad (1894). 93. The Musical Times, 1 November 1880. 94. See illustration.Vernon Lushington, a judge active in positivist circles, was, like his wife Mary, a dedicated music lover; the Lushingtons were close friends of the family of Virginia Woolf, who later modeled her character, 252 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

Mrs. Dalloway, on that of Kitty Lushington Maxse, one of the young musicians in Hughes’s picture. Helen Mirald and Martha Vogeler,“A Life Devoted to Music: Susan Lushington in Kingsley,” Hampshire Studies (forthcoming); Anthony Curtis,“Kitty Maxse,The Real Mrs. Dalloway,” P.N.Review 7 (Sep- tember-October 1997): 49–52; Anthony Curtis, “Margaret Lushington and the Stephens,” Charleston Magazine 17 (Spring-Summer 1998): 39–43. 95. Tilden A. Russell,“The Development of the Cello Endpin,” Imago Musicae 4 (1985): 352–53. 96. F.Joyce Barrett,“The Violin as an Instrument for Girls,” The Woman’s World 3 (1890): 652. 97. Stephen Banfield, “Aesthetics and Criticism,” in The Romantic Age, 1800–1914, ed. Nicholas Temperley,Athlone History of Music in Britain (London:Athlone Press, 1981), 462;Thomas Gibbons,“Occultism,”in The 1890s: An Encyclopedia of British Literature, Art, and Culture, ed. G. A. Cevasco (New York and London:Garland Publishing, 1993), 442. 98. My thanks to Jan Marsh for calling my attention to this photograph. Dodgson, under the pseudonym Lewis Carroll, was the author of Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (1865). 99. See the article on Tua in The Girl’s Own Paper 5 (1883–84): 445; see also the entry on Tua by Alexis Chitty in J. A. Fuller Maitland, ed. Grove’s Dic- tionary of Music and Musicians (London: 1904–10). 100. See J. A. Fuller Maitland, ed. A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: 1904–10) and Scholes, Mirror of Music, 1:343. Shinner died at the age of 39 in 1901. In addition to Neruda,Tua,and Shinner, an 1890 article mentions as “well-known soloists,” Nettie Carpenter, Marianne Eissler,Arma Hark- ness, Kate Chaplin,Anna Lang, and Adelina Dinelli. Barrett,“ The Violin as an Instrument for Girls,” 651. 101. “How to Play the Violin,” The Young Woman (1893). 102. “Musical People,” The Graphic, 17 July 1889, 111. 103. T. L. Phipson, Famous Violinists and Fine Violins: Historical Quotes,Anecdotes, and Reminiscences (London: Chatto and Windus, 1896). Quoted in Sheila Nelson, The Violin and Viola (London: Ernest Benn, Ltd.; New York:W.W. Norton, 1972), 177. 104. Quoted from Echo in Funny Folks, 5 December 1891. 105. Thomas, The Violin Player, 1:185. 106. Barnard is listed in Christopher Wood, The Dictionary of Victorian Painters, 2nd ed. (Woodbridge, Suffolk:Antique Collectors Club, 1978). See also the entry on Barnard in John Sutherland, Longman Companion to Victorian Fiction.

CHAPTER FIVE 1. Punch, April 3, 1875; v. 68, 150. 2. In a fascinating article on the efforts of Alphonse Sax, Jr., to promote female brass-instrument playing in France, Katharine Ellis suggests that the brass player in the Punch cartoon returns the stare of the man in the box, Notes 253

as if daring him to continue.“The Fair Sax:Women,Brass-Playing and the Instrument Trade in 1860s Paris,” Journal of the Royal Musical Association 124 (1999): 221–254. 3. I wish to thank Professor Theodore Lucas, director of the School of Music and Dance, San Jose State University, for informing me about the sarrusophone. Illustrations of the sarrusophone and serpent may be found in Mu- sical Instruments of the World: An Illustrated Encyclopedia by the Diagram Group (New York: Sterling Publishing Co., 1997); the former instrument is shown on p.51, the latter on p.72. During the nineteenth century, the serpent was used in church music and in military bands. Ibid. 4. Stephen Kern, Eyes of Love: The Gaze in English and French Culture: 1840–1900 (New York:New York University Press, 1996), 10. 5. Craig Howes,“Periodicals: Comic and Satiric,” in Victorian Britain:An En- cyclopedia, ed. Sally Mitchell (New York and London:Garland, 1988). 6. “The Fair Violinist,” The Lady, 26 February 1885. 7. It appears likely that this story about a violinist named Blanche/Bianca was the work of Blanche Lindsay (her full name was Caroline Blanche Eliza- beth), who frequently published poems and stories in magazines and had firsthand knowledge regarding the status of musicians in titled society.The suspicion is strengthened by Lindsay’s use of her “official” first given name for the eponymous heroine of her first published novel, Caroline (1888). 8. “A New Profession for Ladies,” Strad 8 (1898). 9. Ibid. 10. Joseph Conrad, Victory: An Island Tale, ed. Cedric Watts (London: Every- man/ J. M. Dent, 1944), 59. Victory was written between 1912–14 and published in 1915. 11. Ibid., 238. 12. On the symbolic use of hair in literature and art, see Elisabeth G. Gitter, “The Power of Women’s Hair in the Victorian Imagination,” PMLA 99 (1984): 936–54. 13. My thanks to Pamela Blevins for generously sharing her knowledge of Scott’s career and life. 14. My thanks to Christopher Bornet, librarian at the Royal College of Music, and to Pamela Blevins for their kindness in helping me locate and date this and the following poem and to the Royal College of Music for giving me permission to publish it. 15. Haweis’s article is quoted in The Strad 8 (1898): 250. 16. Elaine Showalter, Sexual Anarchy: Gender and Culture at the Fin de Siècle (New York:Penguin, 1990), 3. 17. Freia Hoffmann discusses the continuous use of gendered language in de- scribing the violin and its players that she has found in German sources of the first half of the nineteenth century. She interprets the comment (made in 1826) of Hans Georg Nägeli, Swiss music publisher and composer and a close friend of Beethoven, that holding and handling a violin “is unbecom- ing a virgin [Jungfrau],”as revealing a subconscious association with female 254 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

homosexuality. Hoffmann suggests that the source of this concern was the perception that female violin-playing required the inappropriate contact of two [female] bodies. Instrument und Körper: die musizierende Frau in der bürg- erlichen Kultur (Frankfurt am Main: Insel Verlag, 1991), 190. On Nägeli, see the entry in Slonimsky, Baker’s Biographical Dictionary of Musicians, 8th ed. 18. “The Musical Girl,” The Young Woman 5 (1896–97). 19. The Minstrel (September 1895). 20. Mrs. Humphry [Mary Augusta] Ward, Robert Elsmere (1888; reprint, Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press, 1987), 574. 21. Elizabeth Godfrey [Jessie Bedford], Cornish Diamonds, 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley and Son, 1895), 1:102. 22. Ibid., 2:240. 23. Ibid., 2:240. 24. Ibid., 2:246. 25. Walter Besant, Armorel of Lyonesse: A Romance of To-day, (1890; London: Chatto and Windus, 1934), 317. 26. Ibid., 10.“Her history begins, like every history of woman worth relating, with the man cast by the sea upon the shores of her island....To you,dear Dorothy or Violet, it will doubtless be by the sea of society.And the day that casts him before your feet will ever after begin a new period in your reckoning” (10). 27. M. E. Francis was the pseudonym used by Mrs. Francis (Mary) Blundell. 28. Laurence is referred to in much of the novel as “Laur.”The absence of a final e fits with the male disguise she uses as a young music student. 29. Bertha Thomas, The Violin Player:A Novel, 3 vols. (London: Richard Bent- ley and Son, 1880), 1:148–49.Thomas and the musician Florence Marshall were sisters. 30. Ibid., 1:151. 31. Ibid., 1:266. 32. Ibid., 1:267. 33. Ibid., 1:76. On luxuriant tresses as a symbol of “vigorous sexuality,”see Git- ter,“The Power of Women’s Hair in the Victorian Imagination.” 34. Thomas, Violin Player, 2:289. 35. Ibid., 3:260. 36. Ibid., 3:320. 37. The Young Woman 5 (1896–97). 38. M. E. Francis [Mrs. Francis (Mary) Blundell], The Duenna of a Genius (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1898), 290. 39. Ibid., 291. 40. “Sarah Grand” is the adopted name of Frances Elizabeth Clarke (1854–1943), who married Surgeon-Major David McFall, a widower with two sons, when she was 16. Her husband’s work at an institution for pros- titutes with venereal disease influenced her feminist beliefs and provided her with subject matter she later included in her fiction. After the success of her first book, Ideala (1888), Grand separated from her husband but con- Notes 255

tinued to live with her two stepsons. Among the admirers of her fiction were Mark Twain and George Bernard Shaw.Although controversial, The Heavenly Twins was a great success; 20,000 copies of the book were sold in its first year. See Virginia Blain, Isobel Grundy,and Patricia Clements, eds., Feminist Companion to Literature in English (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990); and Joan Huddleston, Sarah Grand: A Bibliography (Queens- land: University of Queensland Press, 1979), 11–13. 41. Carol A. Senf dates the writing of the first part of Grand’s novel, Ideala, and The Tenor and the Boy, to 1880–81. Introduction to The Heavenly Twins, by Sarah Grand (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992), xxx. The Tenor and the Boy was published separately in 1899 in the series of “Heine- mann’s popular novels.” Huddleston, Sarah Grand, l6. 42. Grand, The Heavenly Twins, 471. 43. Ibid., 403–04. 44. Ibid., 403. 45. See Martha Vicinus’s interpretation of this incident in “Turn-of-the-Cen- tury Male Impersonation: Rewriting the Romance Plot,” in Sexualities in Victorian Britain, eds. Andrew H. Miller and James Eli Adams (Blooming- ton and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1996). 46. Before taking her home, the Tenor braided her “thick dark hair.” Grand, The Heavenly Twin, 462, 465. 47. Ibid., 453–54. 48. Ibid., 541. 49. Expecting that the violin was ruined by water, Angelica is amazed to find it lying in its case on its velvet cushion without a scratch or broken string. “Perhaps it had been one of his last conscious acts to put it right for her.” Ibid., 516. 50. Ibid., 403. 51. Published between 1896 and 1914, The Lady’s Realm was one of the most successful upper-class women’s magazines. Joan Huddleston, introduction to Index to Fiction in The Lady’s Realm, Victorian Fiction Research Guides V (Queensland: Department of English, University of Queensland, 1981), 5. 52. Cecily [Ullman] Sidgwick, A Splendid Cousin, Pseudonym Library Series (London:T. Fisher Unwin,1892), l0. 53. Ibid., 45. 54. Ibid., 66. 55. Ibid., 71. 56. George Gissing, The Whirlpool, ed. and introduction Patrick Parrinder (1897; reprint, Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1977). 57. Ibid., 332. 58. Ibid., 36. 59. Ibid., 117–18. 60. Ibid., 119. 61. Ibid., 309. 256 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

62. Ibid., 342. 63. Ibid., 365. 64. Ibid., 424. 65. Ibid., 383. 66. Ibid., 453. 67. Ibid., 235. 68. Ibid., 245. 69. Ibid., 313. 70. During the course of research for The Whirlpool, Gissing collected books and clippings, “even reading The Musical Times in the British Museum.” Patrick Parrinder, Notes to The Whirlpool, 460. The only musical figure Gissing treats respectfully in the novel,Alma’s violin teacher, never emerges from the background of the narrative. 71. Bram Dijkstra, Idols of Perversity: Fantasies of Feminine Evil in Fin-de-Siecle Culture (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 334. 1897, the year The Whirlpool was published, was also the year that Philip Burne- Jones, son of the Pre-Raphaelite painter, exhibited “The Vampire” at the New Gallery,an image of a lovely woman, dressed in a clinging nightgown, crouching menacingly over the body of her male victim. After visiting the exhibition, Rudyard Kipling wrote a poem entitled “The Vampire,” in which he bemoaned the useless expenditures of energy and talent that men make for the sake of women. (Quoted in Idols of Perversity, 35l) 72. See entry,“Danse Macabre,” in Michael Kennedy, The Oxford Dictionary of Music (Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press, 1985). 73. “Freund Hein (the devil) spielt auf.”Natalie Bauer-Lechner, Recollections of Gustav Mahler, trans. Dika Newlin, ed. and annotation Peter Franklin (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980), l79, n25. Mahler told friends he had composed the scherzo movement as a “Dance of Death.”Constantin Floros, Mahler:The Symphonies, trans.Vernon Wicker (Portland: Amadeus Press, 1993), 122. Mahler used the word “Fiedel,” a medieval forerunner of the violin. H. F.Redlich, Bruckner and Mahler (Lon- don: J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., 1963), 194. Mahler had the first violinist tune his instrument a tone higher than the normal tuning in order to ac- centuate the harsh character of this passage. Henry-Louis De La Grange, Mahler (New York:Doubleday and Co., 1973), 646. 74. Keller, the author of the story on which Delius based his opera, regarded the Dark Fiddler as a representation of evil, but Delius saw him instead as a figure close to nature. Delius perhaps identified with him as a social out- sider and symbol of freedom. Christopher Palmer, Delius: Portrait of a Cos- mopolitan (London: Duckworth, 1976), 113–15; Christopher Redwood, “Delius as a Composer of Opera,”in A Delius Companion, ed. Christopher Redwood (London: John Calder, 1976), 228–29.The opera was completed in 1901 and had its British debut in 1910. 75. The devil had given the soldier a magic book in exchange for his violin. According to Eric Walter White, Stravinsky’s librettist, Ramuz, adapted a Notes 257

traditional Russian tale, combining it with elements of the Faust legend. Stravinsky:The Composer and His Works (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 265. 76. The story,about a fiddling contest between the devil and a young hillbilly, “the best damn fiddle player in Monroe County, possibly...in Georgia” is published in Charlie Daniels, The Devil Went Down to Georgia: Stories by Charlie Daniels (Atlanta: Peachtree Publishers Ltd., 1985). The hillbilly proves his boast, saves his soul, and wins the devil’s gold fiddle.The musical version is found on CD; The Charlie Daniels Band:A Decade of Hits, Epic EK 38795. 77. Laura Winters,“An Odyssey Tracks a Fictional Fiddle’s,” New York Times, 25 May 1997. 78. Anne Rice, Violin: a Novel (New York:Alfred A. Knopf, 1997). 79. Anna Wickham, The Writings of Anna Wickham: Free Woman and Poet, ed. R. D. Smith (London:Virago Press, 1984), l34. 80. Ibid., 8–9, 54–66. 81. Ethel Sidgwick (1877–1970) was educated in England. She studied music privately and lived for much of her life in Paris. In addition to children’s plays, she wrote 14 novels (of which Promise was the first published) and a biography of another aunt, Eleanor Sidgwick, the principal of Newnham College, Cambridge, from 1892 to 19l0. See the entries on Ethel Sidgwick in Blain et al. eds., The Feminist Companion to Literature in English; and in Janet Todd,ed., British Women Writers:A Critical Reference Guide (New York: Continuum, 1989). 82. Ethel Sidgwick, Promise (1910; reprint, Boston: Small, Maynard and Co., 1920), 4. 83. Ibid., 9. 84. Ibid., 11–12. 85. Ibid., 342–43. 86. Lady Campbell (wife of Sir Nigel Campbell, a British banker) wrote children’s fiction and mystery stories that were published in the United States and Britain. She died in London in 1950 at the age of 67. New York Times obituary article, 29 July 1950. 87. Harriette Russell Campbell, Is It Enough? A Romance of Musical Life (New York:Harper and Brothers, 1913) 88. Ibid., 190 89. See the essay on Cobbett by H. A. Scott in H. C. Colles, ed., A Dictionary of Music and Musicians, (London: 1927–28). Cobbett encouraged the work of the Society of Women Musicians and,in 1924, made it a gift of his collection of British chamber music. Nicholas C. Gatty,“Society of Women Musicians,” in H. C. Colles, ed., A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (Lon- don: 1927–28). 90. See the final chapter for a discussion of Henry Wood’s remarkable action in breaking that ban in 1913 hirings for his Queen’s Hall Orchestra. 91. “Women Violinists of the Victorian Era,” The Lady’s Realm 5 (1899): 654. 258 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

CHAPTER SIX 1 George R. Sims, My Life: Sixty Years’ Recollections of Bohemian London (Lon- don: Everleigh Nash Co., 1917). My thanks to Julie Early for bringing Sims’s remembrance to my attention by her message on the Victoria In- ternet discussion group (February 12, 1998). 2. John Frederick Cone, Adelina Patti: Queen of Hearts (Portland: Amadeus Press, 1993), 143. 3. “Some Operatic Personages: I.—The Prima Donna,” The Lute, 15 March 1884, 52. 4. Cone, Adeline Patti, 172. Cone provides a chronology of Patti’s appearances (323–81). Examples of her performances outside London include Birm- ingham Town Hall, 1864; Brighton, 1870; a Summer and Autumn 1875 concert tour that included Bristol, Brighton, Birmingham, and Manches- ter; Liverpool, 1878; Swansea, 1882 and 1884; a concert tour in 1885 that included Manchester and another in 1886 that included Manchester, Liv- erpool, and Dublin; an 1887 tour that included Manchester, Edinburgh, Leeds, Nottingham, and Birmingham; an extensive British tour in 1890 added to these cities Preston, Glasgow, Dundee, Aberdeen, Edinburgh, Newcastle, Leeds, Leicester, Cheltenham, Plymouth, Exeter, Southsea, and Cardiff. Patti’s final Autumn concert tour of Britain took place in 1907. 5. E. Van der Straeten wrote the brief article on the singer and musician Adriana Baroni and her musician-daughters, Catarina and Eleonora (Lenora), in H. C. Colles, A Dictionary of Music and Musicians, (London: 1927–28). Milton, then age thirty-one, was introduced to Eleonora by Cardinal Barberini. 6. John Milton, Complete Poems and Major Prose, ed. Merritt Y.Hughes (New York: Odyssey Press, 1957), 130–31. Hughes interprets Milton’s text,“Ei- ther God or certainly some third mind,” as referring to God or the Holy Spirit, as suggested in I John 7. Milton’s poem is titled “Ad Leonoram Romae Canentem,”“To Leonora Singing in Rome.” 7. “Divinized as the song of the Muses, daughters of Zeus, it [the female voice] opens the past to the present through memory and enables the male bard to evoke the brilliance of dead heroes or immortal gods. Bestialized in the form of the Sirens’ or Circe’s song, it dehumanizes or immobilizes (male) heroes, cutting them off from everything that defines their human identity.” Charles Segal, “The Female Voice and Its Contradictions: from Homer to Tragedy,” in Grazer Beitrage, Supplementband 5 (Festschrift W. Potscher) (1993): 67. A different view of the Sirens appears in Plato’s Re- public, in which they sing the musical scale that underlies the harmony of the cosmos. See Kathi Meyer-Baer, Music of the Spheres and the Dance of Death: Studies in Musical Iconology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), 242–52. Dante’s Christianized vision of the Siren imagines her beautiful voice (“She began to sing in such a voice that only with great pain could I have turned from her soliciting”) in the repulsive body of a Notes 259

witch whose evil nature evokes the indignation of the saintly Beatrice, whose reaction leads Virgil to seize the witch,“and with one rip laid bare / all of her front, her loins and her foul belly: I woke sick with the stench that rose from there.” Dante, The Divine Comedy, trans. John Ciardi in The Norton Anthology of World Masterpieces, ed. Maynard Mack, (New York:W.W. Norton, 1995), 1836–37. 8. H. R. Haweis, Music and Morals (New York:Harper and Brothers, 1877), 62. 9. Joseph Kestner, Mythology and Misogyny:The Social Discourse of Nineteenth- Century British Classical-Subject Painting (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1989), 43. 10. In “Chastelard,” Swinburne presents a sea maiden “with sad singing lips” who, having been caught in a fisherman’s net, seduces her captor and brings about his death.The poem is discussed in Bram Dijkstra, Idols of Per- versity: Fantasies of Feminine Evil in Fin-de-Siécle Culture (London: Oxford University Press, 1986), 266. The Graphic’s publication, in 1882, of a clever satirical treatment of the legend by F.Anstey (pseudonym of the novelist Thomas Anstey Guthrie) is an indication of the widespread familiarity of the Greek myth.“The Siren,” The Graphic (Summer 1882): 20–21. See the entry on Anstey in John Sutherland, Longman Companion to Victorian Fiction (Essex: Longman, 1988). 11. The part of Cherubino, the page in Mozart’s Marriage of Figaro, is a “pants role,”a male character impersonated by a soprano.The poem to Lucca was published in July 1882. I am grateful to Lidia Haberman for her comments on the poem and for her translation.The original poem follows:

Paggio gentil, tu che trasporti i cori E d’estasi celeste li innamori Or che si tosto, ahime, tu dei lasciarci, Speme ci regge almen che a ribearci Di tua grazia e beltade il dolce raggio A noi ritorni ancor.Addio, bel Paggio!

12. David R.Williamson, “Sonnets to Madame Adelina Patti,” The St. James’s Magazine 34 (1878). 13. Patti’s affair with Nicolini, carried on while she sued De Caux for divorce, was known as the greatest stage romance of the nineteenth century. Patti received the divorce in 1885 and married Nicolini in 1886. Cone, Adelina Patti, 113. 14. See the entry,“The St. James’s Magazine,” in John Sutherland, Victorian Fic- tion. 15. William J. Gatens,“Ruskin and Music,” in The Lost Chord: Essays on Victo- rian Music, ed. Nicholas Temperley,(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 76. 16. On the social distance that even “stage struck” Londoners kept from members of the acting profession, see Paula Gillett, “Art Audiences at the 260 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

Grosvenor Gallery,”in The Grosvenor Gallery:A Palace of Art in Victorian Eng- land, eds. Susan P. Casteras and Colleen Denney, (New Haven:Yale Uni- versity Press, 1996), 51–53. 17. Elizabeth Eastlake, in a long and anonymously published essay on music, Quarterly Review 83 (1848): 511.The essay was reprinted in Music and the Art of Dress:Two Essays Reprinted from the “Quarterly Review,” new ed. (Lon- don: J. Murray, 1854). Eastlake characterizes England as a land of “quiet speech” in her explanation of why Italian recitative, “derived as it is from a people of so much violent passion,” will always be uncongenial to her countrymen. She does, however, understand passionate expression to be “the true source of all musical expression” when the subject is of great mo- ment, and admires the acting of the great Rachel in such roles as Corinne and Phaedre (511). 18. H. C. Deacon,“Tremolo” in J.A. Fuller Maitland, A Dictionary of Music and Musicians, (London: 1904–10). 19. “To sing really well demands some power of dramatic expression—some play of feature, and our insular reserve of manner is in this particular a draw- back.” [A Singer], “In the World of Song,” Atalanta (1893–94): 31–34.The magazine was founded in 1887 by the feminist and girls’ fiction writer L.T. Meade. Sally Mitchell, The New Girl: Girls’ Culture in England, 1880–1915 (New York:Columbia University Press, 1995), 10–12. In Greek mythology, Atalanta was a swift-footed huntress who reluctantly acceded to her father’s wish that she marry with the stipulation that she would become the wife only of the man who defeated her in a race; those who tried but failed were put to death.The victor, instructed by Aphrodite, dropped three golden ap- ples at intervals along the race path. Unable to resist, Atalanta stooped to pick them up, thus losing the race. The Oxford Companion to Classical Liter- ature, New Ed. By M. C. Howatson (Oxford: 1989). 20. The Musical Herald, 1 July 1899. Hellen (or Helen) Lemmens Sherrington, an English-born soprano who sang both in oratorio and opera, studied in Holland (where her parents had moved in 1838, when she was four years old) and in Brussels. Married to the Belgian organist and composer Nico- las Lemmens (who died in 1881), she first appeared in England in 1856 at a concert of the Amateur Musical Society. Lemmens Sherrington suggested in the course of her interview that the traditional, submissive model of English female education had begun to change. 21. Blanche Marchesi’s comments appeared in A Singer’s Pilgrimage (New York; Da Capo, 1978), 213. Born in 1863, Blanche Marchesi first studied violin before beginning voice instruction with her mother, the famous Mathilde Marchesi. Blanche Marchesi sang in opera and on the concert stage, set- tling in England after a successful London debut in 1896. She, too, became a well known singing instructor. Nicholas Slonimsky, Baker’s Biographical Dictionary of Musicians, 8th ed. (New York:Schirmer, 1992). 22. The First Violin:A Novel (New York:R.F.Fenno, 1904), 64.The novel was first published in 1878. Notes 261

23. The Tory Quarterly Review, founded to counter the reformist Edinburgh Re- view, published many of the best writers of the day. Both journals featured politically engaged essays presented as reviews of recent books. Raymond W.MacKenzie,“Periodicals: Reviews and Quarterlies,”in Victorian Britain: An Encyclopedia, ed. Sally Mitchell, (New York and London:Garland Pub- lishing, 1988).Today Eastlake is best remembered for her vitriolic review of Charlotte Bronte’s Jane Eyre, which she accused of coarseness and moral laxity.The Bronte critique was published in December, 1848, a few months after Eastlake’s essay on music, which had appeared in the September issue. See the entry on Lady Eastlake in John Sutherland, Longman Companion. See also the brief but informative sketch of Lady Eastlake in Mary Lutyens, Millais and the Ruskins (London: J. Murray 1967), 31–32. 24. President of the Royal Academy of Arts from 1850 and Director of the National Gallery from 1855, Charles Eastlake died in 1865; the Eastlakes were married in 1849. The papers of the Musical Association (now the Royal Musical Association), which include the names of those invited to membership, are housed in the British Library. 25. “Sex and Music,” The Lancet 70 (1892): 1097.The article is unsigned. 26. Eastlake adds that these songs had survived the reign of the Puritans by being preserved in country houses where “prayers for the Restoration and the practice of ‘profane music’ were kept up together.” 27. The quotations from the essay on music are taken from the Quarterly Re- view. The section on “happy hummings” appears on 490.The gender of the true music lover, here as in the “Sonnets to Madame Adelina Patti,” is as- sumed to be male. In her sketch of Eastlake (in Mitchell, ed., Victorian En- cyclopedia), Zelda Austin contrasts her compassionate, liberal response to the difficult situation faced by Effie Ruskin in the course of her marriage, divorce, and remarriage to the painter Millais, with Eastlake’s conventionally pious response to Bronte’s novel. Austin’s characterization of this striking inconsistency as “a felicitous example of Victorian duality” is similarly ap- propriate to Eastlake’s simultaneous elevation of musical art and relegation even of the highly gifted female amateur singer to a narrowly constricted private sphere that she clearly rejected in her own life. 28. Ellen Clayton, Queens of Song: Being Memoirs of Some of the Most Celebrated Female Vocalists (1865; reprint, Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries Press, 1972), ix-x. Clayton found it hardly surprising that the temptations of such careers “would sometimes prove too great for virtue or prudence to resist.” 29. Quoted in the entry,“Adelaide Kemble,” in Feminist Companion to Litera- ture in English, eds.Virginia Blain, Isobel Grundy, and Patricia Clements, (New Haven:Yale University Press, 1990). 30. Fanny Kemble became famous for her recitations of Shakespeare during the 1850s and 60s. She had never wanted to become an actress. Bernard Gre- banier, Then Came Each Actor (New York:David McKay Co., 1975), 157. 31. Her daily lessons with Pasta are described in Adelaide Kemble Sartoris, Past Hours, 2 vols. (London: R. Bentley, 1880). 262 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

32. For the sake of propriety, several members of the Kemble family accompanied them. J. C. Furnas, Fanny Kemble: Leading Lady of the Nineteenth-Cen- tury Stage (New York:Dial Press, 1982), 247. 33. Anne Thackeray Ritchie, From Friend to Friend (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1920), 52. Ritchie describes Kemble’s speech upon her return from the continent as characterized by the “hint” of a foreign accent; the DNB article on her describes the accent as “marked.” 34. Henry Chorley, Thirty Years’Musical Recollections, ed. Ernest Newman (New York:Alfred A. Knopf, 1926), 137. Founded in 1776 and run by a Board of Directors made up of aristocrats, the Ancient Concerts (so called because their programs were not to include music written within the previous 20 years) sponsored annual performances until 1849; efforts to revive the institution, in 1868 and 1870, were unsuccessful. Percy Scholes, The Mirror of Music 1844–1944: A Century of Musical Life in Britain, 2 vols. (London: Novello, 1947), 1:187. 35. Adelaide Kemble’s birth is variously reported as 1814 or 1816.The DNB entry follows 1814 with a question mark. She is described as six years younger than Fanny, whose birth date is reported as 1809. 36. Furnas refers to Sartoris as a “gentleman about town.” Fanny Kemble, 254. Adelaide’s Covent Garden performances of Norma always filled the house. Ibid., 255. 37. “Horribly” was underlined in the letter which is housed in the Hunting- ton Library.The recipient was James Robinson Planché, playwright and librettist. JP 145. 38. Ritchie, From Friend to Friend, 56. 39. See DNB entry,“Adelaide Kemble,”by Lydia Miller Middleton. First seri- alized in Cornhill, the novella was published in 1867. See also the entry,“A Week in a French Country House,” in Sutherland, Longman Companion. Adelaide Kemble Sartoris died in 1879. 40. Adelaide Kemble Sartoris, A Week in a French Country House (London: Smith, Elder, and Co., 1862), 171. 41. Ibid., 56.Anne Thackeray Ritchie describes Dessauer as “the fanciful extra ordinary musician who was [Adelaide Sartoris’s] faithful knight and fol- lower through so many difficult passes, and whom she partially portrayed as Monsieur Jacques in...‘A Week in a French Country House.’Some of us can still remember her singing of ‘Ouvrez, Ouvrez,’a song of his which she made to vibrate with feeling.” From Friend to Friend, 48. 42. Sartoris, A Week in a French Country House, 184–85. 43. Ibid., 157. 44. Ibid., 187. 45. Frances Anne Kemble “had no wish to become an actress, but agreed to do so to help her father, who was then managing Covent Garden, and whose lavish expenditures were bringing him close to bankruptcy.”Bernard Gre- banier, Then Came Each, 157.Adelaide’s and Fanny’s ambivalence about the stage was not new to the Kembles. Despite his success on the stage, their Notes 263

grandfather Roger would not allow his own daughter to marry an actor (she defied him and did so). Roger apprenticed one of his sons to an apothecary, tried to make a priest of another, and found Charles, Fanny’s and Adelaide’s father, a position in the post office. Charles left the civil ser- vice and married the lovely young Terese de Camp, a fine actress respected for her strict personal morality. Furnas, Fanny Kemble, 10. Dorothy Mar- shall, in her biography of Fanny Kemble, writes of her parents’ determina- tion to give their children an education that would fit them for the society of those in elevated social circles. Fanny Kemble (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1977), 15. 46. Singer and musicologist John Potter comments that only in opera do classical singers depart from the restraint that is characteristic of their art.The presence of gestures in the recording studio suggests to Potter that “the gestural constraint on classical singers is a function of the social context in which they find themselves.” Vocal Authority: Singing Style and Ideology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 183. In their manual, The Art of the Song Recital (New York and London: Schirmer Books, 1979), Shirlee Emmons and Stanley Sonntag advise that the concert singer’s extramusical means of communication come from the eyes and face; body movements are used sparingly and only during the later and less formal part of the program (116). 47. Mathilde Marchesi, Marchesi and Music (London and New York: Harper and Brothers, 1897) 3–12, 26–36, 68. Castrone-Marchesi’s adoption of his profession was the result of his involvement in the Sicilian revolutionary movement (46). 48. Percy Young, “George Eliot and Music,” Music and Letters 24 (1943): 92–100. 49. Eliot and Lewes lived together as man and wife from the mid-1850s until his death in 1878, “publicly proclaiming their unconsecrated ‘marriage.’” Lewes was already married (and a father) when he met Eliot, but could not obtain a divorce as he had condoned his wife’s adultery. John Sutherland, Victorian Fiction, entries on Eliot and Lewes. 50. See entry,“The Mill on the Floss,” in John Sutherland, Victorian Fiction. 51. Several musical figures have been suggested as models for Klesmer. Gor- don Haight makes a persuasive argument for Anton Rubinstein; see “George Eliot’s Klesmer” in Imagined Worlds: Essays on Some English Novels and Novelists in Honour of John Butt, ed. Maynard Mack and Ian Gregor (London: Methuen and Co. Ltd., 1968), 205–14. Franz Liszt and Joseph Joachim are among the other suggestions; see the discussion in Beryl Gray, George Eliot and Music (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1989), 140, n6. Gray cites Marghanita Laski’s suggestion of Joachim in “The Music of Daniel Deronda,” The Listener 96 (1976): 317–34.An addition to these possibilities, Robert Schumann, was recently suggested by Ruth A. Solie, who points out that Klesmer, like Schumann in the mid-1860s, was regarded as a difficult, futuristic composer. Eliot’s novel opens in 1865, and Solie points to 264 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

Francis Hueffer’s memory of Clara Schumann’s performance in that year of a Monday Popular Concert program of her husband’s works “which, in those days, were thought to be the abstruse effusions of the modern spirit.” Hueffer’s comment in Half a Century of Music in England, 1837–87: Essays Toward a History (London: Chapman and Hall, 1889) is quoted in Solie’s essay,“‘Tadpole Pleasures’: Daniel Deronda as Music Historiography,” Year- book of Comparative and General Literature 45/46 (1997/1998): 87–104; the discussion of Klesmer’s “ancestry” is on p.93. 52. Rosemarie Bodenheimer, “Ambition and Its Audiences: George Eliot’s Performing Figures,” Victorian Studies 34 (1990): 7–33.The reference to her “besetting sin” comes from a letter Eliot wrote in 1839 at the age of 20 (quoted in Bodenheimer, 17). 53. “Armgart,” Poems by George Eliot (New York:R. F.Fenno and Co., 1900): 320–360. 54. The end of the reign of the castrati, writes Patrick Barbier, occurred at the start of the nineteenth century, when the “gods” were replaced by the “divas.” The World of the Castrati:The History of an Extraordinary Operatic Phe- nomenon, trans. by Margaret Crosland (London: Souvenir Press Ltd., 1989), 240. 55. “Sex and Music,” Musical Times, 1 June 1892. 56. The original version of Orpheus was sung by a castrato; 12 years later, in preparation for a Paris production of the opera, Gluck revised it, using a French translation, and rewriting the castrato part for tenor. Ernest New- man, Great Operas:The Definitive Treatment of Their History,Stories, and Music, 2 vols. (New York:Vintage Books, 1958): 5. Pauline Viardot (1821–1910) was a musical prodigy and the younger sister of the legendary mezzo-soprano Maria Malibran and the eminent voice teacher Manuel Garcia. On Malibran and Viardot, see Rupert Christiansen, Prima Donna: A History (New York:Viking, 1985), 70–83. 57. The novel was published in English translation in 1846. 58. A letter of April 26, 1871, describes a lunch party at Eliot’s and Lewes’s home, the Priory, at which Viardot sang “divinely,” moving some to tears. Eliot’s letter of April 29, 1871, records that she and Lewes regularly attended Madame Viardot’s Saturday musical soirées. The George Eliot Letters, ed. Gordon S. Haight (New Haven:Yale University Press, 1955): 5:143–44, 9:14–15. 59. Christiansen, Prima Donna, 81. 60. On Viardot’s use of ornamentation in the Orpheus, Chorley writes: “The torrents of roulades, the chains of notes, unmeaning in themselves, were flung out with such exactness, limitless volubility, and majesty as to con- vert what is essentially a commonplace piece of parade into one of those displays of passionate enthusiasm to which nothing less florid could give scope.” Thirty Years’ Musical Recollections, 237. 61. April Fitzlyon, The Price of Genius:A Life of Pauline Viardot (New York:Ap- pleton-Century,1964), 372. By 1870 the opera career of the real “Paulina,” Notes 265

the name Eliot gave to Armgart’s successor, was long passed; she could still sing brilliantly in small settings and continued to do so after her return to Paris at the conclusion of the 1870–1871 war.Among those who attended Viardot’s musical soirées there during the mid-seventies was Henry James who, although generally bored by music, declared her singing to be “su- perb.” Robert Rushmore, The Singing Voice, 2nd ed. (New York:Dembner Books, 1984), 225. For an interpretation of Eliot’s choice of Gluck’s version of the Orpheus myth over Monteverdi’s and Haydn’s, see Rebecca A. Pope,“The Diva Doesn’t Die: George Eliot’s Armgart,”in Embodied Voices: Representing Female Vocality in Western Culture, eds. Leslie C. Dunn and Nancy A. Jones (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994): 139–51. 62. The 1860 production of Beethoven’s Fidelio, in which Viardot sang the heroic part of Leonore, was an artistic success but its box-office popularity fell far short of that reached by Orfée. Viardot commented that Beethoven’s music was “too symphonic” for Paris audiences. Fitzlyon, The Price of Ge- nius, 356. 63. Rupert Christiansen, “George Eliot, ‘Armgart’ and the Victorian Prima Donna,” About the House 7 (1986): 8–10. 64. E.A. McCobb,“The Morality of Musical Genius: Schopenhauerian Views in Daniel Deronda,” Forum for Modern Language Studies 19 (1983) 321–30; the reference to Eliot’s musical preferences is on 321. “George Eliot ap- parently preferred either non-verbal public performance or forms of verbal music which might be confined to the salon or drawing room;... these preferences call into question her claim for art’s universality and so vitiate, if not contradict, the value she attaches to it” (321). 65. “The theatre,” Eliot wrote in a letter in 1853, “is generally a very dreary amusement to me.The wit is generally threadbare as well as vulgar—the actors and actresses neither men and women nor gentlemen and ladies.” Letter to Charles Bray quoted in William Joseph Sullivant, “George Eliot and the Fine Arts” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1970), 340. Rose- marie Bodenheimer writes that Eliot “retained a conventional Victorian reservation about the effect of women on stage,”despite Lewes’s interest in the theatre and Eliot’s own friendship with the actress Helen Faucit.“Am- bition and Its Audiences,” 9. 66. “Music that stirs all one’s devout emotions blends everything into harmony,—makes one feel part of one whole,...losing the sense of a separate self.” Eliot is quoted here by Beryl Gray in George Eliot and Music, x. 67. The two instrumentalists, Herr Klesmer and his pupil, Catherine Arrow- point, spurn wealth and social convention to devote their lives to music and married love. 68. George Eliot, Daniel Deronda, 207. 69. On Deronda’s boyhood and talents, see 205–09. His rejection of a singing career is discussed on 208–09. 70. Ibid., 231. 266 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

71. Ibid., 728. 72. Ibid., 541. 73. Ibid., 253. 74. Ibid., 422. 75. On Eliot’s early support of the women’s movement, see Nicholas McGuinn,“George Eliot and Mary Wollstonecraft,”in The Nineteenth-Cen- tury Woman: Her Cultural and Physical World, eds. Sara Delamont and Lorna Duffin (London: Croom Helm; New York: Barnes and Noble Books, 1978), 193–94. 76. The Magazine advocated the use of a form of tonic sol-fa notation. An 1890 bibliography described the journal as a publication “for the student and for the million.” In the 1892 and 1893 bibliographies, J. F.Runciman was listed as assistant to the Magazine’s founder and editor, J. W. Coates. Runciman began his career as critic for the Saturday Review in 1894. See the brief description of The Magazine of Music in relevant volumes of the Guide and Index to the Periodicals of the World and in Grove’s Dictionary. The Magazine ceased publication in 1897. 77. Christiansen, Prima Donna, 221–223. 78. The Lute, 1 August 1884. Cyril Ehrlich points to a rapid growth in the numbers of musicians in England beginning in the 1870s. The Music Pro- fession in Britain Since the Eighteenth Century: A Social History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 51. 79. The Lady, 7 May 1885. 80. The Lady’s World:A Magazine of Fashion and Society, 1887. 81. F.Marion Crawford, Fair Margaret:A Portrait (New York:The Regent Press, 1905), 196. 82. F. Marion Crawford, The Primadonna: A Sequel to “Fair Margaret” (New York:Macmillan, 1908), 73. 83. Melba described Crawford as “one of the greatest friends whom I have ever had.”She enjoyed his “appealing” tenor voice and his musical artistry. Nellie Melba, Melodies and Memories (1926; reprint Freeport, NY: Books for Libraries Press, 1970): 130. 84. Henry Irving in 1895 and Squire Bancroft in 1897. 85. Judith Rowbotham, Good Girls Make Good Wives: Guidance for Girls in Vic- torian Fiction (Oxford and New York:Basil Blackwell, 1989), 233–44. 86. Fuller Maitland saw this recruitment change as a statement of the increased importance of music in English culture and as a catalyst “in raising the general tone of the profession itself.” English Music in the XIXth Century (New York:E. P.Dutton and Co., 1902), 135–36. 87. Musical Society, 1 August 1886. 88. Peter Gammond,“Home, Sweet Home,” in The Oxford Companion to Pop- ular Music (Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press, 1993). 89. Michael Turner describes Bishop as a “noted reprobate, home-wrecker, and spendthrift.”Turner, ed., The Parlour Song Book: A Casquet of Vocal Gems (London: Michael Joseph, 1972), 144. For profiles of Bishop and Ana Notes 267

Bishop, see James D. Brown and Stephen S. Stratton, British Musical Biogra- phy:A Dictionary of Musical Artists,Authors, and Composers Born in Britain and Its Colonies (Birmingham: S. S. Stratton, 1897). “Bishop died in straitened circumstances—in want—why should we mince the matter?” wrote Musi- cal World, on May 5, 1885, in its appeal to raise funds for his penniless children. 90. Turner, ed., Parlour Song Book, 144. 91. Musical Society, 1 August 1886. 92. Turner, ed., Parlour Song Book, 144. 93. “Ballroom and Drawing-Room Music,” chapter 6 in Music in Britain:The Romantic Age, 1800–1914, ed. Nicholas Temperley,The Athlone History of Music in Britain (New York:Athlone Press, 1981), 125–26. 94. Ibid., 123. 95. Bruce Carr, “Theatre Music: 1800–1914,” in Temperley, ed., Music in Britain, 301. 96. John Frederick Cone, Adelina Patti, 213. 97. Ibid., 45. 98. “In response to the usual encore in the lesson scene,... [Patti] sang ‘Home, Sweet Home,’ to the unbounded delight of her hearers,” wrote George Bernard Shaw,adding that the “wearisome” nature of the event led some in the audience to “display their appreciation of the sentiment of the ballad in the most practical way.”The comments, dated June 20, 1877, are included in Shaw’s Music:The Complete Musical Criticism in Three Volumes, ed. Dan H. Laurence, 3 vols., 2nd rev. ed (London: Max Reinhardt, The Bodley Head, 1981), 1:137–38. 99. Ibid., 1:226. 100. Harry How,“Madame Albani,” The Strand Magazine, 189: 220.Also see the article on Albani in The Young Woman 2 (1893–94). 101. The Illustrated London News, May 21, 1887. 102. This section on Wagner is drawn from Anne Dzamba Sessa, Richard Wagner and the English (Rutherford, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1979), 27–34. Also see William Weber, “Wagner, Wagnerism, and Musical Idealism” in Wagnerism in European Culture and Politics, eds. David C. Large and William Weber in collaboration with Anne Dzamba Sessa (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1984), 28–71; and Anne Dzamba Sessa “At Wagner’s Shrine: British and American Wagnerians,” in the same volume, 246–77. 103. Sessa, Richard Wagner and the English, 103. Sessa adds that Tannhäuser “almost becomes a code word for experimentation with forbidden pleasures.” The Picture of Dorian Gray was published in 1890. 104. E. F.Benson, The Rubicon (New York:Appleton, 1894). On Benson’s novel and other works influenced by Wagner, see William Blissett, “Wagnerian Fiction in English,” Criticism 5 (1963): 239–60. 105. Sessa, Richard Wagner and the English, 100–102. Several of the drawings, which illustrated the prose narrative, “Under the Hill,” were published in 268 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

expurgated version in 1896 in The Savoy. The full series of drawings appeared in an unexpurgated private edition in 1907. See also the entry on Beardsley by Stanley Weintraub and the entry on “Under the Hill” by Sharon Ellis, both in The 1890s:An Encyclopedia of British Literature,Art, and Culture, ed. G. A. Cevasco, (New York and London: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1993). 106. Quoted in Laurence, ed., Shaw’s Music, 3:479–80. 107. First published in 1924, C has been described as a novel that approximates to the form of a memoir.The comment is quoted in Emma Letley, foreword to C, by Maurice Baring (Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press, 1986), vi. 108. Dannreuther, in essays published in the Monthly Musical Record in 1872 and reprinted in book form the following year, as Richard Wagner: His Tendencies and Theories, wrote dismissively about the tendency for grand opera to serve as a vehicle for the singer. Sessa, Richard Wagner and the English, 29–30.The stricture on applause was known as the “Bayreuth hush”: Wagner’s audiences “were not supposed to stop the performance by applauding their fa- vorite singers, as they might with Bellini or Donizetti.” Ibid., 41. 109. Rupert Christiansen sees Eliot’s “Armgart” as a spiritual predecessor to a “whole spate of long and now somewhat fulsome-sounding novels, all of which contain a fusing element absent from ‘Armgart’: the music of Wag- ner.” His examples are George Moore’s Evelyn Innes, Willa Cather’s The Song of the Lark, Gertrude Atherton’s Tower of Ivory and Marcia Davenport’s Of Lena Geyer. “George Eliot,‘Armgart’ and the Victorian Prima Donna,” 10. 110. Trilby was also a great success in dramatic adaptation in New York and London. A paperback edition with an introduction by Elaine Showalter was published in 1995 (Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press); another reprint, introduced by Leonee Ormond, was published in 1992 (London/Rutland: J. M. Dent and Charles E Tuttle Co.) The editions I have used are: Mary E. [Mrs. Herbert] Martin, Her Debut, 3 vols. (London: Hurst and Blackett, Ltd., 1895), consulted at the Beinecke Library,Yale University; Elizabeth Godfrey, [Jessie Bedford], Poor Human Nature:A Mu- sical Novel (New York:Henry Holt and Co., 1898); George Moore, Evelyn Innes (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1898) and Sister Teresa (New York: Brentano’s, 1920); Claire De Pratz, Eve Norris (London:Wm. Heinemann, 1907). Godfrey wrote three novels with musician-heroines over a five-year period. 111. Martin, Her Debut, 1:148–49. 112. Ibid., 1:175–80. 113. Ibid., 1:227–30. 114. Ibid., 1:166. 115. Ibid., 3:291–92. 116. On Moore’s debt to Dolmetsch see Sara Ruth Watson, “George Moore and the Dolmetsches,” English Literature in Transition: 1880–1920 6 (1963): Notes 269

65–75. For a fascinating discussion of Moore’s consultations with Dol- metsch on musical passages of the book and Dolmetsch’s revisions, see Margaret Campbell, Dolmetsch: The Man and His Work (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1975), 69–75. 117. Moore, Evelyn Innes, 151. 118. “She felt that if she were to take another lover she would not stop at twenty.” Ibid., 275. Campbell, Dolmetsch, 74. 119. Moore, Evelyn Innes, 328–29. 120. Ibid., 231. 121. Ibid., 452. 122. Moore, Sister Teresa, 20. 123. Moore, Evelyn Innes, 451. 124. The quotation is from Carl Seashore, a psychologist at the University of Iowa who studied vibrato with a group of colleagues during the late 1920s and early 1930s; Seashore is quoted in Meribeth Bunch, Dynamics of the Singing Voice, 3rd ed., (Wien and New York,Springer-Verlag, 1995),75. 125. P. H. Dejonckere, Minoru Hirano, and J. Sundberg, eds., Vibrato (San Diego: Singular Publishing, 1995), vii; see also William Vennard, Singing:The Mechanism and the Technic, rev. ed. (New York:Carl Fisher, 1967), 195–208; and Cornelius L. Reid, The Free Voice: A Guide to Natural Singing (New York:Coleman-Ross Co., 1965). 126. Reid, The Free Voice, 169. “There can be no doubt that a vibrato invokes an atmosphere of the sensual, the voluptuous, though why this should be so is difficult to say.” Rushmore, The Singing Voice, 189. 127. As Reid describes it, the harmonic structure of a fully resonant tone is complex because of changing overtones:“It is more than coincidence that both the diamond and a well-sung tone sparkle with lustrous brilliance.” The Free Voice, 173. In a recent New York Times review of Monica Mancini’s cabaret concert of songs by her father, Henry Mancini, Stephen Holden writes of her “rapid vibrato that suggests the glamorous vocal equivalent of diamonds flashing.”“Cabaret Review:A New Mancini Starts Out with the Family Repertory,” New York Times, 25 July 1998. 128. Greta Moens-Haenen,“Vibrato,”in The New Grove Dictionary of Opera, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 1992). 129. Vennard, Singing, 205. 130. Moens-Haenen,“Vibrato.” 131. Quoted in Susan Rutherford,“The Voice of Freedom: Images of the Prima Donna,” in The New Woman and Her Sisters: Feminism and Theatre, 1850–1914, eds.Vivien Gardner and Susan Rutherford (Ann Arbor: Uni- versity of Michigan Press, 1992), 97.“Sesame and Lilies” was published in 1865 and 1871. 132. Rushmore, The Singing Voice,143, 190. 133. De Pratz, Eve Norris, 20. 134. Ibid., 27. 135. Ibid., 100. 270 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

136. See entry,“Hero,” in Robert E. Bell, Women of Classical Mythology: A Bio- graphical Dictionary (Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press, 1991), 237. 137. De Pratz, Eve Norris, 110–113. 138. Ibid., 184. 139. Ibid., 306–307. 140. Emma Eames, Some Memories and Reflections (New York and London: D. Appleton and Co., 1927), 301. 141. Sam Abel, Opera in the Flesh: Sexuality in Operatic Performance (Boulder: Westview Press, 1996), 50. 142. “Singers and Instrumentalists,” The Spectator, 13 October 1888, 1385. 143. “Ruined Career Rebuilt, Now a Debut in Boston,” New York Times, 8 Feb- ruary 1997; an interview with Susan Davenny Wyner, formerly a violinist and violist. 144. Anthony Kemp writes about the “personalities” often attributed to musical instruments and the jokes about their players; the “amorous relationship” between string players and their instruments is part of this folklore. Anthony E. Kemp, The Musical Temperament: Psychology and Personality of Musicians (Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press, 1996), 145. 145. Nancy B. Reich,“Women as Musicians:A Question of Class,” in Musicol- ogy and Difference: Gender and Sexuality in Musical Scholarship, ed. Ruth A. Solie, (Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 1993), 125–46.The reference to Joachim appears on 140.“Her voice was a contralto of singular richness, her technique left nothing to be desired, and her musical temperament made her one of the greatest artists of the world.” Entry on Amalie Weiss, in J. A. Fuller Maitland, ed. A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: 1904–10). 146. “When you marry your husband, he wouldn’t want you singing at the opera; he will be jealous.”Viola Tree, Castles in the Air:A Story of My Singing Days (New York:George H. Doran Co., 1926), 30.“Mori” for “mari” may be an typographical error or an example of the often confusing word usage of a polyglot community.Tree cites other amusing mistakes in her narrative. 147. Crawford, Fair Margaret, 196. 148. Black and White, 8 July 1893, 56. Patti also endorsed “beauty aids, pianos, and Flor de Adelina Patti cigars.” Cone, Adelina Patti, 231. 149. Woman, 16 January 1895. Belle Cole (1845–1905) was an American contralto. 150. The Gentlewoman, 12 July 1890, vii. In the late 1860s, Britain produced three million corsets each year and imported two million more from France and Germany. Patricia Anderson, When Passion Reigned: Sex and the Victorians (New York:Basic Books, 1995), 29. 151. “A Butchered Lohengrin,” The Star, 31 May, 1889; reprinted in Laurence, ed., Shaw’s Music, 3:647.This was Nordica’s first appearance as Elsa,“a role in which she was destined one day to set all musical Europe by the Ears.” Notes 271

Ira Glackens, Yankee Diva: Lillian Nordica and the Golden Days of Opera (New York:Coleridge Press, 1963). 152. Abel, Opera in the Flesh, 28: “If a singer does not aim directly toward the audience, then the voice may not carry over the orchestra....The upshot of this technique is that the audience gets the singer’s full attention.” 153. See Juliet Blair’s article, “Private Parts in Public Places: The Case of Ac- tresses” in Women and Space: Ground Rules and Social Maps, ed. Shirley Ar- dener (New York:St. Martin’s Press, 1981), 205–28. 154. James Huneker, Bedouins (New York:Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1920), 15. 155. “How Girls Are Presented at Court,” The Girl’s Own Paper (1880). 156. “The Décolleté Case,” Gentlewoman, 24 January 1891. 157. M. Sterling Mackinlay, Antoinette Sterling and Other Celebrities: Stories and Impressions of Artistic Circles (London: Hutchinson and Co., 1906), 36–37. 158. Anderson, When Passion Reigned, 40. 159. Mackinlay, Antoinette Sterling, 41. 160. DNB, 1901–1912 vol., published in 1920. Davey mentions Sterling’s affil- iation with various sects and later with Christian Science. She was a temperance advocate, vegetarian, and suffragist. 161. Martin, Her Debut, 1:149. 162. Paul A.Robinson,“Havelock Ellis and Modern Sexual Theory,” Salmagundi 21 (1973): 43. 163. Emma Calvé, My Life, trans. Rosamond Gilder (New York and London: D.Appleton and Co., 1922), 19–20. 164. The Theatre, 1 October 1878, 226. 165. Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News, 8 August 1874, 558; quoted in Cone, Adelina Patti, 27. 166. Nordica’s comments are taken from her Hints to Singers, quoted in Glack- ens, Yankee Diva, 346–47, 330–31. 167. Michael T. R. B. Turnbull, Mary Garden (Portland: Amadeus Press, 1997), 32. 168. [E. J.], “One of Queen Victoria’s Favourite Singers. An Interview with Madame Blanche Marchesi,” The Young Woman, 13 (1904–05): 217–220; this reference appears on 218–19. 169. Quoted in Glackens, Yankee Diva, 329.The theories of the French singing teacher François Delsarte (1811–1871) were adapted for use in acting and dance. Magnus Magnuson, ed., Cambridge Biographical Dictionary (Cam- bridge and New York:Cambridge University Press, 1990). 170. Quoted in Glackens, Yankee Diva, 242. 171. Nordica, Hints to Singers, quoted in Glackens, Yankee Diva, 341, 344, 340. 172. Wellesley Pain, “A Great Singer in Retirement: An Interview with Miss Anna Williams, The Young Woman 6 (1897–98): 207–209.The comment appears on 209. 173. The Illustrated London News, 16 January 1892. 174. Christiansen, Prima Donna, 93. 175. Ibid., 114–15. 272 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

176. John Rosselli, Singers of Italian Opera:The History of a Profession (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 116. Rosselli’s statement refers to payment in “real terms.” 177. The Theatre, 1 July 1895, 43. 178. The Lute, 1 January 1886, 17. 179. The Musical World, 30 October 1886. 180. “The Prima Donna,” Monthly Musical Record, 1 May 1922. On Berger, a musician who married a professional singer, see Cyril Ehrlich, First Phil- harmonic: the History of the Royal Philharmonic Society (Oxford: Clarendon; New York:Oxford University Press, 1995), 137–42. 181. F. Marion Crawford writes of the readiness of fashionable audiences, en- thralled by the singing of a lyric soprano, to characterize her brilliance as that of “an over-grown canary, a human flute.” The Prima Donna, 3. 182. “German Opera at Drury Lane,” The World, 18 July 1894; reprinted in Laurence, ed., Shaw’s Music, 3:274–75. 183. Cone, Adelina Patti, 144. 184. William Beatty-Kingston,“Madame Patti at Home—II,” The Lute, 1 De- cember 1885. 185. Théophile Gautier, Émaux et Camées (Paris: Librarie Droz, 1945), 30–33. (How you please me, strange timbre! / Double sound, at once female and male, / contralto, bizarre mélange, / hermaphrodite of the voice!) See the discussion of Gautier’s poem in Felicia Miller Frank, The Mechanical Song: Women,Voice, and the Artificial in Nineteenth-Century French Narrative (Stan- ford: Stanford University Press, 1995), 105–08. I am grateful to Heather Hadlock for this reference. For definitions of the contralto voice and biographical profiles of English contraltos, see Phyllis Ann Brenner, “The Emergence of the English Contralto” (Ed.D. diss., Teachers College, Co- lumbia University, 1989), 13–16. 186. Abel, Opera in the Flesh, 20. 187. Crawford, The Primadonna, 6.The incident related by Melba also occurred during her performance of the mad scene in Lucia, but her role in calm- ing the audience on the outbreak of fire was spoken rather than sung and followed the exemplary actions of occupants of the boxes. Crawford appears to have created an imaginative melding of this event with one im- mediately preceding it in Melba’s Melodies and Memories. In San Francisco to sing the part of Rosina in The Barber of Seville in the heated atmosphere of anti-Spanish hysteria that preceded the Spanish-American War, Melba became increasingly concerned that the opera’s setting would serve as the excuse for a riot. Just before Rosina was to begin the song of her choice in Rossini’s lesson scene, Melba, who was convinced of audience hostility, thought of a saving strategy. She sat down at the piano, played the introduction to the “Star Spangled Banner,”and was soon drowned out by a sea of fervent voices, another catastrophe averted (168–71). 188. Hermann Klein, Thirty Years of Musical Life in London (New York:The Cen- tury Co., 1903), 154. Notes 273

189. Alexis Chitty, entry on Nilsson, in J. A. Fuller Maitland, A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: 1904–10). 190. The Lute, 1 October 1885, 223. 191. Musical Courier (July 1916). Nilsson was 73 at the time this article was written. 192. Robert Hichens, Yesterday:The Autobiography of Robert Hichens (London and Toronto: Cassell and Co., 1947), 37–38. 193. Eames, Some Memories and Reflections, 301. 194. Melba, Melodies and Memories, 50. 195. Crawford, The Prima Donna, 75.

CHAPTER SEVEN 1. Sally Mitchell, The New Girl: Girls’ Culture in England, 1880–1915 (New York:Columbia University Press, 1995), 8. 2. On the burgeoning of art schools that served a largely female clientele, see Paula Gillett, Worlds of Art: Painters in Victorian Society (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1990); published in the United Kingdom as The Victorian Painter’s World (Stroud:Allan Sutton, 1990), 167–72. 3. For an overview of noted soloists, see Nancy B. Reich,“European Com- posers and Musicians, ca.1800–1890,” and Marcia J. Citron, “European Composers and Musicians, 1880–1918,”in Women and Music:A History, ed. Karin Pendle (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991). 4. Englishwoman’s Year Book (1899): 132–33. 5. Reported in Henry T.Finck, Success in Music and How It Is Won (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1909), 9. 6. See Stephen Banfield’s article on Clarke in The Norton/Grove Dictionary of Women Composers, eds. Julie Anne Sadie and Rhian Samuels (New York and London:W.W.Norton, 1995). 7. See entry on the London Trio in H. C. Colles, ed. A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: 1927–28). 8. On the employment of musicians in cinemas, see Cyril Ehrlich, The Music Profession in Britain Since the Eighteenth Century: A Social History (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 194–97. 9. “The Aeolian Ladies’ Orchestra,” The Musical Herald; 1 May 1912, 136. 10. Jane Lewis, Women in England: 1870–1950: Sexual Divisions and Social Change (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), 166. 11. Wallace Sutcliffe, “Ladies as Orchestral Players,” The Orchestral Association Gazette (February 1894): 48. 12. Florence Fidler and Rosabel Watson, “Music as a Profession,” English- woman’s Year Book (1899): 132. In 1912, a branch of the Amalgamated Mu- sicians’ Union formed to protect the interests of choristers in theater sought a minimum salary of £2 per week with compensations for such ex- penses as costumes and pay for rehearsal time.“The Hard Case of the Cho- rus Girl,” Musical News, 7 September 1912, 186. 274 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

13. Quoted in Percy Scholes, The Mirror of Music, 1844–1944 A Century of Mu- sical Life in Britain, 2 vols. (London: Novello, 1947), 2:732. 14. Sutcliffe,“Ladies as Orchestral Players,” 48. 15. “Of professional players, in the ordinary sense, I have not more than three or four.”Moberly revealed that there were a number of Royal College students in his orchestra, and “fourteen or fifteen who give lessons.”Interview with Moberly in The Magazine of Music (June 1893). 16. As reported in The Magazine of Music (May 1892). Sutcliffe was pleased to report that Moberly had found it necessary to “fall back upon the sterner sex for five double basses” at a recent concert at St. James’s Hall.“Ladies as Orchestral Players,” 49. 17. Sutcliffe,“Ladies as Orchestral Players,” 49. Sutcliffe retracted the “missing muscle” charge after Ada Molteno, leader in several theater and opera company orchestras, challenged him to reveal the name of the muscle and of the scientists who had identified its absence in women. His statement, wrote Sutcliffe, had been “advanced in all seriousness and good faith, and was made on the strength of a similar assertion in a recently published book.” See Correspondence columns, March and April issues of The Or- chestral Association Gazette. I learned of Sutcliffe’s article and the subsequent correspondence in Cyril Ehrlich’s The Music Profession in Britain, 156–58. 18. “How to Take Care of a Violin,” The Girl’s Own Paper (February 1887): 332–33.The author is identified only by the initials C. H. P. 19. “Music as a Livelihood,” The Lady’s World (1887): 174–75. 20. Musical Review, 2 June 1883, 347. 21. “Street Musicians,” The Strand Magazine 3 (1892): 72. 22. The Magazine of Music (September 1892): 180. 23. Charles Segal, “The Gorgon and the Nightingale: the Voice of Female Lament and Pindar’s Twelfth Pythian Ode,” in Embodied Voices: Representing Female Vocality in Western Culture, eds. Leslie C. Dunn and Nancy A. Jones (Cambridge and New York:Cambridge University Press, 1994), 30.The ancient aulos was a reed instrument and therefore closer to the oboe or clarinet, but the word is conventionally translated as “flute,”a usage followed by the editor of The Oxford Companion to Classical Literature, who points out the misleading nature of the translation. See “Music, I,”in the M.C. Howat- son, ed., 2nd ed. (Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press, 1989). 24. Emil Medicus,“Female Flutists of Ancient Greece,” The Flutist (1929).The classical sources are Athenaeus and the letters of Alciphon; H. Macaulay Fitzgibbon, The Story of the Flute, Being a History and Everything Connected with It, 2nd ed. (New York:Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1928), 270. 25. Charles Segal, “The Gorgon and the Nightingale,” 34; Suzanne June Leppe, “The Devil’s Music: A Literary Study of Evil and Music” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Riverside, 1988), 15. 26. Segal,“The Gorgon and the Nightingale.” 27. Emanuel Winternitz, Musical Instruments and Their Symbolism in Western Art (New Haven:Yale University Press, 1979), 49–53. Notes 275

28. The Oxford Guide to Classical Mythology in the Arts, 1300–1990s describes what was perhaps the original mythological Lamia: a conquest of Zeus who expressed her fury in the aftermath of her children’s murder by Zeus’s jealous wife, Hera, by snatching and killing other children.The Guide also takes note of the Lamiae associated with her, “amorous fiends who lured young men to bed, then drank their blood and ate their flesh. Jane David- son Reid with the assistance of Chris Rohmann, 2 vols.(New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 2:623–24. 29. The book was W.N. James’s A Word or Two on the Flute; quoted in Julianna Moore, “A Comprehensive Performance Project in Flute Literature with an Essay,A Study of Female Flutists Before 1900” (D.M.A. thesis, Univer- sity of Iowa, 1990). 30. “The link between Lamia and the late nineteenth-century feminists, the viragoes—the wild women—would have been clear to any intellectual reasonably well versed in classical mythology....”Bram Dijkstra, Idols of Perversity: Fantasies of Feminine Evil in Fin-de-Siecle Culture (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 309. On Waterhouse, see Anthony Hobson, The Art and Life of J.W.Waterhouse R.A., 1849–1917 (New York: Rizzoli in association with Christie’s, 1980), 122–23; on Draper and the use of classical mythology in artistic expressions of misogyny,see Joseph A. Kestner, Mythology and Misogyny:The Social Discourse of Nineteenth-Century British Classical-Subject Painting (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989); Kestner discusses Draper’s work, which abounds in frightening images of women, on pp.288–92. 31. The Musical World, 28 February 1880. 32. Essex refers to the viol da gamba as a “base [sic] violin.”According to Willi Apel, the term “viola” was used during the Renaissance and Baroque pe- riods to signify the entire family of bowed strings. Later, the viola da gamba, held on or between the knees, became identified with the bass viol. See entry,“viola,” Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge: Harvard Uni- versity Press, 1968), 797. 33. John Essex proscribed the violin and also warned against the flute, which he considered “very improper, as taking away too much of the Juices, which are otherwise more necessarily employ’d, to promote the Appetite, and assist Digestion.” Essex’s book, The Young Ladies Conduct, or Rules for Education, was published in 1722. The quotation is taken from the catalogue published by Stuart Bennett, rare book dealer in Mill Valley, California: Rare Books 1995, item 37. I am grateful to Mr. Ben- nett for several informative conversations and for calling my attention to this quotation. According to Curt Sachs, “Early civilizations where the masculine impulse predominates connect the ideas flute—phallos— fertility—life—rebirth, and they associate flute playing with innumer- able phallic ceremonies and with fertility in general.” The History of Musical Instruments, (New York:W.W.Norton, 1940), 44. See also Sach’s remarks on the flute in chapter 4, note 18. 276 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

34. Ethel Smyth, Female Pipings in Eden (London: P.Davies, 1934), 8. 35. Richard Shepherd Rockstro, A Treatise on The Construction, the History, and the Practice of the Flute, including a Sketch of the Elements of Acoustics and Crit- ical Notices of Sixty Celebrated Flute-Players, rev. ed. (London: Ruadall, Carte and Co., 1928), 146. Cardigan’s unofficial title is also mentioned in H. Macaulay Fitzgibbon, The Story of the Flute, 223. 36. Music halls of the 1880s used “an unwritten language of vulgarity and ob- scenity...in which vile things can be said that appear perfectly inoffensive in King’s English.”Quoted in Peter Bailey,“Conspiracies of Meaning: Music Hall and the Knowingness of Popular Culture,” Past and Present 144 (1994): 157–58. Cyril Ehrlich notes the names of eight women flute players in the Music Directory of 1900: “Several of them had been playing in music halls since the 1880s, but their numbers were diminishing.” Music Profession, 161. 37. Cardigan’s birth date is given in Julianna Moore,“A Comprehensive Per- formance Project in Flute Literature,” 69. On Rockstro see listing imme- diately following the listing of his brother William Smyth Rockstro, in James D. Brown and Stephen S. Stratton, British Musical Biography: A Dic- tionary of Musical Artists, Authors and Composers Born in Britain and Its Colonies (Birmingham: S. S. Strattton, 1897). 38. My thanks to several members of the Victoria Internet Discussion Group who directed me to the entry on the Royal Aquarium in Ben Weinreb and Christopher Hibbert, The London Encyclopaedia (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1983). Additional information is given in the entry on the Imperial Theatre, the name given to the theater of the Royal Aquarium by a new proprietor at the end of the 1870s. 39. According to Dickens’s Dictionary of London, 1879:An Unconventional Hand- book, the Aquarium without fish became a standing joke. The author (Charles Dickens the younger, son of the novelist) described the Aquarium as one of London’s most successful exhibitions, thanks to its sensational acts. (London: Charles Dickens, “All the Year Round” Office, 1879). The failure of efforts to give “tone” to the Aquarium was noted by H. G. Hib- bert in Fifty Years of a Londoner’s Life; Hibbert is also the source for information on the popularity of Zazel and the hair-covered lady (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co, 1916), 187–88.Again, my thanks to colleagues on the Victoria Internet Discussion Group for responding to my inquiry about the Royal Aquarium (also known as the Westminster Aquarium) with the recommendation of Dickens’s Dictionary and to Patrick Leary, director of the group, for introducing me to Hibbert’s book. 40. See entry,“Principal Boy,”in The Oxford Companion to the Theatre, ed. Phyl- lis Hartnoll, 3rd ed., (London, New York, and Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1967). 41. Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography. In 1889, Cardigan married the composer and pianist Louis Honig. She died on March 17, 1931. 42. “Our Round Table:Are Ladies Successful as Orchestral Players?” The Mag- azine of Music (June 1896): 394–95. Notes 277

43. “Careers for Girls: Music,” The Girl’s Realm 5 (1902–03): 1092. 44. Marion M. Scott, “British Women as Instrumentalists,” The Music Student Special Number—Chiefly prepared by the Society of Women Musicians (1918). 45. “The Academy encourages, while the College prohibits, the playing of wind instruments by female pupils.” Florence Fidler and Rosabel Watson, “Music as a Profession,”133.“Women could get as good a training as men in the student orchestras of the R.A.M. and R.C.M. (though at the latter place Wind scholarships are still closed to women)....”;Scott, “British Women as Instrumentalists,” The Music Student, 1918. 46. Watson was 18- or 19-years old and had recently learned the double-bass, after which she was often paid to play in amateur orchestras; she also became a French horn player. Watson’s typescript, “Some Memories of My Life in Music and the Theatre,” is held at the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas,Austin. 47. “Music as a Profession,” Englishwoman’s Year Book (1899): 132. 48. Anthony E. Kemp, The Musical Temperament: Psychology and Personality of Musicians (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 152. Kemp provides an informative account of recent research that shows that trumpet and trombone continue to be perceived as instruments best suited to male players. (Ibid., 142–43). See also Katharine Ellis’s comment on the “voyeuristic potential of women brass-players”; “The Fair Sax: Women, Brass-Playing and the Instrument Trade in 1860s Paris,” Journal of the Royal Musical Association 124 (1999): 235. 49. Greta Kent, A View from the Bandstand (London: Sheba Feminist Publish- ers, 1983), 39–46. 50. J. Cuthbert Hadden,“Ladies and Orchestral Instruments,” The Young Woman (1903–04). 51. “The English Ladies’ Orchestral Society: Half an Hour with Mr. J. S. Lid- dle,” The Magazine of Music (May 1895). In 1896, Liddle succeeded August Manns as conductor of the Handel Society in London; he continued to direct the English Ladies’ Orchestral Society after that appointment. (Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography.) 52. The English Ladies’ Orchestral Society is listed in the Englishwoman’s Year Book of 1912. An article on Marion Arkwright (“Miss Arkwright, Mus. Doc.”), marking her award of a Doctorate in Music from Durham Uni- versity,makes it clear that the Society had disbanded:“This was a complete amateur orchestra of ladies, but it was difficult to keep up the supply of amateur wind players.” The Musical Herald, 1 December 1913, 370. 53. Gillian Hall,“Salvation Army,”in Victorian Britain:An Encyclopedia, ed. Sally Mitchell (New York and London:Garland Publishing, 1988). 54. Trevor Herbert, “Nineteenth-Century Bands: The Making of a Move- ment,”in The Brass Band Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries, ed.Trevor Herbert (Philadelphia: Open University Press), 49. 55. Ibid. 278 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

56. Trevor Herbert, “God’s Perfect Minstrels: the Bands of the Salvation Army,” in The British Brass Band: A Musical and Social History, ed. Trevor Herbert (Oxford, forthcoming). I am most grateful to the author for sending me a copy of this chapter. 57. Michael Musgrave, Musical Life of the Crystal Palace (New York:Cambridge University Press, 1995), 210. 58. “The Bands of the Salvation Army: a Critical Report,”written for the Sal- vation Army on 31 March 1906; published under the caption “What the Critic Had to Say” in the Musician of the Salvation Army, 3 December, 1960; reprinted in David Laurence, ed., Shaw’s Music:The Complete Musical Criti- cism in Three Volumes, 2nd. Ed., 3 vols. (London: Max Reinhardt, the Bodley Head, 1981), 3:588–94. 59. Ray Strachey, The Cause:A Short History of the Women’s Movement in Great Britain (London:Virago Press, 1978), 212, 214. 60. Glen (née Broder, born in India to English parents in 1859) is listed in Donald L. Hixon and Don A. Hennesse, Women in Music:An Encyclopedic Bibliography, 2nd ed. (Metuchen, New Jersey and London: Scarecrow Press, 1993). Brown and Stratton, in British Musical Biography, note her author- ship of two books: Music in Its Social Aspect and “an elaborate treatise,” How to Accompany. Glen’s article is in The Woman’s World 2 (1889): 82–85. 61. The Woman’s World 3 (1890): 491–93. 62. On the various genres included in the term “musical theatre” at this time, see Andrew Lamb, “Music of the Popular Theatre,” and Nigel Burton, “Opera: 1865–1914,”in Music in Britain:The Romantic Age 1800–1914, ed. Nicholas Temperley (New York:Athlone Press, 1981), 92–108, 330–357. 63. From a speech Gilbert gave in 1906; quoted in E. D. Mackerness, A Social History of English Music (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul; Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1964), 190. 64. The year was 1878. Quoted in Arthur Jacobs, Arthur Sullivan: A Victorian Musician, 2nd ed. (Portland:Amadeus Press, 1992), 119. 65. “Professions for Gentlewomen. Public Singing. II.—Poor Cecilia,” The Lady, 12 March 1885, 135–36. 66. “Some Experiences of a Débutante, By A Singer,” Atalanta 7 (1893–94): 249–53. 67. The full title is A Dictionary of Employments Open to Women with Details of Wages, Hours of Work, and Other Information, by Mrs. Philipps assisted by Miss Marian Edwardes, Miss Janet Tuckey,and Miss E. Dixon, published in 1898 by the Women’s Institute, London: 97–98.The recommendations for musical employment include the warning that “the profession of a public performer is very precarious.” Mrs. Philipps, founder of the Institute, described it as “an outward and visible representation or incorporation of the woman movement.”The Institute included a library and a lecture department that established a list of highly qualified women lecturers on a vari- ety of subjects and helped them reach audiences.The Institute also had a Music Society consisting of professional and nonprofessional musicians. Notes 279

Raymond Blathwayt, “The Woman’s Institute: A Talk with Mrs. Wynford Philipps,” Great Thoughts, III (February 1899), 320–22. [Note: other sources refer to the “Women’s” Institute.] 68. See entry,“City Livery Companies,” in Weinreb and Hibbert, London En- cyclopaedia. 69. Wilhemina Wimble, “Incomes for Ladies: Singing as a Profession,” The Lady’s Realm 5 (1898–99). 70. Ehrlich, Music Profession, 155–56. 71. Lamb,“Music of the Popular Theatre,”97–100. George Edwardes directed both the Prince of Wales’ and Daly’s Theatres; shows at the latter “boasted a more substantial and consistent plot and more ambitious and extended musical writing that was indeed nearer to comic opera.” Ibid., 99. 72. The Lady, 25 June 1908. 73. The Lady, 11 June 1908, 1150. 74. Alan Hyman, The Gaiety Years (London: Cassell, 1975), 96. 75. Mary L. Pendered, Daisy the Minx:A Diversion (London:W.J. Ham-smith, 1911), 219. 76. A disadvantage of music hall performance, writes Scala, is the number of tips to be paid. The Lady, 9 January 1908, 76. 77. “The Royal Welsh Ladies’ Choir,” by “An Occasional Theatre-Goer” The Musical Herald, 1 December 1900, 373–374. 78. Dagmar Kift, The Victorian Music Hall: Culture, Class and Conflict, trans. Roy Kift (New York:Cambridge University Press, 1996), 54.The performance was actually of selections from Faust; see the entry on Faust in J.A. Fuller Maitland, ed. A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: 1904–10). Be- fore music hall entertainment began to feature standard character-roles (e.g., the soldier, milkman, and domestic servant), singers had appeared at Morton’s Canterbury in evening dress and presented their songs as if at a classical concert (Ibid., 45). Morton’s criticism was expressed in an interview with the Westminster Gazette that was quoted in The Musical Times (1894). See Scholes, Mirror of Music, 1:506. 79. Brown and Stratton, British Musical Biography. Percy Scholes mentions Novello Davies as a highly respected choir trainer famous for conducting her ladies’ choir for almost 60 years. Mirror of Music, 2:731. 80. “The Royal Welsh Ladies’ Choir,” 373. 81. Letter to the Editor from Wallace Sutcliffe,“Correspondence. Ladies as Or- chestral Players,” The Orchestral Association Gazette (April 1894): 83. Sut- cliffe had initiated a discussion by Gazette correspondents with an article, “Ladies as Orchestral Players” in the issue of February 1894. 82. Marie Goossens, Life on a Harp String: An Autobiography (London:Thorne Printing and Publishing, 1987), 18–19. Marie and Sidonie Goossens both attained eminence on the instrument. 83. Pupils at publicly run elementary schools, where music was included in the curriculum (until 1902 these were known as Board schools), were drawn from the working classes; an 1883 manual on employment options for 280 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

women advised that while elementary school teachers received good salaries and had short working hours,“many ladies would find the class of children they would be required to teach a great trial to them”; Mercy Grogan, How Women May Earn a Living (London/Paris/New York:Cassell and Co., Ltd., 1883), 40–41. In 1877, at a college that trained female Board school teachers, authorities opposed teaching piano to these young women because “such practice would not only interfere with their other work, but did not become persons of their station in life.” Gordon Cox, A History of Music Education in England, 1872–1928 (Aldershot Hants, England: Scolar Press; Brookfield,Vermont:Ashgate Publishing Co., 1993), 29. Efforts to at- tract “teachers of another class” by recognizing University examinations as another means of entry were unsuccessful: “It is doubtful whether more than a very few women of even moderate University attainments are at present engaged in elementary teaching. Such women can get work under easier conditions and with better pay elsewhere, the headmistresships of some London Board schools excepted.”A. Amy Bulley,“How to Become a Schoolmistress,” The Young Woman 1 (August 1893): 383–85. 84. The Year-Book of Women’s Work, ed. L. M. H., author of “Work for Ladies in Elementary Schools,” etc. (London: 1875), 89.The depressing statistics are discussed in Ehrlich, Music Profession, 104–05. 85. On the subject of examinations and efforts to establish a registration system, see Ehrlich, Music Profession, 116–20, 130–35. 86. Mrs. H. Coleman Davidson, What Our Daughters Can Do: A Handbook of Women’s Employments (London: Smith, Elder, and Co., 1894), 197–98. 87. Ehrlich, Music Profession, 118–19. 88. “Quarterly Musical Letter,” The Girl’s Realm (1900): 258–59. 89. The Musical Herald, “Professional Cards” section (1915): 5. 90. From Clarke’s unpublished memoir,“I Had a Father Too,”1969–1973. I am grateful to Liane Curtis for her generosity in sharing her knowledge of Clarke’s work, life, and career, and for informing me of this incident. 91. “A Singer,”“Teaching as a Profession for Women” Atalanta 7 (1893–94). 92. M. E. Francis [Mrs. Francis (Mary) Blundell], The Duenna of a Genius (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1898), 130. 93. Emma Marshall, Alma, or the Story of A Little Music Mistress (New York: White and Allen, 1889), 14, 224, 307. 94. Ethel Smyth has pointed out that membership in a first-class orchestra provides collateral benefits: the opportunity to play the best music and to learn about instruments and conducting, invitations to play in chamber concerts and on provincial tours, and good payment for private lessons. Female Pip- ings, 11. 95. Davidson, What Our Daughters Can Do, 199. 96. “Teaching as a Profession for Women,” Atalanta 7 (1893–94), 396–400. 97. Elizabeth Godfrey, Cornish Diamonds, 2 vols. (London: Richard Bentley and Son, 1895), 1:29. Notes 281

98. Henry Handel Richardson (pseud. of Ethel Robertson, née Richardson), Maurice Guest, 2 vols. (1908; Reprint; London:William Heinemann, Ltd., 1929), 1:38. See reference to this author in chapter 1, p. 5. 99. Ibid., 1:148. 100. Piano educator and professor at the Royal Academy of Music. His analyt- ical studies of piano technique were known as the “Matthay System.” See the entry on Matthay in H. C. Colles, ed. A Dictionary of Music and Musi- cians (London: 1927–28). 101. Bernarr Rainbow,“Music in Education,”in Temperley,ed., Music in Britain: The Romantic Age. 102. L. M. H., ed., The Year-Book of Women’s Work, 89. 103. “Music as a Livelihood,” The Lady’s World (1887). 104. GOP cost a penny per week; studies of its circulation show that it was read by a remarkably wide socioeconomic range, from servant girls to the daughters of professionals. Mitchell, The New Girl, 27.The article, which was published without attribution, was titled “Girls as Pianoforte Tuners:A New Remunerative Employment,”and was featured as the opening article of the issue of 23 April 1887, 465–66. 105. Alfred James Hipkins was a writer on music and musical instruments and an expert on the piano and earlier keyboard instruments. Brown and Strat- ton, British Musical Biography. 106. Palace Journal, 13 August 1890, 160. 107. There were twenty shillings to a pound. A guinea was 21 shillings and being paid in guineas rather than in pounds was one mark of a professional person. 108. Davidson, What Our Daughters Can Do, 202–03. 109. Annie Patterson, Chats with Music Lovers (London:T.Werner Laurie, 1907), 126. 110. See the article on Stainer in J.A. Fuller Maitland, ed. A Dictionary of Music and Musicians (London: 1904–10). 111. Writing in 1907, organist Annie Patterson considered this a significant handicap for women and a likely source of prejudice against women organists. Chats with Music Lovers, 126–27. 112. Derek Hyde, New-Found Voices, 3rd ed. (Aldershot, England and Brook- field,Vermont:Ashgate, 1998), 37.The surplice is a long, loose, white linen vestment. 113. Quoted in Scholes, Mirror of Music, 2:729. 114. Information on Stirling’s use of “E. Stirling, Esq.,” is included in the obituary article in The Musical Herald, 1 May 1895. 115. Hyde, New-Found Voices, 37.Writing in the mid-1940s, Percy Scholes commented that there had never been, within his own memory, a woman organist in any English cathedral. Mirror of Music, 2:731. 116. The Review pointed out that Mounsey was to retain the right to use the organ for teaching purposes. The Englishwoman’s Review, 15 August 1882, 378. 282 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

117. Florence Fidler, “Music as a Profession for Women,” The Humanitarian (1901): 425. 118. Hyde, New-Found Voices, 38. In 1909, there were 13 women organists in Irish cathedrals. Mary Layton, “Women as Organists and Choir Trainers,” The Music Student, Special Number, Chiefly Prepared by the Society of Women Musicians (1918), 336. 119. Hon.Victoria Grosvenor,“The Amateur Church Organist,” The Girl’s Own Paper (October 1886). 120. “How to Play the Organ,” The Girl’s Own Paper 1 (1880): 328–30. Ann Stainer’s long career is noted in Scholes, Mirror of Music, II, 730. 121. Patterson received the degree from the Royal Irish University in 1889. She was also a composer, a popular lecturer, and later, a radio personality. See her entry in Sadie and Samuels, ed., Norton/Grove Dictionary of Women Composers. 122. Layton,“Women as Organists and Choir Trainers,” The Music Student, Special Number chiefly prepared by the Society for Women Musicians,1918, p. 336. 123. Obituary article on Patterson, London Times, 18 January 1934, 17d. 124. Identified as Evangelical Independent in Weinreb and Hibbert, The London Encyclopaedia, 101. 125. Layton,“Women as Organists and Choir Trainers,” 336. Layton’s article is followed by a brief biographical note on the author. 126. Patterson, Chats with Music Lovers, 137. 127. Henry Holiday, well-known painter and dedicated music amateur, writes of the celebration, on July 4, 1911, of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the South Hampstead Orchestra. Reminiscences of My Life (London: Wm. Heinemann, 1914), 378. 128. The London Times, in its obituary article, also paid tribute to her “notable performances of the symphonies of Brahms [given] at a time when they were not considered to be the popular attractions they are to-day.”7 March 1922. 129. Smyth conducted the overture to her opera, The Wreckers, at a promenade concert on August 21, 1913. Arthur Jacobs, Henry J. Wood: Maker of the Proms (London: Metheun, 1994), 143. 130. Rawson sometimes used the initials A. M. for Alice Mary. In the inaugural roster of the Society of Women Musicians, she listed herself as a vocalist and critic. (Papers of the Society of Women Musicians,15 July 1911, Royal College of Music Library.) She was also the author of 18 novels, most of them historical romances. See her listing in Sandra Kemp, Charlotte Mitchell, and David Trotter, Edwardian Fiction:An Oxford Companion (Ox- ford and New York:Oxford University Press, 1997). 131. Maud Stepney Rawson,“Mr.August Manns on Women as Conductors of Musical Orchestras,” Woman, 6 March 1895.The interview was Number X in a series,“Talks on Topics.”Arnold Bennett was then assistant editor of this weekly magazine; he became editor in the following year. See Anita Miller, “Arnold Bennett,” in Dictionary of Literary Biography, Volume 34: Notes 283

British Novelists, 1890–1929:Traditionalists, ed.Thomas Staley (Detroit: Gale Research, 1985). 132. The coauthors were H. A. J. Campbell and Myles B. Foster; the latter was an organist, composer, and musical editor to the firm of Boosey. 133. “Part X: Position of the Players,” The Girl’s Own Paper (1904): 660. 134. “Part XI:The Conductor,” The Girl’s Own Paper (1904): 710. 135. “Part I.—Entente for Women Musicians,” Evening Standard and St. James Gazette, 19 July 1911, in news clipping collection, Royal College of Music Library. 136. Society of Women Musicians: Notes Taken at the Inaugural Meeting, annual reports of the Council, and news clipping file, Royal College of Music Library. 137. Katharine Eggar,“Marion Scott as Founder of the Society of Women Mu- sicians,”Friends’Tributes to Marion Scott at a special Composers’ Confer- ence held in her memory, 24–25 June 1954, Papers of the Society of Women Musicians, Royal College of Music Library. 138. Elizabeth Wood,“Performing Rights:A Sonography of Women’s Suffrage,” Musical Quarterly 79 (Winter 1995): 617–18. 139. Scholes, Mirror of Music, 2:886. Jane A. Bernstein, “Ethel Smyth,” in Sadie and Samuels, ed., Norton/Grove Dictionary of Women Composers. 140. Thomas Beecham, A Mingled Chime: Leaves from An Autobiography (London and New York:Hutchinson and Co., 1944), 85. 141. Musical Times, 1 August 1911, 535–36. 142. “The Status of Women Composers,” Musical News, 29 March 1913, 289. 143. Julie Holledge, Innocent Flowers:Women in the Edwardian Theatre (London: Virago Press, 1981), 53. 144. Davies identified herself with the American suffrage leader Frances Willard and with Lady Henry Somerset, both of whom combined temperance beliefs with suffrage advocacy. The Young Woman (April 1893): 222. 145. “She had had the devil of a time establishing herself against male prejudice, while making her way with an instrument considered unfeminine.” Anna Wickham, The Writings of Anna Wickham: Free Woman and Poet, ed. R. D. Smith (London:Virago Press, 1984), 119. 146. The suffrage documents cited in this chapter, including the WSPU program of 29 October 1908, its Christmas Fair and Fete Program of 4–9 De- cember 1911, and the NUWSS list of Council Members printed in connection with an event held in April 1914, and other materials mentioned, were read at the Fawcett Library in London. I am grateful to David Doughan, Reference Librarian, for helping me locate these materials and for many helpful suggestions. 147. Officers of the Actresses’ Franchise League are listed in the section on societies of The Suffrage Annual and Women’s Who’s Who (London: Stanley Paul & Co., 1913). I. I am grateful to Gail Cameron of The Museum of Lon- don for sending me this list and other informative materials. 284 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

148. According to Jessica Douglas-Home,Violet Gordon Woodhouse’s willing- ness to support the suffragettes was largely due to loyalty to her friends Ethel Smyth and Christopher St. John (Christabel Marshall); Violet:The Life and Loves of Violet Gordon Woodhouse (London: Harvill Press, 1996), 111–12. 149. Elizabeth Wood,“Performing Rights,” 639. 150. Lisa Tickner, The Spectacle of Women: Imagery of the Suffrage Campaign: 1907–11 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 211–13. The WSPU adopted the name National Women’s Social and Political Union, but the initials WSPU remained the familiar ones. Ibid., 277. A color re- production of “The Bugler Girl” is printed opposite page 51 in Tickner’s book. 151. The program of the 1909 (N) WSPU, printed by the Woman’s Press, is in the Fawcett Library. Sylvia Pankhurst’s “trumpeting angel” design was widely used in other WSPU materials;Tickner, Spectacle, 28. 152. Address delivered at the Annual General Meeting on November 29, 1915, at the Women’s Institute. Papers of the SWM, Royal College of Music Library. 153. Layton,“Women as Organists and Choir Trainers,” 336.The characterization of Handley’s church as “most fashionable” is Layton’s. 154. See Nicholas C. Gatty’s discussion of Hamilton Harty’s dismissal of women players in the Hallé orchestra, “The Mixed Orchestra,” Musician (January 1921). 155. Scott,“British Women as Instrumentalists,” 337. 156. “British Women’s Contribution to the Art of Music,” Women’s Employment, 19 October 1928.According to the 1922 Annual Report of the Society of Women Musicians, Dame Ethel Smyth, honorary vice president of the SWM, and Mrs. Agnes Larkcom, SWM Council member, were the first women elected as (full) members of the Royal Philharmonic Society. SWM papers, Royal College of Music Library. 157. Derek Scott, The Singing Bourgeois: Songs of the Victorian Drawing Room and Parlour (Philadelphia: Open University Press, 1989), 62–63. 158. Sophie Fuller, Pandora Guide to Women Composers: Britain and the United States, 1629-Present (San Francisco and London: Pandora, 1994), 72–74. 159. Derek Scott, Singing Bourgeois, 62–63. 160. Fuller, Pandora Guide, 72–74. 161. Sophie Fuller, “Unearthing a World of Music:Victorian and Edwardian Women Composers,” Women:A Cultural Review 3 (1992): 21. 162. Many of Eggar’s chamber works, “although well received in concert performances, remained unpublished.”Sophie Fuller,“Katharine Emily Eggar,” in Sadie and Samuels, ed., Norton/Grove Dictionary of Women Composers. 163. Liane Curtis, “A Case of Identity: Rebecca Clarke,” Musical Times 137 (May 1996): 15–21—incident related on p. 17. Curtis observes that few male composers are likely to have responded as she did. Ibid., 17. See also Curtis’s “Rebecca Clarke and Sonata Form: Questions of Gender and Genre,” Musical Quarterly 81 (1997): 393–429. Notes 285

164. The typescript interview with Ellen Lerner was provided to me by Liane Curtis. My thanks to Ellen Lerner for permission to make use of this interview. 165. See the obituary article in The Musical Herald, 1 October 1907. 166. See entry on Macfarren by John R. Gardner in Sadie and Samuel, ed., Nor- ton/Grove Dictionary of Women Composers. Married to John Macfarren, brother of the composer George Macfarren, she published piano pieces that Gardner describes as brilliant and original; some songs and piano works were published under her own name. 167. Landon Ronald,“Some Lady Song Writers,” The Lady’s Realm 9 (1901).A French composer of Irish parentage and an admirer of Wagner, Holmès wrote operas, symphonies, and choral works. See the entry by Hugh Mac- donald in the Norton/Grove Dictionary of Women Composers. 168. Johnstone, a founding member of the Society of Women Musicians, was the first woman member on the Council of the London Section of the In- corporated Society of Musicians. Layton,“Women as Organists and Choir Trainers,” 335. 169. On Smyth’s use of initials in approaching publishers, see Marcia Citron, “Gender, Professionalism, and the Musical Canon,” Journal of Musicology 8 (1990): 108. 170. On the performance and publication of the Mass, see Ethel Smyth, As Time Went On (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1936), 61. 171. Liza Lehmann, The Life of Liza Lehmann by Herself (1919; reprint, New York:Da Capo Press, 1980), 22–23. 172. Jacobs, Henry J.Wood, 143. 173. Howell had studied at the Royal Academy of Music and was also a concert pianist. Wood gave first performances at the promenade concerts of several of her other works.The score of “Lamia,” in Arthur Jacobs’s judg- ment,“invites scrutiny today.” Jacobs, Henry J.Wood, 179–80. 174. Fuller,“Unearthing a World of Music,” 17. 175. On women composers, see Nicola LeFanu,“Master Musician:An Impreg- nable Taboo?” Contact: A Journal of Contemporary Music no.31 (Autumn, 1987), 4–8. On conductors, see Kay Lawson,“Women Conductors: Cred- ibility in a Male-Dominated Profession,” in The Musical Woman:An Inter- national Perspective. Vol.3 (1986–90), ed. Judith Lang Zaimont, Jane Gottlieb, Joanne Polk, and Michael J. Rogan (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1991), 197–219 and Norman Lebrecht, The Maestro Myth: Great Conductors in Pursuit of Power (London: Pocket Books/Simon and Schuster, 1997), 266–71. Bibliography

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Actresses’ Franchise League [AFL], 221 Calvé, Emma, 151, 180–81 Aeolian Ladies’ Orchestra, 60, 199 Campbell, Harriette R.: Is It Enough?, 139 Albani: Emma, 141, 142, 167 Cardigan, Cora, 196–97 Arkwright, Marion, 199–200 Carreño,Teresa, 189 Bach: Christmas Oratorio, 179 Carroll, Lewis. See Dodgson, Charles Bagby,Albert Morris: Miss Träumerei, 118 Carrodus, John Tiplady, 54 Balfour,A. J., 103 Casals, Pablo, 51, 217 Baltzar,Thomas, 89 Charity Organization Society, 40, 46, 48 Baring, Maurice, 168 Chopin, Frédéric, 5 Barnard, Frederick, 107, 111 Chorley, Henry, 149 Barnett, Henrietta, 45–46, 61 Christiansen, Rupert, 155 Barnett, Samuel A., 45–46 Clarke, Rebecca, 31 190, 209, 221, 226 Barns, Ethel: Concertstück, 29, 226 Clausen, Eleanor: Orchestra of Young Baroni, Leonora, 142 Ladies, 60 Barrington, Mrs. Russell: Good Words, 46, 47 Clegg, Edith, 222 Bartholomew,Ann Mounsey, 215 Cobbett,Walter Wilson, 140 Bassin, R. Ethel, 208 conductors, women as, 216–19 Baylis, Lilian, 52, 53, 54–55 Conrad, Joseph: Victory, 114 Beach,Amy, 31 Cons, Emma, 52–55 Beardsley,Aubrey, 168 Corelli, Marie, 86 Beecham,Thomas, 31, 220 Crawford, F.Marion, 163, 177, 185, 186–87 Beethoven, 19, 151 Crowest, Frederick J., 163, 193–94, 212–13 Benedict, Julius, 53, 179 Dannreuther, Edward, 167, 179 Bennett, Ellen A.:“The Result of a Song,” Darwin, Charles, 18, 101 73, 74–75 Davies, Clara Novello, 206 Bennett, Joseph, 162, 179, 192 Davies, Fanny, 66, 68 Bennett,William Sterndale, 7 Davies, Mary, 221 Benson, E. F.: The Rubicon, 168 Daymond, Emily, 224 Berger, Francesco, 183 De Lara,Adelina, 66–69 Besant,Walter, 52, 56–59, 106, 107, 111, décolletage, 178–79 120–21 De Pratz, Claire: Eve Norris, 169, 174–76 Bianchini, Maria, 195 Dent, Edward J., 53, 55, 56 Bond, Jessie, 202–3 Dickens, Charles, 18 Boosey,William, 205 Djikstra, Bram, 195 Bowles,Thomas Gibson, 164 Dodgson, Charles, 103, 104 Bradley, Orton, 60 dress reform, 178 Branscombe, Gena, 31 du Maurier, George, 109, 110, 111–13, Brema, Marie, 221, 222 115, 169, 184 Bright, Dora: Fantasia, 29 Dvorak, 69 Brooke, Lady, 59–60 Eames, Emma, 151, 176–77, 186 Burdett-Coutts,Angela, 35, 43 Eastlake, Elizabeth, 146–48, 184 Burne-Jones, Edward, 3 Eaton, Gertrude, 224–25 308 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

Edwards, H. Sutherland, 141 Hanslick, Eduard, 180, 195 Eggar, Katherine, 30, 219, 220, 224–26 Hardy,Thomas:“The Fiddler of the Reels,” Elgar, Edward, 71 84–85 Eliot, George, 26, 152–58 Haweis, H. R., 4–5, 36, 82, 84, 100, 103, Ellicott, Rosalind, 14–18, 197 105, 116–17, 122, 142 Ellis, Havelock, 180 Hayward, Marjorie, 221 Ellis,William Ashton, 167 Heine, Heinrich, 96 English Ladies’ Orchestra, 60, 199–200 Heron-Allen, Edward, 92 Englishwoman’s Review, 16 Hichens, Robert, 15, 186 Essex, John, 196 Hill, Miranda, 40 ”Fair Violinist,The” 113–15, 117, 119 Hill, Octavia, 40–41, 53 Falkner, John Meade: The Lost Stradivarius, 95 “Home, Sweet Home,” 165–66 Fawcett, Millicent, 3, 221 Hotten, Hannah, 65–66 femininity and power, 180–87 Howard, Mabel:“Forgotten Chords,” feminist movement, 79, 101, 219–27 128–30 Fidler, Florence, 190, 198 Howell, Dorothy, 226–27 Filipowicz, Elise Mayer, 80, 81, 82 Hughes,Arthur: The Home Quartet, 101, 102 Finlay, Mildred: The Stradivarius, 121, 123–24 Humphreys, Eliza Margaret Gollan: flute, 194–96 Countess Daphne, 94 Folkestone, Lady, 43–45, 51, 60 Huneker, James, 5, 178 Fothergill, Jessie, 12–13, 145–46 Hunt, Leigh, 96 Francillon, R. E., 92 Illustrated London News, 10, 12, 54, 100 Francis, M. E. (Mary Blundell): The Duenna James, Henry, 103, 148 of a Genius, 121, 124–25, 209–10 Jevons,W.Stanley, 38–39, 42 Fuller, Sophie, 31 Joachim, Joseph, 105, 177, 181, 199 Fun, 112–13, 131 Johnstone, Lucy, 226 Garcia, Manuel, 151, 179, 203 Johnstone, Mr. and Mrs. George Hope, 68 Garden, Mary, 181 Keats, John:“Lamia,” 195 Gautherot, Louise, 80, 81 Kemble (Sartoris),Adelaide, 148–51 Gautier,Théophile:“Contralto,” 185 Kemp,Anthony, 198 gaze, male, 7, 106, 107–8, 110, 111, Kent, Greta, 198 111–15, 177, 185 Kern, Stephen, 111 gender and musical creativity, 19–28 Kestner, Joseph, 143, 195 gender-role ambiguity, 117 Keynon, James B.:“Her Violin,” 118–19 Gilbert,William, 202–3 Kitchin, Xie, 103, 104 Girl’s Own Paper, 6, 74, 75, 81, 115, 193, Kreisler, Fritz, 50, 51, 217 213, 216 Kyrle Society, 39, 40–43, 46, 48, 51 Gissing, George, 117, 130, 132–34 Lady,The, 30, 39, 164, 203, 205 Glen,Annie, 201 Lang,Andrew, 103 God Save the Queen, 44 Langtry, Lillie, 178 Godfrey, Elizabeth (Jessie Bedford), 120, Laninska, Erma, 180 169, 170–71 Layton, Mary, 216, 217, 221 Goodwin,Amina, 190 Lehmann, Liza, 220, 226 Grand, Sarah, 125–28, 222 Leighton, Frederick, 40 Green, Lucy, 83 Lemmens Sherrington, Helen, 145 Greville,Violet, 46–47 Lennox, Lady William, 60 Grossmith, George, 5, 82 Leppert, Richard, 90 Grove, George, 214–15 Liddle, John Shepherd, 199, 200 Guildhall School of Music, 60, 63, 164, 199 Lind, Jenny, 64–65, 147, 166 Gurney, Edmund: The Power of Sound, 103 Lindsay, Blanche, 43, 81, 98, 105, 115–16 Hadden, J. Cuthbert, 199 Liszt, Franz, 6, 7, 135, 148, 190 Hall, Marie, 66, 69, 70, 71–72, 97, 119, Lucca, Pauline, 143 128, 226 Lunn, Henry C., 100 Hallé, Charles, 5, 119 Lyall, Edna: Doreen, 7–8, 169, 204 Hallé, Lady. See Neruda,Wilma Norman Mack, Louise: The Music Makers, 5 Hamilton, Cicely, 220, 222 “Mademoiselle Lili,” 164–67 Index 309

Magazine of Music, 8–9, 16, 26–27, 29, 92 Old Vic. See Royal Victoria Coffee Music Mahler, Gustav, 135 Hall Maitland, J.A. Fuller, 164 opera singers, 36, 55–56. See also Calvé, “Maker of Violins,The” 93 Emma; Eames, Emma; Lucca, Manns,August, 60, 200 Pauline; Nilsson, Christine; Patti, Mapleson, James, 166, 183 Adelina Marchesi, Blanche, 145, 181 organists, women as, 214–16 Marchesi, Mathilde (Graumann), 151, 177, Paganini, Niccolo, 69, 94, 95–97 179 Parry, Charles Hubert, 51 Marshall, Emma, 12–15 Pasta, Giuditta, 148 Marshall, Florence, 48–49, 50–51, 217 patronage, personal, 68 Martin, Mary E.: Her Debut, 169–70 Patterson,Annie, 208, 216, 217, 222 Maternal Counsels to a Daughter, 6 Patti,Adelina, 1, 141, 143–44, 166, 178, Matthay,Tobias,211 180–81, 183, 184, 189 Meister,The, 28 Pendered, Mary: Daisy the Minx, 205–6 Melba, Nellie, 151 People’s Concert Society, 39, 48–52, 57 Melliar, Maude, 197 People’s Entertainment Society, 39, 42–46, Mendelssohn, 53, 83, 215 48, 49, 50, 164 Mendelssohn Scholarship, 25 People’s Palace, 39, 57–62, 167, 214 Milanollo, Maria, 86 “Petticoat Quartet,” 194, 198 Milanollo,Teresa, 23, 86 philanthropy, music, 33–39. See also, Kyrle Miles, Philip Napier, 72 Society; People’s Concert Society; Millais, John Everett:“The Music Mistress,” People’s Entertainment Society; 9 People’s Palace; Royal Victoria Milton, John, 142 Coffee Music Hall Moberly, E. H., 115, 193, 197 piano tuners, women as, 212–14 Molesworth, Louise: White Turrets, 164 piano, 3–4, 99–101 Monthly Musical Record, 19–21, 30 Polonaski, Eugene, 92 Moore, George, 169, 171–74, 174, 175 Powell, Maud, 67 Mounsey, Elizabeth, 215 Praeger, Ferdinand, 25–26 Mukle, Lillian, 61 public performers, prejudice against, 6–8 Mukle, May, 61, 190, 191, 221 Punch, 35, 47, 51, 99, 109, 110, 112 muse, 28, 36, 142 Radnor, Lady, 103, 192–93, 199, 217 music halls, 39, 42, 50, 57–63, 196, 201, rational recreation, 38–39 204–7. See also Royal Victoria Rawson, Maud Stepney, 197, 217–19 Coffee Music Hall Reeves, Sims, 186 musical education and teachers, 9–10, Rensch, Rosyln, 3 34–35, 48, 63, 145, 207–12 Rice Anne: Violin:A Novel, 135 Musical Herald, 42, 61, 64, 208, 210, 211 Richardson, Henry Handel (Ethel Musical News, 220–21 Robertson): Maurice Guest, 5, Musical Times, 16, 19, 22–26, 28, 40, 42, 45, 210–11 50, 215 Richardson, Samuel: Clarissa, 84 Musical World, 22, 50, 54, 220 Richter, Hans, 207 National Union of Women’s Suffrage Ritter, Fanny Raymond, 24 Societies, 221, 222, 224 Rockstro, Richard Shepard, 196 Neruda,Wilma Norman, 1, 2, 22, 66, 71, Roeckel, Jane Jackson, 72 79, 81–82, 98–99, 103, 105, 119, Romanes, George John, 18, 26 128, 189 Rowbotham, Judith, 164 New Woman, image of, 122–23, 168, 174, Royal Academy of Music, 61, 63, 79, 109, 195 164, 199, 212 Newman, Robert, 204 Royal College of Music, 41, 63, 199 Newnes, George, 73 Royal Victoria Coffee Music Hall, 39, Niecks, Frederick, 19–21, 24 52–56, 61 Nilsson, Christine, 1, 64–65, 71, 141, Roze, Marie, 178 185–86 Rubinstein,Anton, 6, 27, 31 Nordica, Lilian, 178, 181–82 Rubinstein,Arthur, 5 310 Musical Women in England, 1870–1914

Rushmore, Robert, 174 Tourte, François, 86 Ruskin, John, 36, 52, 174 Tovey, Donald, 31 ”St. Cecilia,” 158–62 Toynbee,Arnold, 46 Saint-Saens: Danse Macabre, 135 Tree,Viola, 177 Sainton-Dolby, Charlotte, 53, 65 “True Music,” 112–13, 131 Salvation Army, 200 Tschaikowsky: Concerto, 69 Samaroff-Stokowski, Olga, 29 Tua,Teresina, 67, 103 Sand, George: Consuelo, 154 Urso, Camille, 67, 79 Sarasate, Pablo, 86 Viardot, Pauline, 154, 179 Schlesinger, Kathleen, 224 Vicinus, Martha, 11 Schmeling, Gertrude, 80 Victoria, Queen, 57, 105, 179–80 Schopenhauer, 25 violin, 4 Schubert, 19–20, 23, 181 demise of ban on women playing, Schumann, Clara, 1, 22, 66, 68, 69, 190 101–8 Scott, Marion, 30, 115–17, 220, 224 informal ban on women playing, 77–82 Scudo, Pietro, 23, 24 as the devil’s instrument, 78, 87–89, Shaw, George Bernard, 47, 49, 54, 168, 178, 134, 135, 137 184, 200 gendered perception of, 78, 82–87 Shinner, Emily, 67, 69, 103, 105, 128 and piano, 99–101, 115 Sidgwick, Cecily Ullmann (Mrs.Andrew and the supernatural, 91–99 Dean): A Splendid Cousin, 130–31, “Violin Bow,The” 86 134 violin/husband analogy, 118 Sidgwick, Ethel: Promise, 137–39 violinist, allure of female, 113 singer, perceptions of female, 141–53 von Bülow, Hans, 22 singers, careers for female, 201–7 Wagner, Richard, 25, 28, 56, 167, 168, 170, Smith,Adam, 6–7 178, 182, 184 Smyth, Ethel, 30–31, 56, 84, 196, 217, 220, Wagner Society, 167 222, 227 Wagner-mania, 167–71 Society of Women Musicians, 28, 30, 207, Walker, Bettina, 7 217, 219 Ward, Mrs. Humphrey, 79, 84, 119 Soldat, Marie, 67 Waterhouse, J.W.,195 “Sonnets to Madame Adelina Patti,” Watson, Rosabel, 60, 61, 62, 190, 192, 143–44 197–99 Spencer, Herbert, 34 Webb, Beatrice, 53 Spohr, Louis, 82 Wechsberg, Joseph: The Glory of the Violin, Stainer,Ann, 216 87 Stainer, John, 214, 216 Weiss,Amalie, 177 Stanley, Maude, 63–65 White,Alice Meadows (Alice Mary Smith), Starr, Louisa:“Hardly Earned,” 9–10 22, 25, 225 Statham, H. Heathcote, 80–81 White, Maude Valérie, 25 Sterling,Antoinette, 53, 54, 179–80, 221 Whitehouse,William, 190 Stirling, Elizabeth, 215 Wickham,Anna:“Fragment of an Strachey, Ray, 200 Autobiography,” 135–36 Strad, 50, 69, 92, 100, 107, 114 Wieniawski: “Faust” Fantasie, 69 Strand Musical Magazine, 73, 92, 123 Wietrowetz, Gabriele, 67 Stratton, Stephen S., 23–26, 82–83 Wilde, Oscar, 168, 201 Stravinsky, Igor: The Soldier’s Tale, 135 Wilhelmj,August, 71 suffrage movement, 30, 61, 219–22, 223, Williams,Anna, 182 Suggia, Guilhermina, 190 Williams, Ralph Vaughan, 61 Sullivan,Arthur, 53, 196, 202–3 Wimble,Wilhemina, 204 Tartini, Giuseppe, 94 wind players, women as, 93–101 Temperley, Nicholas, 166, 167 Winternitz, Emanuel, 195 Thomas, Bertha, 79, 107, 121–22 Women’s Social and Political Union, Thomas, John, 3 219–22, 224 Thompson, Henry, 69 Wood, Henry, 9, 61, 64, 226 Thompson, Kate Loder, 69 Woodhouse,Violet Gordon, 222