Windows of Opportunity: Social Reform Under Lester B. Pearson
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WINDOWS OF OPPORTUNITY: SOCIAL REFORM UNDER LESTER B. PEARSON Jim Coutts The arrival of Lester B. Pearson as prime minister in 1963 opened a window of opportunity on the most creative and significant era of social policy in modern Canadian history. This was no accident of history, writes Jim Coutts, who had a front row seat as Pearson’s appointments secretary. Pearson came to office with a fully developed agenda for economic and social policy, the determination to carry it out, and the means to finance it during a time of plenty. As Coutts writes in this exclusive for Policy Options, in only five years of two minority governments Pearson enacted the Canada-Quebec The Gazette, Montreal Pension Plan, the Canada Assistance Plan, the Guaranteed Income Supplement and Medicare, all keystones of the modern social security system. “What took King and other Lester B. Pearson From world statesman to social reformer prime ministers more than 40 years to achieve,” writes Coutts, “was expanded at least two fold” during the Pearson years. None of his successors has even come close as an innovator of social policy, notes Coutts (who later became principal secretary to Prime Minister Trudeau) because none had a coherent agenda for progressive social policy. On the eve of the Liberal leadership convention, Coutts’s reflections serve as a timely missive to Paul Martin from a lifelong party activist with unique insider credentials on the development and management of a prime ministerial agenda. En 1963, l’élection de Lester B. Pearson a inauguré en matière de politiques sociales la période la plus marquante et la plus innovante de l’histoire du Canada moderne. Et cela n’avait rien d’une coïncidence, explique Jim Coutts, qui était aux premières loges à titre de secrétaire du nouveau premier ministre. Car celui-ci avait déjà en mains un programme complet de politiques économiques et sociales qu’il était déterminé à mettre en œuvre, en misant pour le financer sur tous les moyens propres à une période d’abondance. En cinq ans et deux gouvernements minoritaires, rappelle l’auteur de ce texte exclusif à Options politiques, Lester B. Pearson a établi les régimes de pension du Québec et du Canada, le Régime d’assurance publique du Canada, le Supplément de revenu garanti et le régime d’assurance-maladie, autant de clés de voûte du système actuel de sécurité sociale. Selon l’auteur, Mackenzie King et ses successeurs ont mis plus de 40 ans pour réaliser l’équivalent de ce qui fut accompli pendant ces brèves années Pearson. Et depuis, aucun premier ministre n’est venu près d’égaler cette capacité d’innovation faute d’avoir conçu un programme global de politiques sociales progressistes, note celui qui deviendra premier secrétaire de Pierre Elliott Trudeau. À la veille du congrès d’investiture du Parti libéral, Paul Martin gagnerait sans doute à méditer cette réflexion de Jim Coutts, militant libéral de toujours, initié de l’intérieur à la conception et à l’application d’un programme digne d’un chef de gouvernement. hen George Washington Plunkett, boss of New In the more noble reaches of politics, windows of opportu- York’s notoriously corrupt Tammany Hall polit- nity provide gifted leaders with a chance to advance crucial pub- W ical machine, was led off to prison, he is sup- lic policy. But the window is usually not open for a long period posed to have shrugged and said: “I seen my opportunities, of time, and the politician needs sufficient leadership skills and and I took ‘em.” talented advisors to recognize and seize the opportunity. POLICY OPTIONS 9 NOVEMBER 2003 Jim Coutts Windows of opportunity can be King wanted to keep the lid on rather Vision” seemed like a smokescreen of taken advantage of only if the govern- than to bring issues to a boil. mystification that materialized out of ment’s leader has a desire to act. I have nothing — and proved to be not much long held the view that there are basi- anadian politics is far more often more than that. Brian Mulroney will cally two types of politicians, as Jean C in a “steady as it goes” state than indeed be remembered (not necessarily Monnet famously put it: those who an activist state — which makes the favourably) for the abortive Meech Lake want to be somebody and those who brief years of Lester Pearson’s social and Charlottetown accords. But those want to do something. The more I reforms, or Pierre Trudeau’s 1980-84 constitutional proposals, as well as the reflect on Canadian politics, the less I period of constitutional change, all the far-reaching measures he did succeed in see philosophical divisions between more remarkable. For the most part, enacting, like Canada-US free trade, had right and left. Instead, I see a basic divi- we have had generally admirable polit- been vigorously opposed by the same sion between those who want to take ical leaders who, by natural inclination Mulroney en route to the PM’s office. initiatives, and those who simply want or in response to years of experience, The true committed activists — to carry on with the mechanics of office. emerge as highly cautious public fig- those who attain leadership to do some- To the “mechanics,” those of us ures; they genuinely believe that if thing rather than to be somebody — who are incurable activists must seem they leave office with things no worse normally come to office knowing exact- like dangerous meddlers often doing than they found them, they will have ly what they want to do. They often more harm than good. As principal contributed much. succeed, often fail, and sometimes secretary to Pierre Trudeau I muddle through. But they was cautioned about activism The true committed activists — almost always decide and articu- prior to the 1979 election. We those who attain leadership to do late in advance what they want were seeking initiatives to get something rather than to be to do with power. That said, the out of our slump. Jack critical difference between suc- Pickersgill, Mackenzie King’s somebody — normally come to cess and failures lies in whether cabinet secretary and a long- office knowing exactly what they or not the window of opportu- time Liberal minister, invited want to do. They often succeed, nity opens for them. me to lunch. Pick came to the often fail, and sometimes muddle Certainly the National point quickly. “My boy,” he Policy of both Macdonald and said, “you’re in trouble. You’re through. But they almost always Laurier — which built the doing too much. Stop doing decide and articulate in advance transcontinental railways, things — just govern.” what they want to do with power. opened and populated the Stand-pat and activist The critical difference between West, and preserved the geo- instincts often co-exist graphic unity of the country — throughout the career of a pub- success and failures lies in whether would be the prime example of lic figure. Mackenzie King, or not the window of opportunity an initiative that fitted the though Canada’s dean of delay, opens for them. times and left a long-lasting certainly didn’t lack the desire mark. But there are more recent to build a comprehensive social securi- I would put Jean Chrétien in that historic examples, ranging from C.D. ty system. But he understood the con- camp. Like King, he came to office Howe’s massive program of building flicting moods of Canadian regions with a progressive social conscience and reconstruction following the and groups, and moved at a slow pace but seems likely to leave it more close- Second World War, to the trailblazing in order not to lose any major block of ly identified with longevity in office social and economic initiatives of the support. Hence he was one of the first and winning general elections, than Saskatchewan CCF governments, to advocate unemployment insurance with a remarkable record of social leg- which introduced the first Medicare and Medicare, but took 25 years to islation. He is a man of deep passion program in North America. enact only a rather timid U.I., and and commitment to the party and the The 1960s in Canada were anoth- gave up on Medicare after one rebuff country. But passion is not a substitute er time and place when the right polit- from the provinces. True, no one lead- for purpose. ical leadership coincided with the ing a national party for 29 years bets In Canada, we were also led not too right window of opportunity. Lester the whole bank on one or two initia- long ago by two very different politi- Pearson outlined a bold program of tives. But more often than not, cians who were not committed activists social policy, won an election and whether in the recovery from but simply wanted to attain high office, implemented a good portion of his Depression, preparation for war, deal- and once there, sought symbolic meas- reforms, thus providing the framework ing with military conscription or ures for which they might be remem- for one of the world’s best social secu- beginning postwar reconstruction, bered. John Diefenbaker’s “Northern rity systems. 10 OPTIONS POLITIQUES NOVEMBRE 2003 Windows of opportunity: social reform under Lester B. Pearson he importance of the period lay f successful policy reform requires a a major policy initiative becomes pos- T not just in the fundamental legis- I window of opportunity and men sible — that is, I have tried to construct lation that was passed, like a national and women who have thought a model that might help explain suc- pension plan and Medicare system.