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Law Relating Amyotha Hluttaw
The Union of Myanmar Chapter I The State Peace and Development Council Title, Enforcement and Definition The Law Relating to the Amyotha Hluttaw 1. (a) This Law shall be called the Law relating to the Amyotha ( The State Peace and Development Council Law No. 13 /2010 ) Hluttaw, The 13th Waxing Day of Thadinkyut , 1372 M.E. (b) This Law shall come into force throughout the country ( 21st October, 2010 ) commencing from the day of its promulgation. Preamble 2. The following expressions contained in this Law shall have the meanings Since it is provided in Section 443 of the Constitution of the Republic given hereunder: of the Union of Myanmar that the State Peace and Development Council shall (a) Constitution means the Constitution of the Republic of the carry out the necessary preparatory works to implement the Constitution, it has Union of Myanmar; become necessary to enact the relevant laws to enable performance of the legislative, administrative and judicial functions of the Union smoothly, to enable (b) Hluttaw means the Amyotha Hluttaw formed under the performance of works that are to be carried out when the various Hluttaws come Constitution for the purpose of this Law; into existence and to enable performance of the preparatory works in accord (c) Chairperson means the Hluttaw representative elected to with law. supervise the Hluttaw session until the Hluttaw Speaker and As such, the State Peace and Development Council hereby enacts this the Deputy Speaker are elected when the first session of a Law in accord with section 443 of the Constitution of the Republic of the Union term of Hluttaw commences; of Myanmar, in order to implement the works relating to Hluttaw smoothly in (d) Speaker means the Hluttaw representative elected as the convening the sessions of the Amyotha Hluttaw in accord with the Constitution Speaker of the Hluttaw for a term of the Hluttaw; of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. -
Unlocking Civil Society and Peace in Myanmar
UNLOCKING CIVIL SOCIETY AND PEACE IN MYANMAR Opportunities, obstacles and undercurrents ABOUT THE COVER DESIGN: The cover design is a reflection of the dynamism of civil society in Myanmar, which is inherently complex, fluid, and interconnected. The bar charted along the outer circumference of the circle depicts the number of people working in each organisation. The inner lines meet when one of those people is engaged or connected with another organisation. The many crossings show how civil society interacts, networks, grows and expands. Alone they are each significant but together they make broad, impactful strokes. This visualisation was created using primary data collected throughout the research process for this Discussion Paper. CIVIL SOCIETY: A BRIDGE BETWEEN THE FAMILY & THE STATE FAMILY STATE RAPID GROWTH TRIGGERED BY TRANSITION & KEY EVENTS Cyclone Nargis 8888 Political Uprising 1980s 1990s 2000s 2010s EFFECTIVENESS IN KEY PEACEBUILDING FUNCTIONS Social Service Facilitation/ Socialisation Advocacy Protection Cohesion Monitoring Delivery Mediation Low Medium High ✁ CIVIL SOCIETY IN MYANMAR: TRENDS 1 2 3 NEW ORGANISATIONS REGISTRATION POLICY CSOs A boom in new CSOs More groups are Want to engage ocially registering more in policy 6 5 4 YOUTH GENDER NETWORKS Youth organisations are Women’s organisations are CSO’s build networks becoming more prominent advocating for gender participation 7 8 9 CEASEFIRES CROSSBORDER LITERATURE AND CULTURE Bi-lateral ceasefires Cross-border Groups that preserve transform relations organisations are -
1 While the Military Junta That Ruled Burma For
FREEDOM HOUSE Freedom on the Net 2012 1 BURMA 2011 2012 POPULATION: 55 million Not Not INTERNET FREEDOM STATUS INTERNET PENETRATION 2011: 1 percent Free Free WEB 2.0 APPLICATIONS BLOCKED: Yes Obstacles to Access (0-25) 23 22 NOTABLE POLITICAL CENSORSHIP: Yes Limits on Content (0-35) 29 23 BLOGGERS/ICT USERS ARRESTED: Yes Violations of User Rights (0-40) 36 30 PRESS FREEDOM STATUS: Not Free Total (0-100) 88 75 * 0=most free, 100=least free NTRODUCTION I While the military junta that ruled Burma for decades was interested in expanding information and communication technologies (ICTs) for business and propaganda purposes, it also made aggressive attempts to restrict access to digital media and control online content. Elections in November 2010 changed this dynamic. Though widely condemned as flawed, the polls brought into office a nominally civilian government, led by former general Thein Sein and supported by a military-backed party, in March 2011. Since then, the political landscape has opened somewhat, with positive implications for internet freedom. Previously censored news websites have been unblocked, citizens imprisoned for their online activities have been released, and opposition political parties have been able to use online tools to mobilize supporters. Nevertheless, significant obstacles to greater internet freedom persist. Harsh media laws remain in effect and could be used at any time to punish a wide range of online expression, the technical censorship system appears intact, and some opposition blogs continue to be blocked. Consumer prices for ICTs are still among the highest in the world. Meanwhile, even as some members of the government and private sector begin to explore reforms to the telecommunications sector, new challenges have emerged, including weak coordination between different agencies and resistance from the military and government cronies who have lucrative vested interests in retaining the status quo. -
Constitutional Documents of All Tcountries in Southeast Asia As of December 2007, As Well As the ASEAN Charter (Vol
his three volume publication includes the constitutional documents of all Tcountries in Southeast Asia as of December 2007, as well as the ASEAN Charter (Vol. I), reports on the national constitutions (Vol. II), and a collection of papers on cross-cutting issues (Vol. III) which were mostly presented at a conference at the end of March 2008. This collection of Constitutional documents and analytical papers provides the reader with a comprehensive insight into the development of Constitutionalism in Southeast Asia. Some of the constitutions have until now not been publicly available in an up to date English language version. But apart from this, it is the first printed edition ever with ten Southeast Asian constitutions next to each other which makes comparative studies much easier. The country reports provide readers with up to date overviews on the different constitutional systems. In these reports, a common structure is used to enable comparisons in the analytical part as well. References and recommendations for further reading will facilitate additional research. Some of these reports are the first ever systematic analysis of those respective constitutions, while others draw on substantial literature on those constitutions. The contributions on selected issues highlight specific topics and cross-cutting issues in more depth. Although not all timely issues can be addressed in such publication, they indicate the range of questions facing the emerging constitutionalism within this fascinating region. CONSTITUTIONALISM IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Volume 2 Reports on National Constitutions (c) Copyright 2008 by Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Singapore Editors Clauspeter Hill Jőrg Menzel Publisher Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung 34 Bukit Pasoh Road Singapore 089848 Tel: +65 6227 2001 Fax: +65 6227 2007 All rights reserved. -
Burma Coup Watch
This publication is produced in cooperation with Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Progressive Voice (PV), US Campaign for Burma (USCB), and Women Peace Network (WPN). BN 2021/2031: 1 Mar 2021 BURMA COUP WATCH: URGENT ACTION REQUIRED TO PREVENT DESTABILIZING VIOLENCE A month after its 1 February 2021 coup, the military junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed by deployment of notorious military units to repress peaceful demonstrations, underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence. The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomatic and CONTENTS human rights missions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and 2 Movement calls for action confrontation sparked by the coup. 2 Coup timeline 3 Illegal even under the 2008 In order to avert worse violence and create the Constitution space for dialogue and negotiations, the 4 Information warfare movement in Burma and their allies urge that: 5 Min Aung Hlaing’s promises o International Financial Institutions (IFIs) 6 Nationwide opposition immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior 6 CDM loans and reassess the post-coup situation; 7 CRPH o Foreign states and bodies enact targeted 7 Junta’s violent crackdown sanctions on the military (Tatmadaw), 8 Brutal LIDs deployed Tatmadaw-affiliated companies and partners, 9 Ongoing armed conflict including a global arms embargo; and 10 New laws, amendments threaten human rights o The UN Security Council immediately send a 11 International condemnation delegation to prevent further violence and 12 Economy destabilized ensure the situation is peacefully resolved. -
A Study of Myanmar-US Relations
INDEX A strike at Hi-Mo factory and, 146, “A Study of Myanmar-US Relations”, 147 294 All Burma Students’ Democratic abortion, 318, 319 Front, 113, 125, 130 n.6 accountability, 5, 76 All India Radio, 94, 95, 96, 99 financial management and, 167 All Mon Regional Democracy Party, administrative divisions of Myanmar, 104, 254 n.4 170, 176 n.12 allowances for workers, 140–41, 321 Africa, 261 American Centre, 118 African National Congress, 253 n.2 American Jewish World Service, 131 Agarwal, B., 308 n.7 “agency” of individuals, 307 Amyotha Hluttaw (upper house of Agricultural Census of Myanmar parliament), 46, 243, 251 (1993), 307 Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom Agricultural Ministers in States and League, 23 Regions, 171 Anwar, Mohammed, 343 n.1 agriculture, 190ff ANZ Bank (Australia), 188 loans for, 84 “Arab Spring”, 28, 29, 138 organizational framework of, “arbitrator [regime]”, 277 192, 193 Armed Forces Day 2012, 270 Ah-Yee-Taung, 309 armed forces (of Myanmar), 22, 23, aid, 295, 315 262, 269, 277, 333, 334 donors and, 127, 128 battalions 437 and 348, 288 Kachin people and, 293, 295 border areas and, 24 Alagappa, Muthiah, 261, 263, 264 constitution and, 16, 20, 24, 63, Albert Einstein Institution, 131 n.7 211, 265, 266 All Burma Federation of Student corruption and, 26, 139–40 Unions, 115, 121–22, 130 n.4, 130 disengagement from politics, 259 n.6, 148 expenditure, 62, 161, 165, 166 “fifth estate”, 270 356 Index “four cuts” strategy, 288, 293 Aung Kyaw Hla, 301 n.5 impunity and, 212, 290 Aung Ko, 60 Kachin State and, 165, 288, 293 Aung Min, 34, -
Myanmar Amnesty International Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review Tenth Session of the UPR Working Group, January 2011
Myanmar Amnesty International submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review Tenth session of the UPR Working Group, January 2011 B. Normative and institutional framework of the State The administration of justice in Myanmar is marked by the absence of an independent judiciary and the criminalization of peaceful political dissent. The provisions of the 2008 Constitution and many laws do not meet international human rights standards. Myanmar has only ratified two international human rights treaties, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Convention of the Rights of the Child; however, the provisions of these are not adequately reflected in domestic law. The Constitution The new Constitution was adopted in a referendum held in the immediate aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in May 2008. It will come into force after national elections slated to take place towards the end of 2010. Amnesty International has serious concerns in relation to a number of elements within the Constitution that undermine international human rights standards and enable impunity for perpetrators of human rights violations, including past violations: • There are no provisions explicitly prohibiting torture and other ill‐treatment. There are similarly no provisions guaranteeing the rights of arrested persons to be informed promptly of the nature and cause of any charges against them or to a fair and public hearing, and the right of those arrested to be brought before a court within 24 hours does not extend to “matters on precautionary measures” taken on security and similar grounds. Provisions on freedom of expression, association and assembly are restricted by vague references to “community peace and tranquillity” (Article 354). -
Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) Has Been the Country's First Experience of a Functioning Legislature for Almost Four Decades
Burma’s Pyidaungsu Hluttaw: a young legislature in a changing state By Liam Allmark Beginning in 2011, the inaugural session of Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) has been the country's first experience of a functioning legislature for almost four decades. After General Ne Win's 1962 coup d'état abolished the post-independence parliamentary system, legislative power was exercised by the military through a succession of internal structures, appointed councils and single-party bodies. Tentative moves towards restoring an elected assembly in 1990 were quickly aborted by the ruling regime when the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) secured a resounding majority of the vote. Consequently many of those who won seats spent the following years in prison or exile. This picture finally began to change with the adoption of a new constitution in 2008 establishing today's system of 'disciplined democracy'. Elections were held to the new Pyidaungsu Hluttaw in 2010 and since members took their seats at a purpose-built complex in Naypyidaw the following year, this young legislature has become a focal point of Burma's shifting political landscape. Parties and elections Whilst the military no longer exercises direct and complete control over Burma's legislative system, it nevertheless retains considerable influence: 25% of members in the 440 seat lower chamber (Pyithu Hluttaw, or House of Representatives) and the 224 seat upper chamber (Amyotha Hluttaw, or House of Nationalities) are Defence Service personnel directly appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. This is particularly significant given the requirement for any constitutional amendments to be approved by more than 75% of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, effectively creating a military veto. -
Parliamentary Development in Myanmar an Overview of the Union Parliament, 2011-2016
Parliamentary Development in Myanmar An Overview of the Union Parliament, 2011-2016 Renaud Egreteau POLICY DIALOGUE BRIEF SERIES NO.19 May 2017 This Policy Dialogue Brief is a summary of the original report, Parliamentary Development in Myanmar: An Overview of the Union Parliament, 2011-2016 For the full report in English please visit: Citation: Renaud Egreteau, May 2017. Parliamentary Development in Myanmar: An Overview of the Union Parliament, 2011-2016, Yangon: The Asia Foundation. ONE: Introduction for vetting, rather than thoroughly overseeing, the activities and behaviors of the other branches of The reemergence of Parliament in Myanmar has government. To assist the new legislature in its efforts been one of the most startling illustrations of the to professionalize its operations and enhance the transformations at work since the State Peace and capacity of its members and staff regardless of electoral Development Council (SPDC, or “junta”) was outcomes and partisan control, international donors disbanded in 2011. Following controversial general and civil society organizations have started developing elections held under SPDC rule in November 2010, a series of parliamentary strengthening programs. a new bicameral national legislature, traditionally Therein lies an opportunity to consolidate a state called the “Union” (Pyidaungsu) Parliament in institution essential to a functioning, representative postcolonial Myanmar, was convened on January 31, democracy. 2011. Subnational parliaments were also subsequently formed in the fourteen states and regions of the country. Since then, the Union Parliament has evolved into a TWO: The Return to significant political institution of the “post-junta” Parliamentary Democracy regime, attempting to develop the three core functions It took some 23 years for the military establishment a legislature is expected to perform: lawmaking, that seized power after the coup d’état staged in 1988 oversight, and representation. -
Inter-Parliamentary Union
Const. Parl. Inf. 64th year (2014), n°208 INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION Aims The Inter-Parliamentary Union, whose international Statute is outlined in a Headquarters Agreement drawn up with the Swiss federal authorities, is the only world-wide organisation of Parliaments. The aim of the Inter-Parliamentary Union is to promote personal contacts between members of all Parliaments and to unite them in common action to secure and maintain the full participation of their respective States in the firm establishment and development of representative institutions and in the advancement of the work of international peace and cooperation, particularly by supporting the objectives of the United Nations. In pursuance of this objective, the Union makes known its views on all international problems suitable for settlement by parliamentary action and puts forward suggestions for the development of parliamentary assemblies so as to improve the working of those institutions and increase their prestige. Membership of the Union Please refer to IPU site (http://www.ipu.org). Structure The organs of the Union are: 1. The Inter-Parliamentary Conference, which meets twice a year; 2. The Inter-Parliamentary Council, composed of two members of each affiliated Group; 3. The Executive Committee, composed of twelve members elected by the Conference, as well as of the Council President acting as ex officio President; 4. Secretariat of the Union, which is the international secretariat of the Organisation, the headquarters being located at: Inter-Parliamentary Union 5, chemin du Pommier Case postale 330 CH-1218 Le Grand Saconnex Genève (Suisse) Official Publication The Union’s official organ is the Inter-Parliamentary Bulletin, which appears quarterly in both English and French. -
“They Can Arrest You at Any Time” the Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Burma
HUMAN “They Can Arrest You RIGHTS at Any Time” WATCH The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Burma “They Can Arrest You at Any Time” The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Burma Copyright © 2016 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-33689 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JUNE 2016 ISBN: 978-1-6231-33689 “They Can Arrest You Any Time” The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Burma Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Criminalization of Peaceful Protest ........................................................................................... 3 Laws Restricting Use of the Internet ......................................................................................... -
UC Merced UC Merced Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC Merced UC Merced Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Designing the Rules of the Game: Legislative Processes in Authoritarian Legislatures Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/05k7d5jg Author Woo, Ae sil Publication Date 2020 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, MERCED Designing the Rules of the Game: Legislative Processes in Authoritarian Legislatures A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Ae sil Woo Committee in Charge: Professor Courtenay R. Conrad, Chair Professor Nathan W. Monroe Professor Haifeng Huang Professor Emily Hencken Ritter 2020 i © Copyright Ae sil Woo, 2020 All rights reserved ii The Dissertation of Ae sil Woo is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Emily Hencken Ritter Haifeng Huang Nathan W. Monroe Courtenay R. Conrad, Chair University of California, Merced 2020 iii Dedication To Ae sil Woo in 2018. Thank you for being courageous. iv Contents Acknowledgements . x Curriculum Vita . xi Abstract . xiii v Contents (Continued) 1 Opposition Threat and Legislative Process in Dictatorships 1 1.1 Abstract…………………………………………………. 2 1.2 Introduction...……………………………………………. 3 1.3 Legislative Institutions in Dictatorships..……………….. 5 1.4 Mitigating Policy Loss via Legislative Process …...……. 7 1.4.1 Model: Actors and Preferences…………………… 8 1.4.1 Model Equilibria………………………………...… 9 1.5 Opposition Threat & Legislative Process………………. 14 1.6 Testing Hypotheses…………………………………...… 17 1.6.1 Operationalization …………………………….… 17 1.6.2 Empirical Analyses ……………………………… 21 1.7 Conclusion …………………………………………...… 27 1.8 References………………………………………………. 28 1.9 Appendix………………………………………………..